News Bench May Issue 2014

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INAUGURAL ISSUE MAY 2014

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INTERVIEW

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"WE HAVE DONE MORE, BUT TALKED

S¬‡Ê‹ Á⁄U¬ Ù≈¸THAN U 38 LESS MODI IN TERMS OF “•Ê¬” ∑§Ê ÄÿÊDEVELOPMENT „UÙªÊ OF OUR STATE" ¡ŸÊ’ •Ê‹Ë!

SPECIAL REPORT P36

HUGE HOPES HAD GRIPPED THE ‚ÊˇÊÊà∑§Ê⁄U 46 COUNTRY, BUT HAVE BEEN DASHED, A NO-GOER IN 2014 “„U◊Ÿ ªÈ¡⁄UMAKING Êà ‚AAP ÖÿÊŒÊ Áfl∑§Ê‚ ∑§Ë ¬Á⁄UÿÙ¡ŸÊ∞¢ ‡ÊÈM§ ∑§Ë „Ò¥U”

MODI'S REAL ◊ÙŒË ∑‘ ENEMIES

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THE CANDIDATE HAS TO DEFANG AND DEFEAT •¥ª˝¡ËŒÊ¢ •Á÷¡Êàÿ ◊ËÁ«ÿÊ߸ „ÁSÃÿÊ¢ •ı⁄U ∑ȧ¿ ∑§ÁÕà ‚هʋ BOTH THE ELITE MEDIA ∞ÄU≈UËÁflS≈U •ı⁄U ◊ÈÁ‡∑§‹¥ ¬ÒŒÊ ∑§⁄UŸ flÊ‹ •¬Ÿ „Ë Œ‹ ∑‘§ ÁŒÇª¡ ŒÈ‡◊ŸÙ¥ ‚ ◊ÙŒË ∑§Ù ÁŸ◊¸AND ◊ÃʬÍfl¸∑HIS § ÁŸ’≈UOWN ŸÊ „٪ʖ LEADERS



Editor in Chief: Kushal Dev Rathi Editor: Anil Pandey Consulting Editor: Neeraj Kumar Sharma Managing Editor: Megha Sahni Rathi Executive Editor: Gaurav Rathi Associate Editors: Sujit Chakraborty, Sadashiv Tripathi, Shubhra Singh Consulting Photo Editor: Ranjan Basu Associate Editor (Life Style): Jyoti Raghavan Associate Editor (Real Estate): Rahul Chaudhary Deputy News Editor: Ravi Prakash Maurya Special Correspondents: Sanjay Kumar Jha, Avinash Mishra (Lucknow), Sanjay Upadhayay (Patna) Correspondents: Narendra Yadav, Sunny Gond Special Investigative Team: Abhishek Kumar Chief Copy Editor: Vikas Chaudhary Senior Copy Editor: Ravi Joshi (Web) Copy Editors: Vaishali Khulbe, Anant Kumar Das Designing Team Senior Designer: Rajendra Singh Negi Designer: Kamlesh Singh Kathayat Photography Operations AGM Operations: Aarti Gambhir Sales & Marketing Business Head: Sushil Arora Manager: Suhas Dutt Circulation Head: Bhupendra Singh Bisht Executive: Chandan, Vinod, Patras Legal Legal Advisor: Raghav Law Max

COVER STORY: MODI'S REAL ENEMIES

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WOMEN ON TOP

SAFFRON HUE IN KERALA?

Minorities may help BJP in the state

ASSAM SLATED TO BOOST CONG

Good governance helps party tally in LS

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TAMILNADU'S MODI MAGIC

Printed & Published by: Kushal Dev Rathi 27/29/14 B, Near Karan Gali, Pandav Road, Shahdara, Delhi-110032 Published From: M P Printers, B-220 Phase-2, Noida, Uttar Pradesh,201301 Editor: Anil Pandey (Responsible for the selection of News under PRB act) (All disputes shall be subject to the jurisdiction of Delhi courts only.) Editorial Office: G-22, Sec-3, Noida, Uttar Pradesh,201301 Contact: 0120-2518800

It may work, it may not... an open question 14

WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS...

Adventure tourism had pulled in Western women a few decades ago, but is now a rage in India

Initially, their client base was only single working women, but now it is much larger. Entrepreneurs, grandmothers and students all join in. The membership of Women on Cloud is free, only the trips are charged for. By the end of the fourth year in business, she started an events management company, "Dream Cloud Events". The forte of their company is weddings, parties, birthdays and corporate events, offering a 360 degree

Initially, Nidhi had been doing everything by herself. Later, her hureusband has joined her in the business as they have grown in stat. Her mother in law, Shakuntala Mehta, has been a big support in the business and she handles the entire packaging solutions for NeedyBee. But there was something missing: a professional approach, knowledge of rules and laws… and all that happened when she joined the programme at BIMTECH in 2012. This professional approach changed her as an entrepreneur, and she now hopes to reach higher levels of business. Nidhi believes that all women are highly talented and adept at multi-tasking, but shy away from doing things independently. She says: "No business is small, it does not matter from where you start or how you start…." Sonal had her own set of problems. She told News Bench her major problem was to gain the trust of the people she was working for and working with. Since she runs a non-profit organisation, finding funding also created a problem for her initially. The '10,000 Women Entrepreneurs' programme at BIMTECH helped her a lot in terms of networking. The strong network she created with the help of the programme gave a lot of strength. This is just the beginning, the early beacons having taken time to reach these women. There's more coming!

PURSUING A CAREER IS NO LONGER A TIME PASS FOR THESE INTREPID WOMEN. THEY HAVE KEPT COMING UP WITH MANY INNVOVATIVE ENTREPRENEURIAL IDEAS THAT HAVE SET NEW AND BOLD BENCHMARKS AND STANDARDS FOR OTHERSFALLS SILENT! BASHEER BADRA solution that come in packages. So where is this narrative headed, with three women of such diverse businesses? The common thread that binds them is BIMTECH. For Nidhi, it was a chance search on the net for something that her husband had asked to look up, when she came upon the institutes website and learnt that it was training women entrepreneurs in various skills.

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CABIN CREW'S DESI FLIGHT

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CASTE MATTERS, SADLY!

Caste, an inmportant factor in elections

RAJE'S JAT-MUSLIM ALLIANCE

A daring new social engineering...

"LEFT TO BE IN CENTRE"

A story from 'theatre of the absurd'

LOLLYPOP FILMS OF YORE OUT

On why formula films sell less today

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Cover Desigin By Rajendra Singh Negi

THE JAT 'VILLIAN'

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He does not crave for a Mercedes Benz or an Audi. His 'barber' is not the Habib's hairstylist, but runs a local saloon. The couple exchange books as gifts on anniversaries...… The former boxer, film villain and TV host is attractive because he is so un-filmy

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MESSAGE

Dear Readers,

Move Over ‘Media’,Real Media Is Here

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t gives us immense pleasure to release the inaugural edition of the NEWSBENCH monthly magazine. Grand Koncepts Media Services has been publishing the weekly, bi-lingual broadsheet newspaper for the past four years. Throughout these four years, we have been showered with affection from all sections of the readers. And that is precisely what emboldened us to launch the twin editions of NEWS BENCH magazine in Hindi and English simultaneously. It is said that journalism should be impartial. But to my mind, it can never be so. When we are dealing with public concerns, the problems and travails of the masses, we shall obviously be blamed for taking sides. We do not hesitate to clearly state that journalism today has removed itself miles away from the concerns of the common man. Mass communication is centred around the masses, I guess. But today, the industry's sole concerns and connections are with the moneybags and vested interests. Reports in the media are selected, printed or deleted solely based on the calculation of how much that will 'sell' in the market. The big corporate houses are tightening their grip over the media, and it is their welfare that the media is serving. Public interest is thus getting eroded systematically as the prime focus of the media. We want to make it clear that we do not wish to encash NEWS BENCH, the project of our Media Division, Grand Koncepts Media Services, and fatten our purse. We have several other ventures which have and shall continue to give us satisfactory levels of wealth. If we wished to earn money from a media venture, we would have invested in purchasing shares in any existing and established media company. Through NEWS BENCH, we wish to bring back journalism from its present lack of conscience to its old glorious ideal of public service. We are aware that this is swimming against a powerful tide. And yet, we are convinced that tireless work and sustained determination will take us to our declared goal. We are aware, too, that we shall face numerous difficulties. But the genre of journalism we wish to practice is not just our goal, but our Dharma. Let me reiterate that it is with this same commitment to the issues of the man on the street that we had launched the news weekly four years ago. And this has been warmly welcomed by our readers in the past. This reception has given us the inspiration to launch the Hindi and English NEWS BENCH monthly magazine simultaneously, which is now in your hands. We shall endeavour to bring to you the correct picture of politics, culture and the arts, sport, economy and all facets of our vibrant society. We have selected our content and presented them to the best of our capabilities and tried to be correct and honest. However, there could be some problems here and there. We request you to please point this out and help us take the magazines to an even higher levels of quality and commitment. Seeking your affection,

