Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Mapping Hate in A Safe State
3. Democratizing Our Advocacy Agenda
4. The 2024 LGBTQ+ Community Agenda
5. AcknowledgementS
6. References
Page 2 Page 3 Page 7
Page 10
Page 17
Page 19
Dear Community,
I write this years’ advocacy report introduction with mixed feelings of gratification and uncertainty. While we have much to be proud of from our accomplishments last year - including our successful e orts to make New York a sanctuary for gender a rming care and expanding the Lorena Borjas Transgender and Non Binary Wellness and Equity Fund - it is also the case that in just the last couple of years our community has been targeted with increased violence, the likes of which we have not seen in a very long time. That includes right here in the Empire State as you will learn from our research project, Mapping Hate in A Safe State. The persistent politicization of our bodies has taken a toll on us both mentally and physically. The need to constantly rise to the occasion will deprive you of any joy if you let it. Therefore, more than anything, my ask of you is to remember to hold on to your power - power that is innate, divine, inherent to who we are as Queer and Trans people. That we remember to pour into each other and remind each other of our love for one another while we’re still here.
The agenda we are putting forth this year is one that will undoubtedly be an uphill battle. We are up against extreme political polarization, politicians who straddle the fence and limits to how far our elected leaders will go when it comes to seeing us for who we are. These challenges require us to be clear-sighted and in lockstep with one another if we're going to be successful. They require us to think outside of ourselves and to be strategic in our organizing e orts. We must set out to move LGBTQ+ rights in New York towards a post-marriage equality movement that centers social, racial and economic justice.
The team at the NEW Pride Agenda is committed to working in coalition to see the light of day when trans people no longer su er from avoidable sexual assault and abuse while incarcerated. We’re eager to humanize adult consensual sex workers and unapologetically push back against a prohibitionist model of decriminalization that pretends sex workers are inherently exploited or without any agency. And, we’re ready to roll up our sleeves and join the fight with countless other working class New Yorkers to say that access to housing is a human right. The purpose of this report is to make the case for our 2024 LGBTQ+ Community Agenda - the Agenda that hundreds of you voted on and created. We hope this report gives you a deeper understanding of why these are urgent matters that can't wait for slow and incremental change.
The legislative session in Albany is already in full swing. Meaning, we have only but so much time, at least within this particular session, to advance the bold policies that will bring about the systemic change that our community needs. We hope you will join us on the ground as we organize opportunities to ensure your voices and your votes are heard and that people with power and influence - listen. In the coming weeks we will share more information about upcoming advocacy days at the state Capitol and provide opportunities to hold space with each other and strategize our way towards victory. Be sure to join our monthly Advocacy Coalition Call (ACC) to stay in the know and get plugged into volunteer opportunities for the year. Lastly, I want to thank my incredible team for their hard work on this report and for all of their e orts to help create statewide power for Queer and Trans people.
See you on the field.
Towards Equity,
Elisa Crespo Executive Director NEW Pride AgendaIn late 2022, the NEW Pride Agenda began working on a research project focusing on the rise of bias-related incidents1 across New York. Through media reporting and data from the Anti-Defamation League H.E.A.T. map we were able to source 80 total incidents between 2022-2023 where individuals were subjected to anti-LGBTQ hate. We identified four primary categories: book bans and adjacent matters, harassment, vandalism, and assault.
The NPA Mapping Project aims to visualize and shift the narrative around bias-related incidents that impact the safety and wellness of LGBTQ+ individuals living in New York State. This campaign is titled “Mapping Hate in a Safe State.”
With it we will collect data, build spaces of support, increase direct resources, and advocate for stronger policies and implementation of protections for our community members.
Note: This project is ongoing, data may change as updated. It may not capture all incidents.
New York State consists of 62 counties yet our map only contains information from 18 counties in total. Our Policy Counsel has submitted FOIL requests in order to compile a more complete understanding of statewide anti-LGBTQ+ incidents.
Dutchess, Erie, Monroe, Onondaga, Ontario, Oswego, Saratoga, and Warren
• Youth, School, “Critical Race Theory” based actions
• More targeted subtle forms of disruptions
Nassau, New York, Orange, Putnam, Queens, Richmond, Rockland, Su olk, Westchester
• Bold, Public, “Counter” protest actions
• More visibly antagonistic forms of disruptions
Many times these actions overlapped with other incidents of bias-related and/or hate crime oriented implications.
