IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
Identity in Crisis
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
ARAB CITIES IN EVOLUTION PROFESSOR: AMALE ANDRAOS STUDENT: MADEEHA MERCHANT GSAPP, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
01
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION 26-51
REFUGEE CAMP, PHOTOGRAPHER : SEBASTIAO SALGADO
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
1-25
KUWAIT WAR, PHOTOGRAPHER : SEBASTIAO SALGADO
01
“Two elements constitute a new category of world population, that of 50
million displaced persons and refugees: on the one hand, so-called ‘dirty’ Alaska
or ‘low-intensity’ wars, with the endless exoduses, suffering and multiple
Greenland
(US.A )
(Denmark)
losses they provoke; on the other, the humanitarian response that
CANADA
ICELAND
St. Pierre and Miquelon
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
(Fr.)
1 2 3 4 5 6
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA NETHERLANDS IRELAND CROATIA POLAND BELGIUM GERMANY SERBIA UKRAINE LUXEMBOURG CZECH REP. MONTENEGRO SLOVAKIA FRANCE AUSTRIA REP. OF MOLDOVA SLOVENIA SWITZERLAND 5 HUNGARY ROMANIA LIECHTENSTEIN THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA 2 1 MONACO
a) STATE OF PALESTINE
COSTA RICA PANAMA
BARBADOS
BURKINA FASO
GUINEA
SIERRA LEONE LIBERIA
MALI
GHANA BENIN
NIGER
EQUATORIAL GUINEA
GABON
COOK ISLANDS
Society Islands (Fr)
French Polynesia (Fr)
(U.K.)
Pitcairn (U.K.)
CHILE
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
OMAN
NEPAL
DEMOCRATIC REBUBLIC OF THECONGO
LESOTHO
MALDIVES
(US.A )
safety of all kinds of survivors and fugitives from wars, refugee camps
BRUNEI DARUSSALAM
PALAU
MALAYSIA
Indian Ocean
MADAGASCAR Réunion (Fr.)
FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA
SINGAPORE
Christmas Island
a protective device intended to provide for the physical, food and health
MARSHALL ISLANDS
Guam
PHILIPPINES
NAURU
INDONESIA COMOROS
MOZAMBIQUE
SWAZILAND
VIET NAM
SEYCHELLES
UNITED REP. OF TANZANIA
Z MBABWE
(U.S A.)
CAMBODIA
SRI LANKA
established on a planetary scale. Created in a situation of emergency as
Northern Mariana Islands
MYANMAR THAILAND
RWANDA BURUNDI
ZAMBIA
LAOPEOPLE'S DEM. REP.
BANGLADESH
INDIA
SOMAL A
MALAWI
experimentation of the large-scale segregations that are being
BHUTAN
YEMEN
UGANDA KENYA
kept at a distance from the ordinary social and political world, and the
JAPAN
TIMOR-LESTE
PAPUA NEW GUINEA
TUVALU (N.Z.)
SOLOMON ISLANDS
SAMOA
(Austr)
Wallis and Futuna Islands (Fr.)
Cocos (Keeling) Islands(Austr)
VANUATU
MAURITIUS
AUSTRALIA
agglomerate tens of thousands of inhabitants for periods that generally
K RIBATI
Tokelau
American Samoa(US.A )
FIJI
NIUE
TONGA
New Caledonia (Fr)
SOUTH AFRICA
ARGENTINA URUGUAY
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
PAKISTAN
ETHIOPIA
NAMIBIA BOTSWANA
Atlantic Ocean
PARAGUAY
Austral Islands (Tubuai Islands) (Fr.)
CONGO
ANGOLA St. Helena
Gambier Islands (Fr)
SOUTH SUDAN*** CENTRAL AFRICAN REP.
(UK.)
BOLIVIA
ERITREA
SUDAN
Ascension
BRAZIL
AFGHANISTAN
IRAN
KUWAIT
REPUBLIC OFKOREA
CHINA
Jammu and Kashmir **
the site where it is constructed in the most elaborate manner, as a life
DEM. PEOPLE'S REP. OFKOREA
KYRGYZSTAN
TURKMENISTAN TAJIKISTAN
BAHRAIN
EGYPT
MONGOLIA
DJIBOUTI
CAMEROON
ANGOLA
Marquesas Islands Fr)
UZBEKISTAN
ISLAMIC REP.OF
LEBANON
ISRAEL IRAQ a a JORDAN
CHAD
NIGERIA
SAO TOME AND PRINCIPE
PERU
GEORGIA ARMENIA AZERBAIJAN
SYRIAN ARAB REP.
CYPRUS
LIBYA
TOGO CÔTE D'IVOIRE
GUYANA
ECUADOR
TURKEY
social condition created by the coupling of war with humanitarian action, KAZAKHSTAN
SAUDI QATAR ARABIA MAURITANIA
SENEGAL GAMBIA GUINEA-BISSAU
SURINAME French Guiana (Fr.)
4 3 BULGARIA 6 ALBANIA
MALTA
ALGERIA
Western Sahara
TRIN DAD AND TOBAGO
VENEZUELA COLOMBIA
ITALY
TUNISIA
MOROCCO
CAPE VERDE
SAN MARINO
GREECE
(U.K.)
Turks and Caicos Islands (U.K.) Cayman DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Islands Puerto Rico (US A.) HAITI (U.K.) Br tish Virgin Islands (U.K.) BELIZE Angui la(UK.) St. Martin (Fr. & Neth.) US. Virgin Islands HONDURAS Saba(Neth.) ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA (Ne h.) JAMAICA (U.S.A ) St. Eustatius Montserrat(U K ) ST. KITTS AND NEVIS GUATEMALA Guadeloupe (Fr.) DOMINICA EL SALVADOR Aruba Curaçao ST. LUC A Martinique (Fr.) NICARAGUA Bonaire GRENADA ST. VINCENT AND THE GRENADINES
(U.S.A.)
ANDORRA
Gibraltar
BAHAMAS
CUBA
SPAIN
PORTUGAL
(U.K.)
MEXICO
ESTONIA LATVIA R.F LITHUANIA BELARUS
DENMARK
Bermuda
Hawaiian Islands
FINLAND
NORWAY
UNITED KINGDOM
accompanies them very closely. The camps are both the emblem of the
RUSSIAN FEDERATION
SWEDEN
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
THE WORLD UNITED NATIONS, DISTRIBUTION
last far beyond the duration of the emergency. An urban ethnographic case, where Social and cultural complexities emerge with the formation of the novel sociospatial form of ‘city-camps’ in which new identities crystallize and subjectivation takes root.1”
Tristan da Cunha (U.K.)
Gough (UK.)
Falkland Islands (Malvinas) (U.K.)*
Member States of the United Nations Non-Self-Governing Territories Non-Member States of the United Nations
NEW ZEALAND
South Georgia(UK.)
South Sandwich Islands (U.K )
Observer Non-Member States of the Un i t ed Nations
** Dotted line represents approximately the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir agreed upon by India and Pakistan. The *** Final boundary between the Republic of Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan has not yet been determined.