Kushal Dev Rathi Editor-in-Chief


AS WE SEE IT

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Anil Pandey

From "Total Revolution, 1974" to Transformation, 2014

istorical coincidences can often be illuminating, and astonishing. As the nation goes through what many are calling India's most historic Lok Sabha elections, the visible desire for change and for a better life expressed by angry and yet hopeful voters is strikingly similar to what happened 40 years ago in 1974. Tumultuous events that began in 1974 in Gujarat and Bihar eventually resulted in India getting its first Gujarati Prime Minister in the form of Morarji Desai. The tumultuous events of 2014 might just make another Gujarati, Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India. It was the youth that drove and led the desire for change in 1974. And it is the youth that is again driving and leading the desire for change in 2014. Let's go back briefly to 1974. What started as sporadic protests demanding lower hostel fees and canteen food prices in some colleges in Gujarat in early 1974 soon turned into a full fledged "Nav Nirman" movement across the state. So powerful was the voice of the students and so strident their demands that the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was compelled to sack the Gujarat chief minister Chimanbhai Patel. Inspired by this success, the legendary Jai Prakash Narayan visited Gujarat and launched a bigger "Total Revolution" in Bihar, led mainly by the students and the youth. We all know what happened: an Emergency was imposed in 1975 that continued till early 1977, ending with Sanjay and Indira losing. The youth is equally angry in 2014 and feels betrayed. It is worried about jobs and a secure economic future. Again, history is linking Gujarat with Bihar. In 1974, JP imported the " Gujarat model" of agitation to Bihar. In 2014, Narendra Modi is aggressively selling the "Gujarat model" of development to the youth of Bihar. And no matter what the final election results, anyone traveling through Bihar cannot miss the enthusiasm and hope that the youth have for Modi. In 1974, it was pure rage and frustration at the state of affairs. In 2014, aspiration has been added to all that. We all know that the Gujarati Modi can become Prime

Minister only if the youth of Bihar (and Uttar Pradesh) buy his dreams and promises of a brighter eco future. There are many other ways in which the youth of 2014 and 1974 are different.The biggest difference is exposure and networking. In 1974, the youth had access to just one state-run TV channel and some newspapers and magazines.Thanks to the internet and the mobile phone revolutions, the youth of 2014 is constantly connected with friends, foes, peers, colleagues, news outlets, celebrities and even politicians though the social media. The youth of 2014 actually know much more and will not be fooled as easily as in 1974 with false promises and dreams. The second big difference between 1974 and 2014 is the emergence of what is called the neo middleclass. This group of 400 million Indians are children of people who were poor and have managed with great determination to leave poverty behind. These Indians are aspirational, hungry for computers and they are far more irreverent towards traditions and customs. Nirbhaya, after her brutal gang rape and death, has become a symbol of this neo middleclass. Make no mistake; these youngsters are not always drive by caste and ethnic identities when they go to vote. Modi's success-or failure-to a large extent will depend on how many Hindi speaking young voters belt don't follow caste diktats. The most crucial difference is economic: In 1974, a vast majority of Indians were really poor and could not even dream of a substantially better economic life. But this 2014 generation has seen and tasted the fruits of economic opportunities during the NDA regime and the first UPA regime. Having tasted opportunity, they will not settle for mere slogans and old style politics of patronage. In 1974, Amitabh Bachchan had a small role in a Manoj Kumar movie called 'Roti, "Kapda aur Makaan" a movie that rails against unemployment, inflation and corruption. Forty years later, Amitabh comes back as 'Bhoothnath Returns', an irreverent movie with a powerful social message of individual responsibilities of citizens and the power of the vote!


SCUTTLEBUTT

JAITLEY 'SICK' IN SIKH LAND

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run Jaitley is having much more trouble as a BJP candidate from Amritsar than even his dealings as a top BCCI official. First, he is not a sardar in the Sikh Holy city. Two, the suave lawyer is not the kind who'd wear a Sikh turban just to woo voters as a gimmick. And the 'hurt' Navjot Singh Siddhu, who could have made all the difference, is keeping jaitley at a pole's distance: the cricketing legend will just not cooperate. And because of that, the Akali Dal state machinery, though in alliance with the BJP, is not doing anything to make Jaitley's life a bit easier. So, "Huh! Chala Jaitley MP banney," regale his detractors. .

MOON MOON'S TASTELESS "SEE ME"!

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eteran Bengali actress Moon Moon Sen, daughter of the legendary Suchitra Sen, has none of the sophistication of her mother. The Trinamool Congress candidate from a rural constituency in Bengal has shown that she thinks sex appeal at 66 works just the same as it did in films. In a poll meeting

at dusk in a Bengal village, the audience complained of poor light on the dais. Sen asked the pandalwallah to brighten the lights. That having been done, the former beauty beamed a smile at the crowd and asked of the crowd: "So, now that you can really see me, are some naughty thoughts coming to you?"

SON-RISE FATIGUE FOR RAMAN

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he otherwise fit aman Singh, the Chhattisgarh CM, seems to be running out of breath even before the polls have started. Doctor's call this as the "care-giver's syndrome: he is worried sick about his son, who is contesting for the Lok Sabha from Rajnandangaon. Abhishek Singh, an engineer with an MBA degree from XLRI, is out of touch with ground realities of his constituency. Hence, Papa Singh is doing the campaigning for him night and day. That has been the nemesis of many a politicoPapa: Raman Singh, otherwise known for his deep concerns for the people, is drawing flak for now ignoring them in his son's favour.

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BRAHMINS 'SATAO' IN SATNA

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oting has been completed in the Satna constituency of Madhya Pradesh. But both Congress and BJP are equally tense about the outcome. This is because the decisive Brahmin vote bank has been upset with both the candidates. Former opposition leader Ajay Singh Rahul from Congress and Ganesh Singh, of the Patel communi-

ty, from BJP are in the fray. The voters were in a dilemma till the last moment. Anyway, voting being over, still no one knows how the Brahmins have voted. Satna voters are masters in setting their priorities. When they had to defeat Arjun Singh, instead of going with the former BJP chief minister Virendra Kumar Saklecha, they preferred a lesser known candidate from BSP. Later it was disclosed that a master strategy was formed to defeat a high profile leader like Arjun Singh by supporting an 'also ran'.

'SOLDIERS' BYPASSED FOR MAJORS

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veryone in the BJP says he is a "disciplined soldier of the party". But it is human nature after all to gripe and gossip. So this is what was heard recently at the BJP HQ at 24 Ashoka Road, where some low rung leaders were discussing the thorny issue of ticket distribution. The issue was Jaswant Singh's dissension and eventual banishment. A more seasoned 'soldier' joined the heated argument and interjected: "Why do you spoil over such petty issue? The party's policy is clear: preach but not practice!" Asked what he meant, the

elder 'soldier' said that while the party always insists on discipline, there were 'major issues'. "Tickets were distributed to candidates of major ranks... Major General VK Singh, Major General BC Khanduri, Colonel Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore. And yet, 'committed soldiers of the party like Jaswant Singh and Captain Abhimanyu were denied the tickets. wait a while brothers, and see what Narendra Bhai Modi brings in for us, old and committed soldiers!" The riducule was clear in his voice, but who's listening? M AY 2 0 1 4

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KERALA

New Saffron Hue in God's Own Country Though Kerala's Christians know that BJP is against quotas for converted persons, they are warming up to Modi and giving the Left, their former party of choice, sleepless nights, with the OBCs too making a changeover SM Rajasekhara Panicker

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he poll war in Kerala has taken a curious turn, with sections of the Christian community throwing a lemon at the Bharatiya Janata Party, hoping it will accept its long term demand of extending quota reservations to converted Christians. The BJP and its current head warlord, Narendra Modi too has been trying to sell its own lemon to both, the Christians and backward caste Hindus to garner more

