Women in the City: An investigation into the city as a man-made environment by NarizaHopley

WOMEN IN THE CITY An investigation into the city as a man-made environment and the impact this has on women

I would like to thank the people that have contributed to the making of this dissertation. To the strong females I am able to call my friends and family, thank you for sharing your personal experiences with me. I always value your strength and support, which has inspired this dissertation. A special thank you to my tutor Catalina Meija Moreno, for your support and guidance which has enabled me to enjoy exploring this topic.

Author: Nariza Hopley Student ID: 190178736 Supervisor: Catalina Mejia Moreno MArch, SSOA ARC696 Dissertation Word Count: 6608

ABSTRACT “Cities are fantastically dynamic places, and this is strikingly true of their successful part, which offers a fertile ground for the plans of thousands of people.” Jacobs, 1961

By 2030, two-thirds of the world’s population will be living in cities (Hander, 2014: p.11). These cities and spaces are constantly changing, influenced by globalisation, developing economies, social, cultural and technological factors. Despite everyone having equal rights to the city’s public spaces, existing approaches to urban life and conditions of stereotypes and hierarchies manifest themselves within the built environment. These create hurdles and inequalities which resist people from exercising their rights as citizens. Central to this research, this dissertation will argue that the social constructs of the city have formed gender inequalities and gendered spaces. I argue that cities are designed too often by men and for men. Therefore cities are, as described by the design co-operative Matrix in their 1984 publication, a man-made environment. This particular study will focus on the impacts that the man-made environment has on the lives of women in the city.

Inequalities in decision-making and planning have disconnected women from the city and public spaces. However, it is important to remember that despite these, women continue to go about their everyday lives in cities. Therefore, this dissertation will investigate the impacts of the man-made environment by placing women within the city. Furthermore, this research has a feminist agenda, through the eyes of a minority ethnic female architect in training, I aim to propose an optimistic direction for architectural design and practice. In the words of Leslie Kanes Weisman, in Women’s Environmental Rights: A Manifesto, “Feminism implies that we fully recognise this environmental inadequacy and proceed to think and act out of that recognition.” (Weisman, 1981). As designers and creative practitioners, we have the opportunity to respond to these inequalities. But also as women, it is important to make visible the meaning of our experiences and rethink the environment in those terms. There are no instant answers to tackle these inequalities. This dissertation is written to further describe the problem, so as to help women understand their own relationship with the built environment and to help future practitioners understand how the environment is a problem for women. It will act as a catalyst to start thinking about how things could be different.

What factors shape the city as a man-made environment? What are the opportunities and constraints for women in cities?

CONTENTS PART ONE. Introduction i. Introduction ii. Glossary of Terms iii. Gendered Approach iv. The Social Production of the City

8 10 12 14

PART TWO. Liverpool i. Liverpool: A Man-Made Environment ii. Methodology

26 30

Chapter 1 - City of Moms

Chapter 2 - City of Friends

Chapter 3 - City of One

Chapter 4 - City of Activists

PART THREE. Conclusions i. Summary of findings ii. Conclusion

50 54

iii. References iv. Bibliography v. Figures vi. Appendix

60 62 64 66

PART ONE INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

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This dissertation aims to investigate and make visible women’s relationships with the city, which I argue is a man-made environment. To begin this research it is important to firstly understand the context of the city, not only as a built environment, but as to understand the factors which influence the constructs of the city. This will reveal the existence of gender inequalities, which form these manmade environments and shapes gendered cities.

women in the ma n - m a d e e n v i r o n m e

The gendered approach to this dissertation does focus on women. It will explore the constraints of the man-made environment, which to this day creates barriers for women in the city. On the other hand, it also aims to explore the possible opportunities for women in the city, whereby they can transgress societal stereotypes, as well as use their right to the city to their full opportunity. In this study, the city of Liverpool is used within this research to place women within the man-made environment and explore perspectives of these opportunities and constraints for women in the city.

Figure. 1: The journey of the exploration of this research

It is important to recognise that this dissertation is positioned within a larger global agenda for gender equality. By recognising women in the city, there is the potential to contribute towards gender equality.

Framing this dissertation, there are many existing strategies and policies for gender equality, from global to local contexts. This includes, in 2015 the United Nation world countries adopted a blueprint of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (Figure 2). These goals outline the importance of equal societies and inclusive cities as part of achieving sustainable developments now and in the future.

“Gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world.”

Figure. 2: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, United Nations 2015

This dissertation stemmed from the case study city of Barcelona. A study by the Municipality of Barcelona identified that cars take up 60% of public space in the city. (Sanz, 2020) Prioritising the car over the pedestrian also highlights systemic gender inequality in the city, with evidence that men more likely to take journeys by car (URBACT, 2019; pg.6). The solution proposed grouping 9 existing city blocks to form a superblock, to ban all but essential vehicles from driving through (see Appendix 1). Superblocks reduce noise and pollution caused by traffic, whilst enabling neighbourhoods to reclaim public space. It offers the opportunity for places of meeting, participation and encourages active lifestyles. A study of Gracia found that floor travel in the area increased by 10% and bicycle traffic by 30%. (Roberts, 2019) The transformations in the city of Barcelona over the past four years, firstly highlighted the strength of women in power, with a strong female major with a feminist agenda, as well as feminist urban planning co-operatives such as Punt 6. Additionally, as Punt 6 explain they “use community action and participation as an essential tool to highlight the voices of communities”. (Punt 6, 2016) This case study presents the importance to reset a balance by looking at how women, children and the elderly get around cities. This platform of research enables us to rethink spaces and cities.

GLOSSARY OF TERMS This dissertation is able to act as a handbook to help highlight women’s relationships with the built environment. Therefore the aim is to support the readers understanding of the following research, whether the reader is a woman, man, young person, designer or practitioner. This glossary focuses on key and recurring terms, encountered and explored throughout this dissertation.

default male

noun.

1. How the lives of men have been taken to represent those of human lives overall. [Perez, Invisible Women 2019]. 2. WMCMAHM white, middle-class, middle-aged , heterosexual men. [Grayson Perry, 2014]

dichotomy

noun.

1. A division or contrast between two things that are or are represented as being opposed or entirely different. [GENERIC] 2. Like sex, gender has been typically viewed as two distinct and mutually exclusive categories; male and female. [CONCEPTUAL]

gender

noun.

