Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Nela Lazarevic, Article Samples Written by: Nela Lazarevic Written for: Transitions Online Period of pubblication: March - May 2006 Topic: Montenegrin Independence referendum
Nela Lazarevic
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E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
Transitions Online
About Transitions Online
Transitions Online (TOL) is a media development organization and online journal covering news and events in the 29 countries of Eastern, Central and South Eastern Europe, Russia the Baltics, the Caucasus, and central Asia. TOL was the winner of the 2001 NetMedia Award for Outstanding Contribution to Online Journalism in Europe and the 2003 NetMedia Award for Best Innovation in Online Journalism. In 2005, two TOL editors were jointly named among 50 “Europeans of the Year” by the European Voice for the magazine’s coverage of EU integration. TOL regularly runs training seminars for professional and aspiring journalists, on a range of topics, including working as a foreign correspondent, EU reporting, online publishing and new media, and others. In cooperation with the BBC World Trust and the Guardian Foundation, TOL has also launched several distance education courses on environmental reporting, new media, and education reporting. To date, TOL has helped improve the writing and reporting skills of hundreds of journalists from the region. Since 2007, Transitions Online has emerged as a leading source of news and analysis on developments in education reform across its target region and other countries in transition. With the support of the Open Society’s Institute's Education Support Program, TOL has pioneered training in education reporting in post-communist countries and features regular coverage of education themes on its education reporting resource site, Chalkboard.
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Nela Lazarevic
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Appendix 1. Transitions Online > features > Calm in "Serbia on the Sea" The mechanics of separating Serbia and Montenegro could be tricky, but the example of Herceg-Novi suggests fears of instability are overblown. 25 May 2006 2. Transitions Online > features > The Next Top Destination? Montenegro’s tourism industry seems set for robust growth despite the political uncertainty ahead of the independence vote. 4 May 2006 3. Transitions Online > news > Public Trust in Focus The independence referendum campaign highlights Montenegrins' mistrust of their media and politicians. 26 April 2006 4. Transitions Online > analyses > Independence by Minority? Will ethnic Albanians hand Montenegro sovereignty? 7 April 2006 5. Transitions Online > analyses > Candid Camera or Pulp Fiction? Two pro-independence activists have been caught on camera attempting to buy a vote in the upcoming referendum on Montenegrin independence. Or have they? 30 March 2006 6. Transitions Online > features > Swan Song? Does the failure of Serbia and Montenegro to choose a Eurovision contestant foreshadow the failure of the state union? 23 March 2006
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Nela Lazarevic
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Article °1 Calm in "Serbia on the Sea" by Nela Lazarevic 25 May 2006 The mechanics of separating Serbia and Montenegro could be tricky, but the example of Herceg-Novi suggests fears of instability are overblown.
HERCEG-NOVI, Serbia and Montenegro | Just days after Montenegrins voted in favor of independence, things seem to be back to normal in the seaside town of Herceg-Novi – one of nine municipalities that voted in favor of continued union – but in fact, things there had never ceased to be normal. The town, sometimes referred to as “Serbia on the Sea” because of its traditionally pro-Serbian politics, watched the independence celebrations from the crowded streets of Cetinje and the capital Podgorica on television. The streets of Herceg-Novi – which voted 61.3 percent for union during the 21 May referendum – remained virtually empty. But Herceg-Novi’s unionists do not appear frustrated by their loss. Their attitude is one of wait and see, although there are concerns about the economic implications of the referendum’s outcome, especially among the 25 percent of Montenegrins who earn their living from tourism. Will Serbian tourists now boycott the Adriatic beaches? The independence camp actually did very well, even here. Door-to-door canvassing and phone calls to known union supporters resulted in 4,500 more votes than expected – a significant gain in a town with just over 20,000 registered voters. According to a source in the pro-independence ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), senior pro-independence officials traveled to Herceg-Novi following the vote to congratulate activists on a job well done. Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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The overall result in Montenegro looks clear enough – with 55.5 percent in favor of independence, according to the EU’s representative on the referendum commission, Frantisek Lipka. The EU had set a threshold of 55 percent for the referendum to succeed. The final result has not yet been announced since 37 of a disputed 1,120 ballots have not yet been examined, but this wouldn’t be enough to push the yes vote below the threshold. MINORITIES AND LIBERALS FOR INDEPENDENCE The pro-independence bloc won in 12 municipalities, with the highest pro-vote in ethnically mixed towns and in the cultural and historical capital of Montenegro, Cetinje, once the home to the king of independent Montenegro. It is also where the small Liberal Party of Montenegro (LSCG) was based, the party that first mooted the idea of independence 15 years ago. In the early 1990s, then party leader Slavko Perovic promoted the idea of Montenegrin independence to follow in the steps of the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Macedonia, Croatia, and Bosnia, but the idea seemed almost absurd at that point. The LSCG usually scored less than 10 percent in elections, while Milo Djukanovic, the then and present prime minister, opposed independence, claiming common history and roots meant Montenegro belonged with Serbia. Djukanovic changed his direction radically toward the end of the 1990s to become the independence bloc leader. Slavko Perovic continued to oppose Djukanovic and did not even vote in the referendum. Cetinje voted 86.4 percent for independence, compared to 53.8 percent in Podgorica. Rozaje, a town close to the Kosovo border, registered the highest support for separation – 91.3 percent. Another significant victory for the pro-independence bloc was the costal town of Ulcinj where the predominantly (80 percent) ethnic Albanian population voted 88.5 percent for independence.