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than the single Lok Sabha seat it had from the state in the last parliamentary elections. So over all, it is a "I scratch your back‌ if you scratch mine", between these political forces, but though the outcome is not clear, what is for sure is that both these communities have gone out of the hands of the Left, which has been dominating Kerala politics for ages. Early this year, the head of the Orthodox Seminary, Baselios Mar Thoma Paulose II had said: "There is nothing wrong in

accepting Modi if he shows religious tolerance." The turn that he took away from the Left was cautious, never calling upon his diocese to vote for Modi, but opening the gate for talks.The reverend father knows that the BJP has never accepted converts eligible for reservation. The head of the Metropolitan, Thomas Mar Thimotheos of the Kottayam diocese of the Jacobite Syrian Church also expressed similar sentiments: "The Church was not against Modi or his party." He did not say why the church was with the Left,


Narendra Modi at the KPMS meet at Ernakulam

and by extension, against BJP. However, the Christian community, which forms 20 per cent of the state's population, may not become a key factor in the election, as they are spread across the state and not focused in select constituencies, enough to cause a tilt. The backwards caste Hindus are also now much more inclined to experiment with the saffron party. And here, Modi himself took the initiative. On February 9, Modi made history of sorts when he was made the chief guest of a mammoth gathering of the state's largest Dalit caste, the Pulaya community. He made instant rapport with the Kerala Pulaya Mahasabha (KPMS) while attending the centenary celebrations of the Kayal conference. That conference was held on boats in the backwaters, in protest against denying permission to hold the meeting on land, due to untouchability. Prominent leaders of the Pulaya community were present, besides powerful general secretary of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalanayogam (SNDP) Vellappalli Natesan. He said in his speech that backward Hindus in Kerala were late to discover the "real Modi", as they were misled by those who called the Gujarat leader as communal and an enemy of secularism. Natesan said he would cooperate with Modi if backward communities were given due share in power. And here again is the

olive branch being held out conditionally‌ I scratch your back if you will mine. Only last April, Modi was the chief guest at Sivagiri Mutt, the spiritual headquarters of Ezhavas, a politically powerful OBC. It was founded by Sree Narayana Guru, one of the greatest Kerala sages. These communities were in the forefront of the great struggle against Hindu orthodoxy and its symptoms of social evils such as untouchability.

of the KPMS meet further alienated them. Whether BJP opens its account or not this time, possibilities of a third option is wide open. Interestingly, more and more here are ready to do business with Modi. Modi has addressed a mammoth rally in Kasargod on April 9, one of the constituencies where BJP hopes to open its account. Its firebrand young leader K. Surendran is contesting. Modi had toured another stronghold and the one seat where

MODI HAS ADOPTED AN AGGRESSIVE STRATEGY TO WOO BOTH THE EXTREME BACKWARD CASTES LIKE THE EZHAVAS, AS WELL AS THE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY. THIS COULD PAY DIVIDENDS IN THE LONG RUN FOR THE BJP In September last year, Modi made common cause with the state's backward Hindus when he came as a chief guest at Mata Amritananadamayi's 60th birthday celebrations. Mata known as the 'hugging saint' - has her roots among the Arayas, a backward Hindu fishing community, though her popularity cuts across castes and frontiers. All these communities once formed the backbone of the Left parties. Invitation to Modi by these groups and his ready acceptance among them sent shivers through political parties across the state, especially the CPI(M). The Left and Congress leaders' boycott

BJP pins its utmost optimism of winning, Thiruvananthapuram. It is from here that the former Union minister and much respected face of Kerala BJP O.Rajagopal is contesting. If the size of the gathering at Modi's meetings is any indication, the determination and enthusiasm among workers and an upsurge of public support is palpable. Moreover, the involvement of the Sangh Parivar, especially the cadre-based RSS, is total this time. Not without reason, the surveys predict around 12 percent support for BJP from its earlier 6 percent. Whether this alone will catapult BJP member to Delhi is still a million dollar question. M AY 2 0 1 4

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PHOTOS: MANAS PARAN

ASSAM

Youth has been the most vociforous support to the Congress, as seen in the bike rally in state capital Guwahati (L) A top class hospital

Assam is sweet music to Congress' ears While anti-incumbency seems set to sweep the Congress out across the country, Assam seems to be eager to give the GOP a better run. The party has worked hard and shown vast improvements in healthcare and education Urmi Bhattacharjee

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ssam is all geared up for the three-phased Lok Sabha polls April 7, 12 and 24 are the dates when Assam will decide the fate of the Congress, the party that has been ruling the state since 2001. Various opinion polls have suggested that Congress will not only retain Assam but it will do better than before. There are 14 Lok Sabha seats in Assam, of which Congress had won seven in the 2009 general elections.

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Archrival Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had won four, Asom Gono Porishod (AGP), the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) and the Bodoland Peoples' Front (BPF) had one seat each. But the BJP and its prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi wants to surprise the nation by upsetting the Congress in Assam, a very difficult task but not impossible. All this while, apart from Assam, the other states of northeast were not important for national politics, and apart from Congress, no national party

would contest in all LS seats in the region. Thus in Assam, people by and large see Congress as the only national party. Since it has been in power at the Centre for most of the time postIndependence, it is obvious for rural people from a disturbed area like Assam to support Congress in the hope of a better tomorrow. But this Lok Sabha election season has seen a lot of changes in how the BJP strategised their campaigns and even their approach towards Assam. For the Congress, Assam might be the


only ray of hope in an otherwise dismal national poll scenario. And for the BJP, breaking the northeast jinx means a lot, and this cannot happen unless the party wins more seats in Assam. Although the mother organisation of the BJP, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has been active in the Assam for a long time, BJP's forays had started just over a decade ago. The Asom Gana Parishad - which had come to power after the violent Assam Movement ended in 1985 was an ally in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government. But over the years, with the fall of AGP in every state election and the growth of the Congress under chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, BJP realises that if it has to do anything in Assam, it has to break away from AGP. BJP has only four MPs from Assam; from other northeastern states they have none. The situation is paradoxical. Nearly half its top Assam leadership, including state unit president and former MP

Sarbananda Sonowal, have all come from the AGP. In state level politics voters are sensitive to such issues. So, if they do not want to vote for AGP, how will they vote for BJP, which is packed with AGP leaders? It is the same bloodline. Insurgency ravaged Assam is now witnessing a lull in terror. The pro-talks faction of United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) are involved in peace parleys with New Delhi. But the no-talks factions in both ULFA and NDFB are very active. The people of Assam, tired of decades of bloodshed, trust the Congress more in keeping insurgents silent. With an average growth rate of over nine per cent in the northeast, where Assam has contributed a lot, Congress has a ground to convince the people about its credentials With a series of ethnic clashes, the illegal migration from neighbouring Bangladesh has once again taken cen-

BJP KNOWS THAT IN THIS ELECTION, IT HAS TO DISTANCE ITSELF FROM FORMER ALLY AGP, BUT THAT IS DIFFICULT, AS ALMOST THE ENTIRE TOP STATE BJP LEADERSHIP HAS COME FROM THAT NOW DISCREDITED FORMER RULING PARTY

trestage in the political discourse. The merciless bloodshed in 2012 between the Bodos and the Bengali Muslims has only acted as a trigger. With a complex demography, communal distrust in Assam might lead to division of votes on religious and communal lines - and that is why BJP would like to cash in with its anti-migrant, proHindutva tirade. The 32 per cent Muslim vote bank is getting divided in Assam between the Congress and the minority dominated All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) led by perfume baron Maulana Badrudin Ajmal. But this does not ensure a sure win for BJP, because it has not been able to integrate the Hindu vote bank in Assam. In one of its strongholds - the Barak Valley where, the Silchar seat is with the BJP, the Congress has played the Hindutva card and given BJP a taste of its own medicine. Thus, in Assam BJP has to do a lot of catching up. The ruling Congress has worked hard in the state. "What matters to the voters are sectors like health and education. And say what you might, in these two sectors Congress has worked wonders, so more or less you could say their win is ensured," a senior journalist told News Bench. M AY 2 0 1 4

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UTTAR PRADESH

UP: Four BJP bosses brave bitter battles Four stalwarts from the Bharatiya Janata Party, Narendra Modi, Rajnath Singh, Murali Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharti, have chosen Uttar Pradesh as their battleground. But for all you know, they might be rueing their decision Avinash Chandra Mishra

