Nadia Riepenhausen - Dissertation by Nadia Riepenhausen

I call myself what I like: Mixed race identity & social media

Nadia Riepenhausen Submitted for the degree of MA in Mass Communications, Media & Public Relations (October 2013)

Department of Media and Communication University of Leicester

Abstract This research study asserts that mixed race people are hyper-‐visible in terms of their images in media and popular culture, yet still remain largely invisible, due to a lack of recognition and acknowledgment, in mainstream media. As a result of a lack of representation, social media has become an important and significant way for mixed race people to interact, in terms of producing and consuming content. The study uses a qualitative research methodology, in the form of in-‐depth interviews, as well as incorporating several theories, including a ‘uses and gratifications’ approach. The research also shows that social media allows those who identify as mixed race to navigate multiple identities more freely and express themselves in ways that are not always possible in ‘real life’. Word count: 14,700

Acknowledgements This dissertation would not have been possible without the help and support of numerous people. I would like to first and foremost thank the people who participated in my research. Your valuable insight is what made this dissertation possible and I am humbled that you took such a keen interest in being involved. Thank you so much for sharing your stories with me and helping me make further sense of what is a complex and personal issue. I would like to express gratitude to my tutor, Daniel Ashton for his feedback and guidance throughout this study as well as the course. I would also like to thank Minelle Mahtani for sharing her insight with regards to conducting interviews with mixed race individuals. I really appreciate your willingness in helping me navigate this field. Thank you to my fellow students who provided constant encouragement. I am grateful to my friends and family for their interest in my research and support throughout this two year journey. Last but not least, I would like to thank my husband. Thank you for believing in me, even during the moments when I did not believe in myself, or my ability to complete this study.

Table of Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 5 1.1 1.2

Research questions ............................................................................................................ 8 Why mixed race? ................................................................................................................................. 9

2. Theoretical Perspective ......................................................................................................... 11 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

Representation theory ..................................................................................................... 11 New ethnicities ................................................................................................................................. 12 Critical theories and mixed race ............................................................................................... 14 Uses and gratifications theory and social media ............................................................... 16

3. Literature Review ................................................................................................................... 18 3.1 3.2 3.3

Mixed race studies ............................................................................................................ 18 Race, mixed race and media ....................................................................................................... 20 Social media and race .................................................................................................................... 24

4. Research Methodology .......................................................................................................... 29 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5

Objectives of research ...................................................................................................... 29 Qualitative Research/In-‐depth Interviews .......................................................................... 29 Research sample .............................................................................................................................. 32 Shared Identities .............................................................................................................................. 35 Data Collection and analysis ....................................................................................................... 37

5. Results and Discussion .......................................................................................................... 39 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8

Multiple Identities ............................................................................................................ 39 Mixed race identity and gender ................................................................................................ 42 Media representations of mixed race ..................................................................................... 43 Navigating mixed race and social media ............................................................................... 45 Creating new identities ................................................................................................................. 50 ‘Produsage’ ......................................................................................................................................... 51 Cheerios Commercial ..................................................................................................................... 53 The way forward ............................................................................................................................. 56

6. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 57 6.1 6.2

Limitations ......................................................................................................................... 58 Future Research ............................................................................................................................... 59

7. Appendices ................................................................................................................................ 61 8. References ................................................................................................................................. 64

Chapter 1 -‐ Introduction

Mixed race identity is one that is fraught with complexity. A fundamental issue for individuals who choose to define themselves as ‘mixed race’ is defining their identity in a society that expects people to classify themselves in terms of the dominant racial categories. The mere existence of mixed race people serves to “challenge mainstream racial categories constructed precisely to police boundaries that are already heavy with classed and gendered meanings” (Mahtani, 2002a, p. 47). Mixed race has existed for centuries, but the recognition of mixed race as a category is one that is fairly recent (Elam, 2011). In the last two decades, there has been a mixed race movement of sorts, described by Senna as a ‘mulatto millennium’, who notes that “mulattos may not be new. But the mulatto-‐pride folks are a new generation. They want their own special category or no categories at all. They’re a fully-‐fledged movement” (1998, p. 14). Senna refers specifically here to the movement that took place in the 1990s, where parents of mixed race children advocated for their children to be classified as ‘multiracial’ (Senna, 1998). Numerous organisations, websites, magazines and awareness campaigns have emerged that seek to advocate for mixed race identity (Elam, 2011). Researchers in the field of mixed race studies have acknowledged the emergence of this movement and an increase in critical enquiry with regards to mixed race identity (Mahtani, 2002a; Spickard, 2001; Parker & Song, 2001; Ifekwunigwe, 2004).

Images of mixed race people seem to have gained popularity in mainstream media in recent years, and can best be described as the ‘acceptable face of diversity’. Despite this, there is still little context that is given to this representation (Smith, 2006) There is also little acknowledgement in the media of the socio-‐political implications of having a mixed race identity (Parker & Song, 2001). The media representation of race and ethnic minorities is often characterised by complexity. Cottle asserts that this is because such representations “can not only serve to legitimise dominant ideas of ‘race’ and symbolically naturalise racial inequalities, they can also become the site of contestation and exhibit their own internal complexities” (2006, p. 5). The emergence of social media has provided a means of challenging the dominant racial ideology imposed by mainstream media (Grasmuck, Martin Zhao, 2009). Social media is fast becoming one of the most relevant and significant spaces where people are able to engage and create discourse, whilst maintaining control over the message (Iosifidis, 2011). In terms of race, the Internet was previously thought of a ‘raceless space’ (Nakamura, 2002), that could communicate across racial boundaries, but this has not been the case. Instead, social media users of the same race have begun to form “clusters” online, as Danah Boyd observes, whereupon “all of the divisions that exist in everyday life, including those by race and class, actually re-‐emerge online"(Boyd, cited BBC, 2012).

Nakamura concurs, suggesting that social media mirrors other forms of media, with the result that, “because it borrows liberally from other media, like television, film and advertising, it is particularly sensitive to shifting figurations of race, and thus a good space to look to see how race is enacted and performed” (Nakamura, 2002, p. 55). The idea for this research topic was largely a personal one. As someone who identifies as mixed race, I found that social media was the only way for me to discuss and explore issues pertaining to mixed race identity. Relevant representation in mainstream media seemed to be almost non-‐existent for me. This led me to want to investigate this further, and establish whether this was also a significant way for other mixed race people to connect. The dissertation argues that, despite the hyper-‐visibility of images of mixed race people in the media, they still remain largely invisible, in terms of being recognised and acknowledged by the mainstream media. Images of mixed race people are seen often in advertising, yet there is little representation beyond this. In light of this lack of mainstream representation, the objective of the thesis is to show that social media has become an important and significant way for mixed race people to engage with regards to mixed race identity. Using in-‐depth interviews, and a ‘uses and gratifications’ approach, it explores the ways in which individuals of mixed race utilise social media, in order to assert and strengthen their mixed race identity. It is important to define the term ‘mixed race’ for the purposes of this study, as there are various terms used, depending on the geographical or cultural context. ‘Mixed race’

refers to individuals who have parents of different racial backgrounds and “presumes differently racialised parentage” (Ifekwunigwe, 2004, p. 21). Within the context of this research study, the term also refers to those who have mixed race heritage, and are descendants of two or more racial groups. The references to ‘race’ and ‘mixed race’ in this research study are based on the idea of race as a ‘social construct’, rather than a biological one. This idea forms the basis of Omi and Winant’s (1994) ‘racial formation theory’, which focuses on race as a socially constructed identity, that is dependent on outside forces, such as socio-‐political and economic influences (Omi & Winant, 2004). It is also relevant to note that in this research study, emphasis has been placed on previous research and literature that focuses predominantly on the United States (U.S.) and the United Kingdom (U.K.). The majority of research regarding mixed race has emanated from the U.S., and it is only in recent years that research has started to emerge from the U.K. (Gilbert, 2005). In terms of interviews, the majority of participants interviewed live in North America, including Canada, and the U.K.

1.1 Research questions This research study seeks to answer the following research questions: 1) How do mixed race people view the way they are represented in mainstream media? 2) What are the uses of social media by mixed race people and what needs are fulfilled? 3) How important is social media in terms of their identity formation?

The thesis is structured in the following way: Chapter one provides a context for the research study and highlights its relevance. Chapter two discusses the relevant theoretical perspectives that are related to mixed race identity, as well as social media. Chapter three assesses existing research and literature within the field of mixed race studies, as well as race and media, including social media. Chapter four explains the research methodology chosen and how the data analysis was approached. Chapter five analyses the findings of the interviews conducted. The final chapter concludes and summarises the study, considers its limitations, and makes suggestions for further research.

1.2 Why mixed race? Mixed race people are the fastest growing ethnic group in both the U.S. and Britain. Asthana and Smith (2009) assert that “one in 10 children in the U.K., now lives in a mixed race family, raising future hopes of a non-‐racist Britain”, whilst the Pew Research Centre maintains that, in 2008/09 in the U.S., “one in seven new marriages is between spouses of different races or ethnicities” (Saulny, 2011). Saulny adds that these statistics indicate that, “many young adults of mixed backgrounds are rejecting the colour lines that have defined Americans for generations, in favour of a much more fluid sense of identity”. Parker and Song (2001, p. 1) maintain that, “far from being a marginal appendix to racial and ethnic studies, the experiences of the rapidly growing populations of mixed descent worldwide are central to the racialised dynamics of social and cultural change”. The subject of mixed and multiracial identity no longer occupies a peripheral role in discourse regarding race and ethnicity.