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Nela Lazarevic
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The pro-unionist bloc has been fanning fears that Montenegrin independence would play into the hands of adherents of a “Greater Albania.” Djukanovic has said repeatedly that the new Montenegro will not be a nationalist country but a home for all its citizens, including minority Albanians, Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims), and Croats. Both channels of Montenegro’s national television were airing information and educational programs about the Albanian minority on the day after the referendum. Serbs are not considered a minority in Montenegro due to the porous definition of Montenegrin nationality and the high number of people identifying as Serb. In the country’s 2003 census, 43 percent declared themselves to be Montenegrin, followed by 32 percent who identified as Serb. Many Montenegrins have relatives and other close ties with Serbia. NO SECOND-CLASS CITIZENS “Two neighbors in Montenegro are still friends even if they voted differently in the referendum. Our bloc will make sure there are no further divisions between them,” pro-unionist leader Predrag Bulatovic said in his 22 May address to the public on national television. “I will personally fight [to ensure] that no one is a second-class citizen in Montenegro,” he said. Bulatovic called on supporters to accept the will of the electorate, once established, saying the process was completely fair and without irregularities. Bulatovic’s restraint was matched by that of his pro-independence counterpart Djukanovic. In an after-midnight address following the poll he called on pro-unionists not to feel excluded. “Time will prove that this is your victory as well,” Djukanovic told them. He also congratulated the new country of Serbia, saying it too deserved to be independent and to return to its roots.
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Serbian President Boris Tadic congratulated Montenegrins on the democratic referendum, while Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica said he would wait until the result was official. Tadic announced he would soon pay an official visit to the new, independent Montenegro. Zarko Korac, a university professor and leader of Serbia’s small Social Democratic Union (SDU) told Croatian national television on the day after the referendum, “It is a strange fact that Kostunica, who likes to declare himself as a nationalist leader, is not glad to have gained an independent country for his nation. But this makes sense since he is not a state nationalist, but an ethnic nationalist.” A full 89 percent of viewers who called in during the show expressed the belief Montenegro would do better without Serbia. XENOPHOBIA AND CONGRATULATIONS But while the republics of the former Yugoslavia, as well as other European countries and the EU, congratulated Montenegro on its newfound independence, the reaction in Serbia was quite different. Comments on the most popular Serb online forum, Serbian café, as well as comments on the website of the Serb daily Vecernje Novosti, ranged from strong nationalism to outright xenophobia, with a few posters suggesting Serbia should now turn towards its own development. Fairly typical was the poster who said, “It is a shame we have again allowed a country smaller than us to decide our future.” Some posters wanted to impose visas on Montenegrins visiting Serbia, others wanted to fire all Montenegrins from Serbian government positions, and some wanted to expel all Montenegrins. Such feelings are unlikely to produce instability, however, since most Serb politicians have promised to respect the referendum result.
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The Serbian Civic Alliance has urged the Serb media to stop spreading the xenophobic and anti-Montenegrin messages. MECHANICS OF DIVORCE Under the terms of the 2003 agreement establishing the union, Serbia becomes the successor state in the case of dissolution, taking on all international obligations and memberships. EU association talks have been on hold since Kostunica’s government missed yet another deadline for the extradition of war-crimes suspect Ratko Mladic to the Hague-based International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Montenegro appears unburdened by the war crimes issue, however, and expects to resume association talks once it has achieved international recognition, which should happen within a month. Serbia and Montenegro must now figure out the mechanics of divorce. Podgorica requested such negotiations before the referendum, presenting Belgrade with a declaration guaranteeing Serbian citizens living in Montenegro all rights enjoyed by Montenegrins, short of the right to vote. Djukanovic says even if Serbia imposes passport and visa requirements on Montenegrins, Serbian citizens would need only ID cards to enter Montenegro. The mood in Herceg-Novi, and the fact that there is little Belgrade can do about Montenegro’s newfound sovereignty, suggest dissolution will proceed peacefully.