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ahubali Mukhtar Ansari has recalled his candidature in favoure of Arvind Kejriwal and Ajay Rai has been declared as Congrees candidate from Varanasi. This has given a curious turn to the battle in Varanasi. Suddenly, Modi seems to be getting perilously close to a whirlpool. In Varanasi, there are three lakh Brahmin voters, two lakh Kurmi voters and two lakh Bhumihar voters who will decide the fate of the candidates. Even Dalit and Bania voters are in lakhs. Bania voters comprise 1.5 lakh of the total voting population. In this situation, poll pundits say that they can't take even Narendra Modi's win for granted. Candidates from other parties are giving him a run for his money, though it is a fact that the BJP has ruled for many years from the haloed seat of Kashi. Kailash Chaurasia is the candidate from the Samajwadi Party, which has its umbilical cord in the state. Arvind Kejriwal has mass appeal and has tried to woo the Muslim and Bania voters. The Congress has fielded Ajay Rai, a Bhumihar candidate. The Bahujan Samaj Party has fielded Vijay Jaiswal, who too hopes to sail riding on Dalit and Muslim votes. Some leaders are of the view that other parties should recall their candidates in support of Arvind Kejariwal. If this real-

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ly happens, Modi might have to muster more muscle to wrest the seat. In Lucknow, Rajnath Singh and Reeta Bahuguna Joshi have locked horns. Reeta Bahuguna Joshi was runner-up in the last election. Rajnath Singh, fearing a Aam Admi Party landslide in his original seat of Ghaziabad. BSP's Nakul Dubey and Abhishek Mishra from the Samajwadi Party are also in fray. There are four lakh Brahmin voters

and three lakh Bania voters in Lucknow. But eventually the Muslim voters will play the decisive role, with a voter strength of four lakh. Here, Rajput voters are just 60,000. Rajnath Singh wants to swim the Gomti River playing on the name of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. However, Reeta Bahuguna Joshi is also eying the 1.5 lakh Pahari voters. This is sufficient to worry Rajnath. Abhishek Mishra, a professor from


THE VADODARA CHALLENGE: MISTRY MYSTERY

The Congress party is trying a two-pronged attack on Modi. In Varanasi the contest is clear. But it is in Modi's own den Vadodara that the Congress seeks to rubbish him. Modi, uncertain whether his magi will work in Varanasi, is contesting from Vadodara as well. It has been a BJP-RSS bastion for ages now. And it is here that the Congress is fielding

Indian Institute of Management, is a state minister and stands tall in the intelligentsia. BSP's Nakul Dubey is trying to corner Dalit, Muslim and Brahmin votes. BJP stalwart Murli Manohar Joshi is locking horns with Sriprakash Jaisawal in Kanpur. Samajwadi Party has fielded Surendra Mohan Agrawal and the BSP has put in the contest Salim Ahmed, and with Mahmood Rehmani from AAP, this is also a tough battle multi-cornered. In Jhansi, Congress' Pradeep Jain is challenging Uma Bharti. The way to Lok Sabha for these leaders does not seem as easy as it seems. The battle royale, however, is Varanasi. All the other parties have

the redoubtable Madhusudan Mistry. And this takes the cake. Mistry, like Modi, was a died-in-thewool RSS pracharak, Modi's ideological comrade till 1995, when he left the Hinutva fold. Mistry has a sterling reputation and won twice from the Sabarkantha constituency on a Congres ticket. Though Modihad done his best to ensure his

drubbing, but completely failed. Now too, in Vadodara, Mistry will perhaps ensure a humiliation for Modi, as the faction-riddled BJP's dissident section will vote for him. And so will the otherpolitical grouping of the city. And God forbids, if that happens, it will be a major embarrassment for the BJPRSS combine.

PERHAPS THE MOST TANTALISING OPTION FOR MODI OPPONENTS, AND THE MOST DANGEROUS FOR MODI'S MEN, IS A SITUATION WHERE OLD FOES MUKHTAR ANSARI AND AJAY RAI JOIN FORCES TO DEFEAT THEIR COMMON ENEMY decided tacitly, and now not so tacitly, have agreed upon one target. It is like a bull fight, where three or four toreros tease and enrage the bull, making it chase them, weakening it by thrusting lances and spears and then, the matador swiftly kills it. The bull here is Modi. The toreros include Churasia, Kejriwal, Rai and Jaiswal. Of them, who will be the matador remains a question. But at the time

of going to press, the scuttlebutt is that torero Kejriwal has sent feelers that he is willing to bury his Lok Sabha ambitions, if one can ensure the final kill. This will strengthen the contention of many political observers that Kejriwal was in fact acting at the behest of Congress to ensure a Modi slaying, but the man has already revealed that strange are his ways, and that public opinion is fast becoming his priority. M AY 2 0 1 4

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TAMILNADU

Wonder Alliance But Doubtful Magic Despite a bevy of small regional parties aligning with the NDA in Tamilnadu, the caste equations and the larger vote shares of Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha may outsmart the Modi the 'magician' in the state N Asokan

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f there were any special award for forging alliances of completely divergent political parties, it would easily go to Pon. Radhakrishnan, the state president of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Tamilnadu. He spent sleepless nights conducting parleys with parties which are on a 'double act' of simultaneously talking alliance with Congress and DMK. Now BJP has five parties in its alliance: He brought together the DMDK, PMK, MDMK, KMDK, and IJK, a total of 31 seats. And having welded these diverse parties together, he went straight to thank Lord Balaji in Tirupati and had his head shaved off. A similar formation of alliance in the adjacent Puducherry constituency, however, failed as the PMK refused to support NR Congress led by N Rangasamy, the incumbent Chief Minister. BJP president Rajnath Singh was obviously elated. But at the press meet to announce the arrangement, Singh got entangled in Tamil names that did not sit easily in his north Indian tongue. The leaders of the Tamil parties in the NDA feel that the supposed 'Modi Wave' will deliver their Lok Sabha dreams. Though parties like PMK and DMDK are at loggerheads in northern Tamilnadu, they have now buried their hatchets hurriedly. There is a forced camaraderie at the top, with leaders who'd otherwise be embarrassed being seen together are now grasping each other at media photo opps. Old foes smile together, thanks to the 'magic' of Pon. adhakrishnan 'seen here sitting second from the right

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Dr Anbumani Ramadoss, former Union Minister has smoked the peace pipe with Vijayakant, once a foe. Vijayakant, who never met Vaiko, leader of MDMK before in public forums, made a grand gesture by visiting his home in southern Tamilnadu, and campaigned for Vaiko and other MDMK candidates. Modi himself visited the state a few times earlier, and again on April 13 and headed straight to Rajinikant's home. His meeting with the superstar had significant meaning in Tamilnadu politics. Though Rajni later said that Modi simply came for tea, there is much that's between the lines. Modi, wearing the dhoti in local style, then went to address

the election rally in Chennai. Though Rajini did not openly air his support to Modi, the meeting has created a positive impact for NDA,said BJP leaders. The main electoral battle in Tamilnadu is between AIADMK and DMK. Both Jayalalitha and Karunanidhi are locking horns directly without the rainbow alliances of yore. The DMDK, PMK, and MDMK, the main parties that the BJP has roped in, are smaller parties with a vote share ranging from four to eight per cent. On their own, their chances of winning are bleak. But together, and counting the Modi Wave, they can pose a serious challenge to AIADMK and DMK.


TAMILNADU'S TONGUE-TWISTER ALLIES FOR RAJNATH SINGH

Party name Desiya Murpokku Diravida Kazhagam Pattali Makkal katchi(PMK) Marumalarchi Diravida Munnetra KongunaduMakkal Desiya Katchi Inthiya Jananayaka katchi

The chances of BJP in Tamilnadu are also a similar story. It's vote share is also very small, with a small and ineffective organisational strength. Though it is hoping on some Modi magic, the complex caste calculations need to work if that the magic is to happen. The PMK, whose cadre is entirely from the Vanniar caste, are stronger in northern Tamilnadu; and the KMDK, Koungu Gounders party in western Tamilnadu, forms a strong base for NDA in this elections. But both these parties face dissidence within, and are opposed by different outfits from their own castes. The BJP does not have a star campaigner in its ranks. It depends on the alliance partners. DMDK, led by Vijayakant, has a vote share of eight per cent, and his simple style of campaign speech is already a hit.

