National Yemen Issue 33 by National Yemen Newspaper

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The Facts As They Are

Hardline Cleric Blasts Journalist’s Detention

Tariq al-Fadhli: An Inﬂuential Man’s Story

Tahrir Square Businesses Denounce Protests

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SUNDAY , Feb 20 , 2011 I ISSUE 33 PRICE : YER 30 WWW . NAT IONALYEMEN. COM

Protests Rage in Ibb and Taiz

Al-Houthi Warns of Seventh War

By Abdullah Alsalimi Al-Houthi demands the overthrow of the Yemeni government. The Houthi leader, AbdulMalik al-Houthi, this week has denounced efforts toward reconstruction in Yemen’s war-torn North and has called recent in initiatives a failure, saying that they are "returning the Saada situation to what it was before 2004.” But the Houthis have escalated their rhetorical

battle against the State, al-Houthi, leader of militant “believing youth” organization, has rejoiced at the misfortune of the President Ali Abdullah Saleh in the wake of increasing protests which call on him to resign. Despite the fact that a Qatari delegation visited the area ten days ago to complete and supervise the execution of the peace treaty in the Continued on Page (4)

Ruling Party MPs Resign Membership By Saleh Almansoub Ten members of the GPC withdrew from the parliament session on Saturday in preparation to submit their resignation from their party membership and to form an independent bloc. The representatives withdrawal sent sharp criticism to the Council on the situation, which they described as a crisis which was weakening the economy of the country, and as a suppression of the peaceful demonstrations that demand the change of the regime.

According to Abdul Aziz Jabbari, one of the MPs, the representatives walked out in protest against Parliament Council Presidency which barred the right to talk frankly about the situation the country is in. They called on security and military agencies to provide an opportunity for citizens to express their views and not to take sides. He pointed out that the Continued on Page (3)

Yemeni Rights Organizations Condemn Violence Human rights organizations have condemned violence against protesters and are demanding the resignation of the Interior Minister and the commander and chief of staff of the Central Security. They hold the president responsible for all the violations of rights and call on countries of the world to an immediate cessation of any support for security services. Civil Society Organizations, signed below, followed with deep concern the bloody developments that accompanied the peaceful protests of the Yemeni citizens in the governorates (Aden, Sana'a,

By Fakhri Al-Arashi

Taiz) which led to the widely spread deaths and injuries. They reiterate their strong condemnation for resorting to excessive violence against demonstrators by members of the Authority. They emphasize the following: it is no longer acceptable that the authorities argue that the clashes are between the two groups of demonstrators, where it is certain, according to witnesses and several sources, that the attacks are driven by the gangs of the leaders in the General People's Congress Continued on Page (5)

Pro- and anti-government partisans battle on the streets of Sana’a on Saturday

Demonstration Continues at Sana’a University By NY Staff In spite of their modest number, which did not exceed 300 protesters, a majority of whom were students whose numbers increased gradually on the tenth day of sustained protests calling for the president to step down. The gathered demonstrators repeated slogans expressing their dissatisfaction with the President and the situation in Yemen. They chanted “Ba’ad Mubarak, Ya Ali,” “Leave, leave,” and “O for shame, you open ﬁre on us.” The protesters has were arrayed their own corner and

appeared unarmed, while they paused to pray for those who passed away or were injured in past days’ events. Security members were seen dressed in civilian cloths supervising the situation, and apparently using their mobile phones to communicate with friends in other part of the city. Ali al-Ansi, a policeman attempting to guide trafﬁc, said, “they have the right to express themselves and Yemen is passing a hard time and should Continued on Page (3)

Additional Military Forces to Secure Aden By Fakhri Al-Arashi Saturday Morning the government sent over twenty thousand additional soldiers to secure Aden after the rioting which occurred in the last two days. The solders blocked totally all access to al-Mansoura, Sheikh Othman and the surrounding areas to protect citizen’s properties, investments, and governmental buildings in case of robbery and loss of security. The police ofﬁce in al-Mansoura, post ofﬁce, private shops and more than 30 cars were partially or totally damaged

during last Friday’s “Day of Rage.” Eye witness said that the security disappearance on Friday afternoon left demonstrators to move freely, setting fire to tires, breaking store fronts, and looting governmental offices. Two were killed and more than twenty five were injured in clashes between soldiers and demonstrators. The demonstrators were seen using machine guns, according to some eyewitnesses. A source reported to the National Yemen that security Continued on Page (3)

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

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National Yemen Public demand of Aden’s security chief dismissal Government sources reported that the Vice President of the republic rejected the resignation of Aden’s governor Adnan al-Jifri , after the condemnation of his treatment of young protestors who came out in peaceful protests in al-Mansura, Khor Maksar, Crater and Sheikh UOhman directorates in Aden. Protestors were faced with

gunshots by the security forces resulting in the death of more than six and the injury of many people. In light of the southern street revolts, some of the neutral personalities requested the necessity of making a decision that calms the street’s anger, which can be achieved by the dismissal of Aden’s security chief, Abdullah Qiran.

EMITT hosts Yemen as guest country STANBULTurkish Culture and Tourism Minister Ertugrul Gunay has said that he was honored to see Yemen as the guest country of the 15th East Mediterranean Tourism and Travel Exhibition (EMITT). In a joint press conference with Yemeni deputy Minister of Tourism Omar Babelghaeth at Istanbul's TUYAP International Fair and Congress Center, Minister Gunay said that Turkey was ready to share its knowledge and experiences with the brotherly people of Yemen. "Turkey and Yemen share historic ties. Yemen is a colorful and interesting country with geographic diversity. Yemen has important amounts of natural resources. I sincerely hope that these resources would be utilized in the development of Yemen", Gunay said. Yemen is a new tourist destination but has enermous potential. I am pleased and

honored to see Yemen as the "guest country" of EMITT. We are ready to share our experiences with Yemen, Gunay noted. Babelghaeth, in his part, said that Yemen was a unique country with a coastline of 2,400 kilometers. Yemen is a country worth seeing, Babelghaeth said. Yemen was visited by 1.1 million people in 2010 and earned 903 million USD from tourism, Babelghaeth said. With your support, we can develop our tourism sector. Our relations go back decades. We do have family ties with Turkey. There are people living in Yemen who are of Turkish origin. I sincerely invite you to visit Yemen and make an investment, Babelghaeth said. Following the press conference, Minister Gunay met his Palestinian counterpart Khoulord Daibes in a meeting that was closed to the press corps.

Continued From Page (1) focus on the economy and challenges.” The gathering is supported by the university students’ union, but they are not a big number,” said al-Ansi. Jafa’ar Nasser, student at

Sana’a University, said, “a little group with a desire of change is much better than thousand who look for their after their own interests. “Freedom for Yemen with out Ali,” he proceeded to chant.

Correction: “Médecins Sans Frontières has no plans to leave Radfan District, where it has been working in cooperation with the Ministry of Public Health and Population (MoPHP) and the local community since July, 2010. MSF did withdraw some of its staff from Habilain on the 3rd February due to security concerns that were affecting MSF’s ability to carry out its neutral, humanitarian medical work. However, RadfanHospital continues to operate with MoPHP and MSF staff in Habilain providing medical care and organising referrals, and with regular support visits from other MSF staff temporarily located in Aden. MSF continues to have a commitment to providing free, quality health care in Radfan Hospital, where it supports medical services in the emergency

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room, inpatients and surgical departments for all the population. MSF is holding discussions with all the parties involved in an effort to improve security and respect for their neutral medical action in Radfan. These discussions have so far been very positive and MSF hopes to return to their full team in Radfan in the near future. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) is an international humanitarian medical organisation that provides medical care to populations, according to the principles of neutrality, impartiality and universal medical ethics. MSF has been working in Yemen since 2007 in cooperation with the Yemeni authorities and local communities and has medical projects in Sa’ada, Amran, Hajjah, Sana’a and Lahj Governorates.”