Excerpt from “Between War and City’ Michel Algier
01
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Identity in Crisis is a two-fold study, to visualize the spatialization of
Starting with an analysis of conflicts in the Middle East and its history of
refugee camps through analyzing crisis across the Middle Eastern
civil and interstate wars, the study presents the problem of an
landscape. The research has been structured through macro and micro
exponentially increasing refugee and internally displaced population. As
frames, to help contextualize the situation and understand the layers of
the refugee camp today has become the spatial manifestation of the state
complexity, through which the refugee camp emerges and is either
of exception, it exists to define the political, social and economic
absorbed into the urban fabric or itself transforms into a temporary city.
structure of the world. Thus the camp, it is not an object to be studied in isolation. The refugee, who might have no history or no future and whose
“Today, it is not the city but rather the camp that is the fundamental
identity is reduced to just a UNHCR registration number, is indeed not an
bio-political paradigm of the West. The camp as dislocating localization is
individual. He is a collective, a state, a generation. Thus the refugee and
the hidden matrix of the politics in which we are still living and it is this
the camp, can only be studied in the context of its past, its present and its
structure of the camp that we must learn to recognize in all its
future. The state of exception, can only be understood through the
metamorphoses into the zones d’ attentes of our airports and certain
exceptions it has emerged.
outskirts of our cities.”2 Giorgio Agamben explains the political tensions underlying refugee camps.
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
REFUGEE CAMPS, BEIRUT ARAB-ISRAEL CONFLICT
Operating through different interpretive frames, this study attempts to understand ‘the camp’, not just within it’s spatial boundaries but it’s relationship within the larger network of politics and power. By identifying the key network constituents and their operations, refugees and camps
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
are politically and geographically categorized into a matrix of differentiation and a macro analysis helps us undermine its social, political and cultural effects. The analysis shifts from macro to micro scales by focusing on 3 camps, which although portray different identity crisis, delineate a common trajectory of conflict amongst them. These camps, compared at both, human and city scales, unveil the transformation of camps to cities and isolate ways in which, identity is either established or dematerialized.
03
KORANGI TOWN, KARACHI ARCHITECT: HASAN FATHY
THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
“The camp is a space that is opened, when the state of exception
In these camps, conceptually isolated territories, refugees are provided
essentially a temporary suspension of the rule, is now given a permanent
also kept in isolated places without the freedom to settle elsewhere,
spatial arrangement,” explains Giorgio Agamben. The permanent spatial
denying basic human rights. Although some camps seem to have
arrangement, Girogio points towards, however is temporal in it’s nature,
submerged into the urban fabric of dense cities, there still exist invisible
regardless of it’s timeline of existence.
boundaries of confinement that continue to endure even after decades.
begins to become the rule. In the camp, the state of exception, which was 3
In ‘From Camp to City’, Architect Manuel Herz articulates three predominant notions in the contemporary discourse for the refugee camp. First, refugee camps are humanitarian spaces where refugees are given shelter and their lives are saved. Second, they are spaces of control, where all aspects of the refugee’s life are monitored and controlled by other institutions and agencies. Lastly, they are spaces of destitution and misery.4 These three notions are both problematic and constructed from an outsider’s point of view. They are from the view of the controller, rather than the controlled. They are today’s ‘Orient’. In Orientalism5, Edward
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Said explains the ‘orient’ as a system of representation framed by political forces that brought the Orient into the Western learning, Western consciousness and the Western empire; the Orient exists for the West, and is constructed by and in relation to the West. It is conceived as the mirror image of what is inferior and alien to the West. In the case of the refugee camp, it is the ‘Orient’ to everything outside of it. Conceived as the ‘Other’, it is clearly the state of exception.
with the basic necessities to live; water, food and health care, but they are
Dwelling in these camps, refugees and internally displaced people are not allowed to express themselves politically. By limiting employment opportunities to within the boundaries of the camp, they are not allowed to benefit from the larger social or economic network of the city. Military leader Ayub Khan, in an attempt to confine Muslim refugees from India, commissioned Korangi town, a large inclusionary housing project built in Karachi, Pakistan. Designed by Architect Hasan Fathy, the social housing, was an extension of the camp ideology and a government strategy to reinforce social, economic and cultural barriers within the city. The highest price of the ‘de-territorializion’ of the nation, were the millions of refugees who suddenly found themselves in the wrong territory, after Pakistan had been thrown into a defined geographic existence due to political and religious divide. The Korangi township, first and foremost dedicated to them, was therefore a very important step in the re-territorialization of the existence of the new state. Often referred to as the largest permanent refugee camp ever built and masked as the largest slum clearance and urban rehabilitation measure in Asia of its time, it was celebrated with aid from the West. The example of Korangi town exemplifies the politics that underlie refugee camps and the complex ideologies they are built upon.6
05
REFUGEE CAMP WESTERN SAHARA
A REFUGEES RIGHT TO RETURN
“Refugees are reduced to being recipients of welfare, condemned to a
life of waiting, dependent on the actions of others. Refugees sometimes
to return home but in lieu they give up the existence of any possible
spend decades living in the same camps, often located in remote places,
identity. By hoping to return, they try to keep the identity they had fled
removed from most economic, cultural or social exchange. These
their homeland with. It is a dubious and conflicting situation. On one side,
conditions of exile or social enclaves – where the refugees are reduced
refugees are not granted any identity based on their dwelling in the state
to liters of water and calories per day and are seen purely in their
of exception, on the other they themselves fear the status as they long to
biological or physical state – is understood to have become the norm,
return. This nature of identity conflict plays an important role in the
serving the specific interests, of a globalized world order. This spatial
spatialization and differentiation of refugee camps, both at human and
manifestation of the state of exception, gives testimony to our
city scale.
authoritarian and dystopian view of the camp,” says Manuel Herz 7
The refugee population finds itself in a constant tension between the
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that everyone
desire for individual expression and a certain level of comfort and the
has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of
demonstration of the temporal nature of their presence in the camp. In the
each State. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own
case, where refugee camps have extended into the next generation, the
and return to his country”. In the case of refugees and internally
tensions often diffuse alongside the acception into the urban society and
displaced populations, is it a different situation. A refugee maintains their
the eventual giving up of hope to return. Residential architecture in the
status, till they are permitted to return to their homeland. ‘Returning home’
camps finds itself the central medium where this struggle is carried out.8
is the ultimate hope of the refugee, a dream that quiet so often takes
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Refugees fear permanent structures as they struggle to retain their will
months, years or generations. But alongside its political and humanitarian aspects, the right to return or the will to return also articulates the notion of temporality in the spatialization of these states of exception. This notion of temporality, manifested in the tents and low cost infrastructure systems in these settlements, act as political signifiers. They enunciate the
"In countries where people have to flee their homes because of persecution and violence, political solutions must be found, peace and tolerance restored, so that refugees can return home. In my experience, going home is the deepest wish of most refugees." A quote by American actress, Angelina Jolie.
refugee’s will to return to their homeland. This touches upon many important physical an architectural aspects of these states of exception and also articulate the question identity.