1. Gender refers to social, behavioral, and cultural attributes, expectations, and norms associated with being male or female [World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design p. 16]. 2. the fact or condition of belonging to or identifying with a particular gender. [GENERIC]

gender equality noun. 1. Equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities for people of all genders. Here it should be stressed that gender equality implies equality for all genders, not just men and women. [World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design p. 17].

gender equity noun. 1. Equal outcomes for people of all genders. Where gender equality implies people of all genders should have the same starting point of equal rights, responsibilities, and opportunities, gender equity implies that they should be enabled to reach an equal end-point through the provision of benefits, resources, and opportunities that meet their specific needs. [World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design p. 17].

gender inclusive

adj.

man-made right to the environment noun. city noun.

1. An approach that takes an inclusive view of gender, considering people of all genders and sexualities as well as intersections with factors such as race, ethnicity, income, class, age, and ability, to ensure the voices of people of all genders are heard and integral to project design, delivery, and evaluation, with the goal of promoting gender equity. [World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design p. 17].

1. How planning and management is dominated by men directing the decision-making. [Matrix, 1984]. 2. An environment influenced by patriarchal decisions, where women are seen as a second class citizens to men. [CONCEPTUAL].

gender adj. mainstreaming

1. The production of space occurs through material conditions and humans social practice. [Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 1991]. 2. The triad of the perceived, conceived and lived social relations construct social space. [Lefebvre, The Production of Space, 1991]

1. Gender Mainstreaming is a process that systematically integrates gender perspectives into legislation, public policies, programs, and projects. This process makes women’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring, and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic, and societal spheres with the goal of achieving gender equality [United Nations 2002].

social production adj.

1. Literally, meaning the right to shape urban life. [GENERIC]. 2. The freedom to make and remake our cities as a human right. To take ownership of the city and tackle the urban inequalities caused by capitalism.[Lefebvre, Le Droit à la Ville, 1968]

urban planning

adj.

1. A multi-disciplinary approach to deciding where things get built and why. Urban planning is concerned with the relationship between people and the built environment and ensuring the protection of people’s general health, safety, and welfare. Planning does this by creating and assessing plans for the preservation and development of commerce, the environment, transportation, housing, parks and public spaces, and urban design. [World Bank Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning and Design p. 18] 11

GENDERED APPROACH

men wom

gender equality

Figure. 3: Gender equality eliminates imbalances of human rights

Gender inequality is evident in most societies, favouring men or those who conform to a masculine norm (Unicef, lic 2011; pg 9). It to understand that gender pri p uisbimportant vat inequality affects everyone; women, men, trans, and gender e diverse people of all ages and backgrounds. For this dissertation the gendered approach focuses on the impact of gender inequality on women. Consequently the lives of women are imbalanced in current societies (Figure 3). The feminist agenda of this study and a gender perspective offers the foundations to pose the questions “in what way does this affect gender” and in this particular study, “does this affect women?”.

depe nt nden e d The biological or physical difference between men and n t e p e d women has furthered to form gender perceptions which in

determine our roles, responsibilities and rights. The sociological enquiry Gendering Bodies argued this by exploring how bodies are constantly being gendered, or conformed to heterosexual genders of the male and female. In this dissertation, we will explore how social construction of gender has also shaped cities which are gendered as manmade environments. Therefore, as women are seen as in contrast to men, they have been distanced from these cities.

The social construction of gender and the associated dichotomies distancing women and men limits our ways of e n highlights this thinking. The study of Gendering Bodiesmalso concept within society;

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“In Western cultures, we tend to practice dualistic thinking (Bordo 1986; Jay 1981; Sprague 1997). In other words, we tend to think in terms of two options (i.e., either/or). ... Not only do we conceptualize in terms of dualisms, but we imagine them as polar opposites— mutually exclusive categories with no gray area in between.”

wom

Crawley, Fowley, Shehan, 2007; pg.25

Between these polar opposites, the complexities of the gender equality world are absent. These dichotomous and gendered associations are socially constructed, however it is realised that neither of these opposing relations represent women nor men. Hence the gendered approach to this dissertation aims to fracture these socially constructed gendered dichotomies and explore the ‘grey’ area between. The city is a space used by both women and men and diverse genders, and therefore it seeks this balance and spectrum of these relations within the space.

ep ind

en end

depe

Figure. 4: My gendered approach discovers and subverts these dichotomies

THE SOCIAL PRODUCTION OF THE CITY

To begin this research it is important to explore how the city and its spaces are produced, in parallel to the influencing inequalities which shape the man-made environment. Marxist theorist Henri Lefebvre explored this concept in his 1991 publication of La Production de l’espace, translated as The Production of Space. The central argument is that space is not a container in which society occupies. Space is a product, where this production of space is not only through material production, but also a result of social relations. Lefebvre’s key idea is that in producing social relations, humans also produce social space. He writes that “each living body is space and has its space: it produces itself in space and it also produces that space” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg.170) He describes the creation of social space through the dialectical relationship between the perceived, conceived and lived (see Figure 6.)

Figure. 5: The Production of Space, published 1991 by Henri Lefebvre

The triad of these social relations forming social space can be used to reveal how the man-made environment has been shaped and impact women’s relationship with the city. The triad is also an opportunity to identify where social relations could be different, to reduce gender inequalities in the city for women to use the space to their full opportunities.

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nn er rep s; ar res chi en tec tat ts; ion th ; p eor lan ist s; s; c kn ow alcu led lati ge on; co n

the

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perceived

spatial practice reproduction of social relations; locations; physical space; material or functional space

Figure. 6: Lefebvre’s triad of levels forming social space

‘Why is it that I feel uncomfortable walking down big boulevards like the Champs-Elysees?’ ‘Because they were not built for you. They were designed for men preferably in the army, to march down in triumph from the Arc de Triomphe. You are supposed to be on the sidelines or, preferably, wandering around the nearby Tuileries, being elegant and sensual. Axes and big buildings are for men, gardens and interiors are for women.’ Aaron Betsky, Women in a Man-Made World 2018

Spatial Practice - Perceived

Inequalities evident in spatial practice of society have distanced women from the city. Our practice of everyday life has distanced the roles of women and men, and producing further gender equalities. Throughout history women’s lives have been perceived within the private home. As described by Dolores Hayden, “A woman’s place is in the home” (Hayden, 1981). This stereotype is a result of women’s primary responsibilities for domestic duties, reproductive endeavours and as primary caregivers. Contrasting, a man’s role as the productive income generator places them away from the home, at work, often within a city. This dichotomy of roles in the routines of everyday life has consequently formulated a set of rules to who and what belongs where. Outside of the home, it is usual to see women represented shopping within the city. This representation of women in the city does enable women to find pleasure in the public realm and relate to a given identity. However, it can be argued that women as consumers are conforming to their domestic roles. For example, architectural historian Jane Rendell describes in a study of Burlington Arcade, “Architecturally, each shop is reminiscent of a miniature home, representing gendered images of domesticity and feminine purity.” (Rendell, 1995; pg 35) Additionally, it could be argued that women’s consumption of the products of the city enables the reproduction of capitalism, and hence strengthens the already existing patriarchy.