Fakhri Hassan Al-Arashi Publisher & Chief Editor

Noah Browning Deputy Editor

LOCAL

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

Opposition Agrees to Dialogue The opposition JMP coalition announced its acceptance of Ali Abdullah Saleh’s initiative when he called for his political opponents to reenter the national dialogue and form a national unity government. Saleh has frozen proposed constitutional amendments in his earlier meeting with the House of Representatives and the Shura council last week. The JMP had declared in their press conference in Sana’a today, “We don’t reject what has been mentioned in the president’s initiative on the resumption of dialogue with the GPC, yet we demand international guarantees and the attendance of the

friendly countries to Yemen as witnesses” The JMP also called the authorities to “absorb the lessons of what happened in each of Tunisia, Egypt and what happened in our beloved homeland, and what could happen in the streets if the governor reneged on his promise.” Yaseen Saeed Noman, secretary general of the socialist party, said “the political system in the country is not able to solve any problem, and we want to have a dialogue to save the country not the system. “Any initiative has to be included under this frame-

work. We don’t manipulate the streets, but when we move to the streets, we move with a clear vision,” he continued. The president had promised earlier that he will not seek to extend his presidency for another term or have his son inherit it. “No extension, no inheritance, no resetting the clock” he said. The president’s speech also contained a hint of postponing the elections scheduled for next April, which the ruling party decided earlier to hold without waiting for the dialogue process to be completed. President Saleh alluded to the possibility of abandonin the

legislative elections in April, responding to the demands of the parliamentary opposition which had organized popular movements hostile to him. Saleh also called the JMP to a meeting with parliament, in which he said Shoura Council members would return to the dialogue and form a government of national unity. Saleh presented an initiative which includes the resumption of dialogue between the ruling party and the parliamentary opposition in what is known as the quartet. “I call on the opposition to freeze all planned protests, rallies and sit-ins,” he had added.

Continued From Page (1) forces used live rounds, tear gas, and bludgeons to beat back the protestors. Students have been prevented by their families from going to schoos due to the security problems in Aden, though university students at the university are still attending their classes regularly. Businesses, tourism, and other activities have been negatively affected by the current situation. The governor of Aden Adnan al-Jifri has offered his resignation after the recent protests, despite his continued, harsh stance against calls for secession and against Yemeni National Unity. Al-Jifri was the ﬁrst governor to be elected, not appointed, during gubernatorial elections in 2008. Since then, Aden used to be the quietest southern governorate in Yemen, and even managed to the hosting of Gulf Twenty tournament successfully. The people of Aden can be called the most educated segment of Yemeni society, and people there depend directly on their salaries. Poverty has increased to reach 40%. Property disputes, unemployment and corruption are the main challenge for Yemen in general and Aden in particular. The current demonstration plan in the Southern governorate indicates a radical change.. A

source for National Yemen said that the Southern Movement and the JMPS has shifted their demonstration from Abyen, Adhal’a, Lahaj into Aden after continuous losses and tight security in their governorates. Some Adenis said that they have seen a new faces among the crowds in the streets, who have caused much of the violence and looting. It was reported on Sunday that the leader of Yemen's secessionist Southern Movement, Hasan Ba’um was arrested in the Aden by an "armed

military group" on Sunday and was taken to an unknown location, his family said. Ba’um was arrested in a hospital where he was receiving treatment. Meanwhile, as many as 400 protesters staged a peaceful sit-in, holding banners saying: "No to oppression. No to corruption". The local council of Sheikh Othman, a directorate in Aden, said in a statement it resigned in protest at the use of live bullets by security forces against protesters which led to deaths and

injuries in the city on Friday. Dozens of men used their cars in the town of Karish to block the main road between Taiz and the southern port city of Aden, shouting "the people demand the fall of the regime," local residents said. The huge presence of security in the road from Aden to al-Dhala’a can be seen with heavy military equipments of all kinds. For two months, more than 36 check points have been implemented to secure the travelers between the Southern and Northern governorates.

Continued From Page (1) representatives intended to submit their resignations from General People's Congress to protest the worsening situation in the country and the silence of parliament about it. The following representatives withdrew from the Council: Abdu Bishr, Abdul Aziz Jabbari, Ali Mamari, Abdullah Sharaf Al-Naghmani, AbdulSalam Hishol Zabia, Abdul Karim al-Aslami, Khaled Mjod Alsaadi, Abdul Hamid Hariz, Khalid Missar, AbdulBari Dogesh, AbdulKarim Jadban. The total number of the Council members is 301, of whom 238 are of the General Popular Congress Party . In Sana'a, six students were Mohammed Al-Asaadi Editorial Consultant

wounded on Saturday in clashes with supporters of the Yemeni regime in the vicinity of Sana'a University. A student, shot in the neck, was reported killed, but apparently survived his wounds and remains in stable condition in hospital. Pro-government supporters, armed with guns, batons and stones, tried to enter the campus which lead the students to respond by throwing stones, the policemen did not intervene but they had closed the roads leading to the university. Ali Abdullah Saleh described what is happening as “an act of sabotage” which comes from a “hidden agenda”

Fuad Al-Qadhi Business Editor

Shukri Hussein Abyan Correspondent

and conspirators “whose projects have failed.” “Their project in 1994 has failed and it remains under the ashes. Now, fever and chaos came via broadcasting channels to power violence and vandalism.” He stressed that there is a “foreign agenda and conspiracy against Yemen, its security and stability.” In his speech to the founding conference of civil society organizations, which was held on Saturday in Al-Shawkani hall Police College in Sana'a, he said, "we have built the homeland brick by brick and now there are shovels for demolition. “They want to destroy what

Jihan Anwar Staff Journalist

we have built maliciously and enviously. all of this has been achieved at the hands of young people, workers, peasants, and at the hands of all honest men in Yemen.” He noted that it is the right of any citizen to express his view peacefully and express his opinion through the press, and there are many democratic ways to speak peacefully, and that anyone can express his opinion without cutting the path of dialogue.” He added, “he who wants the Power, he should come with us towards the ballot boxes. Yemeni people will face the elements of destruction and conﬂict without law and order.”

Naila Bamehriz Translator & Coordinator

The Facts As They Are

Mohammed Abdalaleem Shabwah Correspondent e-mail: info@nationalyemen.com website:www.nationalyemen.com address:al-qiada st.

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Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

SOCIAL

National Yemen

Hardline Cleric Blasts Journalist’s Detention Anwar al-Awlaki, a leader in al-Qaeda called on the “honest Yemeni media inside and outside of Yemen to carry the banner from Abdul Ilah Haidar al-Shayi and continue march he started to expose the crimes of the U.S and the Yemeni government in bombing the people of al-Majalah. Al-Awlaki in a video posted in the internet called on media personnel and Abdul Ilah haidar’s tribe and the people of Yemen to stand and support him. “Abdul Ilah has done his duty exposing the U.S crimes in Yemen, and his struggle was to uncover the Yemeni-American conspiracy. “Taiseer Alooni, Sami al-Haj, and Haidar are samples of decent journalism, the journalist is responsible for all that he presents before God to people,” al-Awlaki said. “Haidar was a sound of reality in a world of deception

which trumps up fabricated charges to cover the real reasosn behind his detention.” al-Awlaki said. “Each house has to know about this conspiracy,” he added. President Saleh had ordered Haidar’s release last Tuesday after less than two weeks of his 5 years conviction and two years of house arrest. But the move was followed by the U.S president Barak Obama’s phone call, which expressed his concern over releasing Haidar. The specialized criminal court for terrorism cases had ruled on January 18 for ﬁve years of prison and two years of house arrest to Haidar after his conviction in conjunction with an illegal armed gang, and work to recruit young men, including foreigners, to join al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula through communication with them over the Internet. Shayi refused to appeal and

said, “I am still detained by the Political and national security and the judiciary work for them.” Anwar al-Awlaki was prosecuted in absentia in Yemen and is a father of ﬁve children. A strict preacher whose lectures were spread on the internet, he was prosecuted by a Yemeni court for belonging to al-Qaeda and incitement to kill foreigners, among them a French engineer last near