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Article °2 The Next Top Destination? by Nela Lazarevic 4 May 2006
Montenegro’s tourism industry seems set for robust growth despite the political uncertainty ahead of the 21 May referendum on independence.
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro | While it was still part of Yugoslavia, Montenegro never developed a strong distinct identity as a tourism destination. Fifteen years after Yugoslavia’s demise – years marked by war and political isolation – the tiny Adriatic republic is still advertised by foreign tour operators and travel magazines as “the last undiscovered treasure of Europe.” While Montenegro has been virtually forgotten, the tourism industry in neighboring Croatia has recovered very robustly. With the assistance of foreign and domestic investors, Croatia has rebuilt and re-structured the tourism sector and promoted its remarkable islands internationally, which are becoming household names throughout the world. Montenegro is now following in Croatia's steps, and the statistics seem to bear out that this is the way to go. The number of foreign visitors in 2005 was 50 percent above the numbers from the previous decade; and this year’s figures already show the beginning of the summer season to be 30 percent above last year’s. “Discover the Wild Beauty,” a campaign promoting Montenegro on the global news channel CNN, started on 4 April as the second phase of a campaign that brought a significant increase in British tourists last year; the commercial will be shown 250 times until July. Montenegro's tourism organization reports that the number of visitors to its website – Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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www.visit-montenegro.com – doubled in the first week of the campaign and is steadily growing. The centrality of tourism to Montenegro’s image of itself is no surprise. Even during a decade of stagnation and isolation, with wars ravaging neighboring Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo and instability in neighboring Albania, tourism remained one of the republic’s main economic activities. Every fourth Montenegrin works in tourism, and it is expected that by 2010, every third Montenegrin will be in the sector. Visitors are expected to increase from the current five million to 10 million per year by 2010. But today’s numbers are still below that of the best tourism year so far, 1986, when Montenegro hosted over six million visitors. Then as now, the largest group of visitors came from inside the former Yugoslavia. WILD BEAUTY Montenegro is the home of Europe's largest canyon, its southernmost fjord, the longest sand beach of the southern Adriatic and the largest lake on the entire Balkan peninsula. It is the first (self-declared) “ecological state,” with four national parks and a UNESCO world heritage site, the coastal town of Kotor. However, poor road infrastructure, problems with water supply in some coastal areas, and the lack of high quality accommodation are all challenges for Montenegro’s plans. Poor roads between the coastal south and the mountains and lakes of the north led investigators from the international ecotourism organization TIES to the conclusion that it would be unreasonable to invest heavily in winter tourism. TIES suggested that Montenegro improve its ski areas mainly for the needs of domestic tourists and limit itself to offering daytrips into the mountains for foreign tourists staying on the coast during summer. TIES also pointed out that Montenegro should work on preserving the current state of the environment, rather than investing into a big tourist centers that would inevitably bring overcrowding and pollution. Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Another big problem of Montenegro's tourism is the quality of accommodation. Socialist Yugoslavia’s tourism sector was not geared towards profitable quality tourism but towards luring as many foreigners, and their foreign currencies, into the country as possible. The state-owned tour operator Yugotours offered lower prices to foreigners than others could; throngs of Britons, Italians, Germans and others were regular visitors to the Yugoslav coast. Montenegro still has a significant number of communist-style hotels, large, dysfunctional buildings worn out by years of neglect and lack of capital. A recent estimate puts the average age of hotels in Montenegro (and Croatia) at about 40 years. Most of them are three-star hotels, which corresponds to two stars in the international rating, and lack of air conditioning is ubiquitous. Exceptions to the rule are hotels like