Accordingly, “mixed race studies is one of the fastest growing, as well as one of the most important and controversial areas in the field of ‘race’ and ethnic relations” (Ifekwunigwe, 2004, p. 18). The media plays an important role in shaping views and perceptions, including with regard to race, ethnicity and identity. Whilst there seems to be more of an acknowledgment of the mixed race ethnic group by the media than in previous years, there is still more that could be done. Laura Smith (2006) refers to the increasing number of mixed race people in the U.K., along with an explosion of the images of mixed race people in advertising, yet there are still inconsistencies. “Despite our growth in numbers and our incredible visibility, we are utterly absent from any public debate on race” ( Smith, 2006, para. 4). Social media is an important public space that is also worthy of research, in terms of exploring its role in fostering dialogue and identity formation. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by looking specifically at mixed race and identity and its relationship with social media. Social media has provided a public space for people from similar cultural and ethnic backgrounds to connect online and discuss issues that are relevant and pertinent to them (Byrne, 2008). This is a significant field of enquiry as social media continues to expand and evolve on an almost daily basis. This research paper will seek to highlight this importance, and show how social media has played an integral role in facilitating discourse amongst people who choose to identify as mixed race.

Chapter 2 -‐Theoretical perspective This chapter explores the relevant theories and approaches that frame this research topic. The first section focuses on representation theories, whilst the second section discusses theories that are relevant to mixed race identity. The final section considers the ‘uses and gratifications’ approach and social media.

2.1 Representation theory The research topic can be contextualised within the fields of media representation theory and research. Similar principles can be applied when looking at the representation of mixed race people in the media, as with ethnic minorities, as there are parallel themes that emerge. Whilst there have been numerous studies conducted over the years with regards to ethnic minorities and media representation, there is limited theory and research available that focuses purely on mixed race people in terms of media representation. The work of cultural theorist, Stuart Hall, refers to representation in the media and issues regarding race, culture and identity, particularly with regard to the way in which black people and minorities are represented. Hall (1990) offers an alternative perspective of representation that moves away from the media definition of merely a depiction of the way in which people are presented, and considers the more active role that representation plays in society and how it shapes public opinion.

However, depiction and representation not only affect how people are perceived by others, but also how people perceive themselves, thus playing a role in their identity formation (Hall, 1990). Cottle (2000, p. 2) concurs, asserting that: The media occupy a key site and perform a crucial role in the public representation of unequal social relations and the play of cultural power. It is in and through representations, for example, that members of the media audience are variously invited to construct a sense of who ‘we’ are in relation to who ‘we’ are not.

Changes in how the media depict and represent ethnic identity are particularly relevant, as Hall (1990, p. 222) maintains that identity is not complete and defined, but an evolutionary process, whereby “instead of thinking of identity as an already accomplished fact, which the new cultural practices then represent, we should think, instead, of identity as a 'production'… and always constituted within, not outside, representation”. In terms of a mixed race identity, this idea is salient as it gives context to what many mixed race people experience in terms of their identity being fluid and undergoing continuous change, which is also dependent on the socio-‐political and cultural context.

2.2 New ethnicities Whilst Hall refers to the ‘black experience’ in his work on ‘new ethnicities’ (1996), the same approach is also useful when applied to the ‘mixed race experience.’ Hall’s idea of the creation of new identities and ethnicities represents a move away from the view of a simplistic unified black subject (Ali, 2003). Hall’s ‘new ethnicities’ challenges a mainstream view of racial identity, and instead proposes a “cultural ethnic plurality”

(Edwards, 2008, p. 2). Children have been born of mixed parentage for centuries, but the creation of a mixed race identity that is socially, politically and culturally constructed is one that is relatively new, as mentioned earlier. Hall elaborates on this idea of ‘new ethnicities’ by making reference to “literary, visual and cinematic” forms of representation, where black people have typically been the “object but rarely the subject’’ of the practices of representation” (1996, p. 442). A parallel can be made here with regards to the representation of mixed race people in the media. Early representations of mixed race people depicted the ‘tragic mulatto’, a stereotypical, mixed race person who was a ‘tragic victim of circumstance’ due to the fact that they did not belong in either a black or a white world. Another stereotypical representation was the “marginal man”, who was “incapable of settling into a role in society as a result of their bi-‐raciality” (Squires, 2007, p. 21). Ali (2003, p. 9-‐10) states that, “ to understand the possibility of mixed identities, we must draw upon a range of terms including ‘ethnicity, ‘culture’ and ‘nationality’” because “new ethnicities are not simply additions to existing forms [but have] evolved and metamorphosed in relation to ‘cultural hybrids’”. She suggests that mixed race identity can be considered a form of social and cultural development, rather than one that is rooted in the idea of race as a biological construct (Ali, 2003). Accordingly, Hall’s theories on culture, identity and hybridity provide a framework to understand mixed race identity more clearly.

2.3 Critical theories and mixed race There has been a movement towards developing definitive mixed race theories or multiracial theoretical approaches in the last 20 years, which highlight a move away from thinking of race in purely biological terms, but as more of a social construct, as mentioned previously (Rockquemore, Brunsma & Delgado, 2009). Thus, as they explain, previous research on mixed race and multiracial identity has typically focused on a psychological analysis, racial classification and the socio-‐political consequences of a multiracial identity. They refer to the changing face of race in America, and the pivotal moment in the 2000 census debate, where race became recognised as a social construct rather than a biological one (Rockquemore et al., 2009), and this affected how researchers approached the subject of mixed race identity. This “emergent cultural space” is reflected in the increased visibility of multiracial individuals in the media, serving to demonstrate that “multiracial identity is increasingly viewed as a legitimate identity”(Rockquemore et al., 2009, p. 14). To comprehend this phenomenon better, Thornton and Williams (1995) provide a conceptual framework with regard to research on mixed race identity, which includes three different approaches: the problem approach, the equivalent approach and the variant approach. However, these approaches are typically limited to a black/white binary, in terms of mixed race, which does not account for those individuals who are other mixes. The problem approach works on the premise that mixed race identity is “a problematic social position that in inevitably marked by tragedy” (Rockquemore et al., 2009, p. 16).

The equivalent approach moves away from seeing mixed race as a problem, and instead focuses on equating mixed race identity with a mainstream identity, such as a black identity (Thornton & Williams, 1995). With the equivalent approach, an emerging mixed race identity is seen as a positive movement. A good example of this approach is reflected in the work of Maria P.P. Root (1992), who authored the ‘ Bill of Rights for People of Mixed Heritage’ (Thornton & Williams, 1995).The variant model is one that merged in the late 1980s and 1990s, and was an approach used by researchers who viewed mixed race people as a separate and distinct group from other racial groups. Researchers adopting this approach tended to be from a mixed race background themselves (Rockquemore et al., 2009). A more recent approach that has been applied to the study of mixed and multiracial identity is the ‘ecological approach’. This theory asserts that “mixed race people construct different racial identities based on various contextually specific logics” (Rockquemore et al., 2009, p. 19). This echoes Hall’s theory that cultural identities are not complete but always in a process of change, dependent on the context and setting (Hall, 1990). The ecological approach is relevant to this study, because it allows the flexibility to explore mixed race identity in a way that allows for a broader interpretation. Further, it permits the researcher to move away from the need to explore a specific racial identity and focuses more on the social context of identity (Rockquemore et al., 2009).

2.4 Uses and gratifications theory and social media Research of the Internet, and of social media in particular, is a relatively new field of study and as a result, theoretical perspectives are somewhat limited in this area. According to McQuail (2010), earlier theoretical perspectives can be applied to this field, but not all theories are a good fit for new media. The Internet and social media present a further challenge for researchers, as the flow of information is not the same as with traditional media, in that “there is now greater equality of access available as sender, receiver, spectator or participant in some exchange or network” (McQuail, 2010, p. 141). With social media, users are able to produce and consume content at the same time, which means that there are different factors to consider when researching this medium. This research study attempts to understand the way in which mixed race people use social media to fulfil their needs, in terms of an exploration of self, identity and affirmation. A ‘uses and gratifications’ approach is an audience-‐centred theory that is useful for answering questions such as why and how people use media, and what their purpose in doing so is (McQuail, 2010). Uses and gratifications theory can help to determine how people are using media to satisfy their personal needs. Whether those needs are for entertainment, advice, or as a means of assisting with the formation and creation of identity, the emphasis lies with the individual (Raacke & Bonds-‐Raacke, 2008). According to McQuail (2010, p. 424), one of the primary assumptions of this approach is that “media and content choice is generally rational and directed towards certain specific goals and satisfactions, thus the audience is active and audience formation can be logically explained“ (McQuail, 2010, p. 424).