For the second year in a row, the NEW Pride Agenda has decided to take an intentional step towards inclusivity and representation. We continue to work with community members across the state to democratize our annual legislative agenda. This process helps us ensure that everyone has the opportunity to contribute and influence decision-making with regards to our advocacy e orts. Most importantly, our work centers voices from the most marginalized within our community, such as BIPOC Transgender, Gender Non Conforming, Non Binary and Intersex (TGNCNBI) individuals and those from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds. The 2024 LGBTQ+ Community Agenda was created for the people, by the people.
Thanks to so many of you, we achieved a significant milestone by doubling the number of responses for our 2024 Community Ballot Initiative. Our advocacy team, in collaboration with our Board of Directors and government relations consultant, compiled a comprehensive list of legislative priorities we are actively tracking statewide. Every piece of legislation strategically selected aims to improve the everyday lives of LGBTQ+ communities across the state, ensuring a more inclusive and equitable New York. Community members were empowered to choose their top three priority bills from a curated list of 17 options, creating the foundation of the 2024 Agenda. Last year, we garnered 109 votes, but this year, we saw a significant increase to 267 votes. Looking ahead, we’re setting an ambitious goal of 500 votes for 2025. With our collective voice we can continue to drive systemic change.
For 2024, our goal is to continue to bridge the gap between Upstate and Downstate community members. Kicking o our advocacy e orts, we hosted a statewide Virtual Town Hall. The inaugural event marked the launch of the 2024 Community Ballot Initiative and showcased a diverse group of community organizers across New York. The conversations centered the pressing legislative issues we are currently facing, and set the stage for a statewide collaborative and impactful year ahead. Empowering our community through political education and civic engagement stands at the core of our advocacy e orts. To further this mission, we initiated a series of ‘Gearing Up’ community forums across Upstate New York. These forums were designed not just to increase voter participation but also to amplify voices that we believe were underrepresented in last year's ballot initiative. We are committed to ensuring that everyone has the opportunity to understand, discuss, and pass on knowledge, creating a well-informed and active statewide community base.
To commemorate the start of Black History Month, we spearheaded an unprecedented LGBTQ+ Advocacy Convening in Albany, New York, marking another significant milestone in our journey. This gathering was a vibrant assembly of LGBTQ+ community members, leaders, activists, allies, and elected o cials all converging to foster a sense of unity, learn from one another, and participate in meaningful workshops designed to challenge biases and build solidarity. The event was a powerful display of community-base building, showcasing the potential of statewide collaboration in action. Representatives from diverse regions including Bu alo, Rochester, Syracuse, Albany, the five boroughs of New York City, Long Island, and surrounding rural communities came together, filling the venue with a rich diverse group of voices and experiences.
In March 2024, we are excited to launch our next major initiative: a monthly Statewide Advocacy Coalition Call. This call is a strategic step forward, aimed at reinforcing the foundation we've established through our diverse advocacy e orts and the vibrant communities we've engaged across New York. It's an inclusive platform, welcoming everyone who shares our vision of a fair and equitable future for all LGBTQ+ New Yorkers. This statewide coalition call isn't just a meeting, it's an opportunity to unite, share progress, and strategize collectively for the challenges ahead. We encourage all who are committed to this cause to join us in this pivotal conversation.
Additionally, to keep our community informed and engaged, we invite you to subscribe to our quarterly advocacy newsletter - PERIOD. Here, you'll find updates on our ongoing projects, insights into our advocacy strategies, and highlights of our statewide achievements as we continue to champion the rights and well-being of the LGBTQ+ community in New York.