the Sveti Stefan and Mediteran, both near the tourism capital Budva. Sveti Stefan, a former fishing island, is now operated by an international corporation that owns luxury hotels and villas in Asia, the United States, and Europe. Indeed, foreign investment is now coming increasingly to Montenegro, and the most desirable properties are changing hands quickly. In the past, the famous apartment 118 of the Sveti Stefan complex was a frequent refuge for stars like Claudia Schiffer, Sofia Loren, and Arnold Schwarzenegger. NO MORE MASS TOURISM Montenegro’s current government, led by pro-independence prime minister Milo Djukanovic, agrees that Montenegro should no longer focus on mass tourism. The Tourism Ministry has published a master plan for sustainable development in tourism that stresses the need for the country to re-orient itself and cater to the needs of the demanding, individual visitor. The master plan refers to the example of Mallorca, to learn from both its success and its mistakes. The ministry believes Montenegro can take Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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over Mallorca's once-enviable position now that the island is threatened with becoming spoiled by overcrowding. Montenegro and Mallorca have roughly the same population, around 600,000 people, but Montenegro is four times the island’s size and has more varied natural attractions with its numerous lakes, rivers, and mountains. The master plan foresees that the number of high-quality hotel beds should double by 2010, with a corresponding decrease in low-quality private accommodation, currently the most popular choice of the numerous tourists from Serbia. The ministry is also calling on Montenegrins to provide a more "authentic" experience to foreign visitors by concentrating on traditional meals and customs. This year, the ministry signed agreements with most Montenegrin restaurants that oblige them to include virtually-forgotten national meals on their menus. In return, these restaurants will be included in a new brochure called “Montenegro: Wine and Dine.” The growing number of foreigners opening restaurants in Montenegro will also have to include national meals in their offer. The list of pre-defined recipes has been composed with the assistance of several dozen local housewives and other cookery experts. At the same time, however, Montenegro also hopes to become more attractive through low-cost carriers that might add it to their destinations. TOURISM AND POLITICS Despite the rapid increase of foreign visitors to Montenegro, tourists from landlocked Serbia are still the largest group. Many Montenegrins are worried that their number might decrease significantly should Montenegrin voters choose independence in the 21 May referendum. Travel agencies, however, report that the number of reservations from Serbian tourists is the same as last year, pointing out that pricing is a more decisive factor in choosing where to go on holiday than politics. Montenegro’s most obvious competitors here are Bulgaria, Turkey, and
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Greece. Indeed, Bulgaria offers lower prices than Montenegro and is at the same distance from many Serbian towns as Montenegro. Branko Kazanegra, director of one of Montenegro’s leading travel agencies, Adriatic Express, told TOL that Bulgaria, Turkey, and similar destinations represented a healthy competition that would provide incentives and parameters for Montenegro’s further development. Kazanegra doesn’t foresee a precipitous drop in Serbian tourists this summer but believes that in any case, such a shortfall could be compensated with the growing number of visitors from other countries. But Serbian tourists worry that taxes for foreign tourists might be applied to them, and that they might need passports to visit their smaller neighbor. The Montenegrin government has tried to allay such fears by declaring that Serbian citizens would have the same rights in an independent Montenegro as Montenegrins, short of the right to vote. This would above all affect the roughly 20,000 properties owned by Serbians in Montenegro. But the implications of the independence referendum are as difficult to predict as its outcome. The Serbian government has refused to react to the Montenegrin declaration, perhaps because it has an interest in maintaining uncertainty in the hope to dissuade some voters in the closely contested poll from voting in favor of independence. All the while, tourists in unprecedented numbers are likely to enjoy Montenegro’s beaches, mountains, and lakes this summer, undeterred by the rising political temperatures.