Researchers in recent years have started to apply a uses and gratifications framework to the Internet and, in turn, social media, as it lends itself well to the personal component of the Internet and social media, as well as an understanding of the interactive and interconnected nature of the Internet (Ruggeiro, 2000). This is because, according to Papachrissi and Rubin (2000), the user’s socio-‐psychological characteristics play a role in how they will use the Internet. Uses and gratifications theory as a framework for researching social media is particularly relevant in terms of looking at the way in which people purposefully seek out content that suits their needs, as well as produce content that allows them to express their needs. The needs typically include personal identification, presenting one’s identity and escapism (Arista, Dong & Day, 2009). In terms of criticisms of the uses and gratifications theory, Ruggeiro (2000) points out that it has been criticised for too much emphasis on the individual, which has implications in terms of applying the findings to a wider group. Another criticism of this approach has been that there is a lack of general understanding with regards to the overall concepts of this method, thus researchers have tended to attach their own meaning and interpretations (Ruggeiro, 2000). This research study examines how people who choose to identify as mixed race or have a connection to mixed race identity, use social media to satisfy their personal needs, as well as fostering a sense of belonging. Uses and gratification theory will serve as a useful contextual framework for analysing these needs, alongside theories that deal specifically with issues of race, ethnicity and identity.

Chapter 3 – Literature review The literature review is divided into several sections. The first section focuses on literature that is relevant to the field of mixed race studies and research in general. The next section looks specifically at race and the media. The final section considers social media and race with regard to this particular study.

3.1 Mixed race studies The majority of literature and research that deals with mixed race identity and multiracialism has been generated from the U.S. (Gilbert, 2005). It is only in more recent years that critical enquiry has emerged from Britain (Parker & Song, 2001).There has been a growing interest in the topic of mixed race and multiracial identity in the last 20 years, which can be attributed partly to the increasing number of people who now identify as mixed race, in part because mixed race is the largest growing ethnic group in both the U.K. and U.S. (Mahtani, 2002a; Parker & Song, 2001; Ifekwunigwe, 2004). The recognition of mixed race and multiracial identity in a political and social context is something that can be traced to the early 1980s. This marked the beginning of critical research in an emerging field of critical mixed race studies. Prior to this, it was challenging to find research that dealt with mixed race identity in a critical and progressive way.

In most U.S. based literature pertaining to the study of mixed race identity, Root (1992) and her research within this field is widely mentioned. Root has argued in her research that mixed race people have a constitutional right to identify as they wish (1992), and that they are entitled to their own bill of rights (Joseph, 2013). Within this bill of rights, Root asserts that individuals “have the right… to identify [themselves] differently in different situations… [and] to change [their] identity over [their] lifetime – and more than once” (Root, 1996, p. 7). Alongside Root, the 1990s saw an emergence of researchers, who self-‐identified as mixed race and sought to challenge the existing boundaries with regards to mixed race scholarship (Parker & Song, 2001, 2010; Ifekwunigwe, 1999, 2004). This research highlighted the fact that mixed race people challenge existing racial ideology. Their work was also significant in terms of identifying that mixed race people typically possess fluid identities and are able to navigate numerous racial categories. Ifekwunigwe (1999; 2004) has conducted extensive research, specifically with mixed race women from African, Caribbean and African heritage. She takes a critical stance at the lack of mixed race scholarship in Britain (1999) and attempts to address this imbalance with her research. Another important aspect to her research is to challenge the terminology used to described mixed race people, which she describes as ambiguous and inaccurate (2004). Ifekwunigwe employs use of the French term ‘métis (se), which she explains as a way to “decentre race as a primary identity marker” (2004, p. 10) and to shift the focus to other categories such as ethnicity, social class and gender (2004).

Minelle Mahtani (2002a, 2002b, 2005, 2013) and her exploration of mixed race identity, specifically with regards to mixed race communities in Canada is also significant. Mahtani has conducted extensive qualitative research, in the form of in-‐depth interviews with mixed race women. Mahtani’s research marks the move away from the black-‐white binary and includes those who are of other mixes, which is not a dynamic that has been widely explored. Mahtani and Moreno (2001) consider how people define themselves as ‘mixed race’. One aspect of this is that critical examination of the term will assist in moving “beyond a dominant understanding of ‘mixed race’ as predominantly a black and white issue” (Mahtani & Moreno, 2001, p. 66). Mahtani and Moreno express concern at the lack of research that look at other mixes that do not include black or white. This study will seek to further address this imbalance by its inclusion of numerous mixed race identities within the research sample.

3.2 Race, mixed race and media The issue of race and the media is an area that has been researched extensively over the last 30 years in both in the U.K. and the U.S. This research has highlighted the continued failings of mainstream media to represent issues of race in a way that does not alienate and misrepresent ethnic minorities (Downing & Husband, 2005). Cottle argues that whilst media representations can reinforce negativity and prejudice, they can also challenge this negativity, by promoting “multi-‐cultural understanding and inter-‐dialogue” (2006, p. 5). Mixed race people tend to fall into the category of being an

ethnic minority, and thus are impacted in much the same way as other ethnic groups, although there are challenges that are unique to this community, in terms of not fitting into the dominant racial categories, thus this further exacerbates their minority status. Squires (2007) is one of few researchers who has focused purely on the representation and framing of mixed race and multiracial people in the media. Squires focuses specifically on news media and examines media representation prior to the U.S 2000 census, where no category existed to be able to identify as more than one race. Squires also explores more recent media representations and how the landscape has changed after the census. Squires argues that the representation of a multiracial identity in mainstream media reinforces the existing dominant ideologies with regards to race and is a reflection of the race relations in the U.S. Squires (2007) states that, whilst there is a move away from the “tragic mulatto” representation of mixed race people which dominated earlier portrayals, mixed race people are now typically portrayed as the solution to racism. This is because they frequently present “multiracial identity as the natural end point of the centuries of struggle over race, in which multiculturalism has triumphed over racism” (Squires, 2007, p. 185). The media has also reflected the new dynamic in mixed race enquiry, and some academics believe that “popular discussions in newspapers, radio, and television programmes laud ‘mixed race’ people as embodiments of the progressive and harmonious intermingling of cultures and peoples” (Parker & Song, 2001, p. 4).

However, Parker and Song (2001, p. 7) maintain that the media acknowledge the ever-‐ growing mixed race category in Britain, but “unfortunately, this reference to ‘mixed race’ in Britain has remained largely descriptive, without an elaboration of its conceptual presuppositions or the political implications of hailing the emergence of ‘mixed’ people”. Beltran and Fojas (2008) focus on mixed race representations in the media during Barack Obama’s election, which was a period that generated increased debate in the public sphere with regards to race and identity. They highlight the increased visibility of the image of the mixed race individuals in U.S. film, television and popular culture, noting that “this is a far cry from decades past, when individuals of mixed race descent were either invisible or were construed negatively as tragic and/or villainous figures in cinema and other media” (Beltran & Fojas, 2008, p. 1). Nevertheless, Beltran and Fojas complain of the paucity of “published scholarship to date on the history or current representation of mixed race individuals”, which has meant that there is little understanding of how the media has affected the understanding of a multiracial identity (2008, p. 2). Elam (2011) claims that there has been an explosion of images of mixed race people in the media, and observes that the term ‘ethnically ambiguous’ became more popular. La Ferla (2003) explored the concept of mixed race individuals gaining credence in marketing. Although La Ferla (2003) suggests that the use of mixed race heritage as a marketing tool may be one which is merely a gimmick, Elam notes that La Ferla nevertheless “hail[s] racially mixed people as ambassadors to a new world order, the fashionable imprimaturs of modernity” (Elam, 2011, p. 1).

According to Spickard (2001), there has been an increase over the last two decades of autobiographical literature by people who identify as mixed race, but bemoans that, typically, there is a perception (including by the authors themselves) ‘mixed race’ refers largely to a black and white mix. Joseph (2013) explores contemporary representations of mixed race identity, making specific reference to individuals with a black and white parent, who either fall into the category of ‘The Millennium Mulatta’ or ‘The Exceptional Multiracial’. The former being portrayed as confused and tragic, whilst the latter is the embodiment of a post racial society. Using an analysis of mixed characters in popular culture, including film, television and literature, Joseph explores the continued stereotypical views of mixed race people. Through this exploration, Joseph (2013) emphasises the importance of representation, in terms of highlighting how it contributes to how we perceive and create meaning, specifically with regards to multiracial identity. Joseph makes continued reference to the term ‘black mixed race’ in her text, which may be deemed exclusionary, in that neglects to acknowledge those individuals who also choose to identify as ‘mixed race’, yet do not have this black-‐white binary. Joseph also challenges the idea that America has become ‘post racial’ as a result of an increase in those who choose to identify as mixed race, arguing that this is not possible, as long as the same categories used to classify people still exist.