“The man-made environments which surround us reinforce conventional patriarchal definitions of women’s role in society and spatially imprint these messages on our daughters and sons.” Leslie Kanes Weisman, 1981

Originating in the 1890s, the rise of feminism called attention to the fact that women are less valued than men, and their gender is held as the cause of their oppression. These studies also highlighted these dichotomous relations distancing men and women’s cultural, political, economic and social spheres. The feminist design collective Matrix in their 1984 publication Making Space: Women in the Man-Made Environment, describe how the built environment is shaped by these symbolic relations, where ‘private; home; warmth; stability; comfort’ directly opposes ‘public; competitive; aggressive; stimulating’ (Matrix, 1984; p9). Cities have been shaped as a man-made environment, while the home is shaped around perceived female associations. These dichotomous relations consequently have caused the inequality in the perceived daily lives of women and men. It is arguable that cities as a man-made environment oppose women. On the other hand, I argue that neither of these spatial practices represent women or men, and hence often obscure the production of other relations in which suit them better.

Here is a man for you to look at, a virile force, an entire male. It stands in physical fact, a monument to trade, to the organized commercial spirit, to the power and progress of the age, to the strength and resource of individuality and force of character. Therefore I have called it, in a world of barren pettiness, a male, for it sings the song of procreant power, as others have squealed of miscengenation. Louis Sullivan ‘Father of the Skyscraper’, described a building Kindergarten Chats 1901

Representations of space - Conceived

The conception of cities often lies within the roles of the architects, planners and designers. Likewise, Lefebvre argues that “Within the spatial practice of modern society, the architect ensconces himself in his own space. He has a representation of this space, one which is bound to graphic elements - to sheets of paper, plans, elevations, sections, perspective views of facades, modules, and so on. This conceived space is thought by those who make use of it to be true, despite the fact - or perhaps because of the fact - that it is geometrical: because it is a medium for objects, an object itself, and a locus of the objectification of plans.” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg. 361) The representation of space conceived by architects is often calculated through knowledge, theory and plans, giving it an element of certainty and reliability for the users. Therefore the role of the architect and the decision-makers is key in the conception of space and shaping the cities that we inhabit. In particular, gender inequalities are still evident with a lack of women with the role of the architect, in positions of power, or making of decisions. Therefore, it is arguable that the lack of women representing space has consequently conceived man-made environments.

Figure. 7: Minnette De Silva, architect, photographed with Pablo Picasso, Jo Davidson and Mulk Raj Anand. 1948

The underrepresentation of women is still evident in society and culture today. Too familiar are the references of the male ‘starchitect’ such as ‘Haussmann’s Paris’ to the domination of Norman Foster shaping contemporary London. The greater issue is that women are still underrepresented in positions of power. “The client or developer is nearly always a man or a committee consisting almost entirely of men, simply because very few women occupy positions of power in organisations and because men own or control most wealth” (Matrix, 1984: p2). In short, women play almost no part in the conception of the built environment. This argument is all too evident in the lack of women in the architectural profession. Recently, the number of women in UK architecture firms is falling, and many urbanists are worried by the male-dominated worlds of planning and construction. Between 2014 and 2019, by looking at the subscriptions to the ARB, women in architecture has dropped by 10.3%, with only 26% of registered architects being women (Murray, 2019). This evidence suggests that women have little contribution to the representation of space, and the result is the man-made environment.

The lack of representation of women is also evident in the absence of female data used in the conception of space. Caroline Criado Perez argues this statement throughout her 2019 book Invisible Women. She describes the ‘Default Male’ where “the lives of men have been taken to represent those of humans overall” (Perez, 2019). This exemplifies that the lack of female representation in design has informed the design of spaces where women’s experiences are not considered as users. In addition, the psychologist Karen A. Franck, argues that ‘knowing’ is an act of creating. In the article A Feminist Approach to Architecture: Acknowledging Women’s Ways of Knowing, Franck writes, “We construct what we know, and these constructions are deeply influenced by our early experiences and by the nature of our underlying relationship to the world. As the early experiences of women and men and their relationship to the world differ in significant ways, so too will their characteristic ways of knowing and analysing.” (Franck, 1989) This argument suggests that the dominance of men in the conception of space, shapes the man-made environment due to their associations as users themselves. However this consequently further distances women as users of the city.

An approach already being implemented by many countries and institutions to tackle gender inequalities in decisionmaking is gender mainstreaming. Focussing on processes, the main purpose of gender mainstreaming is to include a gender perspective in all parts of society where decisions are taken. The City of Vienna were the first to explicitly demand changes to their approach to planning in their 1991 exhibition ‘Who Owns Public Space - Women’s Everyday Life in the City’. (Urban Development Vienna, 2013) As a result of successful pilot processes and over 50 projects, gender mainstreaming is a well established strategy in the urban planning of Vienna. From the planning to evaluation phase, parties must evaluate the impacts of proposals on various user groups (see Figure 6). The process should highlight the impacts of proposals on women, men and gender diverse, but also account for the different life realities, life phases, social and cultural backgrounds of users. Policies such as gender mainstreaming have the potential to ensure that the calculations, knowledge and decisions made whilst conceiving space, will result in spaces and cities that better represent women.

“It is a strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women as well as of men an integral part of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres.” UNICEF, 2010

planning

objectives

implementation

evaluation

analysis Figure. 8: Gender mainstreaming in the planning process

Women still jog through Central Park. Women ride the bus at night. Women walk home alone at 3 a.m. when the bar closes. Women open their windows on hot summer nights. Yet women’s fear is believed to be so deeply ingrained (even if some call it irrational) that discussions of courage, wisdom, and good sense are rare and easily discounted as false outward displays of bravado. Moreover, women find it incredibly difficult to acknowledge their own bravery and clear judgment. Leslie Kern, Feminist City 2020

Representational space - Lived

The final element of the triad production of social space is produced by the lives of the ‘inhabitants’ and ‘users’. Lefebvre furthers this by describing representational space as “space which the imagination seeks to change and appropriate” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg39) Therefore, despite spatial practice and representations of space often distancing women from the city, some women may choose to transgress and confront the man-made environment and make their own use of the city and public space. Representational space is often shown conflicting with the perceived and conceived space. For example, women are able to place themselves within the man-made environment, however are still faced with both physical and social barriers. Lefebvre describes in The Production of Space “That the lived, conceived and perceived realms should be interconnected, so that the ‘subject’, the individual member of a given social group, may move from one to another without confusion” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg40). In the social production of the city, this would suggest a common language between a given society, the planners and the users, is required in order for women to be able to exercise their complete rights and opportunities within the city.