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Article °3 Public Trust in Focus by Nela Lazarevic 26 April 2006 The independence referendum campaign highlights Montenegrins' mistrust of their media and politicians. PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro | The campaign leading up to Montenegro’s 21 May referendum on independence from the state union with Serbia has officially begun. It was kicked off by a debate between pro-unionist and pro-independence representatives aired on national public television on 11 April. Private and public media are now carrying campaign promotions and reportage. At the same time, internationally funded monitoring agencies have found irregularities in the campaign and widespread distrust among Montenegrins toward the media in connection with the issue of independence. THIRST FOR INFORMATION So, how independent is the media coverage of the referendum campaign? A recent opinion poll by the Montenegrin Media Institute found that 52 percent of respondents consider the domestic media corrupt, 32.5 percent think the media protect the interests of those in power, and 19.5 percent consider the media mouthpieces of economic interests. Only 17.3 percent of respondents thought the media were serving the interest of all citizens. Respondents reported that politicians and the media provide little information about what might happen after 21 May, making it difficult for voters to assess the implications of their vote. The MMI poll shows that Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Montenegrins want to know more about possible post-referendum scenarios, in particular the effects either result might have on the country’s economic prospects. MMI also published a list of issues related to independence that voters would like to see taken up by the media. Not surprisingly for a small country dependent on a much larger neighbor for imports and tourists, Montenegrins are primarily concerned with the effects of independence on the economy and the already low living standards. Montenegrins want to know whether Serbian tourists will still come to Montenegro’s Adriatic beaches and mountains should they vote for independence; whether import duties on Serbian food will rise, and whether this will lead to inflation; and whether the costs for medical treatment for Montenegrins in Serbian medical facilities will rise. Almost three quarters of Montenegrins have close relatives in Serbia, which explains another important concern – whether independence would mean passports and visa requirements to enter Serbia. Another issue concerns the over 20,000 Montenegrin students in Serbia, and whether they could lose scholarships and face much higher fees there. Montenegrins feel their media are neglecting such matters. ACCUSATIONS OF MANIPULATION This is not just the media’s fault, however. The campaign rhetoric is becoming harsher as the referendum date approaches, and voters are still not sure what independence would mean in practice. On 13 April, Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, who leads the pro-independence camp, presented the Serbian government with a declaration on the equal status of Serbian citizens in Montenegro after the referendum. The declaration promises that Serbian citizens living in Montenegro would enjoy all the rights of Montenegrin citizens, except the right to vote, should the country indeed become independent. It offered Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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the same tax rates to Serbian property owners in Montenegro, equal enrolment fees to Serbian students, and the right for Serbians living in Montenegro to obtain Montenegrin (or dual) citizenship. The only major force in Serbia to welcome the declaration was the Democratic Party (DS) of Serbian President Boris Tadic. A DS representative told the media that it was a positive sign that relations between the countries would be friendly regardless of the referendum’s outcome. But the Serbian government of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica was much less impressed by the declaration. Montenegro’s pro-independence bloc believes that the reluctance of the Serbian government to have a detailed discussion about post-referendum strategies is evidence of an attempt to influence Montenegrin voters. Serbian Economy Minister Predrag Bubalo said that the position of the Serbian government was to wait patiently until Montenegrin citizens had expressed their preferences and only then will it decide on the specifics of future cooperation. But he pointed out that it is necessary to quash the illusion that everything will be the same in the event of separation. Djukanovic retorted that the Serbian stance was designed to deprive voters of the possibility of an informed decision at the ballot box by creating insecurity. Djukanovic has also offered to leave politics if the pro-unionists voted for independence, saying that much of the opposition to independence was more a reaction to him personally than to the principle of independence. DEBATING INDEPENDENCE The first TV debate between representatives of the pro-independence and the pro-unionist blocs aired on Montenegro’s national broadcaster RTCG on 11 April. Most observers thought the debate was won by proindependence representatives Djukanovic and Ranko Krivokapic, the leader of the Social Democratic Party, a junior partner in the governing coalition. This assessment was confirmed by surveys: 67.5 percent of Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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viewers thought Djukanovic and Krivokapic were better at justifying their position, while pro-unionist politicians Predrag Bulatovic and Predrag Popovic were found convincing by 17.5 percent. Olivera Komar, program director at the U.S.-funded the Monitoring Center - CEMI, said, “The independence bloc was more focused on the concrete arguments why Montenegrin independence should be supported, whereas the pro-unionists have started a negative campaign, which in politics, especially in our region, is a lot more common, and which is used to discredit the opponent, and through him indirectly also his project.” She said that voters were invited to cast their vote against individuals rather than principles. “It is difficult to predict which one of the two approaches will influence more the undecided voters, since both sides have their audience,” she added. Komar thinks that core supporters on either side will not decide the outcome, but rather a small percentage of those who are undecided. In order for independence to be recognized by the EU, 50 percent of Montenegro’s eligible voters must participate and 55 percent must vote in favor of independence. Even though both sides claim the support of more than 60 percent of the voters, they are clearly worried about the possibility that the vote may fall in the gray area between 50 and 55 percent. As for public opinion, a CEMI poll suggests that 45 percent think Montenegro should declare independence even if the stringent EU criteria aren’t met, while 55 percent think that, in such case, Serbia and Montenegro should work together to make the union stronger and more functional. MISTRUST IN THE INSTITUTIONS Numerous foreign bodies are participating in the organization and monitoring of the Montenegrin referendum in order to ensure that democratic Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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standards are met. Concerns about possible irregularities are widespread. A recent CEMI report highlighted voting lists as a risk factor. Both blocs have reported numerous irregularities in this area, such as the appearance of deceased people or the multiple listing of some voters in different locations. Activists from both blocs have also reported receiving threats. In the coastal town of Kotor, for example, pro-independence activists received letters suggesting they would be prosecuted for bribery. Pro-unionists received threatening SMS messages. Quotes from the threatening letters have also appeared in the local media. In April, CEMI published a report on the knowledge and attitudes of Montenegrins toward the EU and their own institutions. The report shows that Montenegrins put most trust in the Serbian Orthodox Church (56.4 percent of respondents), followed by the president of the republic (53 percent), and the EU (46.4 percent). They least trust the judiciary (31 percent), the police (33 percent), and the military (37.2 percent). Of the respondents, 63.8 percent think their knowledge on the EU is good, very good, or excellent, while 35.6 percent feel they know very little or not enough. The same research also showed that 61.8 percent of Montenegrins have never visited an EU country. It is also interesting to note that the group that has traveled least are those under 26 years of age (wherein 36 percent have visited at least one EU country), while the group aged 41–55 have traveled the most (58 percent have visited one or more EU countries). Asked what the main benefits of EU membership would be, 26.5 percent answered peace, 24.7 percent named the ability to travel freely, followed by economic prosperity (23.7 percent) and social protection (7.1 percent). Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Article °4 Independence by Minority? by Nela Lazarevic 7 April 2006 Will ethnic Albanians hand Montenegro sovereignty?