3.3 Social media and race Social media has had a major impact on the way in which people communicate today. For many, social media has become embedded in the fabric of their everyday lives and interactions (Everett, 2008). It has given scope to a new way of interacting, which depends largely upon user-‐generated content and participation. Whilst the Internet had started to develop and expand in the early 1990s, the first recognised social networking site can be traced back to 1997, with the introduction of Sixdegrees.com (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). In 1999, blogging was introduced and was considered the beginning of the ‘social media movement’. The definitions of social media have evolved over the years as the impact of social media has expanded. Boyd and Ellison (2007, p. 2) define social network sites as web-‐based services that allow individuals to (1) construct a public or semi-‐public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and those made by others within the system. The nature and nomenclature of these connections may vary from site to site (p. 2).

From 1997 to 2001, a number of social networking sites emerged that catered for different interests and allowed users to create profiles, add friends and engage (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). Asian Avenue, which was founded in 1997 and Black Planet in 2001, were among the first social networking sites that catered to specific ethnic communities within the U.S.

The social networking site, MySpace, was introduced in 2004 and quickly became one of the most popular websites in the world, which allowed it users to create content (Mink, 2013) Facebook was created in 2005, but it was only the following year that its growth was monumental. Twitter was introduced in 2006, and has steadily gained a cult-‐like following over the years (Mink, 2013). It is only in the last decade that research has emerged that focuses on users of social media and how social media fulfils their needs on the basis of gender, sexuality, race and ethnicity, and how their identities are being shaped on these sites (Boyd & Ellison, 2007). Everett (2008, 2009) has conducted extensive research with regards to digital media and race, with a specific focus on black diaspora communities. Everett highlights the importance of the role that race and ethnicity play with regards to interactions in the digital media space. Everett maintains that racial and social divides that exist offline are in some cases, even more apparent in the digital media space (2008). Nakamura (2002) critically questions the utopian ideology that the Internet is a ‘raceless’ space, which is somehow free of the prejudices that are experienced in everyday life. Nakamura refers to the fact that although a user’s physical presence is unseen online, race becomes apparent in terms of the language that is employed, identities constructed and the way in which users portray themselves. Since 2002, the social media landscape has expanded dramatically, and along with it, there are many more opportunities for people to define themselves with regards to their race, ethnicity and gender. This can be substantiated, for example, by the sheer number of blogs, Facebook pages, Tumblr and Twitter feeds where users openly express their mixed race identity as a big part of who they are and how they choose to represent themselves to

the world. As Nakamura states, “cyberspace is a place of wish fulfilments and myriad gratifications material and otherwise” (Nakamura, 2002, p. 32). Concurring with Nakamura (2002), Byrne (2008, p. 15) states, “despite the popular claim that the Internet presents the possibility of a ‘raceless space’, participation on dedicated sites is growing exponentially”. With a specific focus on youth, Byrne highlights the fact that social media allows its users to be both producers and consumers. “Unlike other forms of media, participants in these online networks – many of whom are youth – are active producers of their content and exert a real sense of ownership over these spaces” (Byrne, 2008, p. 31). Byrne’s research speaks in favour of the growth of online sites that are dedicated to particular racial and ethnic groups, because of the important role they play in terms of fostering a sense of community, facilitating global conversations and strengthening identities (Byrne, 2008). Tynes, Garcia, Giang and Coleman (2011) conducted a research study which looks at the importance of ethnic identity amongst adolescents using the internet in the U.S. Their findings indicate that race is an important topic of discussion amongst adolescents online. As there is a lack of real contact, there is a tendency to identify using a racial or ethnic identity. Their research also shows that race is more salient for ethnic minorities online than it is for ‘European Americans’ (2011). Expanding on the idea of the internet and social media, and it’s role in fulfilling the needs of its users, Raacke and Bonds-‐Raacke (2008) have conducted research on MySpace and Facebook, using the uses and gratification theory, in an effort to understand why users engage on social media sites and what uses and gratifications are

met in using these sites. Their research highlights the important role that social media plays in terms of fulfilling users’ needs by providing an online community and allowing them to feel connected to other like-‐minded individuals (2008). There is a paucity of research to date that focuses on mixed race people, and the way in which they are using social media, however there have been numerous research studies that have looked at race in general online, as well at specific ethnic groups and the ways in which they are interacting. Parker and Song (2009) conducted a study with regards to ‘new ethnicities and the Internet’, which focuses on second generation Chinese communities in Britain. Their research is also significant with regards to this study, in that highlights the importance of online interaction with regards to redefining “contemporary ethnic identities” (Parker & Song, 2009, p. 397). They apply Stuart Hall’s theory with regards to ‘new ethnicities’ (Hall, 1998) and argue that whilst Hall’s theories were written over 20 years ago, this approach can still be applied to technology and identity. They conclude that collective identities are still significant and that they become redefined, rather than erased in an online space (2008). Correira and Ho Jeung (2011) have also studied ‘race and online content’ through the application of uses and gratifications theory. They also apply social identifications theory, which is particularly useful in looking at how people seek media content that helps strengthen their social identity. They demonstrate that ethnic minorities, specifically in the U.S., are more likely to engage and create content online than their white counterparts (2011). Their research shows that ethnic minorities feel more of a

need to connect with a ‘niche community’ and like to feel that their voices are relevant within this space. Further, they identify different themes that emerged as to why ethnic minorities find social networking an important means of communication, including self-‐ expression, self-‐promotion and also the creation of a personal record (Correira & Ho Jeung, 2011). The research conducted in this particular study, with its focus on mixed race communities will hopefully contribute and fill the gap in the existing literature by highlighting the importance of social media, in facilitating discussions surrounding mixed race identities. Despite similarities, in term of the reasons other ethnic or cultural groups are using social media, this study will highlight the specific concerns of the mixed race community, with regards to their online engagement.

Chapter 4 – Research methodology This chapter considers the research methodology for the study and explains the justification for the method chosen, as well as its limitations. It also identifies the research objectives and the sampling methodology.

4.1 Objectives of research The first objective of this research study is to show that social media has become an important and significant space where those who identify as mixed race, or have a connection to mixed race identity are able to engage as well as produce content. Secondly, it explores the ways in which mixed race people use social media with regards to identity and representation.

4.2 Qualitative research/In-‐depth interviews Due to the nature of the topic, a qualitative method of research was preferred. Qualitative research methods typically allow for an in-‐depth interpretation and understanding of human behaviour and adopts a “broad philosophy and approach” to research (Wimmer & Dominick, 2006, p. 115). According to Kvale (2007, p. 11), “qualitative researchers are interested in accessing experiences, interactions and documents in their natural context and in a way that gives room to the particularities of them and the materials in which they are studied”.

It was important to gain an in-‐depth understanding of how mixed race people navigate their identity, and in-‐depth interviewing was the ideal method to facilitate that process. In-‐depth interviewing utilises one-‐to-‐one interviews with a small-‐to-‐medium sized group of participants. The method allows respondents to use “their own words [to] describe their activities, experiences and opinions” (Kvale, 2007, p. 22). Although not all respondents may view themselves as highly articulate, in-‐depth interviews provide a wealth of detail, not only through words, but in facial and physical responses, where even a silence may impart meaning (Wimmer & Dominick, 2006). This method allowed the participants to feel comfortable to share their thoughts on race and identity, which can at times, be a difficult and challenging topic to address. Positive personal interaction is a significant factor in terms of determining the success of the interviews. Once a personal rapport was established with the participant, it became easier to gain insight, especially with regards to difficult or taboo topics. A rough guideline was completed concerning the topics that needed to be covered, but no set questions were given prior or during the interview. Wimmer and Dominick (2006) maintain that, with this particular methodology, interviewers are afforded the freedom to form questions spontaneously, based on the answers from the respondent. However, the interviews were ‘semi-‐structured’, as an outline had been made of the topics that needed to be covered beforehand with each respondent. In-‐depth, open-‐ended interviews with small sample groups have tended to be one of the preferred methods in the social sciences, particularly when researching mixed race identity (Rockquemore et al., 2009, Mahtani, 2013).

Rockquemore et al. (2009, p. 20) do however note that, “the past 10 years of research on the multiracial population has been marked by a move from reliance on case studies, observation of multiracial support groups, and small-‐scale interview studies, to a broader and more robust stage of data collection and analysis”. A limitation of this study was not being able to interview the respondents in person. Due to the numerous geographical locations of the participants, it was logistically impossible. The interviews took place via Skype, which was the easiest and most cost-‐ effective method. A positive aspect of using this method was that the logistics of setting up a convenient time to conduct the interviews was a fairly easy process. The lack of social cues and inability of to see a respondent’s body language when answering questions, however, is one of the downfalls of conducting interviews via telephone or online; the use of Skype meant that this was obviated to some degree, although not fully. Another limitation of this particular method, as highlighted by Wimmer and Dominick (2006) is that the interviews are not standard, so there are questions which are asked to certain respondents and not to others. The flow of questions asked was entirely dependent on the participant’s responses, thus it was not always possible to ask the same questions to each person. Although a guideline was employed, the questions often deviated from this, depending on what the participant wanted to talk about. Some questions were relevant for certain interviews but not for others. Whilst this can be seen as limiting in terms of the results produced, it can also be positive in the sense that it allows for more rich and in-‐depth responses from participants.