Leader Vijayakanth Dr.A Ramadoss KazhagamVaiko Easwaran Dr.Pachamuthu

Vaiko, a rabble rousing orator, is also campaigning for the NDA. But Dr. Ramadoss, who is reported to be sulking over the seat sharing arrangement, has confined himself within the constituencies where PMK candidates are contesting. And that is a dampener. ''The total vote share of all the parties in the NDA in Tamilnadu does not cross 15 per cent. The formidable AIADMK and DMK, have vote shares of 28 to 30 per cent. Even if the Modi Wave favours them, they don't have the organisational strength to convert the wave into votes," says TSS Mani, senior political analyst. "It seems that the BJP expects to win Kanniakumari and Coimbatore.. Vaiko may win from his Virudhunagar constituency. Sudheesh of DMDK and Anbumani of PMK may sail through in Salem and Dharmapuri constituencies

No. of seats 14 8 7 1 1

respectively. Other than this, the overall position of the NDA in Tamilnadu is bleak. I guess they may get more votes than Congress but only finish third," Mani concludes. But Vanathi Srinivasan, General Secretary of state BJP is optimistic: ''I am on the campaign trail. Thanks to Modi , the competition is now between AIADMK and NDA. DMK is lagging behind due its sibling rivalry." And how many seats does she expects NDA can win in TN? ''I wish I could say all the 39 seats in Tamilnadu. But unfortunately we lost Nilgiris before the elections," she told NEWS BENCH. Interestingly in this elections Jayalalithaa, who has prime ministerial ambitions, never once attacked Modi in her campaign speeches. It has led to the assumption that she may align with

"THE BJP DOES NOT HAVE THE ORGANISATIONAL STRENGTH TO CONVERT THE MODI WAVE INTO VOTES"

TSS MANI, ANALYST

NDA once the elections are over. Reacting to this, Vanathi says that one has to ask Jayalalithaa this question. The emotional issues in the state like Sri Lankan Tamils and Tamil fishermen have been whipped up by AIADMK and DMK, with a clear Tamil identity undertone. But BJP 's central leadership has decided to stay away from these issues, even though the NDA has Vaiko and Ramadoss, the two politicians who thrive on Tamil Identity politics. ''As a whole, this spoils the mood of the cadres,'' feels Mani. Even if the NDA in Tamilnadu can do marginally well in this election, counting Modi Wave, they can become a force to reckon with only in the future Assembly elections in the state. M AY 2 0 1 4

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THE CONGRESS

Rahul seems determined to revamp the party even at the cost of losing elections

Rahul in opposition? Rahul Gandhi is fundamentally against the old guard and has planned that after this election, he is able to scuttle them because of their poll failures. He wants the party to be reformed from deep within, and since that means a lot of time, he is okay with sitting across the treasury benches Sanjay Kumar Jha

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istory has a curious and nasty habit of repeating itself. Way back in 1985, after he won a mandate that even his mother Indira and grandfather Jawaharlal had never won, the youthful 41 year old Rajiv Gandhi launched an ambitious project: a complete revamp of the Congress party. In 1985, the Congress completed 100 years and looked tired,

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jaded and engulfed by vested interests. Rajiv Gandhi tried very hard to eliminate old powerbrokers and bring in youth, accountability and inner party democracy to the Congress. His cabinet was full of dynamic young leaders like Madhavrao Scindia, Rajesh Pilot, Kamal Nath and P. Chidambaram, to name just a few. Tragically for Rajiv and the Congress, the old guard and the old power brokers proved too stubborn.Is something similar happening to the

heir of the Gandhi dynasty? Like his father Rahul is convinced that the Congress must be revamped and the deadwood swept aside for the Congress to become a modern, 21st century party. Like Rajiv, he is convinced that old power brokers and vested interests have taken the Congress away from the common man. Ever since he was given charge of the Youth Congress in 2006, Rahul and his core team have made every effort to revamp the party and


BEFORE RAHUL, HIS FATHER RAJIV TOO HAD MADE VALIANT EFFORTS TO REVAMP THE CONGRESS PARTY. IN RAJIV'S CASE, THE OLD GUARD HAD SABOTAGED HIS PLANS. CAN RAHUL SUCCEED IN HIS NEW EFFORT TO REVIVE THE PARTY? introduce meritocracy. In a famous address to Congressmen in the Hyderabad session (2006), Rahul had outlined two urgent steps needed more vibrant. In his words "The first is to build an organisation that is open and relevant to a broad range of Indians who believe in our values and seek to serve the nation". "The second is to build a meritocratic organisation. Young people bring tremendous passion and energy into our organisation. We must see to it that they are accountable. It is our duty to ensure that their progress is linked to performance." Like in the case of Rajiv, his earnest efforts are yet to bear fruit. One reason is that the second term of the UPA has been engulfed by allegations of large scale corruption and crony capitalism. Even as party President Sonia Gandhi was laying down careful plans to gradually increase the roles and responsibilities of Rahul after the 2009 election victory, the Manmohan Singh government landed in the CWG scam. This was soon followed by the 2G scam that badly dented the image of the Congress party. And then came scams like coal gate that further tarnished the image of the party. This was eerily reminiscent of the Rajiv Gandhi era when his efforts to revamp the party were derailed by the Bofors scam. The impact of this was clearly visible in the 2012 assembly elections of Uttar Pradesh where the Congress lost badly despite a grueling and aggressive campaign by Rahul Gandhi in which he addressed close to 200 rallies and meetings. By 2013, it was clear to Team Rahul that the prospects of winning a third term for the UPA appeared very bleak, despite Rahul now being the de facto leader of the party as anointed in the Jaipur session. While taking up the role, Rahul had remarked that “power is poison” and started giving clear hints that he was looking beyond the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. It was also clear that he was getting increasingly fed up with the old guard of the Congress party that was

apparently sabotaging his attempts to reform the organization. Of course, mother Sonia was still convinced that welfare oriented programs like the Land Acquisition Bill, the Food Security Bill and the Jan Lokpal Bill would still generate enough goodwill amongst voters to just perhaps give a mandate to Rahul. But then, it seems according to Congress insiders that Rahul persuaded his mother to not depend too much on the 2014 verdict. Sonia has close relations with the old guard of the Congress and Rahul understands that she will find it difficult to dump them just like that. But Rahul has other ideas and he is all set to dump them after 2014. His anger is because two of his most prized initiatives have been stymied by party insiders. The first was his attempt to have youth Congress leaders elected by party workers through a proper voting process. Much to the dismay of Rahul, a lot of “youth” Congress leaders who won these elections turned out to be children of powerful political families. Then, Rahul attempted to implement the so called ‘primary’ system similar to America where local workers select the party candidate. This brave attempt at inner party democracy too has not seen results. So what next? The message is, Rahul has realized that he will probably have to sit in the opposition benches after the 2014 elections. That is when he plans to revamp the party and sweep aside the old party leaders who have no connect with grassroots workers or ordinary voters. But as critics of Rahul point out: if his track record inside the Parliament is not inspiring at all, despite his party being in power, how effective he will be as an opposition leader? M AY 2 0 1 4

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M e

Modi fac ac Minister. On and the eo


M Modi's real e enemies

ace aces two hurdles in the race to become Prime One from the so called intellectual establishment, e ot other from BJP leaders. Anil Pandey analyses


COVER STORY

The Modi baiters: Arundhati Roy, Rajdeep Sardesai, Teesta Setalvad, Barkha Dutt and Amartya Sen are relentless in their criticism of the BJP

The Hate Modi English Media The English speaking media establishment hates and demonises Modi with a ferocity never seen before. There are very specific reasons behind this

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his is what world famous intellectual, Booker-winning author and self proclaimed activist Arundhati Roy said about Narendra Modi in late March, 2014 to a magazine based in Canada: "From being this openly sort of communal hatredspewing saccharine person, he then put on the suit of a corporate man, and, you know, is now trying to play the role of the statesmen, which he's not managing

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to do really. The corporations are all backing Modi because they think that (Prime Minister Manmohan Singh) and the Congress government hasn't shown the nerve it requires to actually send in the army into places like Chhattisgarh and Orissa". There are no grey areas in the world view espoused fiercely, passionately and repeatedly by Roy. It is all black and white. Roy, who coined the term

"Gandhians with Guns" for the Naxalite cadres in Chhattisgarh, believes that corporate India is backing and funding Modi for a specific purpose. They want to exploit (plunder would be the word preferred by Roy) the mineral and other natural resources of poor states like Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Jharkhand. But the "brave" Naxalites have raised the banner of revolt against this plunder and so companies are not being very successful in their greedy ambitions. So Roy thinks that if Modi becomes the Prime Minister, he will send in the army to these states. Roy is convinced that Modi is a communal bigot who has become a stooge of corporate India. Often, the manner in which Roy raves and rants betrays her deeply held prejudices. She makes no bones about letting the world know that she loathes Modi and thinks the BJP prime ministerial candidate will destroy India. There are other intellectuals who sound less hysterical and try hard to appear more nuanced and thoughtful.