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro | Montenegro’s ethnic-Albanian minority may prove decisive in the forthcoming independence referendum, potentially pushing the yes vote over the 55 percent quota required by the EU. All polls so far have shown the pro-independence bloc leading by only a few percentage points. The Albanian vote has been an important issue in Montenegrin elections of the past. Ethnic Albanians account for roughly 5 percent of the population, or about 30,000 out of a total just over 600,000 people. Under stringent voting rules demanded by the EU, a pro-independence vote must garner at least 55 percent of the votes cast and a voter turnout of at least 50 percent to be valid. Montenegro is the last republic of former Yugoslavia to still be associated with Serbia, in a dysfunctional state union brokered by the EU in 2003. Two recent events reminded Montenegrins of the importance of the Albanian vote: a protest in Podgorica on 23 March by residents of Tuzi, a mostly ethnic-Albanian district of the Montenegrin capital, and an interview by a former leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK) with the pro-Serbian daily Dan. In the interview, former UCK leader Adem Demaci made several radical statements, suggesting that Kosovo and Montenegro might one day be Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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“united” and that ethnic-Albanian votes would bring independence to Montenegro. UNION OF NON-SERBS? Demaci’s statements added fuel to an already heated dispute between the pro-union and pro-independence blocs. It didn’t help that Demaci – the former leader of a group that Serbia and Montenegro consider a terrorist organization – praised Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, saying Kosovars would be honored to have him as their prime minister. His statements were broadcast numerous times by local media, and by pro-union politicians. “Albanians will never forget the hospitality of the prime minister, Milo Djukanovic, in 1999, when 50,000 Albanians from Kosovo found refuge in Montenegro,” Demaci said. Djukanovic’s party, the pro-independence Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), was less than thrilled with the praise heaped over the border from Kosovo. Demaci’s prediction that Montenegro’s ethnic Albanians would help deliver independence at the ballot box was played down by the coordinator of the Independent Montenegro Movement, Rade Bojovic. Bojovic said that in addition to the ethnic Albanians, citizens of all other ethnic groups in Montenegro would also vote in favor for independence. “The Montenegrin pro-independence policy is primarily civic and multiethnic, and therefore it is not about counting the citizens by their ethnic belonging, which is why I believe that no ethnic group individually will be decisive for Montenegro’s destiny.” Pro-unionists saw Demaci’s boasts as a confirmation of what they describe as the contribution by the government of Montenegro to the project of creating a “greater Albania.”