07
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
REFUGEE CAMPS, THE SAHRAWI, WESTERN SAHARA
“If we look at camps through the lenses of it’s inhabitants, how they make
existence of urban qualities. Thus, the camps can be seen as expressing
use of the environment, how daily lives are acted out in them, how they
an essence or urbanity. An urbanity, that is ready to be discarded, if the
become a medium to play out their desires and aspirations and how local
underlying conflict ever resolves.” Excerpt, ‘Camp as a city’.
culture develops within these spaces, we can certainly perceive the
01
GATHERING SPACES, SAHRAWIS REFUGEE CAMP
THE REFUGEE CAMP
“If we look at camps through the lenses of it’s inhabitants, how they make use of the environment, how daily lives are acted out in them, how
they become a medium to play out their desires and aspirations and how local culture develops within these spaces, we can certainly perceive the existence of urban qualities. Thus, the camps can be seen as expressing an essence or urbanity. An urbanity, that is ready to be discarded, if the underlying conflict ever resolves.”9 Manuel Herz explains the notion of the camp as a city. Through extensive field research, Manuel Herz studied the various aspects of refugee camps commonly experienced today. Although, the UN handbook and guide for Refugee Camp design also outlines many of these design implementations, the field study benefits from the insider’s point of view and focuses on the camp, from a refugee’s perspective. Unlike informal settlements, refugee camps are gated communities or extremely segregated through checkpoints managed by local control forces. Over the years, the checkpoints dissolve but leave consistent
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
demarcated boundaries that continue to manifest within the network of flows. Only in cases such as the Sahrawis camps, there exists a semi-autonomy as the host country has almost ceded control, allowing refugees to establish their own protocols of access. For most part, moving, transport and communication carry a central space in the life of the refugee camp. Within these temporary settlements, there is a constant flux of movement, both within the boundaries of the camp and also beyond the boundary. Trading and supply of goods and services to the refugees in the camp, forms an integral part of these flows. Most
Most camps are founded with the vision of an economy based on exchange of goods and services, as opposed to money. Based on the kind of services, dependence on aid, situation of conflict; the economic structure of a camp can largely differ. In the long established Sahrawi camps, there are large central markets that operate based on financial exchanges whereas, in the camps of the West Bank, a region still in turmoil, smaller, dispersed markets operate across the network, often exchanging goods and services in lieu of each other. Beyond securing the basic survival by providing accommodation, food, water and security, healthcare and education services are further added to the main activities, and are usually organized by the aid agencies operating within the camp. These extended systems build better with time and improve the overall welfare of the refugee population. In some cases, the extremely temporal nature of nascent camps, the over crowdedness and increasing influx of refugees alongisde continuous conflict, often do not allow aid agencies to establish a strong network of education and healthcare. Recreation and leisure spaces barely exist in camps. The UNHCR development handbook does not state leisure and recreation of any importance in the planning and building of refugee camps. Herz explains that viewing the camp from inside shows that activities of everyday life shape the spaces of refugee camps. In contrast to seeing the camp as a space of exception, where aspects of isolation, misery and control dominate, it is rather this notion of ‘normality’ within an abnormal situation that is present, everywhere in the camp, shaping physical space and spatializing new networks.10
11
REFUGEE CAMPS EUROPE & AFRICA
REFUGEE CAMPS NORTHERN AFRICA
1km
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Basel, Switzerland
Inhabitants: 169,000
1km
Treguine, Chad
Tindouf, Algeria
Inhabitants: 18,000
Inhabitants: 47,000
2
area: 22.75 km
area: 0.84km
density: 7,428/km
2
density: 21,400/km
El Aaiu’n, Algeria
Inhabitants: 50,000
area: 0.9 km
2
area: 9 km
density: 5,200/km
2
density: 5,500/km
2
2
13
THE MIDDLE EAST & NORTH AFRICA
THE LANDSCAPE OF CRISIS
TURKEY
rranean
Hala b
Al ex an dr ia
Cairo
Su ez
Tehran
Arbil
SYR IAN ARA B REP .
Kirkuk
IRAQ
In ‘Ethnic conflict and state-building’, Saad Eddin Ibrahim states that
only to survive, but to persevere and rebuild their shattered lives."
Iraq, all armed conflicts in the Arab world have been a result of internal
TAN
Anotonia Guterres, 10th UN High Commissioner for Refugees
ethnic issues. These conflicts that claim almost 26 million lives, have
(2005-Current).
claimed more lives and resulted in more refugees and internally
r Kandaha
percentage of the world’s populations, the Arab world has experienced over 40% of the armed conflicts worldwide. The Arab-Israeli conflict
LIBYA
Sh iraz
Kuwait KUWAIT
Al M iny a
P A K IS T A
Per sian Gul f
As yu t
Ad Damm am
BAHRAIN Al Manamah
Doha
Riyadh
Medin a
As wa n
H of
QATAR
Al Hufuf
claimed 200,000 lives over a period of 40 years, during 6 wars and a
N
continued Palestinian and Lebanese struggle against Israeli occupation. The Lebanese civil war resulted in a similar number of causalities. The
ormuz
OMAN
Du ba yy
Abu Dhabi
Gulf of Oman
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES
SAUDI ARABIA
Sudanese civil war claimed almost 5 times of that lost in Arab –Israeli
K a ra ch i
conflict. The disproportionality of ethnic conflicts to inter state wars, with
Muscat
the exception of Iraq’s invasion, is surprising in view of the global socio-cultural demographics of the Arab world. The main competing
OMAN
Mecca
Jedd ah
ideological paradigms in the Arab world since the turn of the century tend
Re
to be exclusionary of certain groups from full-fledged membership of the
Se
Khartoum
Jizan
ERITREA
Asmara
ET HI OP IA SOUTH SUDAN*
Arabian
a
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
d
SUDAN
since 1988 and other than Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait and the invasion of
displaced populations, than inter state wars. With only a small
Al Basrah
Al 'Aq aba h
EGYPT
IS AFGHAN
IR AN
Esfa han
JORDAN
H er at
IC OF ISL AM IC RE PU BL
Baghdad
“While every refugee's story is different and their anguish personal,
they all share a common thread of uncommon courage: the courage not
Ma sh ha d
Al Mawsil
Tri pol i LEBANON Beirut Damascus PA LE ST IN E ISR AE L 'Amman Po rt Sa id
Sea
Ashgabad ISTAN TURKMEN
Str .
Medite
CYPRUS
Caspian Sea
Tabriz
Sea
Ibrahim provides a framework to understand these competing ideologies, within four discreet categories, as shown in the table shown below.11
YEMEN
Sanaa
(San'a')
Al Hudaydah
DJIBOUTI Djibouti
political community. In his analysis, published by UNESCO, Saad Eddin
Al Muka lla
Aden
Gulf
of
n Ade
RELIGIOUS (ISLAMIC)
Suqutrá
(Socotra)
SECULAR
Saudi-Arabia Gulf States Sudan Morocco Jordan Libya Egypt Alegeria Yemen Tunisisa Palestine Iraq Syria Lebanon Morocco Tunisia Algeria Sudan Lebanon Saudi Arabia Guld States Egypt Palestine Jordan Libya Iraq Syria Yemen
SOMALIA
CRISIS REGIONS
COUNTRY PATRIOTISM (WATANIYA)
ARAB NATIONALISM (QAMMIYA)
15
MIDDLE EAST CRISIS
THE DISPLACED 2013
Iraq
In 2012, the Middle East and North Africa was mainly saw political unrest
Turkey
NUMBER
START
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs
At least 2,100,000
1968
PERCENTAGE
2,840,000 (2008)
NEW
Human Development Index
About 6.2%
Syria
131
International armed conflict Internal armed conflict Deliberate policy or practice of arbitrary displacement ✓ Communal violence ✓ Criminal violence ✓ Political violence
refugees to other countries, this set a new wave of crisis amidst the
Iran
Samarra
displacement x x in 2012 x
Undetermined
resulting in an increasing fux of displaced people. Internally displaced or
Ninewa
CAUSES
of displacement
Diyala
Baghdad
Middle East. The continued regional upward trend in the Middle East testifies that the vast majority has failed to achieve durable solutions and
Saudi Arabia
is living in protracted displacement. The two major jumps seen in the
Kuwait
region. The first was between 2006-2008, with the escalation of sectarian Nahr el-Bared
Lebanon NUMBER About 44,600
START
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs
PERCENTAGE
1975
About 1.0%
800,000 (2006)
NEW
displacement in 2012 -
Human Development Index 72
CAUSES
with the social unrest associated with the Arab Spring degenerated into internal conflict in Libya, Egypt, Syria and Yemen, with eventually Syria
Beirut
of displacement
x International armed conflict ✓ Internal armed conflict x Deliberate policy or practice of arbitrary displacement ✓ Communal violence x Criminal violence x Political violence
Shouf
moving into a deadly civil war.