Sana’a. The U.N announced that he was among its black list, regarding him a member of the senior leadership of al-Qaeda. al-Awlaki’s name came to light after it was discovered that he was in close contact with major Nidal Hasan, the military psychiatrist of Palestinian origin who was accused of opening ﬁre on his colleagues in the barracks at Fort Hood in Texas, which resulted in the death of thirteen

Continued From Page (1) Yemeni North, al-Houthi did not express his confidence in the current peace, but instead rushed to threaten the State in case it wages a seventh war against his group. “The result will be grievous for the state, which will suffer decay, failure, and defeat,” he said. Observers noted that alHouthi’s harsh speech has introduced the possibility of a seventh war, which the state has not seriously countenanced. The Houthis’ leader warned that there all the signs of imminent disaster are present, as the State has recently been in a critical situation, not only with the Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the continued activities of Southern Movement. “But now there is escalation of youth demonstrations, which not only call for fundamental reforms, but the overthrew of the system, as happened in Tunis and Egypt.” Last Tuesday, the Houthis celebrated the memory of the Prophet’s birthday much as they used to celebrate it in past years, though attendance this year was more than during last year’s celebrations. Sources close to the Houthi group estimated the attendance at nearly half million, but neutral observers

expressed their belief that this number was exaggerated. Estimates from a wide range of governorates from which attendees arrived indicates that the total number reached more than one hundred thousand. In addition to Saada governorate, people have come from Hajja, Amran, Al-Jawf, Marib, Sana'a, al-Mahweet, Dhamar, and al-Baida. In his speech, al-Houthi called all Yemeni people to go out to overthrow the system as in Tunis and Egypt. He said, "We will be in the front as the people demonstrate. He remarked, "If the people mobilize too late, they will regret it.” The celebration was held in the area around the al-Hariba Fort, a few kilometers away from Dhahian town to the north of Saada. After strict security procedures were put in place, the Houthis manned checkpoints and examined IDs of people entering Saada, anticipating possible attacks against them from Al-Qaeda. Two explosions occurred during against the Houthis during the "al-Ghadeer” Shi’ite holiday some months ago, which left dozens killed. Another explosion occurred during the funeral of al-Houthi’s father. Al-Qaeda claimed these two explosions and it claimed that

Badr al-Din al-Houthi was in fact killed in one of these explosions. Before the Prophet’s birthday, an intensive exchange of fire happened between many inhabitants and armed men from the Houthi factions after some citizens began removing graffiti on their property which encouraged people to attend the birthday ceremony. No injuries have been recorded between the two parties. The exchange of fire continued for many hours but "the tribal alliance of Saada citizens" hastened to support them against the Houthi fighter. They provided them with three Toyota vehicles loaded with armed tribesmen prepared to face the Houthis. During the same day, the local authorities intervened to mediate the conflict and the gun battle prominently stopped.

people. al-Awlaki called all Muslims in the U.S army to emulate what Nidal Hasan did. It is also rumored that al-Awlaki had a relation with the person who executed the failed bombing of the U.S. aircraft which was on a ﬂight between Amsterdam and Detroit during Christmas of 2009. Nasser al-Wahayshi, leader of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula has previously praised Alowlaqi in a audio recordings. Alowlaqi belongs to a wealth family in Yemen. His father was a former minister and a former dean of the faculty of commerce atSana’a university. He was born in 1971 in the US state of New Mexico and returned to Yemen, where he received his secondary education before he went bank again to study engineering in the U.S in 1991. There he graduated from Colorado State University and

went on to obtain a diploma in higher studies from the University of San Diego, according sources familiar with the details of his life. During his years in the U.S, al-Awlaki started to preach in various mosques in the U.S. He was also responsible for a charity belonging to the strict Islamic preacher Abdulmajeed al-Zindani, who is accused by Washington of being associated to terrorist groups. al-Awlaki has posted a series of audio and visual lectures on the life of the Prophet Mohammed in English, which was sold online and received a huge following. He was arrested in 2008 yet released after the mediation of Yemeni ofﬁcials in condition that he remains in Sana’a, locked at the police station every day, yet after two months al-Awlaki left Sana’a towards Shabwa governorate “his origin” east of Yemen

National Yemen

COMMUNITY

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

Sheikhs Discuss Attack on BBC Journalists BBC Journalist beaten in Yemen protests referred to tribal mediation Hundreds of sheikhs, notables and members of the central regions of Yemen held a meeting this Tuesday evening in Sana’a in protest at what BBC journalist Abdullah Ghurab suffered. Ghurab was reportedly attacked by so-called "baltagi-

yya" or thugs, who support the government, on Monday evening in Sana’a, during his coverage of demonstrations in support of and against the regime. The meeting condemned the attack on Ghurab as a deed carried out by security agents dressed in civilian uniforms which was accompanied by a verbal assault and accusations

of “betraying the Arab nation.” In the meeting statement, the security authorities pledged full responsibility for the safety of Ghurab and all his fellow journalists. They recognized what they described as an "irresponsible act," which came as part of repeated attacks on journalists and civilians, and is a viola-

tion of human rights guaranteed in the constitutions and all laws, domestic and international, and troubling for homeland security and stability. The sons of the central region asked to open a transparent and just investigation into what happened and bring the perpetrators to justice. They warned of a repeat of what happened, and assumed full responsibility of paying for these methods, any repercussions stemming from it. They emphasized that these actions are irrelevant to arsonists, but threaten the homeland with great harm, while the nation tries to maintain unity, security, stability and progress. At the enlarged meeting, Abdullah Ghurab said that more than one senior figure in the State contacted him offering him “arbitration” for what happened to him, but he refused tribal mediation and said that these techniques are the kind that drag the country down and impede its progress. Ghurab’s Thugs

Treatment

While Ghurab refused any efforts at tribal reconcilia-

tions, he restated at the same time that he would not rest until the attackers are brought to justice. Ghurab stated that his case will only be avenged and a proper response achieved by barring thugs from mobilizing on the streets, which will end the suffering of the demonstrators and journalists. He also called for the authorities to ensure the freedom of the press for domestic and international journalists. Dr. Abdul Salam Al-Jofi, minister of education, who attended the meeting in person, regretted what happened in the attack against

Ghurab ". He said, “We are all in pain. We cannot leave our friend to be assaulted in the street”. He added, “We are dealing with the situation as he is our friend, and we have seen to it that no further insult or injury arises from the matter." For his part, Sheikh Ali Hussein Ghurab, one sheikh of the central region, condemned what happened to colleague Abdullah Ghurab. He asked the authorities to pursue the aggressors and send them to court. He stressed his demand that the kind of assault suffered by Ghurab not happen again.

Yemen LNG and Society for Humanitarian Solidarity Sign Agreement to Support Refugees at Mayfa’a Yemen LNG signed early February a new three year agreement with the Society for Humanitarian Solidarity (SHS) in a steadfast commitment to continue to support the efforts of the SHS and UNHCR in delivering assistance to African migrants landing in the coastal areas around Balhaf, Gulf of Aden; as well as the UNHCR Refugee Camp at Mayfa’a, Shabwah Governorate. The agreement was signed between Yemen LNG General Manager Mr. François Rafin, and the Founding Director of SHS, Mr. Nasser Bagnoob. “We cannot ignore the distress of the refugees who leave their home country and sail across the Gulf of Aden”, François Rafin stated at the signing event. “Yemen LNG is committed to support the efforts of the UNCHR and of SHS in favor of these refugees”, François added. The signing was witnessed by the UNHCR Representative in Yemen,

Mrs. Claire Bourgeois, who noted appreciation for the recognition of UNHCR actions in Yemen. “We value the financial and logistical support extended by Yemen LNG and delivery of assistance for distressed refugees arriving in the coastal areas of the Gulf of Aden”, Mrs. Bourgeois stated. With complete sponsorship from Yemen LNG, the SHS has been providing humanitarian support since 2007 for refugees who make it to the coast of the Gulf of Aden, where they receive medical care, food and water at the Yemen LNG Refugee Transfer Facility in Balhaf, before they are transferred to the UNHCR Refugee Camp at Mayfa’a. Over the last five years, more than 30,000 refugees have been assisted at the Yemen LNG Refugee Transfer Facility. The refugees, mostly from Somalia, comprised 73% of men, 21% of women and 6% of children.