In Despina Stratigakos’ A Woman’s Berlin: Building the Modern City, she highlights cases where women as users of the city have used action to create representational space. In the 1890s, the rise of the matriarchy began with bourgeois women entering higher education and increasing their wealth. Women went to work, met up with friends, enjoyed their riches and entered public life. Also with these increased opportunities came the ability to claim space. “They did so partly in terms of physical interventions in the built environment, erecting structures, creating spaces, and occupying terrain. From residences to restaurants, a visible network of women’s spaces arose to accommodate changing patterns of life and work.” (Stratigakos, 2008; pg ix-x) This case study of Berlin portrays how women entered the man-made environment, and erected physical barriers to protect their evolving urban identities in the city. Focussing on representational space, it is important to recognise that women are able to live within and use these spaces differently. The exploration of women in the city of Liverpool will highlight some of these moments of representational space where women in the city are able to create opportunities within the man-made environment.

PART TWO LIVERPOOL

LIVERPOOL: A MAN-MADE ENVIRONMENT

Liverpool was my first experience of living within a city. Thrown into the experiences of University, it brings me joy to remember the years I enjoyed growing up independently, whilst also becoming a young professional. In addition, Liverpool formulated itself into the perfect city for an Architecture student. The city embodies a rich history as a port, whilst constant regeneration always offered new opportunities and experiences. My parents warned me to “stay alert”. I was told by friends “text me when you get home”. As a young woman it was engrained within me to stay safe within a city. I was also told that this was my responsibility. But only recently have I began to recognise that the city was not made for people like me. I am a woman within a manmade environment.

Figure. 9: My personal experience of being within the city

To begin this exploration of women in the city, this study will set the context of Liverpool and the social construction of the city as a man-made environment.

Figure. 10: Alexandra Docks Liverpool, 1901

Firstly the history and conception of the city of Liverpool was primarily shaped by its position as a port city. The port industries employed thousands of men; in 1950, reportedly 17,000 (Winn, 1951). Author Pat Ayers in her study of Work, Culture and Gender, states that the domination of industry strengthened the male identity in the city, arguing “trade union membership and the empowerment associated with collective action to improve status, conditions and wages, became part of the existing collectivities of men, that had arisen out of the structured situation of port workers, to produce a notion of manhood, which emphasized working-class male identity.” (Ayers, 2004; pg155). Ayers demonstrates how concentrations of workers and the perception of the worker as a male, has the ability to socially construct a city as a man-made environment and influence the empowerment of the male in the city.

As Liverpool now transitions from its past industries, regeneration seeks strategies to maintain life in the city. Feminist geographer Leslie Kern suggests that the gender of cities can transform with regeneration. She states, “The feminization of urban spaces continues today. As global north cities have transitioned away from economies based on industrial manufacturing to economies based on knowledge and service work (so-called post-industrial economies), the more masculine features of cities have changed.” (Kern, 2020; pg 81) The feminisation of the city of Liverpool is arguably evident with its transformation from a male dominated port to a retail led city centre. In the 1990s, Healey & Baker consulted the city to identify that a retail-led scheme would bring Liverpool’s centre up to scratch, and with this came the development of Liverpool One, with design led by the interdisciplinary practice BDP (BDP, 2009; pg 30). The perception of ‘feminisation’ is demonstrated in the changing representation of the users of the city centre of Liverpool, as Figure 11 demonstrates Liverpool One was advertised as a place for women.

Figure. 11: ‘Feminization’ of Liverpool, demonstrated in the Liverpool One Advert 2017

Alternatively, this dissertation will argue that the city still remains a man-made environment to this day. In both the past and present context of Liverpool, the domination of capitalism shapes the city. The conception of the city is fuelled by the past influence of industry, and the present influence of consumerism. In The Production of Space, Lefebvre argues that capitalism produces “abstract space” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg57). This space is conceived objectively through calculations, quantifications, schedules and therefore, prioritises the male domination of industry and capitalism. Consequently, this “silences users” (Lefebvre, 1991: pg.51) and fails to recognise everyday lives and challenges of others, including women.

absolute space

abstract space

differ ential space

perceived space

conceived space

lived space

Figure. 12: Lefebvre’s Production of Space

The action of abstract space silencing users is still evident within the city of Liverpool and in particular for this dissertation, for women in the city. For example, the perception of the woman shopping within the city of Liverpool is an example of misrepresentation. Kern also argues this, stating “By shopping for clothing, decor, and art, women were fulfilling their roles as caretakers of the hearth.” (Kern, 2020: pg.55) Spaces for shopping were one of the first places where women were able to claim public space, and exist outside of the home. However, women are portrayed as depended on men and capitalism to enter and enjoy public space. Additionally, the other many actions and roles women have in the city as users are ignored and women are constrained to their stereotypical perceived identity as consumers in the city. The following part of this dissertation will call attention to and place the woman as a user in the city. It will highlight the varying lived experiences they have in the city, as well as display the challenges they still face in the man-made environment, where they have been silenced as users.

METHODOLOGY

This dissertation will place women within the city of Liverpool, using narratives to highlight the experiences of being a woman in the city. The following narratives take direction from Leslie Kern’s recent book Feminist City: Claiming Space in a Man-Made World. Kern uses history, personal experience and popular culture, with a feminist geographical lens, to expose the social inequalities of the man-made environment, whilst also laying out hopes for a new urban future. With a similar approach, this dissertation will create fictional characters, which are able to map the city from varied vantage points. The method of narrative writing has provided an effective form to explore information, enabling the synthesis between existing literature and personal experience. This forms an experiential collage of being a woman in the city of Liverpool. The narratives follow the feminist mode of writing with a ficto-critical approach. As described in Writing Architectures by Helene Frichot, “Architects and fiction writers share the same ambition: to imagine new worlds into being.” (Frichot, 2020) The narratives aim to challenge the gender inequalities in current societies, by critiquing the man-made environment, and to disrupt the habitual ways of perceiving women in the city.