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The chair of Serbia and Montenegro’s Coordination Center for Kosovo, Sandra Raskovic-Ivic, said that Demaci’s statement confirmed the existence of a “strategic concept for greater Albania” and added that there was a strong pro-Albanian strand in Montenegro’s politics. In response, the leader of the Democratic Union of Albanians, Ferhat Dinosa, invited Serbia “to look up to Montenegro when it comes to the issue of providing rights to all citizens.” VOTES IN EXCHANGE FOR TERRITORIAL AUTONOMY? Ethnic-Albanian political leaders are now calling on Montenegrin Albanians to vote in favor of independence. In return, they are asking for the regionalization of Montenegro, in which the ethnic-Albanian community would administer three regions: Tuzi, Plav-Gusinje, and Ulcinj. Initial requests for the regionalization of Montenegro in favor of the ethnic-Albanian minority date back to 1993, when Tuzi, an ethnic-Albanianmajority suburb of Podgorica, filed its first request for an independent, ethnic-Albanian-led municipality. Albanian representatives in Montenegro’s parliament have complained that the ethnic Albanians had been promised the municipality of Tuzi many times toward elections, only for the promises to be forgotten after the polls. In addition to Tuzi, Montenegrin ethnic Albanians have sought self-rule for the northern Plav-Gusinje region, as well as the country’s southernmost coastal town and former tourist capital, Ulcinj, whose population is now over 80 percent ethnic Albanian. While pro-unionists are speculating about collusion between the current Montenegrin government and the greater -Albania project, officials of the governing DPS maintain that requests for the regionalization of the country are unconstitutional, especially if based on ethnic criteria. “The idea about the regionalization of Montenegro, no matter whose it is, is completely unconstitutional,” a former president of the Constitutional Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Nela Lazarevic
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Court, Blagota Mitric, said. “Every regionalization, especially one based on national criteria, is a serious violation of the constitutional concept of the civic state.” ANOTHER SONG SCANDAL The 23 March protest for a separate municipality for Tuzi also hosted a performance of Kosovo’s most popular hip-hop group of the day, Ethnic Angels. A few days after the protests, in which some individuals waved UCK flags, Albanian television aired a new video by the group in which a map of Albania was drawn over Serbo-Montenegrin territory, according to Dan. The video opens with a sequence of the “Albanian” towns of Pristina (Kosovo), Ohrid (Macedonia), and Gusinje and Ulcinj (Montenegro), followed by an expansive Albanian borderline, spreading over the territory of Kosovo, Macedonia, and Serbia and Montenegro. Organizers of the peaceful protest in Podgorica, the Civic Initiative (GI), denied knowledge of the video, saying they invited “Ethnic Angels” only because of their current popularity in Kosovo and Albania. “We don’t want greater Albania, we just want an independent Tuzi,” said Dzevdet Pepic from the GI. As for the UCK flags, the organizers said it was an act of individual expression and not in line with the spirit of the event. “I waved the UCK flag because it is sacred for me. I didn’t do it in order to provoke or offend anyone,” said one of the protesters.
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Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
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Article °5 Candid Camera or Pulp Fiction? by Nela Lazarevic 30 March 2006 Two pro-independence activists have been caught on camera attempting to buy a vote in the upcoming referendum on independence. Or have they?
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro | Has Montenegro’s ruling party, which is making a bid for the republic’s independence in a referendum set for 21 May, been trying to buy votes? Or has it fallen victim to a scam, perhaps intended to tarnish its image with voters and discredit the cause of independence from the state union with Serbia? “We will not be delayed or run off the road by cheap pulp fiction and third-class photomontage. The Montenegrin pro-independence block will conduct a clean and positive pre-referendum campaign according to the rules of the law,” Montenegro’s Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said in response to video footage that appeared to show two of his party activists offering a voter a down payment on an overdue electricity bill in return for his pro-independence vote. CAUGHT IN THE ACT OR SET UP? The two activists who seemed to have been caught in the act appeared on TV on 24 March to deny the vote-rigging accusations and described the tape as a forgery. But if that’s indeed what it is, who made the recording? None of the people present in the video say they were aware that a camera was running during their transaction. The tape was handed to the
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Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
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media by a pro-union block, which refused to comment on the origin of the tape, saying it was the contents that mattered. The eight-minute clip appears to show two activists of the ruling Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), Ivan Ivanovic and Ranko Vucinic, offering one Masan Buskovic a down payment on his overdue electricity bill of 1,580 euro ($1,900) in return for a pro-independence vote in the referendum. Ivanovic and Vucinic were released after questioning by the police on 27 March, together with the suspected organizer of the event, a former officer from the State Security Service (SDB), Vasilije Mijovic. The DPS activists said they had been set up by Mijovic, who had invited them to the house of his relative Buskovic and then surreptitiously taped the conversation, manipulating the footage to make it appear as if they had given Buskovic money in return for his vote. Mijovic in turn pointed the finger at military intelligence, who he said placed the video camera at Buskovic’s house. The police found an audio recording of the conversation with Ivanovic and Vucinic in Mijovic’s apartment, together with video and audio recording equipment. Mijovic had numerous weapons at his apartment, all of them licensed to him. The media reported that a picture of Mijovic together with fugitive Bosnian Serb wartime commander Ratko Mladic had also been found in his apartment. In the days prior to the video scandal, on the evening of 11 March, Mijovic reported to the pro-union Podgorica daily Dan that someone had activated a time bomb in his courtyard. “This is the typical handwriting of the service [the SDB] I used to work for, and it is completely clear that they wanted to shut me up after my claims relating to the work of the SDB and its pre-referendum and pre-election activities,” Mijovic told the paper. Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