The Yemen LNG liquefaction plant is located at Balhaf on the Gulf of Aden, where more than one hundred LNG carriers call each year at the Balhaf terminal. SHS is a non-profit Yemeni organization. It was established in 1999 in Shabwah Governorate, with the aim to provide relief and humanitarian assistance to categories in need including construction of schools, and provision and management of reception centers, clinics and services for refugees in Yemen. The UNCHR is an organization of the United Nations and established its operations in Yemen in 1992 in response to the large-scale influx of Somali refugees. In liaison with government authorities, international and local NGOs and with the support of the private sector, the agency’s primary purpose is to safeguard the rights and well-being of refugees. Continued From Page (1)

and local authorities and by the full complicity of the security services. - The public security systems and the central security and their personnel must assume responsibility for bloody attacks which led to the deaths in the province of Aden, and not at the hands of any others - Systematic attacks on journalists and photographers of Arab and foreign news agencies are the responsibility of the instigators of violence

from ruling party leaders in addition to being a direct result of the official campaign of incitement. Accordingly, all organizations are demanding the following: - the Removal of the Interior Minister and the Commander and Chief of Staff of the central security office and their trial. - the Removal of security directors of Aden, Sana'a and Taiz provinces and their trial - the Removal of Aden,

Sana'a and Taiz governors due to their role and complicity in the attacks on peaceful demonstrators - the identification of those instigators of violence on the street, their removal from their executive offices in the State, and their trial The Civil Society Organizations, signed below, emphasize that bloodshed, the atmosphere of incitement and violence and accusations of peaceful protesters by submitting to a foreign agenda

together constitute serious violations of human rights, and the President of the Republic directly undertakes full responsibility for all these serious violations and he is responsible to cease them immediately. At the same time, Organizations call on international partners for the Yemeni government, especially the United States, UK, and the European Union to stop all forms of assistance, particularly relating to security,

military, and assume their responsibilities to pressure the government to stop the bloodshed and all forms of violence and provocation perpetrated against the right of peaceful demonstrators. Yemeni Observatory for Human Rights Yemeni Organization for Defending Rights and Freedoms Yemen Foundation for Social Studies The National Organization for Defending Rights and

Freedoms (Hood) Dialogue Foundation for Democratic Development Foundation Partners for the Future Development Ad Center for the Children and Young People Arab Sisters Forum for Human Rights Voice Foundation for Development Cultural Information Center Political Development Forum Aswan Center for Studies

National Yemen

REPORT

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

Tariq al-Fadhli: An Influential Man’s Story Combining Contradictions and Coveting Leadership He never settled in any one role, and his views and alliances are never sure. This is Sheikh Tariq Bin Nasser Bin Abdullah al-Fadhli. No matter his trajectory at any given time, he has always been influential and unpredictable. He was born in 1967 two months before Southern Independence. His father was the last sultan of the al-Fadhli sultanate which was one of sheikhdoms of the former British possession of South Yemen. At that time, it was known as "Union of South Arabia," since February 1959. After South Yemen’s Independence, he left with his mother to Beirut where his father had lived. Then he moved with his family to Saudi Arabia in Al-Taif where he grew up. He pursued secondary school and high school. When he was 18 years old, his father sent him to the Military Peace Forces School because his father expected him to be active and to learn loyalty through military service. He collected money from his new job. Like his friends, he liked to travel. Cyprus was the first place where he enjoyed natural charm and beautiful sights. But there was something hurt his soul, he remembered, as he was walking across the charming beaches of the island. He saw a view that was unfamiliar to his mind. This realization provoked his tribal arrogance, with all its accompanying virtue, shame, and modesty. About this experience, Al-Fadhli said, "One day I got up early and took a picnic in the city streets. I went to visit a near beach for swimming but I saw a view shaking my feelings and awoke meanings that led me to feel the grace which God had bestowed upon human beings." He continued, "I watched men and women in a shameful positions. They were naked without clothes and they were having sex in public like animals. I felt a great shivering through my body. I was afraid and left the place.” He said, "I came back to my room but the sight was still in my mind. I thought deeply, and asked myself how God has honored human being from all creatures. God has given human being mind and eyes, then why did human beings commit sins like animals? “This view has affected and influenced me and it was the real point that changed my life; it was a match lighting my way in the dark roads that I lived in before. “I started thinking about God and his creatures, the metaphysical world and punishment. Then I decided to be a religious and committed man.” Afghanistan Not long after, al-Fadhli returned back to Saudi Arabia and the view was still in his mind. When he heard about the groups that were going to Afghanistan to fight the Soviets, he “didn’t hesitate to follow those groups willing to seek God's rewards,” in his words. He heard that many honors and miracles happened in

Al-Fadhli with his son attends a protest calling for the fall of the regime earlier this month Afghanistan. "First, I went to Pakistan to learn English, despite my father’s refusal at first, but he was finally forced to agree. I arrived to Peshawar city and enlisted at a training camp. “It wasn’t allowed for new trainees like me to go directly to the battlefront. One day Sheikh Osama Bin Laden visited the camp before I had finished my training, and he took a group of youths excluding me.” He continued, "I couldn’t control myself and cried sadly because they didn’t choose me. Suddenly Sheikh Osama came near to me, touching my head after he knew my strong desire to go. He ordered for me to be taken to Afghanistan with the group. “I was very happy. I arrived to Kabul and joined the commander of the group of Guldadeen Hekmatyar. I participated in many battles, but I was not long after wounded by an explosion of my own bomb. “After that I came back to Saudi Arabia for treatment". A Turning Point At the beginning of Yemeni Unity in 1990, Sheikh al-Fadhli came back to Yemen. in Political disputes in the South had ended by then, while he knew next to nothing about his home of Zinjibar, which he left when he was three years old. He was in the bloom of his youth, and was very angry about the southern system which was the cause of the elimination of his father’s sultanate and his family fortune. Al-Fadhli set up a camp opposed to the socialist party in the south, called the Islamic Jihad group or what is known as “Afghan Yemenis.” This group planned to execute many operations against western targets. One of these operations was the operation in 1992 against the American Commandos which used Aden as a center for the US military’s presence in Somalia. Al-Fadhli participated in the separation war in 1994 between

the North and South, supporting the loyalists of President Ali Abdullah Saleh against the Yemeni Socialist Party Forces.

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Sheikh Tariq Al-Fadhli will remain a puzzle even with to his closest friends, and none of them can anticipate his next move

In that time, it was agreed to grant the Mujahideen weapons and cash in returning for their participation in a war, as well as half of the ofﬁces which used to belong to the Socialists in the South. The Afghan Mujahideen were divided into the opponents and proponents of the government, but Al-Fadhli got special treatment by the State and he became a close friend of the famous and strong man, Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar. Wide Fame Between 1995 and 2007, Sheikh Tariq al-Fadhli received substantial support from the state, and his fame and name spread among people so much that any order or stamp from him on a paper meant the affair was accomplished with utmost haste. He became powerful and he took by force a lot of lands in Abyan and Zinjibar. He had the moral and material support from the authorities and power

centers in Sana'a. This situation continued until the holding of the he Seventh general Conference in Aden in 2005. That event marked a big break between him and the State in Sana'a, reﬂected in his inability to keep his membership in the General Committee because he felt that the State did not still support him, but had transferred its loyalty to Ahmed Al-Misari, the new Abyan governor. In April 2008, al-Fadhli issued a declaration in many Yemeni newspapers, in which he asserted that he had joined the Southern Movement. This was a major event for the proponents of the Movement, which, then as now, was riven by divisions. Before that, he declared his resignation from The General People Congress and his retirement the political ﬁeld. But he pursued many activities and rallies against the state in Sana'a. He also called day and night to disassemble Yemen’s Unity, and to drive away those whom he called in many of his speech the “occupiers of Southern land.”