Syria
In the wake of the new, inexperienced governments following the Israel
Jordan
downfall of decades old repressive regimes, the Middle East and North
Syria
UN reports, the newly established governments sought their legitimacy in
NUMBER
At least 3,000,000
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
conflict in Iraq, displacing over 2.8 million people. The second in 2011,
red Tripo Tripoli
PERCENTAGE
Africa remained a highly politically volatile region in 2012. According to
START
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs 1967
3,000,000 (2012)
NEW of displacement displacementx International armed conflict ✓ Internal armed conflict in 2012 2,400,000 reported
Human Development Index
At least 14.2%
116
Aleppo
✓ Deliberate policy or practice of arbitrary displacement ✓ Communal violence x Criminal violence ✓ Political violence
Damascus Jaramana
Saudi Arabia
NUMBER
PERCENTAGE About 1.6%
Sa’ada
START
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs 2004
545,000 (2012)
CAUSES
NEW of displacement displacementx International armed conflict ✓ Internal armed conflict in 2012 ✓ Deliberate policy or practice
132,000 reported
Human Development Index 160
of arbitrary displacement x Communal violence x Criminal violence ✓ Political violence
Sa’naa Sana’a
1967
PERCENTAGE
An-Nabbaq
Dara'a
START
250,000 (2009)
NEW of displacement displacement ✓ International armed conflict ✓ Internal armed conflict in 2012 ✓ Deliberate policy or practice 12,000 reported
110
of arbitrary displacement ✓ Communal violence ✓ Criminal violence ✓ Political violence
political Islam rather than the secular Arab nationalism, which had
West Bank
CAUSES
Human Development Index
About 3.3%
Iraq
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs
About 144,500
Homs Lebanon
Israel
Yemen
NUMBER
Ar-Raqqah
Hama
Jordan
About 385,000
Palestine
Turkey
CAUSES
dominated the region since the end of the colonial period. This transition
Jerusalem
reshapes both internal and long existing regional dynamics and
Gaza za Israel
Jordan
Egypt
As the civil wars in the regions will eventually fade out and new
Zaatari Oman
Libya NUMBER Up to 50,000
Abyan
governments will begin to establish, the large question that remains START
PEAK
displacement number situation: of IDPs
PERCENTAGE About 0.8%
alliances.
2011
243,000 (2011)
NEW
displacement in 2012 Undetermined
Human Development Index 64
CAUSES
of displacement
Tunisia
x International armed conflict ✓ Internal armed conflict x Deliberate policy or practice of arbitrary displacement ✓ Communal violence x Criminal violence x Political violence Algeria
unanswered, is that of displaced population; a future of some 6 million
Tripoli Misrata Bani Walid Sirte
Egypt
people that continues to be at risk. These 6 million are not just a part of metrics, they are not just regstered refugees but a nation, collectively lost
Niger
in the political, economical and social unrest of the MENA region.
Chad
Sudan
17
SYRIA CRISIS
IRAQ CRISIS
~60,000 Syrian refugees Ayn al Arab Jarabulus
TURKEY Al-Hassakeh
Ad Dana
Syrian border
CYPRUS
Al-Raqqah
500,000
SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC
Lattakia Habit
Dayr az-Zawr
CYPRUS
IRAQ
Hama Tartous
Houla
Rastan
Talbiseh
Displacements in Syria After March 2012
LEBANON
Qudssaya+ Dummar
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Al-Nabak
Map ID: OIA_T_DISPLACED_002_A5 Version: 2.0
1,200 -1,400
Scale: 1:14,000,000 - A5 GCS: WGS-84 Source: UNHCR FAFO-Government of Jordan Basemap Source: HIC Iraq
GAZA
WEST BANK J O R D A N
ISRAEL
Capital International boundary
Duma
Boundary of former Palestine Mandate Armistice Demarcation Line
Date: 17 March 2008
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
Abil
~37,000 Syrian refugees
REFUGEE FLOWS
LEBANON
Al Zaafaraneh
Homs
MEDITERRANEAN SEA
100,000
~15,000 Syrian refugees (UNHCR, 14 August 2012)
Maarat al Numaan
Al Haffah
Number of Displaced Iraqis 10,000
TURKEY
IRAQ
Arihah
Jisr AsShoghour
AZERBAIJAN
137
ALEPPO
Idlib
ARMENIA
EUROPE
450- 500
Desert area K U WA I T
EGYPT
Damascus ISRAEL Dara'a
JORDAN 145,000 - 150,000 Syrian refugees
A
Cities with more than 100,000 IDPs
A
Cities with 50,000 to 100,000 IDPs
A
Cities with less than 50,000 IDPs
RED SEA
SAUDI ARABIA G U L F S T AT E S
PERSIAN GULF
200+
19
REFUGEE FLOWS, 2009 VISUALIZATION
UNHCR
On
December 14th, 1950, the United Nations General Assembly,
Refugee:
10.4 Million People (as of 2012)
established the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
A refugee is someone who owing to a well-founded fear of being
(UNHCR) to help an estimated 1 million people uprooted post World War
persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a
II, to return home. Since then, the agency is mandated to lead and
particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his
co-ordinate international action to protect refugees around the world. It’s
nationality, and is unable to, or owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail
primary purpose; central to its establishment is to safeguard the rights
himself of the protection of that country. Stated in the 1951 Refugee
and well being of refugees. It strives to ensure that everyone can exercise
Convention.
the right to seek asylum and find safe refuge in another state, with options to return home voluntarily, integrate locally or to resettle in a third country. Today, UNHCR provides help to approximately 33.9 million persons, across 125 countries, that include refugees, internally displaced people and the stateless. UNHCR declares a person, under the 5 grounds, as discussed.12
Stateless:
12 Million People (as of 2012)
Statelessness refers to the condition of an individual who is not considered as a national by any state. Possession of a nationality is essential for full participation in society and acts as a prerequisite for a just rights in accordance with basic human life. In the Middle East, gender discriminatory legislation continues and many Bedouin tribes are enlisted as stateless. Furthermore, under the Saddam regime, many groups, like the Feili Kurds were also stripped of their identity and were
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
categorized as stateless.
PEOPLE OF CONCERN, UNHCR 2012 MIDDLE EAST
21
INTERNALLY DISPLACED POPULATION 2012
UNHCR
Internally Displaced Persons:
Turkey 954,000 –1,201,000 Russian Federation At least 8,500
FYR Macedonia Undetermined
Armenia Up to 8,40 0
Azerbaija n Up to 599,000
Uzbekistan Undetermine d
Turkmenistan Undetermine d
Serbia 225,000 Kosovo 18,000
Kyrgyzstan About 67,000
Georgi a At leas t 257,000
Afghanistan At least 450,00 0
Croatia 2,100
Bosnia and Herzego vina 113,00 0 Cyprus Up to 208,000 Israel Undetermined Occupied Palestinian Territory About 160,000
Mexico About 160,000
Guatemala Undetermined
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Colombia 3,876,000– 5,281,00 0 Peru About 150,00 0
Togo Undetermined
Nigeria Undetermined
Ethiopia Undetermine d
CA R 105,00 0
Somalia 1,460,000
Republic of the Congo Up to 7,800
Sudan At least 2,200,000 South Sudan Undetermine d
government might be the cause of their fight and as citizens, they retain
re-establishment in their own countries brings their refugee status to an
rights and protection under both, human rights and international
end, although they remain identified by UNHCR until the reintegration
difficult to identify when a return process begins and ends, if it even exits.