4. 3 Research sample The initial criteria for the selection of research participants was to recruit individuals who identify as mixed race or have a mixed race heritage, by virtue of having mixed race parents. It was important to include all mixed race backgrounds and not to limit the definition of ‘mixed race’ to only include those of a black and white mix, as this would have been exclusionary. During the recruitment process, it became apparent that were other ‘active voices’ in social media that were also engaging individuals about mixed race identity, despite not being mixed race themselves. As the parent of mixed race children or as a partner in an interracial marriage, these individuals were equally as interested and passionate about engaging on the topic of mixed race identity as their mixed race counterparts; although the reasons for their participation would naturally differ somewhat from those who are mixed race by birth or heritage. These participants were nevertheless included, as their insight offered greater depth in terms of understanding the role that social media plays with regards to engaging with mixed race identity. Another important criterion was that participants are active on social media and have at least some engagement with regards to mixed race identity on various social media platforms. This also included people who had individual blogs or websites, as well as those who were contributing through Twitter, forums or Facebook pages. This criterion proved to be limiting as some individuals were naturally more involved on social media than others, for instance if they had a blog.

In a three-‐month period leading up to the research study, social media spaces were observed informally, both in content and engagement, with regard to mixed race identity. Through this observation, it was possible to identify the topics that were most relevant and monitor which were the most popular sites with the most traffic. After conducting this research on numerous social media platforms prior to the interview process, it was also possible to identify certain individuals who were either producing content or engaging about mixed race identity. It is also important to note here, that on a personal level, I am also a very active participant in numerous ‘mixed race’ groups on social media, and follow discussions on the topic closely. I also follow blogs and actively engage on Twitter on this topic. It was through this engagement that I came up with the research idea for this particular study. Participants were recruited via Twitter and Facebook as well as directly via their blogs. Individuals were also approached via word-‐of -‐mouth, after receiving recommendations from participants who had already been interviewed. One participant put a notice on her blog regarding my research study, and a few responses were received from this as well. The purpose of the research was explained to prospective respondents. Once the person had expressed an interest in participating, they were sent an email, along with the interview consent form, in line with the ethics approval guidelines of the University of Leicester, and a further explanation of the research and what would be expected of them. In total, 18 participants were interviewed. In terms of geographical locations, 11 participants were from the U.S., two from Canada, four from the U.K. and one interviewee was located in South Africa. As stated in the introduction, there was a focus

in this particular study on previous research and perspectives that are predominantly from the U.S. and the U.K., and the demographics of the interview sample are a reflection of this. As social media is a global phenomenon, I felt that it was still necessary to include voices from other parts of the world, as they are producers and consumers of content targeted at mixed race communities as well. Sample size can be a challenge with regard to using in-‐depth interviews as a primary method of research. As the interviews were intensive, it meant that they were time-‐ consuming, with each interview lasting between 45 minutes and an hour. This also meant that there was a limit to the number of participants who could be interviewed, in terms of the time frame available to conduct the research. The ages of the sample group ranged from 20 to 50. During the recruitment process, it became evident that there was a larger number of females who were interested in being involved in the research study. Out of the 18 participants interviewed, 12 were women and six were men. This did reflect, on a very small scale, that the topic of mixed race identity seemed to be more salient for women than for men. It was not very clear at the beginning as to why there was this bias, aside from the fact that as a female interviewer, my own personal bias perhaps steered me more towards women. Rockquemore and Lazloffy (2005) raise this question in their study of bi-‐racial children. They highlight how mixed race girls face a different dynamic, as a result of both race and gender oppression, from that which mixed race boys face. They state that this is because the process of “identity construction is shaped by gender, so that girls, unlike,

boys tend to experience gender specific stressors that shape racial identity development” (Rockquemore & Lazloffy, 2005, p. 132). The gender imbalance of the sample was a notable limitation in terms of what the research was able to achieve. However, in the study of the various social media sites that was conducted prior to the interview process, it seemed that women were more vocal on the topic of mixed race identity than men, as their voices seemed to be far more dominant. Without having conducted specific research on this particular concern, it is difficult to provide precise empirical evidence on this. The issue of female voices being more dominant was raised in several interviews with female participants, who gave their own perspectives as to why they felt this was the case. This is further examined in the results and discussion section.

4.4 Shared identities It is relevant to note that I revealed my own mixed race identity to participants when I approached them for an interview. I gave them a short summary of my own mixed race background, as a means of explaining the relevance of my research, as well as way of connecting with participants. In light of the topic, it was critical to mention this to interviewees, perhaps as a way of gaining their trust and a way of explaining the interest in the topic. All of the participants approached expressed an immediate and keen interest in taking part in the research, which I would speculate is partly due to the fact that I identify as mixed race as well. Having an in-‐depth familiarity and connection with mixed race identity and its relevant issues positioned me in way that could best be described as a ‘participant in my own research’.

Ochieng (2010) highlights this factor in her research of families of African descent. Ochieng argues that, when the researcher shares the same identity as the participants, there is a challenge concerning an “overlap with one’s professional self and personal life experiences” (2010, p. 1725). This is a challenge that I faced when conducting the interviews. In many cases, the interviews became like an everyday conversation, and thus it was it was quite difficult not share my own views and experiences on the topic of mixed race identity. As the interview process went on, I began to listen more, rather than sharing my own views on the topic, but it still occurred occasionally throughout the process. Interviewer bias is more prevalent when using a qualitative method such as in-‐depth interviews. It is one of the significant disadvantages of this method and became a notable challenge with regard to this study. As Wimmer and Dominick (2006, p. 139) note:

In a long interview, it is possible for a respondent to learn a good deal of information about the interviewer. Despite practice and training, some interviewers may inadvertently communicate their attitudes through loaded questions, non-‐verbal questions, or tone of voice.

Mahtani (2013) raises the important question of the role of the interviewer as mixed race when interviewing mixed race participants. Mahtani also refers to the position of the interviewer who shares the same identity as the interviewees an ‘insider’. The ‘insider-‐outsider’ role of the researcher has been explored in numerous studies (Ali, 2006; Dwyer & Buckle, 2009). “The issue of researcher membership in the group or area being studied is relevant to all approaches of qualitative methodology as the researcher plays such a direct and intimate role in both data collection and analysis“(Dwyer & Buckle, 2009, p. 54).

The researcher as an ‘insider’ has both advantages and disadvantages. An advantage of this position is a level of trust, a common ground and an acceptance into the community or group under study. A negative aspect to being an ‘insider’, is that the researcher’s own views could cloud their perceptions, or there could be certain assumptions made with regards to similarities to the interviewees (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009).

4. 5 Data collection and analysis All interviews were recorded, using a software application that allows the interviewer to record conversations directly from Skype. Participants were informed at the beginning of each session that their interview would be recorded. Notes were made in a journal during the interview process, but was limited to enhance engagement. Once the interviews were completed, they were reviewed to try and make sense of the most relevant points of discussion that emerged. Each interview was then transcribed, which was a lengthy and time-‐consuming exercise, and must be factored in when using in-‐ depth interviews as a method of research. As Kvale (2007) points out, the transcribing process allows the interviewer to revisit and relive the interview. In terms of the method used to analyse the interviews, the approach adopted in this study is one of thematic analysis, as well as my own informal method. As Kvale (2007, p.102) states, “no standard method exists, no via regia, to arrive at essential meanings and deeper implications of what is said in an interview”. There are, however, common approaches and techniques applied to the analysis of interviews. Kvale refers to combining more than one method of analysis when analysing interviews as a bricolage

approach, where “the term bricolage implies a free interplay of techniques during the analysis” (2007, p. 115). Thematic analysis is a method that is widely used in qualitative research, due to its flexibility (Braun & Clarke, 2006). A thematic analysis typically involves six phases which are: familiarisation with data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes and then producing the final report (2006).These phases were followed closely, along with my own informal method.

Chapter 5 – Results and discussion The following chapter looks at the results of the interviews conducted and discusses the findings. The chapter is divided into several sub-‐sections that focus on the themes that emerged from the data analysis of the interviews.

5.1 Multiple identities As a preliminary, interview participants were asked about their ethnic background and how they choose to identify themselves. It was necessary to make it clear that for the purposes of this study, that race is perceived as a ‘social construct’ and not a biological one. It was a difficult question at times, as I was very conscious of the ‘”what are you?” question that many mixed race people face constantly, as a result of not fitting into the existing dominant racial categories. I was also aware of the need to allow participants to define themselves, rather than make the assumption that they choose to define themselves as ‘mixed race’, despite their participation in the study. Ownership was given to the participants to define themselves, on their own terms. Mahtani (2005) highlights this challenge in her research of mixed race women in Canada, stating that use of the term could serve to reinforce the idea of racial categories as impermeable and fixed. A theme that emerged out of this question was that mixed race identity is ever-‐changing and fluid. This was as expected given the previous research conducted with mixed race

individuals and identity that highlighted this fluidity (Root, 1996; Ifekwunigwe, 1991, 2004; Parker & Song, 2001;Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2004). About 80 percent of the participants who identified themselves as mixed race said that their identity had changed over the years and continues to change. This was articulated by Shana, who stated: I think all mixed race people, regardless of their background or identity have experimented with trying out different identities to see which one is actually who we are, before we realise when we are adults that we don’t have to pick just one.