The proponents of the Movement greeted Al-Fadhli’s calls. They hoped to make the state in Sana'a yield to their demands. Still though, many were suspicious of his new stance, thinking it was a trick to pull down and annihilate the activity of the Movement. With the passage of time, al-Fadhli earned their sympathy and he was motivated many to join him and the secessionist ranks. He continued his activities until they reached a climax the next year. His proponents challenged the State directly by raising the old flag of the South in the streets and roofs of houses, to the extent that a visitor to Zinjibar might think the city had fallen under the control of the state’s opponents. He raised the American flag on his house, expressing that in case the southern people get back their country, they will protect American interests. Complete Loss After events of 2009, the conflict and enmity have been increased between the man and the system. More than 23 people of his

proponents were killed during the shelling of his house for the first time since his separation from the State, and his life was in danger, only some of the major leaders in the State refused to kill him and allowed him to choose to live in his home without practicing any political activities. So he issued a decision to his followers to drop down the flags and not to go out for demonstrations under the pretense that he reached an armistice with the State. Some of his proponents explained that it was an artifice to buy time. Security forces spread throughout the city. The State recovered people’s confidence while Al-Fadhli lost thousands of his proponents, who came to view him as politically immature and too fickle. One year after his agreement with the State, he issued a statement calling again for his proponents to go out to streets. Surprisingly, he burned the American flag, which he had raised before as well as the Socialist Party flag and photos of some of the former Southern leaders like Ali Salim al-Baidh, Haidar Abu Baker Al-Attas, and others. The next day, he was surprised that hundreds of southern partisans took to the streets refusing his call. Ambiguity Carries the Day The last calls of al-Fadhli have been surrounded by ambiguity. The master of tricks had changed again. He was an proponent man with the State, the changed to a bitter enemy. He changed from peaceful man to an opponent. All these transformations led to many doubts. Some news said, even though it was not confirmed as true or false, that the man has played duplicitously because he still receives the moral and material support from influential people in the State. The same rumors held that presidential instructions issued in secret had marked a reconciliation with Tariq al-Fadhli, and granted him land rights. Disregarding the validity of what recently has been said, Sheikh Tariq Al-Fadhli will remain a puzzle even with to his closest friends, and none of them can anticipate his next move. As always, ambiguity carries the day.

National Yemen

OPINION

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

The Revolution of the Egyptian Youth Still Needs Protection By Dr. Murad Alazzany, A professor in Sana’a University

The Egyptian youth have remarkably achieved a great victory when they put an end to thirty years of autocracy in Egypt. Their historic uprising which started on the 25th of January and continued for almost 18 days has forced Hosni Mubarak, the president of Egypt to bow to their demands, to step down and to hand over power to the army council. We congratulate those courageous youth for their resilient and extraordinary commitment to achieve such a historic and fundamental change in Egypt. It is indeed a critical moment and a milestone in the history of Egypt and the history of all Arabs. However the overthrown of Mubarak left us with two important questions regarding the Future of Egypt. The first one pertains the next role of the opposition while the second pertains the

role of the army. Regarding the opposition role, it is true that the overthrow of the president represents a pivotal turn in the three-week revolt. They did succeed in upending one of most enduring dictatorships history has ever known. However, they should not consider that their ultimate end. They should not get overwhelmed and be overcome by the emotions of such a massivevictory . Opposition should bear in mind that Mubarak, in spite of his autocracy and dictatorship, was not the main obstacle that hinders democratic reforms in Egypt. Though he is figurehead, he is still only one member of a repressive regime that Egyptians have suffered from for generations. The other members, who are plenty, have not gone anywhere – they did not step down. They were the main

tools of the corrupt regime and as long as they are still there playing major roles in the Egyptian political atmosphere, then a departure of one man does not make any big difference. They are in fact trying now to align themselves with the revolution for no purpose but to redecorate their past heinous crimes, to consign their misdeeds to history and, even worse, to perpetuate their own power. Thus the opposition should not leave Tahrir, their focal point of uprising and change, until all of their demands get fulfilled and when they verifiably get all the symbols of the corrupted autocratic regime out of their lives. They should return Egypt to the right path and nominate those they trust to lead their country. Otherwise all of their efforts and sacrifices will be a waste.

Regarding the role of the army, it is what worries us the most. Our concerns stem from two perspectives. We are first worried that the military men will exploit the situation and refuse to fulfill the promises to supervise the implementation of reforms and the peaceful transition of power. We still remember how the revolutions which took place in the Arab world in the late fifties of the 20th century started and where they ended. These revolutions started in Egypt by a group of military men who initially aimed at abolishing the monarchy there and establishing republic. The success of the revolution inspired numerous military men in Arab countries to revolt against monarchies. But these revolutions ended in military republics which seem sometimes worse than the current monarchies in the area.

As it was the military men who led the revolution, they perceived it as a divine right to enjoy the fruit of their effort, assigning themselves many privileges. Thus, it will be hard for those militaries to lose these privileges by handing over their power to a civil government elected by people. Our worries grow bigger as the army chiefs, or what is called the old guard, showed a strong commitment to themselves and their institution, which we expected should be dismantle at any time. But military men will bow to the will of the people only if the youth of Egypt stay in Tahrir till Egypt becomes a full democratic society. If the Egyptian youth manage to achieve that, it will be the first time in history that Arabs managed to get rid of military rule. However, our concerns again stem from the fact that those military men have little recent experience in directing and governing the country. Even if they are sincere in fulfilling their promises and in responding to the demands of the youth, we still do not know how they are going to supervise the implementations of reforms and transfer of power. Our worries could be justified, as the military signalled a light for the current government to continue administering the country and it did not indicate how it will take the kinds of fundamental steps towards democracy that protesters have been demanding. Egyptian youth must be aware that rule by the military has only to be temporary. The dissolution of what is seen as an illegitimate parliament must be the first thing to be declared by the army, and constitutional reforms must be non-negotiable. If those reforms are achieved, then Egypt will have witnessed a real revolution –

Dr. Murad Alazzany beyond the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak. We Arabs support the Egyptians youth as we are aware that extraordinary change that takes place in Egypt now does not matter only for the 80 million Egyptians. Rather, it matters for all of us Arabs, as we share with Egyptians the same situation and perhaps their destiny as well. We all share in common the social problems of inequality, corruption, autocracy and repression of unresponsive and unaccountable governments. We know that the wind of change in Egypt will blow to shake all the authoritarian regimes in the Arab world. These regimes which first were shocked by uprising in Tunisia and now in Egypt are trying to decorate their autocracies by false promises of reform and by raising wages to buy off critics and to defuse tensions. Their revolution will be an inspiration to all of people, as the actions of the Egyptian youth have been "an inspiration to people around the world, including here in the United States, and to all those who believe in the inevitability of human freedom,” according to president Obama. However, as Egypt changed the political situation of Arabs in the later fifties and sixties of the last century, it will now. The symptoms are visible from Yemen to Jordan and from Algeria to Syria.