New York State has long represented hope and safety for the LGBTQ+ community. Yet, calls for reform of how TGNCNBI people are treated in New York jails and prisons, where they face the most extreme forms of violence and dehumanization, have gone almost entirely unanswered. On a daily basis, incarcerated TGNCNBI people face humiliation, sexual assault, violent attacks, and barriers to medically necessary care. There is no small number of TGNCNBI people who face this reality: nationally, one in every six TGNCNBI people and one in every two Black TGNCNBI people have experienced incarceration, because they are disproportionately propelled into the criminal justice system by unequal treatment and unsafe conditions in housing, employment, education, healthcare, and policing.² For New York to truly stand with the TGNCNBI community, it must pass the Gender Identity, Respect, Dignity, and Safety Act so that jails and prisons throughout the state are required to implement basic protections that would safeguard the rights of TGNCNBI people incarcerated in New York.
TGNCNBI people face a daily struggle for survival in jails and prisons, and New York facilities are no exception. A 2021 survey of incarcerated TGNCNBI people in New York found that the vast majority of respondents experienced physical assault, sexual violence, and transphobic harassment at the hands of other incarcerated individuals and corrections sta alike.³ When TGNCNBI people report mistreatment or unsafe conditions, they can be placed in protective custody (similiar to solitary confinement) against their will and for excessively long terms that amount to torture.⁴ Much of this mistreatment comes down to prisons and jails automatically housing TGNCNBI people according to their external genitalia or sex assigned at birth, rather than their gender identity. In one case, a transgender woman was abruptly transferred to a men’s facility after first being correctly housed in a women’s facility, despite having legally changed her name and gender marker on her identity document prior to incarceration.
Attempts to transfer to gender-aligned facilities are almost alway deadends: although it is the policy of the NYS Department of Corrections and Community Supervision (DOCCS) to provide a case-by-case and individualized assessment of TGNCNBI people’s facility transfer requests, clearly it has not been enforced. According to the 2021 survey, although two thirds of respondents had requested a facility transfer, all female-identifying TGNCNBI respondents were still housed in men’s facilities. Many of those who sought transfers waited months or even years for a response to their request just to receive a denial with little to no explanation, while others were told that protective custody was their only option. Protective custody, even when voluntary, is no solution because TGNCNBI people can continue to face violence and harassment from corrections sta and are excluded from facility programs. In addition to regular degradation and violence, TGNCNBI people incarcerated in New York face an uphill battle accessing all forms of medical care, whether it is mental, general, or gender a rming care.
Passage of GIRDS would create the strong policies necessary to protect TGNCNBI people on the inside. It would create a presumption of housing consistent with one’s gender identity
unless the person opts out of such placement. Corrections sta would be prohibited from using discriminatory reasons to deny appropriate housing and would be required to provide a written response in two days with a detailed explanation for a denial, enabling people to challenge a wrongful or discriminatory determination. It would also ensure that TGNCNBI are treated respectfully, are searched by sta of the same gender, and have access to gender a rming healthcare, commissary items, clothing, and other essentials. Finally, it would limit involuntary protective custody terms to 14 days.
California, Massachusetts, and Connecticut have already enacted protections similar to GIRDS, and there is growing support for these protections throughout New York. In 2020, as a result of a settlement of a lawsuit filed by an incarcerated transgender woman, Steuben County agreed to adopt policies for the treatment of incarcerated TGNCNBI people that closely model the provisions of the GIRDS, and which were endorsed by the New York State Sheri s’ Association. Broome County adopted an almost identical policy after a settlement was reached in another lawsuit in August 2023, and at least four jurisdictions across New York have since adopted the same policy on their own accord. Most recently, New York State Attorney General Letitia James stated her support for the passage of GIRDS in February 2024.⁵
No amount of reforms will make prisons or jails completely safe for TGNCNBI people. However, the need for change in how incarcerated TGNCNBI people are treated could not be more urgent. The passage of GIRDS will provide immediate and life-saving protections for so many members of the TGNCNBI community who will spend years or even the remainder of their lives within jails and prisons in New York.
New York is in the midst of a humanitarian crisis as more than 100,000 New Yorkers fill shelters statewide and 40% of rental households across each region of New York are cost burdened.6 Since 2010, the Finger Lakes, Tompkins County, North Country, New York City, Western New York, and Dutchess County regions saw their homeless populations increase by 468%, 274%, 78%, 66%, and 45% respectively.⁷ These figures are due in no small part to the inaction of New York State’s leaders, who have consistently failed to address the a ordable housing shortage or make adequate investments into shelter exit programs. As a result, New Yorkers struggling to pay rent teeter closer to homelessness or displacement, and New Yorkers who are already homeless are left with no way out of a shelter system that grows ever more crowded each month.