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He added that his wartime experience had saved his life in the attempted bombing. Montenegrin police later classified this as a false report and announced Mijovic would be prosecuted for “causing panic and disorder.” Prime Minister Djukanovic appealed to Montenegrins not to use “dirty methods” to raise tensions. He said that the pro-union side were aware of their inferiority and were trying to stop the inevitable process of Montenegro regaining its independence. When the remains of Yugoslavia were officially liquidated in 2003, Montenegro entered into an EU-sponsored state union with Serbia, which has been largely dysfunctional. The founding document provided that a referendum on independence could be held after three years. Montenegrin President Filip Vujanovic declined to comment on the voterigging video, saying it was now the job of the police and the courts to decide how to proceed. Pro-union activists, meantime, have expressed their disappointment with the way Montenegro’s media and police treated the issue, claiming the pro-independence block had diverted attention from the main issue – the manipulation of voters – to unimportant details such as who had taped the conversation. A representative of the Serbian National Party told a press conference, “We expected that the political and especially media audience would judge the very top of the DPS and the republic['s] government. Instead, we’ve seen the beginning of a sad and unscrupulous race to exonerate the vote buyers.” He added that the footage “has demonstrated that the DPS is a party that buys [votes] and engages in blackmail.”
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Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
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Article °6 Swan Song? by Nela Lazarevic 23 March 2006 Does the failure of Serbia and Montenegro to choose a Eurovision contestant foreshadow the failure of the state union?
PODGORICA, Serbia and Montenegro | Serbia-Montenegro will not be represented at this year’s Eurovision Song Contest after the selection process ended in recrimination and riot. “We haven’t had a case like this in 50 years of Eurovision,” the executive director of the popular contest said. The selection for the country’s entry took place at Belgrade’s Sava Center on the evening following president Slobodan Milosevic’s death in custody at the international war-crimes court in The Hague on 11 March. But after Montenegrin band No Name was announced as the winners, following a vote that many saw as tactical by the Montenegrin judges, the largely Serb audience erupted. Shouting “thieves” and booing, they pelted the stage with bottles, forcing No Name off before the group could reprise its winning song. No Name represented the country at last year’s Euro Song, in Kyiv, Ukraine, where they reached the grand final. There were accusations of vote-rigging at the national round then, too. None of the four jury members from Montenegro voted for the Serbian entry, the Flamingos, while Serbian judges split their votes. The winners had to be escorted to their hotel by police while the selfproclaimed winner, the Flamingos, took the stage to perform their song Nela Lazarevic Article Samples
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Nela Lazarevic
T +39/ 320/ 491-8134
E-mail nela.lazarevic@gmail.com URL http://www.nelalazarevic.wordpress.com
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again. The show’s host concluded the event by saying, “This is the land of wonders.” Aleksandar Tijanic, the president of the umbrella body of Serbia and Montenegro’s public broadcasters, refused to certify the result, saying that the Montenegrin jury members had acted improperly and violated the rules, which stipulate that voting should be done according to artistic merit, not politics or nationality. “It is better not to have a common representative at all than to accept, for the second time, the manipulations, pressure, blackmailing, and tribal voting, and to eagerly obey the will of musical clans and political mentors,” Tijanic said. The final decision not to send a representative to the main Eurovision contest was made on 19 March, a day before the application deadline and following a week of intense negotiations between the main public TV stations of Serbia (RTS) and Montenegro (RTCG). During the negotiations, RTS suggested another round of voting with five representatives each from Montenegro and Serbia, but in which the final decision would be in the hands of the audience, which had already given 10,000 votes more to the Flamingos than to No Name. Montenegrin RTCG rejected the proposal as well as all other suggestions since, in its view, No Name had already won. Because of its decision to withdraw from the competition, Serbia-Montenegro will have to pay a late withdrawal fine in addition to the regular participation fee. It will also be barred from participation for the next three years. If the country breaks up following a Montenegrin referendum on independence scheduled for 21 May, neither of the successors will be able to participate. The referendum will take place one day after the Eurovision finale in the Greek capital, Athens.
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