One of them is well known historian and author Ramachandra Guha. In a column for The Telegraph in March 2014, Guha writes, "Writers and activists I know - and sometimes admire - were nervous that the victory of a Narendra Modi-led coalition would lead to a period of authoritarian and even fascist rule in the country. They spoke of a return to the days of Indira Gandhi's Emergency, when the press was censored, Opposition politicians were in jail, and there was an atmosphere of fear all around. Some are worried about the persecution or harassment of the minorities... "These fears are not entirely invalid. In his ongoing campaign tour, Narendra Modi has regularly made nasty personal

remarks about his political rivals. He is also extremely intolerant of dissent, as witness the intimidation of artists and writers in his home state, Gujarat. If Narendra Modi does become our next prime minister, what kind of policies shall he promote? "If the RSS asks, as they surely will, for their choices in the culture and education (among other) ministries, will he acquiesce in their promotion of chauvinist propaganda? If the goons of the Bajrang Dal and the Shiv Sena attack independent-minded writers and artists, will he act against them? When the media criticise the policies of his government, will he seek to silence them? Will he allow civil servants and public institutions independence and autono-

MODI CRITICS HAVE FREELY USED POWERFUL WORDS LIKE FASCIST, BIGOT AND MASS MURDERER TO DESCRIBE HIM, AND TERMS LIKE GENOCIDE, POGROM, ETHNIC CLEANSING, ETC, TO DESCRIBE THE 2002 POST GODHRA GUJARAT RIOTS

my or will they have to toe the party line?" Read the words carefully again. Unlike Arundhati Roy, Ramachandra Guha appears reasoned as well as reasonable. Yet, even while trying to appear detached, Guha skillfully inserts words like fascism, authoritarianism, persecution of minorities, intolerance and silencing of critics and artists in his narrative about Modi. On May 16, 2014, we will know the verdict delivered by more than 800 million Indians eligible to vote in this General Elections which are already under way. And while only the very brave and very foolish would do some confident crystal gazing, most opinion polls point out three things. First, the Indian voter is really, really angry with the Congress party (Even those who hate Modi admit this). Second, even Modi baiters now reluctantly admit that there is an undercurrent of support for Modi that is visible across the country even in states and M AY 2 0 1 4

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COVER STORY regions where the BJP has no chance of winning Lok Sabha seats. And third, that there is a very high possibility of the BJP-led NDA winning enough seats to form a government with some "outside" support of regional parties. No need to add that Modi will then become the Prime Minister. The very possibility of Modi becoming the Prime Minister has rattled huge sections of the English media and the intellectual establishment. They are simply unable to digest the fact that enough Indian voters could propel Modi towards the post of Prime Minister. And their reactions are predictable. In 1998, when India blast the Pokhran 2, with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister of a BJP led NDA government, Arundhati Roy had publicly pronounced that she is seceding from the Republic of India. In more recent times, Gyanpeeth Award winner and acclaimed Kannada writer UR Ananthamurthy stirred a hornet's nest when he proclaimed: "I would not want to live in a country where Modi is the Prime Minister. He (Modi) will create fear and if a fearsome man is sitting there, people will just bow down to him because a bully creates cowards. The country needs to build a citizenry who are not afraid and a governance where people do not follow a leader slavishly." So Booker winning Arundhati Roy calls Modi a "communal hatred spewing saccharine person". Gyanpeeth Award winner Ananthamurthy says Modi will create fear because he is a bully. Can Nobel Prize winners then be far behind in this "intellectual" race to demonise Modi? Just before Ananthamurthy announced his intentions to leave India if Modi becomes the Prime Minister, Nobel prize winner and the Godfather of "Left-Liberal" intellectuals Amartya Sen (who doesn't stay in India) made his preferences or prejudices very clear during a TV interview: "As an Indian citizen I don't want Modi as my PM.... He has not done enough to make minorities feel safe. No, I don't approve of it... I don't think the record is very good. I think I don't have to be a member of the minority in order to feel insecure... We Indians don't want a situation where the minorities feel insecure and could legitimately think that there was an organised violence against them in 2002. I think that

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is a terrible record." At the risk of becoming repetitive, one more thing needs to be mentioned here. No listing or analysis of the legion of Modi critics can be complete without activist Teesta Setalvad. Since 2002, Setalvad has relentlessly and doggedly pursued a campaign to make Modi an accused in the Gujarat riots case. Even after a special investigative team appointed and monitored by the Supreme Court gave a "clean chit" to Modi and even after a lower court in

makeover of Narendra Modi now is backed by the neo liberal corporates who have amassed a significant number of shares in television channels. This disruptive nexus is a threat to the country, democracy and free speech". The interesting question to ask here is: why does the 'secular' and liberal' English media and intellectual establishment hate Modi with so much passion and ferocity? And is the hatred based on any rational analysis of facts? Pick up virtually any name from the hordes of

Even as Modi baiters continue to slam him, he seems to have acquired a formidable fan following amongst ordinary rdinary

Gujarat validated the clean chit, Setalvad is convinced Modi must face criminal charges and prosecution for his alleged role in the 2002 riots. In recent times, Modi has openly described how Barkha Dutt and Rajdeep Sardesai 'unfairly' targeted him and his government during the riots. And like Arundhati Roy, she also thinks that the growing popularity of Modi is a corporate conspiracy. She says: "The PR being carried out for the

well known journalists, academicians and activists and you will find someone who detests Modi. As mentioned earlier, there are no grey areas in this war. It is a classic example of that notorious George W Bush doctrine: " With us, or without us". There are a few journalists and activists who do not demonise Modi. They include Balbir Punj, Kanchan Gupta, Chandan Mitra, Swapan Dasgupta and Madhu Kishwar. But they are firmly and


openly aligned with the BJP. The latest entrant to this small but growing club is MJ Akbar, who was once a Congress Lok Sabha MP from Bihar. But this group is far outnumbered by those who dislike or loathe Modi. The fact is, the Left Liberal establishment has never been fond of the BJP or its earlier avatar the Jan Sangh. So you had this establishment becoming very apprehensive when Atal Behari Vajpayee became the Prime Minister in the 1990s. But those apprehensions are nothing com-

Call it successful propaganda by the Congress party or a genuine concern, but the fact remains that many Indians were uncomfortable with the world view of the RSS and its affiliates. This was reflected in successive election results in India where communist parties actually won more votes and seats than the Jan Sangh and the BJP till the 1980s. To that extent, the fact that Modi is an RSS pracharak has naturally made the secular and liberal establishment mistrustful of leaders like Modi and their

gance is coupled with stupidity, the outcome can be nothing less than disastrous. When political incompetence is married to economic high handedness, the result is certain to be debilitating and destabilising. This, in short summarises the current denouement of the ruling UPA-2 coalition, which has been buffeted by storms in the country's political economy and battered by perceptions that it is unable (and unwilling) to combat food inflation and corruption. The government claims just the opposite but

THE ABIDING FEAR OF THESE JOURNALISTS, INTELLECTUALS, ACTIVISTS AND ACADEMICIANS IS THAT THEY WILL LOSE THE PRIVILEGES, PERKS, POWER AND PATRONAGE THAT THEY HAVE ENJOYED SINCE THE DAYS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

inary Ind Indians everywhere

pared to the ferocity with which Modi is hated. One reason is the belief shared by many Indians that the RSS and the BJP are prejudiced towards minorities. The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi created a deep revulsion amongst a majority of Indians. Since then, organisations like the RSS and political outfits like Jan Sangh and later the BJP, are perceived as practicing majoritarian politics that is prejudiced towards minorities.