Although the impact of this crisis can be noticed across communities and geographic location, it is important to call attention to the fact that homelessness and the shortage of a ordable housing do not a ect New Yorkers evenly. Immigrant LGBTQ+ people, LGBTQ+ people of color, and TGNCNBI people are more likely to become homeless, and they also experience unique harms and challenges when they are homeless. New York must pass the Housing Access Voucher Program, because permanent and inclusive housing is the best means to relieve members of the LGBTQ+ community who are already struggling to avoid or overcome homelessness.
LGBTQ+ people are at heightened risk of becoming homeless due to compounding socioeconomic disparities, discrimination, and harassment. Nationally, 17% of all LGBTQ+ adults and 30% of TGNCNBI adults experienced homelessness in their life, compared to an estimated 6% of the general population.⁸ This disparity is even more stark for LGBTQ+ people of color: Black LGBTQ+ adults have been found to be four times as likely as white LGBTQ+ adults to have recently experienced homelessness.⁹ The factors that fuel homelessness among these groups include family rejection, discrimination in both housing and employment, and disproportionate rates of contact with the criminal justice system.
When they are homeless, LGBTQ+ people experience high rates of violence, sexual victimization, discrimination, harassment, and other forms of mistreatment that extend their homelessness, worsen health disparities, and even result in incarceration. A survey of LGBTQ+ people in New York City found that 90% of respondents reported feeling unsafe when they lived in a shelter.10 Although the rates of mistreatment of LGBTQ+ people in shelters are well-documented, there is only one New York City shelter dedicated to LGBTQ+ adults in the city, Marsha’s House, which has itself been immersed in allegations of sexual misconduct and anti-LGBTQIA+ harassment from the moment it opened its doors.11 Transgender people are particularly vulnerable to mistreatment in shelters, often being forced to comply with inappropriate clothing requirements, endure constant misgendering, and are sometimes turned away entirely because of their gender identity.
Once an individual has a criminal record, the cycle of incarceration, unemployment, and homelessness becomes particularly challenging to overcome. According to one estimate, formerly incarcerated people are almost ten times more likely than the general public to be homeless due to housing discrimination based on criminal conviction.12 Di culty finding employment, public housing programs’ exclusion of individuals with criminal convictions, and the criminalization of poverty and homelessness propel formerly incarcerated individuals back into the criminal justice system. Not only are LGBTQ+ people disproportionately likely to have been incarcerated at some point in their life, but they are also less likely to have family willing to take them in once they are released from prison or jail, making them particularly vulnerable to the homelessness-to-prison pipeline.
In addition to those who are formerly incarcerated, immigrants and those with no income are also left out of public housing and rental assistance programs. LGBTQ+ immigrants can spend years crossing multiple countries to live in New York to be able to fully be themselves without facing violence or harassment. However, these restrictions limit them to living in shelters, where they face the exact violence and harassment they were attempting to escape.
HAVP would help countless LGBTQ+ New Yorkers living on the margins and excluded from Section 8 stay safe and achieve financial stability. HAVP would create a state-funded, long-term rent subsidy for homeless and extremely low-income households, with rent capped at 30% of a renter’s income, and with a payment standard that is 100% of Fair Market Rent. At least 50% of the program would be allocated toward housing homeless New Yorkers, and the remainder toward eviction prevention for households at risk of becoming homeless.
Over the past few years, a growing number of state legislatures have become battlegrounds for the rights of TGNCNBI youth, with gender a rming care being a principal target of anti-LGBTQ legislators. In response to the nationwide surge of anti-Trans bills seeking to restrict or ban youth access to gender a rming care, Governor Kathy Hochul signed the Safe Haven for Trans Youth and Families Act (Gender A rming Care Shield Law) in June 2023. This law sent a clear message to TGNCNBI youth, their supporters, and healthcare providers that New York will use the full extent of the law to protect them from hostile states’ attempts to restrict access to gender a rming care. However, some gaps in protection persist within New York law, leaving these groups vulnerable to penalties in certain situations.