Very few participants chose the specific term ‘mixed race’ to describe themselves, but several said that they would definitely answer to this term or feel a connection to it, despite not using the term. One respondent, Fanshen, rationalised how she chooses to identify herself: “It’s changed, of course, and changes pretty much daily, but lately I’ve been very comfortable with I’m a ‘culturally mixed woman searching for racial answers’”. It was evident in the interviews that there was a refusal to subscribe solely to existing racial categories. A theme that also was prevalent was the idea of transcending beyond a racial identity, witnessed by the terms that participants created for themselves to describe their identity. Rockquemore and Brunsma (2004) mention this need to move away from existing racial classifications and the idea that the identity of mixed race people being comprised of numerous elements in their research. Several participants spoke of the need to create and define their own identities. The interviewee, Heidi, explained this in the following way, “My identity is fluid and it changes kind of like day-‐to-‐day, sometimes hour by hour. Right now I mostly would say to

that question, I am African American and Danish; sometimes I would say I am an ‘Afro Viking’”. This defiance in having to confirm to one particular identity was a prevalent theme in the interviews, as highlighted by the statement by Shana below: Even now, just talking to you, I’m thinking, I don’t know if I really like the mixed black thing. Like I will probably change it and I probably just changed it now. But there was a time where that would have been like a personal crisis for me and now I think it’s all just semantics.

Mahtani (2002b, p. 425) has explored the idea of creating defiant new identities in her research about mixed race women and refers to it as “performing race”. Mahtani’s research addressed the perception that some mixed race women “enact complicated racialised performances in order to disrupt oppressive and dichotomous readings of their racialised identities”. Mahtani’s research suggests that this ‘performance’ is in defiance of the constant scrutiny and gaze of society and a way of challenging existing boundaries (2002b). A theme which also came through strongly, was the occupation of both a black and mixed race identity. Several participants pointed out that whilst they acknowledged that they are mixed, in terms of a political identity, they also see themselves as black. This was more relevant to those who are a black and white mix. Elizabeth stated: I am 52 years old and when I grew up in London in the 1960s, there weren’t that many mixed race people around and the political context then was that if you were mixed then you were considered black. I also think being black is also a political identity, and it is something that I have embraced. I feel that I am black but I have also feel mixed race and that is something that I am really proud of and it’s how I want to identify myself really.

Daniella, who is black and Indian, commented: I feel especially being in North America that yes, being black and just having people think that you are black makes life so much easier, because you don’t have to constantly explain things. I think I identify as being mixed race but I experience the world as being a black female, because that is how people see me..

The idea of multiple, changing identities, depending on the social context, is in line with Hall’s (1997) theories on representation and new ethnicities and accordingly the findings of this study compare favourably with academic expectations. The way in which mixed race people navigate several identities has been noted in numerous research studies dealing with mixed race identity (Root, 1992; Tizard & Phoenix, 1993; Zack, 1995; Rockquemore & Brunsma., 2004).

5.2 Mixed race identity and gender It was highlighted earlier in the methodology that the interviews that took place were predominantly with women. As mentioned earlier. It was my assumption that that the issue of mixed race identity seemed to be more salient for women than for men. A couple of participants raised this issue. Rema feels that, For women, identity is just complicated. Period. Women tend to think of themselves as the ‘carriers’ of culture. When that’s complicated, women think a lot more about it. How it will affect them as a woman, then as a mother, then as a wife.

Rema also stated that the few men that are doing work regarding mixed race, are likely to be more visible than women in this field. Daniella echoed this: “I have also found that there seems to be a lot more female voices. I think that the representation of female mixed race people has a very sexualised aspect to it”.

It is relevant to note here that numerous academic scholars in the field of mixed race studies have chosen to focus their studies solely on mixed and multiracial women ( Mahtani, 2002a, 2002b, 2005; Ifekwunigwe, 1999, Ali, 2003; Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2004). As explained in chapter four, women face not only a racial bias, but a gender bias as well, thus their situation is unique ( Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2005). A further explanation for this focus on women is that it perhaps allows for a more in-‐ depth exploration, in terms of looking how mixed race women specifically, navigate their mixed race identity and gender.

5.3 Media representations of mixed race An important aspect of this study is the question of how mixed race people are portrayed in mainstream media. Participants were asked how they perceive the representation of mixed race people in the media. Opinions were varied, but there was a consensus that the representation of mixed race people was not ideal, it was described as problematic. A theme that emerged with specific reference to representation was the idea that although the images of mixed race people were visible in the media, there was little or no context behind these images. Specific issues that emerged were the use of the images of mixed race people by advertisers in order to reflect diversity. What was also expressed was the exoticisation of mixed race people in the media, and the hyper-‐sexualisation of mixed race women in particular.

One participant, Tiffany, feels that mixed race people are portrayed “inauthentically”. Tiffany believes that both mainstream black and white media are unsure as to how to engage with mixed race people, thus they do not know how to represent them in an authentic way. Tiffany makes specific reference to the fact that both black and white people feel uncomfortable with not being able to place a mixed race person as either black or white, so a media portrayal is most likely to be inauthentic. Rushay, who is from South Africa, stated, “I think what I’ve seen a lot is that mixed race people are lost people. That comes through very often”. Marcia noted, with regard to her views on representation in the media:

Sure, I think I would definitely say there is representation in mainstream media, but I guess firstly when we talk what those representations are, and second of all what those representations mean, I think that’s where things get a little bit tricky, so just because there is a certain quantity or percentage of representation of mixed race identities or mixed race families etc., it doesn’t mean that it is necessarily a good thing or doesn’t mean necessarily that its serving the public’s interests or reflecting any kind of social progress that people can feel in everyday life, for instance.

Some participants felt that there was no representation of mixed race people at all in the media. Remi, who is male and from the U.K., asserted that, In my personal life, I feel there is an overlap between mixed identities and blackness in the media in society, and I think there needs to be some kind of separation in there as well. I don’t think there is any recognition of mixed people in the media at all.

Remi’s comment reinforces this idea of establishing a mixed race identity that is distinctive in its own right. It also speaks to the fact that mixed race people are often referred to as black in mainstream media, rather than acknowledging them as mixed race. A participant who wished to remain anonymous, and shall be referred to as “mixed girl problems” (the name of her Twitter account), felt the same way and stated, “I feel that we aren’t portrayed at all really”.

Maria maintained that there was very little dialogue with regards to mixed race in mainstream media: There isn’t really anything about mixed race relations, there isn’t really any dialogue about what mixed race people might feel and what their needs are, there is nothing of that, I feel. On a daily basis I don’t think there is a dialogue in mainstream media.

Minna and Grace consider that mixed race people have more representation in the media than black people: “I guess I see that mixed race people are often being used whenever there is a topic about Africa or blackness; the mainstream media will prefer to use a mixed race person. Grace echoed a similar sentiment, that “mixed race people are portrayed more in the media, than black people for example”. I asked why Minna felt that they had a higher representation, and she responded, “that’s definitely because we are closer to whiteness. People feel much more comfortable in the mainstream media to see a mixed race person who has any sort of relation to whiteness”.

5.4 Navigating mixed race and social media A search for mixed race topics or groups on social media sites such as Twitter and Facebook brings up multiple entries. On Facebook specifically, there are general mixed race groups, such as ‘I’m mixed and proud’, ‘Mixed race men/women connect worldwide’, as well as groups that cater to a specific group, like ‘Hip Hapa Homeez’, which target the mixed race Asian community, and Intermix, which focuses on the British mixed race community. There are also groups, which are exclusively for women, such as ‘Topaz Club’ or ‘Mixed Chicks’. On Twitter, a search for ‘mixed race’ brings up multiple accounts that focus on mixed race, biracial or multiracial identity. A general Google search leads

to a countless number of blogs, websites and online magazines that deal with mixed race or multiracial identity. Once a rapport had been established with the participants and mixed race identity in general, as well issues of representation, had been discussed, the main focus of the interview, social media, was brought centre-‐stage. Participants were asked how they use social media to engage with reference to mixed race identity. Interviewees were also asked to explain how significant a role social media plays with regard to their identity. The majority of participants felt that social media had impacted them in a positive way and played a highly significant role in terms of being able to navigate their mixed race identity. This sentiment is also highlighted in the research that was conducted by Tynes, Garcia, Giang and Coleman (2011), who refer to the Internet as a ‘’safe house’’, where underrepresented minorities can freely engage on topics that are relevant to them, particularly with regard to identity and ethnicity. Accordingly, the interviewee responses obtained within this study broadly correlated to that which was expected given existing academic studies, thereby adding validity to the results obtained herein. In her study of ethnicity and the Internet, Goel (2005, p.19) observes that “marginalised groups can use the Internet to create their own spaces on their own terms – spaces where they can meet others like themselves, where they can discuss and negotiate their ‘we-‐ness’”. A similar theme emerged from the analysis of the interviews, as participants felt that the social media space allowed them to engage with like-‐minded people and to feel connected to a group.