Additionally, narrative writing as storytelling is an accessible way to convey information, with an immediacy that other written forms lack - What is it like to be in someone else’s shoes? This direct approach aims to help women understand their own relationship with the built environment and to help others, including future practitioners, to understand how the environment is a problem for women. In these narratives, women are not only placed in the city but they are active. They are walking, wandering, observing. The women represented in these narratives are arguably flâneuses. The author Lauren Elkin painted the woman back into the city and rethinks the identity of the flâneuse in her book, where she explores the lives of wandering women, including herself. She describes the flâneuse: “She voyages out, and goes where she’s not supposed to; she forces us to confront the ways in which worlds like home and belonging are used against women. She is a determined, resourceful individual keenly attuned to creative potential of the city, and the liberating possibilities of a good walk.” Elkin, 2016

The figure of the flâneur, originated in the 19th century, and was “a figure of privalege and leisure, with the time and money to amble around the city at will” (Elkin, 2016). However the identity of the flâneur is a male. Opposing this, the flâneuse is not only a female flaneur, but has the strength to enter the city. Elkin writes about the actions of the flâneuse in the city, locating “it’s the centre of cities where women have been empowered, plunging into the heart of them, and walking where they’re not meant to. Walking where other people (men) walk without eliciting comment. That is the transgressive act.” (Elkin, 2016; pg. 20). Therefore, in this dissertation, by placing women into a man-made environment of the city, the flâneuse disturbs the stereotypes of a woman’s identity and place, and enables them to use and experience the city . Also, in these narratives women in the city are active. Not only does walking act as a method of mapping the city. But this captures the relations of the users which create, as explored by Lefebvre, representational space. By placing women in a man-made environment, as users they react with the relations forming perceived and conceived space, and this reaction will identify the opportunities and constraints for women in the city.

This dissertation places women in the city of Liverpool, which allows a situated engagement and critique of a specific site and city. However, it is important in this study to note my positionality as a researcher, particularly in relation to this study of the city of Liverpool. The choice of location does come with my personal associations and familiarities to Liverpool. Firstly, I most prominently lived in Liverpool for 3 years as a student. This does give me familiarity with the city, and I have personally experienced the female perspective of the city. In addition to this, my current employment lies within BDP whom have been key designers and decision-makers in the strategies for the urban regeneration of Liverpool, both in the Ropewalks and most recently Liverpool One. Both of these associations do give me a greater resource for existing data and literature. This dissertation with use feminist scholar Donna Haraway’s “situated knowledges” (Haraway, 1988) as a feminist theoretical position, to reduce subjectivity. By recognising that knowledge is subject to its position, and all positionings are open to critical reflection, as a researcher I will highlight my reflexivity as the researcher.

Figure. 13: Liverpool Unfinished 1980s-1990s, Rob Bremner

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CHAPTER ONE.

CITY OF MOMS 34

“I’ll be there in 10!” The city is a patchwork. Formed of distinct urban quarters, the city of short distances offers me a lot more ways to manage parenting. My everyday journeys forms the urban stitching of the roads and pavements between. The city has also offered back my independence. While I work in the business district, I know my children can spend their days learning in the knowledge district. While they decide what to spend their pocket money on in Liverpool One, I can wander by the tranquil waterfront. If they’ve forgotten their keys I can run over to them, and I am only ever 10 minutes away.

35 35

A public toilet To be a mom is to be prepared. What if she cries? What if she needs feeding? What if she needs changing?

I now have plotted a route in response to these what ifs across the city. I strived for some alone time, just moments of privacy. Turns out, that the department stores are a mom’s best friend. I know that the toilets in John Lewis are on the third floor. Or downstairs if I’m passing Debenhams. Or I can nip into the new Marks and Spencers cafe.

3636

Life above ground The kids gasp as the car slips off the Strand, into the dark tunnel. We slip into darkness. Feet underground, the cars are like ants, making their tracks in the ground. “How do we get up there!” We stand beneath the shaft of light, looking above at life. We see the feet of people dancing above us. Above ground we’re greeted by the blue sunshine and the waterfront breeze, the green grass of Chavasse Park, the silver structures of the city centre and the red stone of the dockland earth. The pavements are ours. They offer play. Wide enough to run in. Water fountains to hop in. Steps to run up. Portholes to look down.

37 37

CHAPTER TWO.

CITY OF FRIENDS 3838

Spending Thirty minutes on the train and we arrive at the gateway to the city centre. My parents are happy to leave us here for a few hours and shopping was our first experience of freedom. Independence seemed easy. I was given £50 and I could chose how and where we want to go and what we want to do. “What have you done today?” My mother would ask. Two Primark paper bags in my hands, and New Look bag in the other. The £50 was spent. “Next time we can go to the gallery. The Walker Art Gallery is free you know. Or did you see the Docks? The water fountains are so nice! And we can have a picture with the Beatles!” The city is somewhere I still go to hang out with my friends. I still save my £50, often now spent on that top I wanted since Christmas or a delicious brunch together. But now I know there is a lot more to do, a lot for free. We meet up to go to the latest Tate exhibitions. Or to simply cycle along the waterfront and talk about the times we had here as teenagers.

39 39

Red jacket men I cannot skate. I cannot climb. I cannot run. You cannot film. You cannot busk. You cannot sell. Plaques and signposts warn of permitted activity. The men in red jackets patrol the streets. I am their user.

Friends forever We haven’t stopped picturing our lives together. We often joke about designing our neighbouring houses. Or reserving adjacent rooms at the retirement home for when we outlive our partners. In our fantasies, it’s like returning to our lives in University. Few spaces exist for independent women to occupy space together. Co-owning with a friend is deemed odd. And houses of multiple-occupancy are for the short term only. Friendship is not recognised as a formal or legal bond. But my friendships create a constellation of support, knowledge, care and love. These were part of my survival toolkit for the city. So I ask how could we create spaces in cities, that open up a wide range of possibilities for sustaining our friendships that will support us through our lives?

41 41

CHAPTER THREE.

CITY OF ONE 4242

A minority I judge the space. Is there room for me? Will people look at me? I am the only single woman. I am the only person of colour.

These are sill thoughts which I judge when entering a space. I do feel uncomfortable. But what the city allows me to do is share. I share the step with a handful of others. I share the street with hundreds of others. And within these crowds I blend in, with the locals, with the visitors, with men, with women, with families. And there is space for us all to take up.