The first gender a rming care ban appeared in the South Dakota legislature in 2020.13 Since then, copy-cat bills penned by a small number of conservative interest groups have been introduced all over the country. These bills take aim at anyone who helps TGNCNBI youth receive gender a rming care, levying felony charges, fines, revoked medical licenses, and loss of custodial rights, among other forms of discipline. Some bills take aim at TGNCNBI youth themselves by revoking insurance coverage for gender a rming care and even imposing felony charges for receiving care. 38% of TGNCNBI youth nationwide reside in the 23 states that have banned or restricted gender a rming, and many more are at risk of losing access to care as bans move through their states’ legislatures.14 Altogether, at least 140,000 TGNCNBI youth have already lost or are at risk of losing gender a rming care.15
Research has consistently shown that when TGNCNBI youth don’t have access to gender a rming care, they endure devastating and long-lasting consequences, including higher rates of depression, eating disorders, isolation, self-harm, and suicidality.16 The loss of access to gender a rming care has given many TGNCNBI youth and their parents, guardians, and those who support them little choice but to move elsewhere. Advocates in New York and other states worked quickly to create protections for newly arrived TGNCNBI youth and their supporters, as well as protections for in-state providers of gender a rming care. Specifically, New York’s Gender A rming Care Shield Law ensures that parents or guardians will not be charged with child abuse for helping a child receive gender a rming care, prevents providers from having their New York medical licenses revoked, forbids New York medical malpractice insurers from hiking up rates or taking other adverse action against providers, and it prohibits New York law enforcement from cooperating with another state’s investigation against providers and anyone who helps TGNCNBI youth receive gender a rming care in New York.
Gender identity touches many facets of an individual’s health, making gender a rming care an expansive category of interventions. Each kind of gender a rming care is an integral component of any TGNCNBI individual’s health, because each can independently be life saving, and because di ering forms of gender a rming care work in concert with one another. As the law in New York currently stands, not all providers of gender a rming care are receiving the same level of protection. New York must pass the A.7687/S.7506 (Bronson/Hoylman-Sigal) to
ensure more providers, including speech pathologists and therapists, can be protected from other states’ gender a rming care bans, so that these forms of care remain available to TGNCNBI youth in New York. In addition, this legislation would make clear that New York courts have jurisdiction over families who move to New York or travel here so that a child can receive gender a rming care.
As an organization led by LGBTQ+ people and those with experience in consensual sex work, we know that sex work decriminalization is unequivocally an LGBTQ+ issue. Members of the LGBTQ+ community who are the most economically marginalized, especially transgender people of color and immigrants, often turn to sex work as a way to survive. The criminalization of any person involved in the sex industry – whether they are a sex worker, a client, or third party –worsens conditions for sex workers by exposing them to abusive policing, heightened risk of exploitation, and poorer health outcomes, all while failing to accomplish any discernible public policy objective.
New York law contains several anti-prostitution and anti-tra cking penal statutes, but only about half of them concern tra cking, the exploitation of minors, or coercion in the sex industry. The other half criminalize the exchange of consensual sex for money or the promotion of such an exchange, the rationale being that these laws allow for the interception of human tra cking by law enforcement. However, Amnesty International,17 the United Nations,18 and 250 scientists who study the sex industries19 all recognize that comprehensive decriminalization, or the removal of criminal penalties for all parties involved in the consensual sale of sexual services, is the best measure to reduce coercion in the sex industry while promoting the health, safety, and rights of sex workers. This is because comprehensive decriminalization enables sex workers to screen clients, negotiate condom use, and work together with other sex workers without the fear of criminalization. Comprehensive decriminalization also enables sex workers to seek medical or legal help without fearing economic consequences or legal repercussions.