Can the Egyptian Scenario be Averted? By Abdullah al-Salami Perhaps President Ali Abdullah Saleh is actually taking the situation seriously this time. Many observers during the past few days have noted that Yemen and its system are going the way of Tunis. However, President Saleh may sense that his turn has now come after the fall of Mubarak, one of the most major players in the region. This feeling likely became an obsession after the storm that felled President Mubarak, and his assurances about the former Egyptian regime when he said, "Egypt is not Tunisia". The Yemeni system cannot hold to that same tired motto by saying “Yemen is not Tunis," especially after the Egyptian regime of President Mubarak has descended into the abyss. Just add Egypt to Tunisia to confirm the dissimilarity between them and Yemen, and the statement must become "Yemen is not Tunisia, but not

Egypt as well as". The formula is rendered far less convincing. However, the determination to deny the similarities in the equation will not change anything. Therefore, there is no longer any option but to recognize that the Yemeni situation relates closely to what has happened in North Africa befor ethe departure of Ben Ali of Tunis But much more so, especially if it is to look at the difference of the economic situation and standards of service, education, and health. The unrest has been driven by the certainty that Yemen closely resembles Tunis and Egypt and the rulers of the Arab republics are of one system, and even non-republics as well, despite certain distinctions among each country. President Saleh has dared to take steps, but still they are in the process of being advertised, not executed.

They came in the context of trying to stop the tsunami of Bou Azizi from outside Yemen’s borders, or rather to avoid the eruption of anger in Yemen from reaching the level of transformation which has been sought to overthrow system. But it cannot be stopped before it touches the state and affects a significant change in the ruling system. Who would have believed in Yemen, for example, that the much-respected head of the parliamentary bloc of the ruling party, Sultan Al-Barakani, would speak out? He called not just to reform the office of the presidency, but to transform it from its roots. This rare dissent would be met with the public denial by the president Saleh himself, who disavowed the sentiment totally. But al-Barakani did not mean only to get the President’s satisfaction. Who

would have expected that the GPC would retract plans which only a month ago were impossible to stop. These include alBarakani’s bloc;s voting in parliament on the electoral law and the referendum with its new changes in procedure, and constitutional amendments affecting the article "112" of the Constitution, determining the period of the presidency. The backtracking also relates to the progress towards parliamentary elections, and the consequent consolidation of the rupture with the opposition bloc of the JMP. Until the moment, it can be said theoretically that President Saleh, in light of what was announced last Wednesday at the joint meeting of both Parliament and Shura Councils, expressed some things early compared with his Egyptian counterpart in response to popular unrest. This was meant to ward off an existential threat which is

meant to stave off comparisons the Tunisian scenario on Yemen. But in order to judge the effectiveness of this step, one must first reflect on whether the pulse of the street was taken, But as the concessions did not go come close to reaching the height of the demands, and in no way exceeded them, the response of political elites will not change a thing. Then, in the event of an almost complete agreement over the contents of the initiative of President Saleh among the various parties, this may not even be enough progress to evade the Tunisian scenario. What are the guarantees which will satisfy the street’s expectations, and will slow the fever wave which we have seen accelerating change? Given that the concessions clearly did not satisfy the street, we must wonder at the lifespan of the current policy. How long will it last -- for a week, or month, or less?

Abdullah Al-Salami Then, is there anything that President Saleh can do to face off a threat of such gravity and urgency? Sure his statements will not be enough stave off popular anger. These include "the resumption of the Quartet committee’s work, and of dialogue between the JMP and the GPC, and the freezing of the constitutional amendments, and the opening up of the electoral voting for those who have reached adulthood.” but all these concessions and reforms do not definitively lead to the cessation of inheritance and the stopping of the clock?

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

National Yemen

BUSINESS

Public Discontent at Amadeus partners with Yemenia to Wage Hike Strategy roll out Dynamic Availability Governorates/Exclusive Employees from all over the republic expressed their resentment for having the Yemeni government implement the third phase of its wages strategy. The raises being allocated especially to senior employees in the president’s inner circle, the government, ministers, and general managers. Senior employees are paid an amount of YR 20 thousand extra in the salary strategy, despite what their already high salaries, operational budgets exceeding millions, in addition to the cars, apartments, real estate bonuses, health insurance, and many other privileges. According to its critics, the strategy neglected regular employees whose basic salary is not enough for them to cover daily family expenses, as the authorities have allocated only between YR 5000 to 7000 for them, though this strategy is ostensibly aimed at helping the regular employee. While the salary hike was small, people on the payroll of trade unions and the teachers union of Professional Education received the benefits as well. The president, vice presi-

dent, prime minister and deputy prime minister had an increase in salary nearly YR 20 thousand. The degree 1-10% increase of salaries amounted from 15000 to 20000 for employees holding bachelor’s degree and general directorships. An 11-20% increase was allocated to teachers and junior employees. There was a YR 5000 to 7000 for teachers and junior employees For senior employees whose salaries amount to YR 80 thousand minimum and YR 260 thousand maximum, and for general directors from YR 46,000 up to YR 65000 for bachelor’s degree holders among the regular employees. Teachers and regular employees and teachers are slated to have their standard salaries increase from between YR 20 thousand to YR 30 thousand. Many employees in the government asked that the Yemeni authorities reconsider the wages strategy and they described it as unfair and that it serves the upper class instead of the middle class.

Dubai, UAE, 15 February 2011: Amadeus, the leading travel technology partner and transaction processor for the global travel and tourism industry, today announced that Yemenia, the national carrier for Yemen, has become the latest airline to implement its groundbreaking Dynamic Availability functionality. Amadeus Dynamic Availability is a revenue maximization distribution service that works in conjunction with an airline’s existing inventory and revenue management systems. It ensures that the recommendations made in a system are enacted immediately and consistently in Ama-

deus, via displays and fare search tools. Dynamic Availability offers a number of advanced features aimed at improving efficiency, such as letting an airline customize offers based on booking value using origin and destination (O&D) information and target that offer based on customer and market segmentation using point-of-sale information. It also lets airlines fine tune availability to specific points-of-sale to prevent agency abuse, and ensures decisions are fully embedded within the agency channel. Abdulfatah Altwaity, General Manager of Amadeus Yemen, said: “Yemenia

implementation for Amadeus Dynamic Availability functionality will support all Amadeus users in Yemen, the region, and worldwide -- in fact, wherever agents book on Yemenia. It works in conjunction with Yemenia’s own systems to reflect their recommendations through the Amadeus powered channels.” “This allows customer service representatives to reply to availability requests by agents in real-time, customizing offers based on the value of the booking, and taking into account O&D information as well as customer and market segmentation,” he added. Yemenia operates sched-

Abdulfatah Altwaity uled domestic services as well as international services to more than 30 destinations in Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Asia. Its main base is Sana'a International Airport, with a hub at Aden International Airport.

CPA Seminar: Survivorship Through Leadership The Center of Business Administration (CBA) organized a business seminar last Thursday, February, 17th, 2010 with the presences of the businessmen, professors and fresh MBA graduated students. Presentations were given by different speakers marking

their thesis projects. Ten participants were divided into three different groups and each one presented the outcomes of applied studies of their MBA research. Dr.Abdulkarim al-Sayaghi, academic research advisor, said that the center creates different activities to keep

students involved of their academic research. The Executive Master of Business Administration Program (EMBA) at Sana’a University is the first and only internationally accredited program for Executive Master of Business Administration in Yemen.