real intentions. It is only after the 1980s when LK Advani started a debate on "pseudo-secularism" that the BJP emerged from the wings to become a mainstream political player in the national arena. By then, it was clear that the kind of secularism practiced by the Congress was hypocritical at best. BJP leaders dub it as the politics of minority appeasement. By now, many stalwarts of the Left, liberal and secular establishment agree that that the Congress adopts brazen double standards when it comes to secularism. At the same time, they are convinced that the communalism practiced by the BJP is more dangerous than the communalism practiced by the Congress because the former is majoritarian and a modern nation state which is a democracy must give a sense of security to minorities. There is no time and space here to get entangled in this debate. But suffice to say that, for better or for worse, the English media establishment considers the politics of BJP to be more dangerous to democracy than the politics of Congress. That is the reason why respected media professionals who cannot be accused of being closet or open supporters of the Congress distrust Modi. One such example is well known journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta who has criticised the UPA regime with scorn and contempt. In a column for India Today, Thakurta wrote: " When arro-

its credibility is so low that few are willing to give its Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his senior cabinet colleagues the benefit of doubt." Now, there are many journalists who can be accused of being brazenly partisan in their support of the Congress and simultaneous opposition to Modi. The notorious Radia tapes scandal exposed many of them. But journalists like Thakurta are not. To that extent, there is little doubt that Modi has to struggle with an image problem when it comes to minorities. We then come to the second possible reason for the hatred and dislike of Modi. And that is the 2002 Gujarat riots. There can be little doubt that Modi is morally responsible for the riots because he was the chief minister of the state. And the riots were horrific. But there can be little doubt here that the English establishment has gone overboard in demonising Modi for the riots. Journalists, academicians and activists have freely and irresponsibly used terms like "Genocide", "Pogrom", "Holocaust" and "Ethnic cleansing" to describe the riots. More than 65 official and unofficial enquiries, committees and commissions have investigated the riots. And yet, the Delhi establishment has continued to label Modi as a mass murderer. Some have taken the pains to clam the Congress for the 1984 massacre of Sikhs. But there is little doubt that the Gujarat riots have made Modi persona non grata for the secular establishment. M AY 2 0 1 4

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COVER STORY India has witnessed horrific communal riots before and after 2002. But invariably, it is Modi who is singled out for all the opprobrium. This irrational dislike has gone so far that many intellectuals who otherwise denounce America as an Imperial Power- lauded it for denying a visa to Modi. That really is ironical. This establishment found nothing strange about the George W Bush regime, responsible for killing more than a million Muslims since 2001, singling out Modi for his anti Muslim behaviour. No sane person will call this rational. The real question is: what's the real reason for the deep hatred of Modi? The real reason is power and patronage. Since 1947, India has been governed by

establishment. The motif of this establishment has been a derisive and dismissive attitude towards Hindu traditions and culture some eclectic and some obscurantist. Till the 1980s, this establishment enjoyed a total monopoly. But something started changing in India after that. The first was the Mandal movement that destroyed the political monopoly of the Congress and gave birth to many "secular" regional parties. The second was more important. Liberal economic policies and social mobility allowed tens of millions of Indians to leave poverty behind and emerge as a neo middle class of India. This neo middle class is deeply aspirational, comes from villages and small

power wielded by the beneficiaries of the Nehruvian Consensus. And Modi is the most powerful symbol of that. The reason why this establishment made peace with the Vajpayee government was that it did not threaten their monopoly over discourse and patronage. But Modi has morning to do with this establishment. Like Mayawati, he doesn't seem to care about what this establishment thinks about him. And he is smart. When he was being demonised by the mainstream media, he created a veritable army of fans and followers in the social media. It is fear of losing power that makes the Left, Liberal and Secular Delhi establishment hate Modi so much. If you really want a deeper insight

THERE ARE MANY LIKE PARANJOY GUHA THAKURTA WHO DETEST THE UPA REGIME FOR ITS CRONY CAPITALISM AND YET FIND IT DIFFICULT TO ACCEPT MODI AS A LEADER WHO CAN TAKE THE WHOLE COUNTRY ALONG

The whole thing has now become an open war between Modi critics and fans in social media

the so called Nehruvian Consensus whose twin pillars have been secularism and socialism. This consensus has benefited the media establishment since then in the form of jobs, opportunities, scholarships, positions and much more. Virtually every academic, media, research and thought driven institution has been dominated by this English speaking elite.The Congress has wielded the power of patronage to nurture this

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towns and is not a product of the kind of " English medium" education enjoyed by the establishment. Nor is this neo middle class afraid of wearing religious beliefs on its sleeves. It is no coincidence that the advent of liberal economic policies, the rise of backward castes, the decline of the Congress and the rise of the BJP since the 1980s have happened simultaneously. This neo middle class threatens the

into how this Left, Liberal and Secular establishment is fighting desperately to preserve status quo and power, go no further than two recent cases of sensational rape allegations. Godman Asaram Bapu has been charged with raping a young girl and is currently in jail facing a trial. When he was arrested, the Delhi establishment revelled in portraying Asaram as a powerl figure who abused his position of power to sexually exploit a young girl. But soon after, the editor in chief of Tehelka, Tarun Tejpal faced charges of sexually exploiting a young girl by misusing power. Tejpal is in jail facing a trial. But look at how many Left, Liberal and Secular journalists, academicians and so called activists are defending Tejpal. The Indian voter will soon decide whether Modi deserves to rule India or not. But the Delhi establishment will try every trick in the book to ensure he doesn't win. As the related story says, that includes co-opting top BJP leaders who don't like the idea of Modi becoming the Prime Minister.



COVER STORY

G-172: MODI'S ENEMY WITHIN Modi faces a hostile BJP leadership, like Indira Gandhi had faced a hostile Congress leadership. What would be the consequences of this battle?

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here can be absolutely no doubt about the fact that analysts are perceiving many similarities between Narendra Modi and the late Indira Gandhi. In 1971, Indira Gandhi was the "issue" during the Lok Sabha elections. Forty three years later, Modi has become the "issue" in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Indira was accused

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of being authoritarian; Modi faces the same charge. One could list many more similarities. But perhaps the crucial one is the manner in which Indira had to deal with opposition and sabotage from within the Congress and the manner in which Modi is having to deal with the same in the BJP. Veteran journalists recall how

the powerful 'Syndicate' of the Congress party tried every trick in the book to undermine the leadership and the electoral prospects of Indira. The Syndicate comprised of veteran political heavyweights like K Kamraj, SK Patil, Atulya Ghosh and S Nijlingappa, among others, who dominated and controlled the party organisation. Once they realised that Indira Gandhi was becoming an unchallenged leader who threatened their political ambitions, the Syndicate members worked secretively and furiously behind the scenes to undermine Indira. How the charismatic and ruthless Indira Gandhi eventually defeated and demolished her opponents within the Congress party is a more fascinating story than how she defeated the opposition parties in elections! There are striking similarities between the Indira - Congress Syndicate conflict and the Modi- BJP Syndicate conflict.


Patriarch LK Advani has made it a habit to sulk and throw frequent tantrums to assert his stature

pave the way for Modi to become the Prime Minister without depending on the whims and fancies of potential allies like Jayalalitha, Mayawati, Mamata and Naveen Patnaik. At the same time, the BJP Syndicate seems to be working quietly, and often not so quietly, to ensure that the BJP tally doesn't exceed 172. If that happens, the BJP Syndicate members fancy their chances of becoming Prime Minister because many potential allies could then refuse to support the NDA if Modi becomes the PM. The mentor, leader and most powerful symbol of this G-172 is the party patriarch LK Advani. Journalists and analysts who have been covering the BJP for a long time are convinced that Advani still nurses dreams of becoming the Prime Minister. The manner in which he challenged Dr Manmohan Singh as a "weak" Prime Minister in 2009 and portrayed himself as the better candidate to be the Prime Minister is known to all. But less known is the apparent fact

BJP. He seems to have also worked behind the scenes to ensure that allies like Nitish Kumar publicly and vehemently oppose the selection of Modi as the PM candidate. So sustained was the behind the scenes opposition and intensity of subtle threats that despite widespread demand of party cadre, Modi was made only the chief of the campaign committee of the BJP. Even this was not to the liking of the Syndicate. Advani resigned from all party posts against the elevation of Modi and made a public spectacle of his resignation letter. Indians were forced to see the embarrassing spectacle of party leaders rushing one by one to the residence of a sulking LK Advani to mollify and pacify him. Despite personal entreaties from virtually all top leaders of the BJP, Advani refused to budge and continued to throw tantrums. BJP insiders say that his tantrums stopped only after the RSS told him in no uncertain terms to either accept Modi as the new BJP leader or face the consequences. This resignation