UNHCR, across 26 countries, mainly including Sudan, Iraq and Colombia. The 28.8 million internally displaced civilians recorded in the IDMC report included more than 6.5 million newly displaced, mainly resultant of conflicts in the Middle East. The region, accounts for an increase of almost 6 million with Syria alone, accounting for 2.5 million. Asylum Seekers: Asylum seekers are people who consider themselves as refugees but have yet not received status from UNHCR. If they have not been assigned refugee status and have already crossed borders, they are usually send back to their country.
Kenya About 250,000
DR C 1,710,000 Angola Up to 20,000
law, UNHCR states that the voluntary repatriation of refugees and their
across Asia. Of the 26.4 Million, some 15.5 are currently being helped by
Ti mor-Leste Undetermine d
Indonesia Up to 180,000
are under the protection of their government, even though the
Nepa l About 50,00 0
Thailand Undetermine d
Yemen At least 463,50 0 Eritrea Up to 10,000
Niger Undetermined
refugees and internally displaced people. Under international refugee
freely within their own countries and haven’t fled the border, it makes it
Myanmar At least 450,00 0
Lebanon At least 47,000
sanctuary but have remained inside their home countries. Legally they
been internally displaced due to natural disasters, which are mainly
The Philippines At least 46,00 0
Iraq 2,300,000 -2,600,000 Syria At least 3,000,000
Returnees relate to the concept of ‘return’, which differs in the case of
process is complete. On the other hand, as IDPs retain the right to move
Laos Undetermine d Sri Lanka About 125,000
IDPs are persons who have not crossed an international border to find
humanitarian law. IDPs also include some 14.9 million people, who have
Bangladesh Undetermine d
Algeria Undetermined Chad 126,00 0 Senegal 10,00 0– 40,000 Liberia Undetermined Côte d´Iv oire At least 247,00 0
Returee:
Pakistan At least 900,00 0
India At least 506,00 0
Libya At least 154,000
26.4 Million People (as of 2012)
Burundi 78,80 0 Zimbabw e Undetermine d
Uganda About 30,000 Rwanda Undetermine d
23
UNRWA OPERATIONS 2012
UNRWA
On
Rafah Crossing RAFAH
Kerem Shalom Crossing KHAN YOUNIS
Sufa Crossing
DEIR EL-BALAH
Kissufim Crossing
Maghazi Nuseirat Bureij
Beach
GAZA STRIP
GAZA
Karni (Al-Montar) Crossing Nahal Oz Crossing
1,241,794 registered refugees 8 existing camps 243.schools
JABALIA
2 vocational and technical training centres 22 primary health care facilities
ME
Erez Crossing
10 womens’ programme centres 7 community rehabilitation centres
DI
TE
TULKARM QALQILYA HEBRON Fawwar
Aida JERUSALEM
Am'ari Jalazone Kalandia
Shu'fat
Balata
Aqbat Jabr DEAD
JERICHO
SEA
SALFIT
ISRAEL Askar
Rashidieh
WEST BANK
Far'a
1948 conflict.’ In the absence of a solution to the Palestine Refugee issue
maintains a long-standing commitment to the welfare and human
and the conflict developments in the Middle East region, the General
development of the four generations if Palestine refugees. Setup to help
Assembly has repeatedly extended and expanded the UNRWA mandate,
some 750,000 Palestine refugees; today its services are available to
requiring the agency to engage in a variety of humanitarian, development
almost 5 million registered refugees in about 60 camps across the Middle
and protection activities based on the needs of beneficiaries. In 1952, the
East.
mandate included villagers in Jordan, the non-refugee population of the the hostilities of 1967, UNRWA was required to provide humanitarian
N S EA
assistance on an emergency basis, and as a temporary measure to any persons within the region, who are displaced and in need to assistance. Following the 1982 invasion of Lebanon, by Israel, it was also required to
Irbid
assist people displaced as a result of internal hostilities. Unlike, other humanitarian agencies, UNRWA is mandated to work with governments 470,604 registered refugees
TRIPOLI
12 existing camps
on interim measures and to provide relief and assistance to Palestine
Nahr el-Bared
69 schools
Beddawi
2 training centres
refugees, pending a resolution and plays no vital role in reaching a
28 primary health care facilities 9 womens’ programme centres 1 community rehab centre
Marka
QUNEITRA
Zarqa
JORDAN
ni
Dbayeh
IRBID
Husn
Lita ni
Jerash Souf
LEBANON a sb
13 Coordination and management 102 Job creation programme BA’ALBEK
DERA’A
2,090,762 registered refugees
11 Protection Khan Eshieh
10 existing camps
DAMASCUS
4 Community mental health
Khan Dunoun
172 schools 2 vocational and technical training centres
Sbeineh
24 primary health care facilities
10 Temporary shelter and shelter repair
Jaramana
12 womens’ programme centres 8 community rehabilitation centres
Qabr Essit AS SUWAYDA
solution.13
Asi
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Palestine refugees, following the 1948 Arab – Israeli conflict. UNRWA
Burj Barajneh BEIRUT Shatila
Ha
15 community rehabilitation centres
JERASH
Jabal el-Hussein ZARQA Amman New Camp
1948, and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the
Mar Elias
Baqa'a
Talbieh
Refugees (UNRWA) to carry out direct relief and work programmes for
Mieh Mieh
GOLAN
18 womens’ programme centres
of residence was Palestine during the period 1 June 1946 to 15 May
SAIDA Ein El Hilweh
LAKE TIBERIAS
42 primary health care facilities
Burj Shemali
TUBAS
Jordan
AMMAN
98 schools 2 vocational and technical training centres
EA
Ein el-Sultan
MADABA 19 existing camps
established the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine
JENIN
AS SALT
886,716 registered refugees
AN
TYRE
Camp No. 1
UNRWA declares Palestine Refugees as ‘persons whose normal place
Gaza Strip, refugees in Egypt and certain Bedouin categories. Following
El Buss NABLUS
Dheisheh BETHLEHEM Beit Jibrin
Nur Shams
Deir 'Ammar
RAMALLAH
Arroub
RR
December 8th, 1949, the United Nations General Assembly,
SYRIA
HAMA 518,949 registered refugees 9 existing camps
3 Water and sanitation
118 schools 1 vocational and technical training centre 23 primary health care facilities 13 womens’ programme centres
56 Emergency cash assistance
5 Operations support office
50km north
Neirab
8 Emergency education
HOMS
5 community rehabilitation centres
8 Emergency health
82 Food assistance
Emergency Appeal USD 301 million
25
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
HUMAN RIGHTS + ARCHITECTURE
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
ZAATARI CAMP, JORDAN SEPT 2012 - APRIL 2013
In the spaces of humanitarian relief and emergencies, the refugee camp is the most direct form of architecture and urban planning.