Dr.Abdulkarim al-Sayaghi

Tahrir Square Businesses Denounce Protests Private sector calls to stop persecution, abuse, and extortion against their activities mechanisms for applying the sales tax law, appointing customs ports to tax collection according to the law and the constitutional provisions, and to hold tax-evaders accountable for their deeds. The private sector gathering also called for reason and dialogue as a way out to resolve the crisis. Asserting at the same time the full neutrality of the private sector in the course of events facing the country. Al-Kabous confirmed in the assembly meeting that twice the amount of the necessary taxes are taken from 70% percent of traders. “The meeting was for the

The General Assembly of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Sana’a called to end the damage to their traders in al-Tahrir square as a result of interruptions of business due to the gatherings there, and demanded compensation for their losses. They also demanded in their expanded meeting held in Sana’a of all the concerned parties for an immediate cessation of their persecution of intellectual leaders of the private sector because of their strong positions in demanding the rights of the private sector. They requested the concerned authorities to withdraw the case against

Mohammed Abdo Saeed Anam, President of the Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and Chairman of the Board of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry in Sana'a, Hasan al-Kabous. The assembly confirmed its common cause with private sector leaders and their full, lasting solidarity with them. “It was proven to us that we have been mistreated, and that these events are a violation of the understanding prevailing between the private sector and official partners towards the development and renaissance of the country” explain that it was the reason behind their

decision to bring about the end to the continued suffering of the private sectors in various parts of Yemen.” assembly members added. They also demanded to put an end to the repeated extortion of the private sector in port and city entrances under the pretense of fees when customs duties are already paid in advance fully. The assembly members, who confirmed that the private sectors were not included in the meeting with civil society organizations held with the President of the Republic, pointed that they have produced a letter to the President urging him to reconsider

sake of determining the demands of the private sector and stressed the readiness to pay taxes, especially in ports, with regard to levies of various transactions, such as opening a shop, and paying fees for advertising,” confirmed al-Kabous. Other traders demanded the implementation of the demands according to a specific time period, adding, “The Chamber will take the legal and constitutional procedures necessary to take their rights.” If not they will start to strike peacefully, close shops, and stop imports. Some even demanded the filing of a lawsuit against the president of the internal revenue service.

Businessman Ali Saleh Al-Ashwal mentioned that some traders were assaulted by the central security in the peaceful protests last week in Sana’a, stressing his belief that the aggressors must be brought to justice. He also added that the tax authorities have taken YR 230 million illegally from him and he had followed up the case for three years, after which they offered to give him YR 28 million, but he refused. Another businessman, Sheikh Ali Saleh al-Athalah demanded to form a neutral committee to hold accountable merchants who were either corrupt, or avoided taxes.

National Yemen

REPORT

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

No Pink Slip for Saleh: What Yemen’s Protests Do (and Do Not) Mean Stacey Philbrick Yadav*

With cameras and Twitter feeds trained on Tahrir Square in Cairo, a series of large opposition protests have unfolded in an eponymous square in the Yemeni capital of Sanaa, as well as other major cities across the country. The protests have been organized and coordinated by a cross-ideological amalgam known as the Joint Meeting Parties (JMP, sometimes also translated as the Common Forum), and have been identifiable by their careful deployment of protest paraphernalia -- sashes, hats, posters, flyers and more -- tinted in gradations of pink. At first glance, these protests seem to have generated substantial concessions from President ‘Ali ‘Abdallah Salih, who, having occupied some form of executive office since 1978, is the longestserving ruler in the Arab world after Muammar al-Qaddafi. Salih pledged on February 2 to abandon his efforts to amend the constitution so as to be able to run again himself or engineer the succession of his son, Ahmad, to the presidency. Much as these steps might appear to presage far-reaching political change in Yemen, perhaps even a colored protorevolution, there are good reasons for skepticism. Nor is it obvious that the rallies in Yemen fit into the media-ready narrative of a latter-day “Arab awakening” dawning in country after country on the heels of the dramatic popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. The demands of the political opposition in Yemen align in some ways with those of the pro-democracy protesters elsewhere, but in many more ways they diverge. Yemen, to be sure, presents a more puzzling picture than Egypt, where a hidebound state lords it over a population that is more homogeneous than those of many other Arab countries. Forged by the unification of North Yemen (of which Salih was president) and avowedly socialist South Yemen in 1990, today’s Yemen remains haunted by regional divisions and the

state cannot claim anything like full control over many outlying areas in the mountains and desert. Like his fellow autocrats, Salih has many tools at his disposal for staving off the sort of reform that would strip him and his inner circle of power. Common Grievances A common thread connecting demonstrations across the Arab world in early 2011 is frustration with aging, bloated, yet brittle regimes that have fed for decades at the trough of US military assistance. These regimes are practiced at serving up so-called reforms that are marketed as “political openings” but have mainly reinforced incumbent power. None of the regimes is able to respond effectively to the pressing development challenges -- unemployment, petty corruption, poverty, dirty, saline drinking water -confronted by its citizens every day. Contra the prevailing policy logic, opposition activists in Yemen and elsewhere do not see the solution to these problems in stronger states, that is, regimes more capable of mobilizing and monopolizing force. They see the remedy in stronger governments, which can respond to people’s needs because they better represent ordinary citizens. In other words, the protesters intuitively reject the argument long advanced by incumbent regimes and their foreign donors that development must precede democracy, and they champion its converse instead. From Tunis to Cairo to Sanaa, activists are seeking to attain the voice that would make both democracy and development meaningful. The specific grievances of the political opposition in Sanaa are not new, nor are the groups who have expressed them in January and February 2011. The Yemeni opposition has coalesced for nearly a decade around an alliance of leftist, secular liberal, nationalist and

various Islamist trends, the JMP. The programs of the JMP’s constituent elements do not match up perfectly, and so it is difficult at times to know exactly which demands are salient. The leadership of the Yemeni Socialist Party, for example, is divided over whether and to what extent to align with the demands of the Southern Movement (also called al-Harak), the grassroots grouping agitating for greater autonomy for the southern provinces and, increasingly, secession. And Islah, the largest of the Islamist parties in the JMP, is riven by generational and ideological cleavages over, among other issues, the role of women in the party and in Yemen’s larger political sphere. Each of these divisions divides the alliance and the parties within it -- and the regime deftly exploits the gaps. Because the JMP is an alliance of parties, each with its own partisan press, a small cadre of independent papers have valiantly resisted the state’s encroachment in order to create a kind of “virtual space” for the articulation of common JMP policy priorities and critiques of the regime. It is not uncommon to find members of the Nasserist, Socialist and Islamist trends penning editorials that appear side by side on the pages of these non-partisan publications, holding forth on a shared objective. These papers have come under strain -- as, by extension, has the ability of the JMP to craft and propound a common agenda -- at the hands of increased state surveillance and outright repression, with new techniques for prosecution on spurious charges enforced through an extraconstitutional “special court” for journalists established in May 2009. In January 2010, government forces surrounded the offices of al-Ayyam, an independent daily giving heavy coverage to the southern uprising, before invading the offices, jailing the editor

and closing down the paper. Other papers have had their archives and computer servers seized, putting the confidentiality of journalists’ sources at risk. The US has registered only weak protests at the establishment of the “special court” and other manifestations of the Salih regime’s war on journalists. Indeed, as this war proceeds, the Obama administration has more than doubled US military aid, from $67 million in 2009 to $150 million in 2010, as part of a broad counter-terrorism program.