43 43

The city’s eyes To be alone in the city I still feel I am in the wrong. But I find it immensely exciting. It allows me to be the cities eyes. I am able to watch people go by. At the top of the park I can see the city’s landmarks rising into the sky. As the observer I am no longer the focus. But the cities eyes are also on me. The mannequins watch me as I pass through St Peter’s Lane. The transparency of the arcade no longer becomes a supressing space. Turning the corner, the eyes of Liverpool have caught me. The cameras turn. The curtains of the apartments move and the silhouettes on the balconies above. There are others out there watching over me.

Resistant stone The Spirit of Liverpool sits on the Walker Art Gallery, with the Liver Bird. She is a royal woman. She dominates the seas; in her left hand is a propeller, in her right hand is a trident. Queen Victoria stands on her pedestal where the Castle once lay. Her allegorical figures representing justice, wisdom, charity, and peace. People congregate at her feet. Kitty Wilkinson smiles in St Georges Hall. She stands proud among 12 figures of men. I stand, looking up and among these figures. I see their strength. Their honoured commitments in the city. Their right to take up space.

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CHAPTER FOUR.

CITY OF ACTIVISTS 4646

Spaces for change Long before I knew of my own personal or political agendas, I knew the city was a place where change could be made. Combining such a critical mass of people with the ability to take messages directly to the people in power and decision makers, the city offered the resources to make us visible. Participating in protests brought my sense of belonging in the city alive. They continue to teach me about solidarity, strength and appropriation. As a child I watched the protests. Being a child in the city I always knew what was going on. But to be on-the-ground was a sense of labour with pride. Protest events have always refuelled my anger and my commitment to change. Inequalities and injustices affected not only my life, but the lives of millions of others.

“Life, strife—those two are one, Naught can ye win but by faith and daring. On, on—that ye have done But for the work of today preparing. Firm in reliance, laugh a defiance, Laugh in hope, for sure is the end March, march—many as one, Shoulder to shoulder and friend to friend.”

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PART THREE CONCLUSIONS

erism nsum o c nd na me o w pedestrianisation allows for safe spaces for children and families

City of Moms

family orientated city

care centred city mixed use offers care and services

ed use mix lack of privacy in public space

ivacy in

The need to spend money to be in the city and ‘hang out ’ with friends

department stores are comfortable and reliable for moms

few spaces for independent women to be together

transparency and containing of shopping centres allows for safety

City of Friends

density allows for support networks

domination of consumerism does not allow for other activities

relationsh ips

close proximity between districts allows for mobility and flexibility of use of the city

p blic s ace pu city gives women privacy which they don’t have at home

a girls first experience of independence is often at the shopping centre

transparency allows other people to see and get involved in activities

mixed use in the city encourages 24/7 activity

the transparency of the city encourages safety

safety City of One

importance of the social relations of friendships

the ability to be active in space on the ground appropriation is power

City of Activism

to b e a c ti v e

ability to share space with others

city allows you to be a passive observer and blend in within a crowd

difficulty to appropriate space alone representation in the city reduces loneliness

appropriation

cities offer large spaces for appropriation

Figure. 14: Diagram exploring the relationships between narratives which identify opportunities and constraints for women in the city of Liverpool. 50

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

The narratives exhibit varied perspectives of how women use and experience the city of Liverpool. The embodiment of the female characters has enabled this study to critique the city using the gendered approach. We can assess the relationship between perceived, conceived and lived space, to identify man-made environments in the city and how these impact women. These results have highlighted the opportunities and constraints for women in the city, whereby Figure 14 demonstrates these by exploring common themes between the narratives of Liverpool. Firstly, the narratives all highlight that the retail-led scheme of Liverpool One is somewhere women place themselves in the city. The shops of Liverpool One are seen as reliable spaces for women; a place to ‘hang out’, a place to feel safe and have the services needed such as food and toilets. On the other hand, this demonstrates that gender inequality is evident in spatial practice of the city. As demonstrated in the Liverpool One advert (Figure 11) women are still perceived as consumers within the city. Furthermore, the narratives highlight that conceived city has particular users in mind. The man-made environment is formed with the perception that users of the city centre are primarily women as consumers and caretakers of the family.

Consequently, prescribing users to the city creates constraints to who uses the city and how. Helen Carter reflects these social barriers in her article Policing the retail republic, “If people behave in a “non-consumerist” way, they may be stigmatised.” (Carter, 2008). Additionally, physical barriers are created with actions such as busking, skating and filming prohibited. For women, the flexibility of the city is constrained, prescribing them to certain activities. Furthermore, the narratives describe the other social relations in the lives of women, such as friendships. However, the gendered perceptions of women create constraints, where these social relations go unrecognised in the production of space. One constraint is that women in the city find it difficult to appropriate space together, as there is a lack of space conceived to facilitate these social relations. On the other hand, the narratives explore how women in the city are able to appropriate space in Liverpool. At a larger scale looking at the regenerative masterplan of Liverpool, the pedestrianisation of the city centre streets and the implementation of directional nodes, has created increased areas for public realm.

Figure. 15: Initial development of the regeneration of the masterplan for Liverpool city centre, BDP

As well as the larger picture, BDP further enhanced the quality of these spaces, implementing landscape and lighting schemes. They state, “It was important for us to create a sense of intimacy and human scale in such a large development” (BDP, 2009; pg116). The demonstrates that through understanding the human-scale of the public realm, the conceived space allows for greater opportunities for appropriation of women in the city. And women in the city are presented with the opportunities of an increased amount of public realm, to appropriate by walking, sitting within and sharing with other users.

Exploring the city further than Liverpool One, the districts of the city allow for mixed-uses in the city. The regenerative masterplan for the city of Liverpool mixed uses with a collage of districts or “character areas” (Liverpool Local Plan, 2018). Rod Holmes of Grovesnor, developers of Liverpool One, describes the importance of these in their regenerative masterplan of the city by stating, “We always knew that we would have to connect it absolutely, seamlessly, without gates, barriers, revolving doors anything... People now are not entirely sure where one begins, and that is how it should be.” (BDP, 2008; pg 46).

As well as appropriation, the narratives also highlight how the city of Liverpool is also ensuring that the history of women is fairly represented in the city. For example, Kitty Wilkinson has most recently joined 12 male statues in St Georges Hall. Dolores Hayden describes this creates opportunities in the city for a “more balanced interpretations of existing landmarks to emphasize the diversity of the city” (Hayden, 2000). For women in the city the appropriation of such female landmarks offers them the opportunity of representation, empowerment and a sense of belonging.

The masterplan achieves adjacency and permeability between the districts, allowing ease of mobility, direction and use of the city. Mixed uses transform the man-made environment of a city for working from 9 to 5, to a city which supports women’s complex demands. The city also gives them the opportunities to engage in other activities and leisure in the city, encouraging social relations and lived space for women in the city.