01
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
IN CONVERSATION ARCHITECTURE & HUMAN RIGHTS
Eyal Weizman:
some sort of life. This may work as a counter-image to the very disturbing
“You once interestingly described the refugee camps as a humanitarian
notion by which the camp is seen as the place where bare life is standing
“What I meant by this bubble is the humanitarian island itself, in which
They exchange money or sex or any kind of asset against soap and
bubble, a non-place where displaced persons, and the humanitarians
vis a vis power and some disciplinary form of government, where bodies
most aid workers, who spend just a few months going back and forth,
blankets, becoming the middlemen between aid workers and refugees.
are equally out of place. They meet for different reasons in a place foreign
are managed, rather than political subjects with their various forms of
stick and talk to themselves, communicate through walkie-talkies and
But we never find out directly, we learn about it casually. On the other
to both, which operates according to its own logic and to some degree
subjectivities and actions. If we accept that the urban is not the hardware
fancy communication devices. And they are right in the middle of the
hand, we have to work with people who are able to exchange and interact
disconnected from its surroundings, like a kind of island. In this you
of a city, the bricks and mortar, but the heterogeneity or multiplicities that
refugee camp, but they are not in the refugee camp. They are away from
with us, which means we sort of feed internal tensions; I think this is the
recounted the walkie-talkies and the way in which multiple languages are
a city has, I would like to argue that even in that humanitarian bubble – in
it, maybe, as you might put it, “on a vertical border”: they are above,
price to pay to organize aid, which is so badly needed in refugee camps
assembled, with humanitarians from all over the world, and displaced
the moment of assembly - there is a form of urbanity. So what kind of life
below or besides it – but not really in the camp.
to avoid the death of many more people.
persons from different tribes and villages. And all of a sudden, all these
takes place in a camp and what are its politics, which could undermine
people find themselves having to negotiate with this place, and establish
this view of the ‘naked life’ in it?”
Rony Brauman:
Through
the
process
of
professionalization
and
expansion
of
And lastly: there isn’t such a thing as “bare life.” Of course we take care
humanitarian aid in general - which I worked on so have no regrets about
of the bodies, as doctors. Except for those who teach and address
as it was needed - and as a result of this evolution, we now have huge
children’s minds, we as aid workers try to maintain life, and after all I feel
humanitarian teams which are most of the time very useful. There are for
quite comfortable with this. I would, on the contrary, feel very
instance 13,000 humanitarian aid workers in Darfur, of which 1500 are
uncomfortable if we were trying to do more, to control or penetrate
expatriate, and the rest local Sudanese. And behind the refugee camps’
people’s minds. What people ask us, what they expect from us, is to help
apparent chaos there is in fact a hidden order: people settle in particular
them survive. For the rest, they can manage by themselves, and do so
quarters because they are next to their kin, to the people of their village,
through a field of forces, through tense or ordinary social relationships,
with whom they share political or ethnic affiliation. Ethnicity doesn’t
through a variety of levels of life. But that is life, just the opposite of “bare
explain much, but geography and politics do. The basic organization is
life”. The fact that it is highly politicized replicates the ordinary life of
invisible to us westerners who are used to visualize social difference, yet
neighborhoods, of social interaction.”14
people know the difference, they have it in mind, and it is anything but chaotic. So there are organized neighborhoods with traditional leaders and their authority, but then rival leaders emerge who are able to deal with foreigners and speak to them. This creates difficult tensions,
An excerpt from panel discussion between Rony Brauman, director of
especially as these new leaders may turn out to be exploiters, thieves,
MSF and Eyal Weizman, Humanitarian Support, Planning Emergency,
rapists, and so on.
Organized by Laura Kurgan, 2006.
29
UNHCR CAMP PLANNING GUIDELINES
FAMILY 4-5 People 5 1 LATRINE
COMMUNITY 16 FAMILIES 80 1 WATER TAP 2 REFUSE DRUMS
BLOCK 16 COMMUNITIES
Architecture and planning play an important role in the development of
With the ideal city concepts and the ‘Raumstadt’ on one hand and the
establishment of UNHCR, architects and technical planners of the
on the other, a novel laboratory of a temporary city arises. Woven into the
UNHCR have planned refugee camps. The basic underlying principle
global network of information flow and commodities exchange through
that human rights and human needs are identical all over the world,
the internationally broadcasting and dominating media and aid agencies,
resulting in a neutral planning approach.
In the Handbook for
these places, with their emphasis on flexibility, infrastructure and control,
emergencies, UNHCR guide, only 20 pages of 600 have been devoted to
represent the other side of our globalized and postmodern world,
‘site selection, planning and shelter. Whether camps are located in the
analogously mirroring its rules and stipulations. With populations
rural mountains of Pakistan, the thick forests of Thailand, or in the deserts
averaging 500.000 inhabitants with underlying complexities of their
of the African Savanna the design of the camps have been based on the
individual ‘camp-quarters’ corresponding to social and political
generic guidelines.
structures and their often co-ordinated infrastructure facilities, refugee
these states of exception, yet
there is no exception? Since the
The smallest unit of the refugee camp, is a tent, usually planned for a 4 people occupancy. The unit is then organized into camp clusters (16
ad-hoc principle of improvised settlements with all their anarchic qualities
camps are in no way subordinated to conventional cities. Indeed, they present a microscosm of our urban metropolises.15
tents), camp blocks (16 clusters), camp sectors (4 blocks) and a camp (4
Recent camp developments have developed in ways that can be
blocks). For every 10 module, a Hospital referral is usually planned.
inscribed as permanent architecture, diminishing the very purpose of
Established in this way, each camp accommodates 200,000 refugees or
these camps. What remains at the the heart of problem is not just the
displaced people. Smaller tracks and non-motorized lanes separate the
individual object, the camp but the planning and architecture of these
clusters and blocks from each other while roads for motorized traffic
camp-cities. In the aftermath of hurricane Katrina, rather than building
access the larger camp sectors. This modernist approach of modularity
camps for displaced people, the government employed a new approach
is employed to establish a better controlling regime within the camps.
of dispersed camps, where displaced people were fed into existing civic
Food and water facilities are set up for each sector in order to control
infrastructure systems. This helped in a faster development and recovery
overlaps and congregation. This order becomes jeopardized in the
of the devasted regions. Although this isn’t the ultimate solution, it testifies
CAMP MODULE
context of violence and catastrophes and it is specifically its neutrality
that camp planning today requires a new set of architectural and
4 SECTORS
that makes the planning approach so susceptible to instrumentalization
planning techniques, that are built to to isolate the camp but rather help
and politicization.
the displaced; It calls for a paradigm shift.
1,250
SECTOR
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
THE REFUGEE CAMP
4 BLOCKS 5,000 1 SCHOOL BLOCK 1 DISTRIBUTION POINT
20,000 1 HEALTH CENTER + 1 FEEDING CENTRE + 1 MARKET + 1 DISTRIBUITION POINT
31
CAMP as CITY
CAMP in CRISIS
3 camps 3 States of Exception 3 Identities in Transition CAMP as NEW CITY : NAHR AL-BARED REGUGEE CAMP, SYRIA NAHR Al-BARED, was established by UNWRA in 1948 in North of Lebanon, to house Palestinians, post the Arab - Israel war. The coastal camp remained segregated from the rest of the city and was 90% destroyed in the clashes of 2007. For welfare of the refugees, an urban development program was undertaken by UNWRA to rebuild the community.
CAMP as CITY : JARMANA REFUGEE CAMP, LEBANON JARMANA, was established by UNRWA in 1948 in Syria, to house Palestinians, post the Arab-Israel war. Over the years, Jaramana adapted
JARMANA
ZAATARI
LOCATION: NORTH LEBANON
LOCATION: SYRIA
LOCATION: JORDAN
2007. Today, the Camp has turned into a city much like the urban fabric
ESTABLISHED: 1949
ESTABLISHED: 1948
ESTABLISHED: 2012
of Damascus.