Law enforcement who police sex work in New York are notorious for aggressively targetting LGBTQ+ and immigrant communities, who are seen as “low hanging fruit” for more overtime pay. One investigation found that 91% of sex workers and 90% of their clients arrested in New York City were people of color, although it has been estimated that people of color make up only 15% of the demographic who purchase sexual services.20 Sting operations on Asian-owned massage parlors in search of human tra cking rings are overwhelmingly fruitless, but leave many hardworking business owners with missing funds, traumatic police encounters, and the fear of deportation. It was exactly this kind of operation that caused Yang Song, a Chinese massage worker in Flushing who lived in fear of police harassment and deportation, to
jump to her death in an attempt to escape arrest.21 Like many in the trans community, Layleen Polanco was targeted in a sting operation based on the suspicion that she was engaging in sex work and later died in solitary confinement.22 Police have also been known to extort sex workers for sexual favors by threatening them with arrest or violence if they did not comply with their demands.
New York must pass the SVSTA, because comprehensive decriminalization is the most proven measure to combat tra cking while safeguarding the rights and dignity of sex workers. The SVSTA would remove criminal penalties associated with the consensual sale of sexual services between adults while upholding all statutes that target tra cking or the exploitation of minors. SVSTA would also provide for post-conviction relief for sex workers who have already been impacted by criminalization by automatically sealing their convictions for engaging in consensual sex work.
The LGBTQ+ community is burdened by various intersecting political, social, and economic factors, the full breadth of which cannot be captured – nor can their impact be undone – by just four pieces of legislation. While the four bills that make up our 2024 LGBTQ+ Community Agenda will receive the biggest share of our attention in the coming months, we will also make e orts to pass the following pieces of legislation that we have identified as thematically linked to the bills in the Community Agenda or otherwise linked to the NEW Pride Agenda’s mission to make visible and meet the most critical needs of our community.
The Repeal STI Discrimination Act, A.3347 (Gonzalez-Rojas) / S.4603 (Hoylman-Sigal), will further our goal to decriminalize and destigmatize LGBTQ+ bodies by repealing public health law 2307, an archaic law that aims to punish anyone living with sexually transmitted infections (STIs) who has consensual sex. HIV is not a crime, and the laws of today must reflect the modern day scientific and medical advancements that have led to HIV and other STI’s no longer being a death sentence. Rest of State Housing, A.2418 (Bronson) / S.183 (Hoylman-Sigal), will help meet the need for safe, supportive, and stable housing of low-income New Yorkers living with HIV outside of the five boroughs of New York City, who are among the most disenfranchised members of our community. Ample evidence demonstrates that safe, stable housing is essential to support e ective antiretroviral treatment that sustains optimal health for people with HIV and makes it impossible to sexually transmit HIV to others.23 Legislation that mandates Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE), A.4606 (Gonzalez-Rojas), would help ensure all youth, regardless of their gender or sexual orientation, receive the education they need to lead healthy lives while combating misinformed and biased attitudes that contribute to bullying. CSE can help reduce unwanted teen pregnancies, tackle new STI cases which disproportionately show up among teenagers, and educate young people about the importance of consent. Finally, legislation that ensures Youth Access to Healthcare, A.6761 (Reyes), will allow decisionally-capable youth without supportive families or guardians to consent to health care that is critical to their wellbeing while also reducing financial barriers to accessing that care.
Mapping Hate In A Safe State:
Williams
of Programs and Strategic Initiatives
Introduction:
Elisa Crespo Executive Director
Kei
Director
The NEW Pride Agenda would like to thank the hundreds of LGBTQ+ New Yorkers who participated in our 2024 Community Ballot Initiative, helping us determine our 2024 LGBTQ Community Agenda.
A special thank you to our upstate partners, the Pride Center of Western New York, The Lab and In Our Own Voices, for welcoming us into your spaces for our Gearing Up Upstate Community Forums.
Special thank you to Liz Edman, from the O ce of the State Comptroller, who has been a thought-partner in the Mapping Hate in A Safe State research project.
1. A bias incident is intentional or unintentional conduct that discriminates, stereotypes, excludes, intimidates, mocks, degrades, threatens, harasses or harms anyone in our community because of actual or perceived gender, gender identity or expression, or sexual orientation.
2. Jaime Grant, et.al., Injustice at Every Turn: A Report of the National Transgender Discrimination Survey (2011), available at https://transequality.org/sites/default/files/docs/resources/NTDS_Report.pdf.