Elizabeth, who is a social worker and grew up in the 1950s in the U.K., writes a blog called ‘Mixed Race Families’ and has an active presence on Twitter as well. She commented that, “I have only been blogging since February, and the reason I started blogging was simply because over the last years, I felt more needs to be done to help people who are mixed race”. When asked about how important social media was to her, in terms of being able to interact with regard to mixed race identity, she answered, “It wouldn’t have happened if I hadn’t worked out how to use Twitter because in my own immediate personal circle, there wouldn’t have been the opportunity, there was no other way of actually connecting”. Another important factor for Elizabeth is the way that her blog and Twitter feed has connected her with people from all over the world, enabling her to be a part of a global conversation on mixed race. Elizabeth had been unable to find this global mixed race community in her ‘real life’ in London or in the U.K. From this it can accordingly be suggested that there is a lack of representation and engagement that allows mixed race people to feel part of a ‘real life’ community. Yayoi, who is from the same generation as Elizabeth, and is half Japanese and half black, told a similar story with regards to her upbringing in the 1950s. Yayoi is an artist, filmmaker and writer and has a blog called ‘Watermelon Sushi Worldwide’, which features interviews, as well as news that is pertinent to the multiracial community. Yayoi is also the founder of the ‘Hip Hapa Homeez’ group on Facebook.

When asked about the importance of social media, she stated: I think it’s had a huge impact, I just can’t imagine where we would be as this community of people who identify mixed; I can’t imagine where we would be without social media. I mean, you can’t just walk down the street and look at people and be like, hey are you mixed? I’m mixed, so yes, putting it out there, it has to be put out there, and yes, it’s absolutely the gateway, I think.

The similarities in these stories therefore suggest that social media plays an integral role in terms of creating a sense of belonging and feeling a part of a group. Taking into consideration, the age group of both participants, it would imply that there has in fact been much progress over the years, in terms of being able to identify as being mixed race. These were not, however, merely two isolated comments within the study for, Rema, who is the founder of the ‘Mixed in Canada’ website echoed the previous sentiments expressed. When asked about the importance of social media she responded “social media is definitely the primary way in which I connect with mixed race, but I try and do at least one event a year minimum to talk about something that matters”. In a similar vein, Daniella, who is also one of the founding members of ‘Mixed in Canada’, when asked about the importance of social media with regard to engaging about mixed race identity, remarked: I really don’t know how else I would have engaged. Especially with Mixed in Canada, being a very Internet-‐based group and social media. That is primarily where I interact with people and make connections and have discussions around mixed race issues. So social media has been really important in helping me come closer to forming what I feel my identity is.

Heidi, who is an author of a successful novel, with a mixed race girl as the main character, also has a blog called ‘Light Skinned-‐ed Girl’ and is a co-‐founder of the ‘Mixed Chicks Chat’ podcast. Heidi maintains that “social media is a huge part of it, like I said I

had been writing a manuscript about these issues in isolation and it wasn’t until I started blogging that I found some new confidence”. “Mixed girl problems” who was mentioned previously, has a Twitter feed which has over 16, 000 followers. Her story was particular interesting, in that she chooses to remain anonymous in order to protect herself, despite her huge following. The desire for anonymity suggests that whilst others may be able to fully embrace their mixed race identity both on and offline, in this particular case, the participant perhaps fears judgement, and feels that others may not fully understand her identity. Being anonymous allows her the freedom to express and connect with this identity in a way seems to be challenging in her everyday life. She revealed that even her friends are not aware that she is the person behind the ‘Mixed girl problems’ Twitter page: It’s an outlet really for me, because there is not really a place that you can go to, you know, there is not really like a mixed race anonymous group you can join, there is not a group down the street or downtown.

When asked about what the main topics were that she discusses on Twitter, she stated: Besides hair, racism is a big topic and then the whole who am I? What are you? What table do I sit with? what race do I put on this form? They only ask for one type of thing, the whole identity crisis that we have. I think those are the top three, hair, racism and identity crisis.

5.5 Creating new identities An important theme that emerged with regard to identity formation on social media was that one can create an identity online that differs from the one that one has in ‘real life’. As Nakamura (2002, p.31) suggests, this is because “the Internet is a theatre of sorts, a theatre of performed identities”. Numerous respondents felt that social media allowed them to be more creative and open, in terms of expressing their identity, in a way that does not necessarily work for them in ‘real life’. This is not to suggest that mixed race people live completely different lives offline than they do online, but that social media allows for more freedom of expression. In line with the idea of social media allowing for the creation of identities, Minna claimed that, “on a broad level, social media in general opens all these spaces for very multiple identities. According to Grasmuck, Martin and Tao (2009, p. 159), on their research of ethno-‐racial identity on Facebook: The possibility of presenting online identities different from offline expressions presents novel opportunities for cybernet participants. Yet identity construction on the Internet is influenced by not only the characteristics of the online environment, but also the characteristics of the users’ social positions, including race and ethnicity.

This idea was particularly evident with the interview with ‘Mixed girl problems’ as mentioned earlier, who chooses to remain anonymous. Fanshen, who is the co-‐founder of the ‘Mixed Chicks Chat’ podcast, also raised an important point, noting: I think that it’s really important for the mixed community to start to think about critically, is that so many of these conversations are happening online and that means that we don’t even really know how that person actually identifies in real life.

Remi also raised the issue of being able to create and forge an identity online: I’m very keen to share things about blackness, just to show that blackness is a part of my identity. I think with social media its very easy to control what you want to put across so if I wanted to identify as only black, I think it would be easier to do that in a social media form and not in real life. So if I wanted to identify as only white or if I wanted to actively identify as mixed race it might be a little more difficult, but I think it’s quite easy to try to control the way people would see your ethnic identity.

Nakamura (2002) refers to the ability to forge an identity online as “identity tourism” in her research on online behaviour (p. 42). She states that the internet allows for its users to represent themselves in ways that are not permissible in a face to face interaction. Heidi believes that it is easier to address certain issues online, than in ‘real life’: Quite frankly, I find it more difficult to talk about these subjects in the real world. Obviously the social media that audience is self-‐selective, that audience is seeking content and connection over those issues and so it is more of a challenge to share these ideas with real world people.

As in ‘real life,’ identity is fluid and ever changing online. The internet facilitates this process even further. Nakamura (2002, p. 55) suggests that “the net is, like other media, a reflection of the cultural imagination. It is a hybrid medium that is collectively authored, synchronous, interactive and subject to constant revision”.

5.6 ‘Produsage’ Participants were asked about the social media spaces that they access that deal with mixed race issues. The idea of being both producers and users of social media is something that was prevalent in most of the interviews. For those producing blogs or websites, the role of producer is naturally more defined. Bruns (2008) has written extensively about ‘produsage’, which is a model used to describe user-‐led content

creation on the Internet, and more specifically social media. Most respondents engage on social media about mixed race issues by producing content on their own spaces, and by visiting numerous places and contributing content in terms of discussion. Produsage highlights a blurring of the boundaries between production and usage (Bruns, 2008). Glenn has two blogs, dealing with multiracial life as well as human rights issues. He states that whilst he creates content in terms of writing articles, he also collects information found online and distributes it to his numerous social networks. As Bruns (2007) states, ‘produsers’ tend to work together and collaborate, rather than alone. Sharing content is also an important element of ‘produsage’. “In order to be a ‘produser’ (rather than a producer) it is necessary to also be a user of other participants’ content” (p. 3). In line with Bruns (2008, p. 3) ‘produsage’ model, which deviates from the traditional ways of producing content, where users are involved instead in “the collaborative and continuous building and extending of existing content in pursuit of further improvement”. As one of the four key characteristics involved in ‘produsage’, Bruns highlights the “fluid movement” between roles online. Maria has a blog called ‘Tiger Tales’, which is a diary of her experiences as a mother to two children, whom she refers to as ‘Blasian’ (a mix of black and Asian). Maria highlights the way in which she both creates content as well as shares it, noting that: When you use social media, eventually it becomes a love connection. And then you get those connections outside of where you actually met. So there are a couple blogs that we share with each other, and then when we come across a resource that would be beneficial to each other we would share it.

Steve is the creator of the ‘Mixed Race Studies’ website, which has approximately half a million visits a month, and has a very active voice in the mixed race community, despite not being mixed race himself. Steve also collects content online and distributes this on his website, in what has now become one of the largest databases of information with regards to mixed race. A search on ‘mixed race’ in a search engine will in most cases lead to the website.

5. 7 Cheerios commercial At the onset of this research project, the American company General Mills featured a new commercial for its healthy heart campaign for Cheerios cereal on YouTube, which stirred a controversy with its depiction of an interracial family and their mixed race child in a typical family setting. The timing of this commercial was relevant as it provided a significant talking point regarding mixed race representation in the media with the participants who took part. The controversy came about as a result of the derogatory racist comments that were made on YouTube about the advertisement. As a result of the negative commentary, General Mills decided to remove the comments and disable further comments from being posted on the site. Despite the negative online response to the advertisement, the brand did not take a decision to remove it and instead spoke out in support of it. Respondents were asked what their thoughts were with regards to the Cheerios commercial and the controversy surrounding it. The response from those who had seen the advertisement was very optimistic.