REFUGEE: PALESTINE
REFUGEE: PALESTINE
REFUGEE: SYRIA
ORGANISATION: UNRWA
ORGANISATION: UNRWA
ORGANISATION: UNHCR
150,000 and a daily influx of 3000 refugees with over 40%, the camp has
AREA: 0.0004 km2
AREA: 0.03 km2
AREA: 3.3 Km2
grown to be the biggest refugee camp of the Middle East.
POPULATION: 30,000
POPULATION: 18,658
POPULATION: 144,000
to the city’s fabric and further densified with the influx of Iraqi refugees in
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
NAHR AL BARED
CAMP in CRISIS : ZAATARI REFUGEE CAMP, JORDAN ZAATARI refugee camp is one of the most recent camps established by UNHCR to house Syrian refugees since 2012. With a population of
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
CAMP as NEW CITY
NAHR AL-BARED
CAMP as NEW CITY
AERIAL VIEW, 2007
Nahr al-Bared is a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanon, 16 km
OLD CAMP
from the city of Tripoli. Almost 30,000 displaced Palestinians and their
NEW CAMP SITE DESTROYED, 2007
descendents live in and around the camp. Under the terms of the 1969 Cairo Agreement, the Lebanese Army does not conventionally enter the Palestinian camps, and internal security is provided by Palestinian factions. The camp was established in December 1949 by the League of Red Cross Societies in order to accommodate the Palestinian refugees suffering from the difficult winter conditions in the Beqaa Valley and the suburbs of Tripoli. The camp was built outside any major Lebanese towns or settlements, leaving it more isolated from the Lebanese society than many of the other camps in Lebanon. Despite this, due to its position on the main road to Syria and its proximity to the Syrian border, Nahr al-Bared grew to be a central commercial hub for the local Lebanese of the Akkar region. The camp became the centre of the fighting between the Lebanese Army and Fatah al-Islam. It sustained heavy shelling while under siege. Most of
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
the inhabitants fled to the nearby Beddawi Palestinian refugee camp. The conflict between the Lebanese Army and Fatah al-Islam ended on Sunday September 2, 2007 with the Lebanese Army taking full control of the camp after eliminating the remaining terrorist pockets. UNRWA, charged with the care of the Palestinians, struggled to contain the unprecedented humanitarian crisis. In the meantime, most of the displaced refugees waited in improvised shelters in Beddawi camp and elsewhere for a sustainable solution to arrive.
35
CAMP as NEW CITY
SCALE
NAHR AL-BARED
MASTER PLAN
LOW RISE SECTORS
BUILDING TYPOLOGY
Recipient of the Agha Khan Award for Architecture, the reconstruction of
the Nedr al Bared camp for 27,000 refugees which was 95% destroyed
during the 2007 war involved a planning effort with the entire community, followed by a series of eight construction phases. Limited land and the exigency of recreating physical and social fabrics were primary considerations. The camp followed the extended-family pattern and building typology of the refugees’ villages. In a layout where roads provided light and ventilation, the goal was to increase non-built areas from 11% to 35%. It was achieved by giving each building an independent structural system allowing for vertical expansion up to four floors on a reduced footprint. Nahr al-Bared is a Palestinian refugee camp in northern Lebanon, 16 km from the city of Tripoli. Almost 30,000 displaced Palestinians and their descendents live in and around the camp. Under the terms of the 1969 Cairo Agreement, the Lebanese Army does not conventionally enter the Palestinian camps, and internal security is provided by Palestinian
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
factions. The camp was established in December 1949 by the League of Red Cross Societies in order to accommodate the Palestinian refugees suffering from the difficult winter conditions in the Beqaa Valley and the suburbs of Tripoli. The camp was established outside any major Lebanese towns or settlements, which left it more isolated from the Lebanese society than many of the other camps in Lebanon. Despite this, due to its position on the main road to Syria and its proximity to the Syrian border, Nahr al-Bared grew to be a central commercial hub for the local Lebanese of the Akkar region.
37
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
NAHR EL BARED REFUGEE CAMP, LEBANON, 2006-2013
01
CAMP as CITY
JARAMANA
Overtime,
Damascus has received extensive waves of refugees,
impacting in different ways on the city’s fabric. The oldest refugee communities can be identified in the Palestinian settlements on the foot of
SYRIAN MAJORITY IRAQI MAJORITY MIXED
the Qasioun Mountains, who fled the crusaders in the 12th century. The twentieth century saw an influx of Palestinians fleeing their homeland after the creation of the State of Israel. Yarmouk and Jaramana, refugee camps established 1955 and 1949 respectively, within the city perimeter has since developed into a dense urban neighborhood, resembling some of the other more traditional quarters of Damascus. Sharing a border of over 600km in length with Iraq, Syria has become host to many hundred thousand refugees since the US led war against Iraq. In 2007, UNHCR estimated that the number of Iraqi refugees in Syria exceeded 1.2 million, a huge influx to a country with a population of 18 million. The large number of refugees had an extreme effect on all facets of life in Syria, particularly on the services which the state offers to citizens. There has been a large increase in the cost of living and the
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
unexpected weight of numbers has had dramatic impacts on the infrastructure and the economy and now as recently seen, politics. The integration though of the Iraqi refugees into the Syrian society with little conflict and virtually no outside support is generally considered as a great achievement. Jaramana, a neighborhood southeast of the city center, has transformed considerably since the arrival of the Iraqi refugees. Formerly an area occupied by Palestinian refugees, it has experienced a vast amount of housing construction and a considerable densification since the arrival of the Iraqis.
39
CAMP as CITY
SCALE
JARAMANA
CAMP LAYOUT
SECTOR LAYOUT
BUILDING TYPOLOGY HIGH DENSITY HOUSING FLOORS ADDED OVERTIME
SECTORS WITH HOUSING BLOCKS
Mostly self-reliant, with little support from UNHCR and arriving with a
certain amount of financial means the Iraqi refugees where recognized as ideal clients for real estate developers, who quickly constructed new apartment blocks in the neighborhood, or extended existing structures. In
MARKETS + GREEN SPACES
the meantime refugee welfare organizations and UNHCR have begun constructing schools and other institutions for the Iraqi refugees. The
SCHOOLS + HOSPITALS
magnitude of the annual increase in infrastructure, buildings and population can be seen as a result of the investments in the city of Jaraman over the last decade. Today, Jaramana, seen as the cancer of the city, is a crowded busy area with a downtow ambiance, organized along a broad main road. It offers new employment oppotunities and residential space. These institutions, after many Iraqis have begun to return home, are forming the nuclei of the young neighborhoods and aid in upgrading the services available to the non-refugee population. Jarama experienced the Iraqi refugees as a catalyst for urban development in the region. The
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
new strucutres in the city stay of significant spatial relevance to the evolution of new areas around Damascus. However, the relevance is not just limited to social and spatial structures in Syria but the influx of refugees and the hybrid ideologies of the Palestinians and Iraqis, paved the way for revolutions across Syria and the onset of the civil war.