“Instead of the reverse order in the planning process that prioritizes buildings, then space and (perhaps) a little life, working with the human dimension requires life and space to be treated before buildings. In brief, the method involves preparatory work that determines the character and extent of the anticipated life in the development. Then programs are prepared for the city spaces and city structure based on the desired walking and bicycling connections. Once the city space and connections are set, buildings can be positioned to ensure the best possible coexistence between life, spaces and buildings. From this point on, work expands into large developments and large districts, but is always rooted in the requirements for a well-functioning human scale.” Jan Gehl, Cities for People, 2010

CONCLUSIONS The aims of this dissertation were to investigate the factors which shape the man-made environment and explore how this impacts women’s relationship with the city. Embarking this research, this study predicted the main findings to show that the man-made environment does pose different constraints for women in the city. This dissertation has shown this prediction is true to an extent. Henri Lefebvre’s concept of the social construction of space highlighted that the man-made environment is shaped through gender inequalities in our social relations which inform the perceived, conceived and lived constructs of space. In most societies, women are still perceived at home rather than within public spaces such as the city. Men still dominate roles of power and therefore the city is conceived with a lack of female representation. For women, space carries social assumptions about their gender roles to where and how they fit into the city, and these constrain and create limitations for women in the city.

Lefebvre’s concept of the social constructs of space also highlighted the importance of the users of the city to shaping lived space. Women are users of the city and everyday they enter the city. By doing this they transgress the supression of gender inequalities. With this they can grasp hold of the opportunities of the city and also create lived, or representational space. On the other hand, the greatest lesson from this dissertation was the methods to highlight women’s relationship with the built environment. Beginning with an understanding to what factors inform the construction of the city in Part One, allowed me to understand why I feel uncomfortable in space; because they are man-made environments. With an understanding that the man-made environment “silences users” (Lefebvre, 1991: pg.51), Part Two placed women within the city of Liverpool to recognise them as a user. This brought forward the opportunities and constraints women face in the city, and the impacts of perceived, conceived and lived space.

Action: The mother running into John Lewis as a public free toilet to nurse her child

Action: The group of friends that use the city as a means of ‘meeting up’, ‘hanging out’ and to reconvene their friendship.

What if... a city landmark provided the same immediacy and landmark of the department store, but as a free space rather than consumer led?

What if... the city was able to provide a means for these independent women to reconvene their friendships throughout all life stages. At an elderly age this could be the means of living together and caring for each other.

Action: Hundreds of people gather in the city. What if... the city’s spaces allowed significant appropriation, which allowed for representation of groups of people.

Action: A woman sits in the city, in a meditative state she observes the activity around her What if... the city provided spaces of contemplation and reflection, to be alone but surrounded by others?

Figure. 16: A woman’s actions in the city creates lived space, how this can fuel design decisions in the city

Furthermore this dissertation has highlighted that it is important that the role of the architect should understand the role of the users, not only as stakeholders of space but as producers of lived and representational space. Lefebvre wrote that “That the lived, conceived and perceived realms should be interconnected” (Lefebvre, 1991; pg40). What this dissertation has highlighted is that women in the city face constraints because perceived and conceived space still embody gender inequalities and are not reflective of their lives. Therefore it is importance for the architect to understand women as users of the city, and their social relations which produced lived space. This argument is supported by architect Jan Gehl. He suggests that by reversing the planning process, designers should gain “Understanding how people move and spend time on the site and its surroundings.” (Gehl, 2010) This can be done using various methods. One method, highlighted at the beginning of this dissertation was engagement. Feminist design collective Punt 6 described their approach uses community action and participation as an essential tool to highlight the voices of communities.

Alternatively, this dissertation has demonstrated the use of ficto-narratives as another method of discovering the experiences of users in a space and their social relations which inform lived space. Despite a lack of contact with people due to the restrictions of the current pandemic, this methodology enabled myself as the professional to embody characters of women within a city, to explore a gender perspective and critique of the city. Inequalities happen to all of us. Therefore this methodology has the potential to be applied to bring to light other users of the city and the social relations and lived spaces they produce. Figure 16 also demonstrates how the actions and lived experiences of women in the city can be explored spatially. By understanding women as one of the many users of cities, as well as the opportunities and constraints women encounter, as designers and practitioners we can start to think about how the city could be different.

REFERENCES This document includes some information previously submitted by the author as part of the ARC596 Preliminary Submission in March 2020. Hopley, N “Women in the city: An investigation of gendered spaces in cities.” (ARC596 Preliminary Submission, University of Sheffield, 2020) Ayers, P. (2004). Work, culture and gender: The making of masculinities in post-war Liverpool. Labour History Review. 69 (2), 153-167. BDP (2009). Liverpool: regeneration of a city centre. Manchester: BDP. Betsky, A. (2018). Women in a man-made world. Architectural Review. 1449, 30-32. Carter, H. (2008). Policing the retail republic. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2008/may/28/ regeneration.communities. Last accessed 11.10.2020. Crawley, Foley, Shehan (2007). Gendering Bodies. London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Elkin, L (2017). Flaneuse: Women Walk the City in Paris, New York, Tokyo, Venice and London. New York: Vintage Publishing. Franck, K (1981), A Feminist Approach to Architect: Acknowledging Women’s Ways of Knowing, in Rendell, Penner and Borden. (2000) Gender Space Architecture: an interdisciplinary introduction. London: Routledge, 295-305 Frichot, H (2020). Writing Architectures: Ficto-Critical Approaches. London: Bloomsbury Visual Arts. Gehl, J (2010). Cities for people. Washington D.C.: Island Press. Handler, S (2014). An Alternative Age Friendly Handbook. Manchester: The University of Manchester Library. Haraway, D. (1988). Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective. in Feminist Studies. 14 (3), 575-599. Hayden D. What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on Housing, Urban Design, and Human Work. 1980, in Rendell, Penner and Borden. (2000) Gender Space Architecture: an interdisciplinary introduction. London: Routledge, 266 Jacobs, J (1961). The death and life of great American cities. New York: Random House. Kern, L (2020). Feminist City. London: Verso Books. Lefebvre, H (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwells. Matrix (1984). Making space: women and the man-made environment. London: Pluto. 60