Most felt that this was a positive representation of mixed race people, and many believed that it was one of very few media representations that was accurate and uplifting at the same time. Glenn, who is a father to mixed race children, remarked: Personally I thought the Cheerios Commercial was very cute. I mean, anytime I see anything with mixed race, I’m going to have a preference, like I’m going to embrace it. I’m going to say this is my team and we are going to do this, I’m going to support this, I’m going to spread the word even if it’s not that well done.

Participants felt that the dialogue that had arisen as a result of the controversy was significant, in that it highlighted that race is still very much problematic in the U.S. Marcia stated: I thought it was brilliant. I thought it was brilliant in this kind of normalised way. In fact, outside of the fact that they were trying to sell me Cheerios, I would say it’s the best representation that I have ever seen. So I think it spawned an important dialogue so for that reason I think it’s been one of the best representations of the past five years for sure.

Meagan Hatcher Mays (2013) wrote an article on the advertisement, and asserted that:

This commercial is a huge step for [an] interracial family like mine, who want to be seen in public together and maybe eat some heart-‐healthy snacks. But is also validates the existence of bi-‐racial and multiracial people. Often we’re treated like exotic flowers, who should feel complimented when people say stuff to us like, “All biracial women are so beautiful” or “I would kill for your skin”.

Several respondents expressed sadness that there was a controversy regarding the commercial, in light of the negative YouTube comments. Yayoi expressed her disappointment: When I saw it I was like wow, where was this 30 years ago? I don’t know, it should just be normal; nobody should even blink an eye. It’s just really pitiful to me that we are in 2013, really, you know, and this becomes a controversy.

Shana highlighted an important issue that seemed to be at the heart of the controversy behind the Cheerios commercial: It just kind of took the temperature on our ability to accept a commercial acknowledging that this child was born out of a multi-‐racial relationship, for example. That was the problem and not the fact that she looked mixed. It was that the commercial acknowledged who her parents were.

Shana explained that the image of the mixed race child was not the issue, as her image is one that can be seen quite often in commercials or magazines, but that it seemed that people were not ready to see an interracial family normalised in this way. Steve concurred, advancing that “media has difficulty not only depicting those who are mixed race, but also interracial intimacy”. It does need to be taken into consideration that the negative comments were removed from YouTube and were not published, so it is not possible to make assumptions as to whether this is an accurate reflection of how Americans feel in general about interracial marriage.

5.8 The way forward At the end of the interviews, respondents were asked about what they felt was the way forward with regard to the ideal representation of mixed race people in the media. Most respondents said that the ideal representation would be a normalised one, where mixed race people are not objectified, or the subject of controversy. When asked this question, Minna replied, “I think, you know, an honest one. I’m quite happy that there are all these discussions, which are challenging the way that we as mixed

race people identify”. Tiffany felt that the representation of mixed race people needs to become more mainstream: “American history is a mixed history period and that needs to be talked about – the fact that we have mixed families, and it’s not yet the majority but it’s going to be. Thomas made reference to the Cheerios commercial and stated: I will take you back to the Cheerios commercial. You know, maybe where it’s more normal experiences or depictions, you know it would be great to have a day where I know we will be in a post-‐racial future, where a black man gets elected president and nobody notices, and people don’t have to make a big deal about it and they are not going to just start hate online, and it would be just another regular family on TV doing their thing.

For Rema, it is important that mixed race people tell their own stories and have access to their own media. She stated a preference for social media in general over mainstream media: I just find generally that the media tends to be so biased and unreliable, that I actually prefer the social media spaces because it allows real people to talk about it from their own perspective as opposed to being told how to think about it.

The feedback given here by the participants suggests that there is still much work to be done in terms of achieving what Tiffany described as ‘authentic’ representations. It would be a fairly accurate assessment, based on the views expressed here to say that social media is filling this gap in terms of providing an importance ‘virtual home’ where mixed race people can feel represented and connected to a community.

Chapter 6 – Conclusion The purpose of this research was to highlight, through use of qualitative research how social media has become a very important space with regards to mixed race identity engagement. In answering this primary research objective, this study has also noted and commented upon the lack of a ‘normalised’ representation in mainstream media, where mixed race people are ‘hyper-‐visible’ in terms of their image, yet invisible in terms of recognition. These research objectives have been realised through a combination of in-‐ depth interviews combined with a thorough, and critical, analysis of existent academic texts so as to ensure that the study is grounded in existing academic opinion and that the results obtained within the primary research can be validated. Through in-‐depth interviews, with a sample group of 18 respondents, it was possible to establish that social media plays a very active and integral role in terms of facilitating and strengthening the formation of a mixed race identity. For instance, as noted in Chapter five, the majority of respondents were in agreement that social media formed a fundamental role in terms of enabling them to feel connected to a mixed race community. This was particularly evident in the testimony given by “mixed girl problems” and Daniella, whose statements suggest that social media does indeed play an important role in terms of identity formation. Several participants felt that, without social media, they would have no other means of addressing their mixed race experience. Furthermore, despite the early perceptions of the Internet as a ‘raceless’ space (Nakamura, 2002), this research study has shown that

race and collective identity do matter online. The multiple social media spaces dedicated to mixed race groups are evidence of this. The ability to navigate multiple identities was evident both in the ‘real world’ and on social media. Through the interviews, it was possible to establish that, whilst the participants tend to hold numerous identities in their daily lives, the social media space allows for more freedom of expression with regards to their identity. What was also important is the way in which social media allows respondents to create their own identities online, such as ‘Blasian’ or ‘Afro-‐Viking’. This is not as easy in ‘real life’, as people tend to make assumptions about a person’s ethnicity in daily life, and there is not always an opportunity to defend one’s identity. In terms of the representation of mixed race identity in mainstream media, participants were in agreement that the current representation is problematic. Using the recent Cheerios commercial as a discussion point, participants highlighted their enthusiasm for its portrayal of a mixed race child and an interracial family and suggested that this is the way forward, in terms of a more honest and authentic portrayal.

6. 1 Limitations This research was limited to the views expressed by the 18 participants that took part. It is therefore not possible to make a generalisation that these opinion reflect those of the entire mixed race community using social media.

Another limitation would be that women were the dominant group in the sample, which was not intended but this help in terms of supporting the view that issues of mixed race identity are more salient for women than for men.

6.2 Future research In terms of media research, further analysis of mixed race identity and social media is suggested . Ideally using a larger sample group, and perhaps incorporating a quantitative methodology, in order to gain further insights and a better understanding of the role of social media in terms of fostering a mixed race identity. In terms of mixed race research in general, as mentioned by Mahtani and Moreno (2001), there is limited research that explores mixed race identity beyond black and white mix. There is a definite need for more inclusive research that looks beyond this binary.

Appendix A

Guideline used for interviews: (Interviews were in-‐depth, allowing the participant to speak freely. The questions below were, however, a guideline of what was asked) 1. How do you feel mixed race people are portrayed in the media? 2. What is nature of the content when discussing or referring to mixed people in the media? 3. Is the media coverage negative or positive? 4. How do mixed race people engage with the media and in what ways? 5. How do you personally use social media to engage with regards to mixed race issues and identity? 6. How did you become actively involved in creating content? 7. What are your sources with regards to the content that you use? 8. How important is social media to you? 9. What type of content is most prevalent on social media with regards to mixed race people? 10. What information is most relevant to you with regards to mixed race identity? 11. What are your thoughts on the recent controversy regarding the Cheerios commercial?

Appendix B: Social media examples

Figure 1: Mixed in Canada website

Figure 2: Mixed Girl Problems Twitter page

Figure 3: Watermelon Sushi World blog

Figure 4: ‘I’m Mixed Race and Proud Facebook Group

Figure 5: The Topaz Club Facebook Group

Appendix C: Consent Form Consent Form: Participation in In-‐depth Interview I volunteer to participate in a research project conducted by Nadia Riepenhausen, postgraduate student at the University of Leicester in the MA in Media, Communication & Public Relations programme. I understand that the purpose of the project is to analyse the ways in which mixed race people are using social media as a tool in order to engage regarding issues of mixed race identity, due to the lack of representation in mainstream media. 1. My participation in this project is voluntary. I understand that I will not be paid for my participation. I may withdraw and discontinue participation at any time without any repercussions. 2. If, at any time I feel uncomfortable in any way during the interview session, I have the right to decline to answer any question or to end the interview. 3. Research at the University of Leicester that involves human participants is overseen by the University Research Committee. 4. Participation involves being interviewed by Nadia Riepenhausen from the University of Leicester. The interview will last approximately 30-‐45 minutes. Notes will be written during the interview and the entire interview will be audio taped, unless the participant does not wish to be recorded. 5. I understand that, if specifically requested by me, the researcher will not identify me by name in any reports using information obtained from this interview, and that my confidentiality as a participant in this study will remain secure. 6. I have read and understand the explanation provided to me. I have had all my questions answered to my satisfaction, and I voluntarily agree to participate in this study. 7. I have been given a copy of this consent form. ____________________________ ________________________ Signature of Researcher (Date)

Signature of Participant (Date)

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