2-5 STOREY OLDER BUILDINGS NEW BUILDINGS GRADUAL ADDITION OF FLOORS
41
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
JARMANA REFUGEE CAMP, JORDAN, 1949-2013
01
CAMP in CRISIS
ZAATARI
SITE OCCUPATION: JULY 2012 - JULY 2013
Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan, is located 10 km east of Mafraq. It was
SEPT 2012 ~ 3,000
established in July 28, 2012 to host Syrians fleeing the violence in the ongoing Syrian civil war that erupted in 2011. In July, 2013, the camp population was estimated at 144,000 refugees in an area of 3.3 km2, making it Jordan's fourth largest city. It is connected to the road network by a short road which leads to the highway 10 OSM.The camp features
NOV 2012 ~ 5,163
market-like structures along the main Street where goods like vegetables, basic household equipment and clothes can be purchased. Since the opening of the camp in July 2012 there have repeatedly been demonstrations held by the camp population. The main concern relates to the lack of sufficient food supplies and better accommodation. The
JAN 2013 ~ 11,966
camp has seen an increasing number of reports of crime, including prostitution and drug-dealing.Furthermore demonstrations are used as a forum to create awareness of the conflict and to express political views against the current government lead by Bashar al-Assad and the violence inflicted by the Syrian Armed Forces. Due to the maximum
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
FEB 2013 ~ 18,169
capacity of 60,000 refugees a second camp was built 20 kilometres east of Zarqa in the Marjeeb Al Fahood plains. Even in it’s current state of emergency, Zaatari hosts a Champs Elysees that is flooded with refugee shops with all sorts of possibilities. With entrepreneurial zeal, Syrians have – with their own or borrowed money –
APRIL 2013 ~ 25,378
set up shops in the camp, in pursuit of a livelihood. The site which has over 50% children currently has 3 large schools, many playgrounds and 2 hospitals. It costs roughly $500,000 (£300,000) a day to run Zaatari and Jordanians.
45
CAMP in CRISIS
ZAATARI
SCALE
CAMP LAYOUT
SECTOR LAYOUT
BUILDING TYPOLOGY
The camp has electricity and residents have tapped into the grid to
SHELTER SECTORS
SHELTERS
divert it to individual homes and shops. Around 40% of the homes have
RECREATIONAL + MARKETS + SCHOOLS
LATRINES
televisions. Jordanian NGOs and aid workers agree that the burden of
MEDICAL + FOOD SUPPLIES + CHECK POINTS
DISPERSED CAMPS
supporting more than 500,000 Syrian refugees is stretching resources to the limit. Syrians are beginning to fan out across the country and the region – to Morocco, Algeria and even Yemen. The severe winter this year SEMI PERMANENT TRAILERS UNHCR
DISTRIBUTION POINT
has raised concerns on the quality of shelters provided by the UNHCR. Along with the most temporary UNHCR tents and trailers, the government has now agreed on using IKEAs pre febricated housing. Although camp Zaatari has seen the largest influx of refugee population and has grown into the largest refugee camp in the Middle East in less than a year, it
HOSPITAL
remains a site of hope. A site of a new generation of Syrians. Even with deteriorating conditions and continued conflict, Syrians still hope to
MARKET
maintain the temporality of Zaatari in hopes of returning home. And, it is TEMPORARY TENTS UNHCR
in the temporality of these tents, that the world might see the emergence of a New Identity. The identity of the liberal, post colonial Arab.
who fled Syria were refugees from Palestine (1949) and Egypt (2007). CHECK POINT
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Tracing back the trajectory of conflict, one can note that many of those
HOSPITAL
This notion of identity that moves from generation to generation, camp to
FOOD POINT
camp, poses the largest identity conflict in the Middle East. An identitty continuoulsy being transfigured, resultant of the power and politics. Being host to the largest refugee population ever and an exuberrant PREFAB UNITS IKEA
amount of children, Zaatari has become a focal point for the future of humanitarian agencies and refugee camps. . The life in Zaatari matters more than mere data metrics by UNHCR. It is the future.
47
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
ZAATARI REFUGEE CAMP, JORDAN, 2013
01
THE END OF POST COLONIALISM
“Agamben
feared that camps - from Auschwitz to Guantanamo -
These revolutions are not against "the West", for "the West" - as the
revealed the "nomos of the modern" and that it signaled the rise of
imaginative geography of our domination, and in the fabrication of which
totalitarianism, not against democracy but in fact through democracy. But
we "Orientals" ourselves have been co-conspirators - no longer exists.
here on Camp Zaatari, something more radical is on display, for it is here
This round of uprisings is no longer between an abstract modernity and a
that the Arab revolutions go back to point zero of their history. What
belligerent tradition. All these tired old cliches are now in the dustbin of
Agamben was theorising was the condition of the camp as a state of
history. The new history is beginning at the site of Camp Zaatari, where
exception, where sovereignty becomes absolute. On the site of Camp
Syrians have gone to give birth to their future. When the carnage of
Zaatari, the bared lives of the campers are the naked subjects of the
Bashar al-Assad and his militant nemesis is over, the Syrians will go back
sovereignty. Law here has categorically lost its self-transcendence.
from Camp Zaatari to build their democracy. This is now not obvious in
Agamben takes the camp as that state of exception that does not prove
the heat of the battlefield - but it is evident in the ruins of Camp Zaatari.
the rule but in fact has become the rule. At Zaatari, the moment when the
The wretched of the earth are grabbing the bastards who have used and
state of exception has become the rule, but not sustaining the rule - here
abused them by the throat. The world has been mapped out multiple
that rule is being re-written.
times over. The colonial mapping of the world, with "the Middle East" as its normative epicentre and Israel as the last colonial flag still casting its European look on the regional history, is now witness to the shadow of their own demise. Afghanistan is the current site of imperial hubris, the Islamic republic, the last aftertaste of colonised minds that crafted an
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
Islamic ideology, looking askance at the very last Arab potentate ruling de facto postcolonial nation-states, now rising to reclaim historical agency to remap their world - and on that emerging map Camp Zaatari is the new cosmopolis.�
Hamid Dabashi is Hagop Kevorkian Professor of Iranian Studies and Comparative Literature at Columbia University in New York. He is the author of Arab Spring: The End of Postcolonialism (2012).
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
A NEW COSMOPOLIS, CAMP ZAATARI
All
maps and illustrations have been made or reproduced with
modifications. All statistical information through various reports and publications, published through UNHCR or UNRWA. Mapping data and illustations through Google Maps, IDMC and UNOSAT . Illustration of Jaramana Camp with reference to ETH –Basel Jaramana study.
1. Michel Algiers, Between War and City, Towards and urban anthropology of refugee camps, Ethnography 2. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans Daniel Heller – Roazen (Stanford, Calif: Standford University Press, 1998) 3. Ibid. 4. Manuel Herz, Camp as City, Refugee camps of the Western Sahara 5. Edward Said, ‘Orientalism’. 6. Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali Zamindar, The Long Partition and the Making of Modern South Asia: Refugees, Boundaries, Histories (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007) 7. Manuel Herz, Camp as City, Refugee camps of the Western Sahara 8. ‘Ethnic conflict and state- building’, Saad Eddin Ibrahim 9. Manuel Herz, Camp as City, Refugee camps of the Western Sahara
IDENTITY IN CRISIS
10. Ibid. 11. Saad Eddin Ibrahim, Ethnic Conflict and State Building, 2005 12. UNHCR Website (Documents, Maps, Statistics) 13.UNWRA Website (Documents, Maps, Statistics) 14. Rony Brauman and Eyal Weizman in Conversation, Text fromVideo Recording. Panel on Human Rights and Architecture, 2006.
IN THE STATE OF EXCEPTION
BIBLIOGRAPHY