Murray, C. (2019). “By highlighting the problems faced by women in architecture, are we making it worse?”. Available: https://www.dezeen.com/2019/03/08/women-in-architecture-worse-christine-murray-opinion/. Last accessed 11.10.2020. Perez, C (2019). Invisible Women: Exposing Data Bias in a World Designed for Men. London: Chatto & Windus. Perry, G.(2016) The Descent Of Man. London: Allen Lane. Punt 6. (n.d.). Vision. Available: http://www.punt6.org/en/vision/. Last accessed 11.10.2020. Rendell, J. (1995). Industrious Females & Professional Beauties, Burlington Arcade. Strangely Familiar: Narratives of Architecture in the City. 33-36. Roberts, D. (2019). Barcelona wants to build 500 superblocks. Here’s what it learned from the first ones.. Available: https://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2019/4/9/18273894/barcelona-urban-planning-superblockspoblenou. Last accessed 11.10.2020. Sanz, J (2020) in BBC. (2020). Barcelona’s car-free smart city experiment. Available: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ technology-50658537. Last accessed 11.10.2020. Stratigakos, D (2008). A women’s Berlin: Building the modern city. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. UNICEF (2011). Promoting Gender Equality: An Equity-Focused Approach to Programming. New York: UNICEF. United Nations. (2015). Goal 5: Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. Available: https://www. un.org/sustainabledevelopment/gender-equality/. Last accessed 11.10.2020. URBACT (2019). Gender Equal Cities. France: URBACT. Urban Development Vienna (2013). Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Development and Urban Planning. Vienna: Urban Development Vienna. Walker, L (1995).Spaces of Women’s Movement in Victorian London. Strangely Familiar: Narratives of Architecture in the City. 15-19. Weisman, L (1981) Women’s Environmental Rights: A Manifesto, in Rendell, Penner and Borden. (2000) Gender Space Architecture: an interdisciplinary introduction. London: Routledge, 1-5 Winn, G (1950) The Fair Country, in Ayers, P. (2004). Work, culture and gender: The making of masculinities in post-war Liverpool. Labour History Review. 69 (2), 155 World Bank (2020). Handbook for Gender-Inclusive Urban Planning Design. Washington D.C.: The World Bank.The World Bank.

BIBLIOGRAPHY BBC News (2019). What would a city designed by women be like?. Available: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-50269778/what-would-a-city-designed-by-women-be-like. Betsky, A.(1997). Building Sex. New York: Morrow. Brown, L. (2016). Feminist Practices. London: Routledge. Council of Europe (1998). Gender Mainstreaming - Conceptual framework, methodology and presentation of good practices. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. de Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life (3rd edition) translated by Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011 Fagan, C. (2003). Gendered Perspectives. In: Munck, R Reinventing the city?: Liverpool in comparative perspective. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. Field (2017). Becoming a Feminist Architect. field journal. vol. 7 Fleming, A and Tranovich, A. (2016). Why aren’t we designing cities that work for women, not just men?. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2016/oct/13/why-arent-we-designingcities-that-work-for-women-not-just-men. Frichot, H (2016). Feminist Design Power Tool. Germany: AADR. Greed, C (1994). Women and Planning : Creating Gendered Realities. London: Routledge. Harrouk, C. (2019). What Can Cities Imagined by Women Look Like? The Case of Barcelona. Available: https://www. archdaily.com/927948/how-can-cities-imagined-by-women-look-like-the-case-of-barcelona. Hunt, E. (2019). City with a female face: how modern Vienna was shaped by women. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/may/14/city-with-a-female-face-how-modern-vienna-wasshaped-by-women. Johnston-Zimmerman, K. (2017). Urban Planning Has a Sexism Problem. Available: https://nextcity.org/features/view/ urban-planning-sexism-problem. Lefebvre, H (2009) Le driot a la ville. 3rd Edition. Paris:Economica/Anthropos. Littlefield, D (2009). Liverpool One: Remaking a City Centre. New Jersey: Wiley. Lynch, K. (1960) The Image of the City. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press 62

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FIGURES Figure. 1: The journey of the exploration of this research Source: Author’s own Figure. 2: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, United Nations 2015 Source: < https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/> (Last accessed: 11.10.2020) Figure. 3: Gender equality eliminates imbalances of human rights Source: Author’s own Figure. 4: My gendered approach discovers and subverts these dichotomies Source: Author’s own Figure. 5: The Production of Space, published 1991 by Henri Lefebvre Source: <https://blackwells.co.uk/bookshop/product/The-Production-of-Space-by-Henri-Lefebvre-Donald-Nicholson-Smith-translator/9780631181774> (Last accessed: 11.10.2020) Figure. 6: Lefebvre’s triad of levels forming social space Source: Author’s own Figure. 7: Minnette De Silva, architect, photographed with Pablo Picasso, Jo Davidson and Mulk Raj Anand. 1948 Source: < https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/dec/14/minnette-de-silva-the-brilliant-female-architect-forgotten-by-history> (Last accessed: 11.20.2020) Figure. 8: Gender mainstreaming in the planning process Source: Author’s own, adapted from Urban Development Vienna (2013). Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Development and Urban Planning. Vienna: Urban Development Vienna Figure. 9: My personal experience of being within the city Source: Authors own (taken May 2017) Figure. 10: Alexandra Docks Liverpool, 1930 Source: <https://www.pinterest.co.uk/pin/454019206181849943/?nic_v2=1a5yAomVp> (Last accessed 11.10.2020) Figure. 11: ‘Feminization’ of Liverpool, demonstrated in the Liverpool One Advert 2017 Source: <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uOgVhQL2taI> (Last accessed 11.10.2020) Figure. 12: Lefebvre’s Production of Space Source: Author’s own

Figure. 13: Liverpool Unfinished 1980s-1990s, Rob Bremner Source: < https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/gallery/2013/apr/19/liverpool-unfinished-rob-bremner-photography> (Last accessed: 11.10.2020) Figure. 14: Diagram exploring the relationships between narratives which identify opportunities and constraints for women in the city of Liverpool. Source: Author’s own Figure. 15: Initial development of the regeneration of the masterplan for Liverpool city centre, BDP Source: BDP (2009). Liverpool: regeneration of a city centre. Manchester: BDP. Figure. 16: A woman’s actions in the city creates lived space, how this can fuel design decisions in the city Source: Author’s own

APPENDIX

Appendix 1

The Barcelona Superblock model Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona < https://barcelonarchitecturewalks.com/superblocks/> (Last accessed. 11.10.2020)

Women in the City: An investigation into the city as a man-made environment

Articles inside

ii. Methodology

iii. References

iv. Bibliography

v. Figures

i. Liverpool: A Man-Made Environment

Chapter 3 - City of One

iv. The Social Production of the City

ii. Conclusion