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and in a move from the Egyptian regime’s playbook, it has reportedly deployed plainclothes police and hired thugs to harass peaceful protesters

Embarrassing State Department documents released via Wikileaks show that US aid has been directed to the fight against the regime’s domestic opponents, particularly the Houthi rebels in the north, with the knowledge of CENTCOM commander Gen. David Petraeus and, thus, all the major power centers in Washington. The scope of US aid to Yemen falls far short of the billion-dollar annual contribution to Egypt, but its unpopularity -- and the purposes to which it can be put in suppressing political freedoms -- is a link between the protests in

both countries. Divergent Groups Beyond the similarities, however, the grievances, ambitions and tactics of the Yemeni opposition differ considerably from those in other states in the region. Indeed, the Yemeni opposition is in fact composed of several groups, some of which are coherent and others only loose formations, and which compete with each other and (importantly) within their own ranks as often as they cooperate. Most notable in international media coverage are the armed groups. In the northern province of Saada, on the border with Saudi Arabia, the rebellion led by members of the Houthi family has entered into its sixth ceasefire in only seven years, with considerable loss of civilian life caused by the government’s indiscriminate aerial bombardment and attacks on displaced persons camps. In the south, what began in 2007 as a peaceful protest movement calling for a more equitable distribution of state resources and political power was met with such repressive force that some of its members have begun to shoot back. What might have been negotiation points less than a year ago have increasingly begun to look like lines in the sand. The current round of civil protests, however, is led by none of these groups. The JMP coalition’s efforts to construct itself as a “loyal opposition” are in clear contradistinction to the rhetoric of open revolt elsewhere in Yemen, and also bear little resemblance to the diffuse, bottom-up movement in Egypt. With rows of plastic chairs lined up and microphones provided for some of the gatherings, the JMP’s protests in Sanaa have more closely resembled opposition rallies, with distinguished speakers enumerating demands to cheering, chanting crowds in colorcoordinated costume. Even the hue of pink, the “color of love,” was chosen to highlight the civil, warmhearted nature of the protests. The opposition’s demands, however, are substantive, and display little tenderness for the Salih regime. The JMP, as an umbrella for Islamist, Socialist, Nasserist and other smaller parties, has been in existence since 2002. It reached the apex of its political power when it fielded a consensus candidate to run against Salih in the 2006 presidential election. While the JMP’s man, Faysal bin Shamlan, won only 23 percent of the vote, he is credited with making Salih work harder for his victory than ever before. On the way to electoral triumph, the president had to promise a number of reforms that he would otherwise have held in reserve. But since 2006 the JMP has been torn apart by internal divisions over ideology and strategy. The cleavages were thrown into sharp relief by the unanticipated rise of al-Harak, whose platform overlaps with the JMP’s, but whose captains

have become more vocal and insistent as the regime responded to its demands with force. Some JMP leaders have tried to capitalize on the popularity of al-Harak, but others have feared the costs of being associated with a cause that increasingly speaks of secession. Because most JMP leaders have opted to remain oriented toward Sanaa as a “loyal opposition” formally committed to unity, they have risked losing their standing with key sectors of the population. This dilemma is particularly acute for Islah, which has its deepest roots in the north, but worked hard in the 1990s and early 2000s to establish a base that is genuinely national. Islah accomplished its expansion, in part, through the parallel activities of the Islah Charitable Society, and in part through its leaders’ reputation for moral probity and commitment to combating corruption. For most of the 1990s, many Yemenis viewed Islah less as an opposition party than as a wing of the ruling General People’s Congress, given its northern origins and its social conservatism. But as the largely southern Yemeni Socialist Party declined in influence following a short civil war in 1994, Islah was less essential to the regime and less able to achieve its goals through collaboration with Salih. It moved steadily toward the other opposition parties, though some within Islah’s leadership have shown somewhat more flexible loyalties, particularly al-Zindani, leader of the party’s most conservative element and a close ally of Salih. As Islah assumed a prominent role in the JMP, however, Zindani’s clout eroded and a cadre of Muslim Brothers with a more progressive bent came to the fore, building alliances with members of other parties on the basis of professional associations and, for many, common experiences as student activists. These more liberal Islamists are the men and women who form the core of the JMP leadership. One of Islah’s younger leaders, Tawakkul Karman, who is also the founder of the NGO Women Journalists Without Chains, became a heroine of the opposition in January, when she was arrested on her way home from a demonstration. Immediately after her release, she returned to rally JMP protesters again. For its part, the government has oscillated between guarded tolerance and suppression of the protests. It has arrested key activists like Karman, and in a move from the Egyptian regime’s playbook, it has reportedly deployed plainclothes police and hired thugs to harass peaceful protesters, especially women, in an effort to provoke a response that would justify retaliation with brute force. *Stacey Philbrick Yadav is assistant professor of political science at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in Geneva, NY. Courtesy MERIP

Sunday, Feb. 20, 2011 Issue 33 www.nationalyemen.com

POLITICS

National Yemen

Protests Rage in Ibb and Taiz By Mohammed Mukhashaf and Mohammed Ghobari The leader of Yemen's secessionist Southern Movement was arrested in Aden and shots were fired at a demonstration in Sanaa on Sunday as unrest hit the impoverished Arab country for a ninth consecutive day. Thousands of people also staged sit-ins in the cities of Ibb and Taiz, demanding the departure of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who renewed his call for opposition parties to pursue a dialogue with the government. Saleh, a U.S. ally battling a resurgent al Qaeda wing based in Yemen, has held power for 32 years in an Arabian Peninsula state that faces soaring unemployment, dwindling oil and water reserves, and chronic unrest in northern and southern provinces. Hasan Baoum was arrested in the southern port city by an "armed military group" in a hospital where he was receiving treatment and was taken to an unknown location, his youngest son Fadi Hasan Baoum told Reuters. Baoum was also arrested in November last year, accused of planning illegal demonstrations. Security in Aden was stepped up on Sunday with

tanks and armored vehicles out on the city's main streets. In the capital, as many as 50 government supporters tried to break up a demonstration outside Sanaa University by more than 1,000 protesters. A Saleh supporter fired shots from an assault rifle but there were no reported casualties and the government supporters soon dispersed, while the protesters continued their demonstration chanting, "Leave, Ali!" Both sides fired weapons on Saturday outside the university -- the first reported use of firearms by demonstrators. Several protesters were hurt in those clashes and five people including young girls were wounded in the southern town of Sheikh Othman, apparently by stray bullets. Five soldiers were wounded on Saturday evening in Khormaksar and Sheikh Othman when protesters clashed with security forces, a local official and witnesses said on Sunday. PROTESTS AND SIT-INS In the southern city of Ibb, around 1,000 protesters set up camp in Freedom Square waving banners which read "Leave" and "The people want

Al-Zindani Weighs in on Political Crisis

Abdulmajeed al-Zindani, the prominent Islamic preacher and president of al-Iman University, called on speeding the agreement between the ruling party and the opposition on guarantees to run elections after six months for a representative, fair, and democratic government. Al-Zindani demanded that peace prevail in the streets only if the President Ali Abdullah Saleh dismisses his relatives from power. According to al-Zindani, the only solution available is through “forming a Yemeni national government of shared power where the ministry of defense belongs to the ruling party and ministry of foreign affairs and electricity to the opposing party.” He stated in a press conference held by Yemeni religious scholars last Thursday that the attack on demonstrators is a crime with no statute of limitations. Al-Zindani continued, saying that Yemeni religious scholars believe in change

from within, citing from the events in Egypt and Tunisia, which constituted a great challenge to injustice. He also stated that Yemeni scholars point was built on the “violations which took place in both of Tunisia and Egypt, when the authorities clung to its position.” “The revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt proved that change is happening in the Arab and Islamic worlds and a future of justice and development is coming whether peacefully or violently.” He said, “the media has collaborated in covering up the events in the Arab world despite what they have been through,” thanking the al-Jazeera channel for their major role in covering the events in both of Tunisia and Egypt. The scholars’ meeting also prepared a statement to be signed by Yemeni scholars from the entire republic and are going to be announced in the scholars meeting in Sana’a next Monday.

the fall of the regime," witnesses said. In Taiz, thousands continued a sit-in for the ninth straight day. Twelve Yemeni human rights organisations demanded the sacking and trials of security officials in Aden, Sanaa and Taiz because of their role in attacks against

demonstrators, according to a statement seen by Reuters. Saleh on Sunday renewed his call for opposition parties to continue their dialogue and blamed the last two days of protests, in which five people were killed, on "elements outside the system and the law."

"Dialogue is the best way. Not sabotage. Not blocking the roads," he told tribal, military and civil leaders in Sanaa. On Saturday he blamed a "foreign agenda" and a "conspiracy against Yemen, its security and stability" for the string of protests against poverty, unemployment and

Demonstration Continues at Sana’a University

corruption which have gained momentum since the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. Saleh is facing not only an al Qaeda branch that has launched attacks at home and abroad Protests have flared across Yemen for the past month. courtesy of Reuters

National Yemen