3. Sylvia Rivera Law Project & TakeRoot Justice, It’s Still War in Here: A Statewide Report on the Trans, Gender Non-Conforming, Intersex (TGNCI) Experience in New York Prisons and the Fight for Trans Liberation, Self-Determination, and Freedom (2021), available at https://takerootjustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Its-Still-War-In-Here-1.pdf.
4. UN O ce on Drugs and Crime, Justice Section, The United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the
5. Letitia James (@NewYorkStateAG), X (Feb. 8, 2024), https://x.com/NewYorkStateAG/status/1755578530925043810?s=20.
6. N.Y.S. O ce of the Comptroller, New Yorkers in Need: The Housing Insecurity Crisis, February 2024, https://www.osc.ny.gov/reports/new-yorkers-need-housing-insecurity-crisis.
7. Id.
8. Soon Kyu Choi et. al., Homelessness Among LGBT Adults in the US, UCLA Williams School of Law Williams Institute, May 2020, https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/LGBT-Homelessness-May-2020.pdf.
9. Id.
10. N.Y.C. Comptroller’s O ce, Results of a Survey of LGBTQ New Yorkers, June 2017, https://comptroller.nyc.gov/wp-content/uploads/documents/Results_of_a_Survey_of_LGBTQ.pdf.
11. John Casey, Marsha’s House, NYC LGBTQ+ Shelter, Accused of Abuse and Neglect, Advocate (Feb. 10, 2022), https://www.advocate.com/news/2022/2/10/marshas-house-nyc-lgbtq-shelter-accused-abuse-and-neglect.
12. Lucius Couloute, Nowhere to Go: Homelessness among formerly incarcerated people, Prison Policy Initiative (Aug. 2018), https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html.
13. Devan Cole, Bill banning gender reassignment treatments for transgender youth fails in South Dakota, CNN, Feb. 10, 2020, https://www.cnn.com/2020/02/10/politics/transgender-health-bill-fails-south-dakota/index.html.
14. Lindsey Dawson and Jennifer Kates, The Proliferation of State Actions Limiting Youth Access to Gender A rming Care, KFF (Jan. 13, 2024), https://www.k .org/policy-watch/the-proliferation-of-state-actions-limiting-youth-access-to-gender-a rming -care/.
15. Erica Browning, Kerith J. Conron, Elana Redfield, Will Tentido, Prohibiting Gender-A rming Medical Care for Youth, UCLA Williams School of Law Williams Institute, Mar. 2023, https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/Trans-Youth-Health-Bans-Mar-2023.pdf. 16. Id.
17. Amnesty International, Amnesty International publishes policy and research on protection of sex workers’ rights (May 26, 2016), https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/05/amnesty-international-publishes-policy-and-research-onprotection-of-sex-workers-rights/.
18. Erin Kilbride, Landmark UN Report Calls for Sex Work Decriminalization, Human Rights Watch (Nov. 28, 2023), https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/28/landmark-un-report-calls-sex-work-decriminalization.
19. Elizabeth N. Brown, Science-Baed Policy Means Decriminalizing Sex Work, Say Hundreds of Researchers, Reason (March 3, 2021), https://reason.com/2021/03/03/science-based-policy-means-decriminalizing-sex-work-say-hundreds-of-researchers/.
20. Decriminalize Sex Work, By the Numbers: New York’s Treatment of Sex Workers and Tra cking Survivors, https://decriminalizesex.work/wp-content/uploads/dsw_report_2022_REVISED-02032022b.pdf.
21. Dan Barry and Je rey E. Singer, The Case of Jane Doe Ponytail: An Epic Tragedy on a Small Block in Queens, N.Y. Times (Oct. 16, 2018), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/10/11/nyregion/sex-workers-massage-parlor.html.
22. EJ Dickson, How the Tragic Death of Layleen Polanco Exposes Horrors of Criminalizing Sex Work, Rolling Stone (June 13, 2019), https://www.rollingstone.com/culture/culture-features/layleen-polanco-transgender-decriminalize-sex-work-847437.
23. Aidala, et al (2016). Housing Status, Medical Care, and Health Outcomes Among People Living With HIV/AIDS: A Systematic Review.
@NewPrideAgenda_
@newprideagenda
@newprideagenda
www.newprideagenda.org