THE MOST TELLING FACT IS THAT WHEN MODI WAS NOT IN THE PICTURE, THESE LEADERS HAD LOST THE 2009 POLLS, ALONG WITH A HOST OF ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS: HIMACHAL UTTARAKHAND, RAJASTHAN, AND KARNATAKA The BJP Syndicate too is comprised of veteran political heavyweights who have controlled and dominated the party organisation. Like during the times of the original Syndicate, this group or club too is dismayed at the emergence of Modi as the undisputed and unchallenged leader. And like the original Syndicate, this group too seems to be secretively and furiously working to undermine the leadership and electoral prospects of Modi. It will be fascinating to see how Modi deals with this new BJP Syndicate. Will he manage to win as decisively and ruthlessly as Indira? Nobody doubts the decisiveness and ruthlessness of Modi. But while the Indira Gandhi chapter is history, the Narendra Modi chapter is still history in the making! Modi is determined to succeed in his Mission 272, according to which the BJP led NDA must get more than 272 seats; or as close to that as possible. This will

that the manner in which Advani led BJP lost humiliatingly to the Congress in 2009 still haunts the aging leader. Since 2012, after it was clear that the Congress is becoming very unpopular because of inflation and corruption, Advani has felt that he still has a chance of becoming the PM. So when supporters and fans of Modi started openly pitching for the latter as the leader of the BJP after the 2012 Gujarat assembly elections, it was difficult for Advani to digest the non-stop rise of Modi as a mass leader whom the BJP cadres wanted to lead the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. There is no surprise then that a frustrated and bitter Advani has been throwing tantrum after tantrum. In June 2014, when it became clear that both the party cadre and the RSS wanted Modi to become the BJP candidate for Prime Minister, Advani decided to stay away from the national executive meeting of the BJP- the first time in the history of

and tantrum drama undoubtedly had a very bad impact on the party with many neutral voters wondering how the BJP could run the country if the party itself is so deeply divided. Advani did temporarily stop his public opposition to Modi. But party insiders claim that it was he and his camp members who instigated Nitish Kumar to take his party JD(U) out of the NDA and abuse Modi as a communal and divisive leader who should never be made the Prime Minister of India. The ironical thing is that politicians like Nitish Kumar and many journalists in the English Media (see related story, The Hate Modi English Media) started hailing Advani as a 'secular' leader as opposed to the 'communal' Modi. The same people had publicly accused Advani of being violently communal and anti Muslim during the Ram Janmabhoomi agitation that eventually led to the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. M AY 2 0 1 4

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COVER STORY Another ironical twist that must be haunting Advani is the manner in which he supported Modi after the 2002 Gujarat riots even though Atal Bihari Vajpayee wanted Modi to resign as the chief minister. It is a classic story of a protĂŠgĂŠ becoming a rival of the mentor! Advani hasn't stopped either his opposition to Modi or his tantrums even after that humiliation. During the campaign for the 2013 assembly elections, Advani lost no opportunity to take digs at Modi. In election rallies, he publicly praised Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan as a leader who has performed better than Modi. There was a lot of talk of making Chauhan an alternative candidate for Prime Minister. But the massive grassroots support for Modi compelled Advani to backtrack. But he is not finished. The manner in which he again threw tantrums demanding to contest from Bhopal rather than his traditional Gandhinagar constituency deeply embarrassed the party. Once again, Modi and other top leaders of the BJP had to visit Advani's house to placate him. Once again, on the eve of elections, Advani managed to convey to Indian voters that BJP is a divided party. Advani is not a lonely warrior. He has enlisted the support of veteran party leaders like Jaswant Singh, Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and most

TWEET FROM SUSHMA SWARAJ: "I WANT TO MAKE IT CLEAR THAT SRIRAMULU HAS BEEN INDUCTED INTO THE PARTY DESPITE MY STRONG OPPOSITION" importantly, Sushma Swaraj to both secretly and openly work against Modi. Only Arun Jaitley seems to have solidly stood behind Modi. Party president Rajnath Singh is not a member of this Syndicate. But he is unique in the sense that he is undercutting and undermining Modi even as he publicly professes support for the Gujarat chief minister. We will come to the shenanigans of these leaders in just a while. But it would be interesting to see

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Will they prefer a BJP that manages to win less than 180 seats in the elections?

the reason why the BJP cadres seemed so lost till 2012 and why they seem so energised after Modi was made the BJP candidate for Prime Minister. The group of BJP leaders led by Advani seems to have had serious problem with popular regional leaders of the party with grassroots support of their own. Kalyan Singh became the first BJP chief minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1991, and the fact that he belonged to a backward community was of enormous help

to BJP in the aftermath of the Mandal agitation. Yet, if many party insiders are to be believed, leaders like Advani, Rajnath, Lalji Tandon and Kalraj Mishra played such games that Kalyan Singh was forced to leave the BJP. Since then, BJP has been in terminal decline in UP and it is only the so called Modi wave that has re energised the cadres. Kalyan Singh is back in the party, but the magic is gone. The fate of many leaders like Kalyan Singh were sealed soon after


out of the party when she revolted. Luckily for the BJP, it found a good replacement in Shivraj Chauhan who has retained voter support for the party. But the exit of Uma Bharti send hugely negative signals. Soon after that, the popular and clean chief minister of Jharkhand Babulal Marandi was humiliated to the point that he quit and formed his own party in 2006. The BJP suffered severe losses in the state after that. It is recovering only now, thanks to the Modi effect. Then came the many plots against the popular Rajasthan chief minister Vasundhara Raje Scindia. In the 2008 assembly elections, she lost narrowly to the Congress mainly because of internal sabotage by her own party members. Advani and gang did nothing to stop her humiliation and she was removed as the leader of opposition after the BJP lost badly in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. A similar fate awaited the popular and clean General BC Khanduri after internal sabotage resulted in the BJP losing all five Lok Sabha seats. Khanduri was blamed and removed from the chair of the chief minister. There was a time when both Scindia and Khanduri were seriously considering leaving the party. That is how badly they were treated. And then came the expulsion of former Karnataka chief minister Yediyurappa who faced allegations of corruption. A bitter Yediyurappa pub-

tweets opposing the re entry of Sriramulu to the party. It has also been noticed that Sushma is yet to publicly acknowledge and accept Modi as her leader. She perhaps hope fondly that if the BJP tally stays well below 200, even she could become Prime Minister! Of course, the most clever of them all is Rajnath Singh. He too seems to be hoping that he will emerge the winner in the battle between Advani and Modi. He seems to have become very good at killing two birds with one stone. For example, Modi originally wanted to contest from Lucknow, the seat represented by Vajpayee. Rajnath was aware that he might lose his Ghaziabad seat because of the Aam Aadmi Party. So he convinced Modi to contest from Varanasi, saying that would have a huge positive impact on seats in eastern UP and North Bihar. Rajnath took the Lucknow seat. That resulted in old foes Murli Manohar Joshi, Kalraj Mishra and Lalji Tandon being ousted from their seats. Simultaneously, there are whispers that Rajnath has given tickets in seats around Varanasi to such weak candidates that they might lose despite the Modi effect. If that happens, BJP leaders can then say that Modi couldn't even win eastern UP. In all such scenarios, Rajnath could emerge the improbable winner. Then again, the manner in which people like Pramod Mutalik from Karnataka and Sabir Ali from Bihar were inducted into

ADVANI IN HIS 2013 RESIGNATION LETTER: "OUR FOUNDERS' SOLE CONCERN WAS WELFARE OF THE PEOPLE. NOWADAYS WE HAVE DEVIATED FROM THEIR PATH AND OUR LEADERS SEEM MORE INTERESTED IN THEIR OWN AGENDA" Advani and gang took complete control of the party. After the NDA lost the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the party leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee effectively faded into the crimson sunset. Advani was the unquestioned Boss of the party with a vast support base of leaders like Arun Jaitley, Venkaih Naidu, Sushma Swaraj and Rajnath Singh. Former BJP chief Nitin Gadkari came much later into the picture. First, another backward caste leader and chief minister Uma Bharti was humiliated repeatedly and then thrown

licly accused Advani of orchestrating his exit. Inevitably, the BJP was humiliated in the Karnataka assembly elections. Is it a surprise then that the party cadre was fed up with Advani and his gang and convinced that they would lead BJP to yet another defeat? That is why the public actions of leaders like Sushma Swaraj appear suspicious. She had no hesitation in taking the public support of Reddy brothers and B Sriramalu of Bellary mines notoriety in the 1990s, when she contested against Sonia Gandhi. Yet, it was Sushma who sent public

the party reeks of inner party intrigue and sabotage. Quite clearly, Modi faces twin challenges: the first is to defeat Rahul and Sonia Gandhi. And simultaneously, to defeat the BJP Syndicate. In the past, Modi has been ruthlessly successful in elbowing out potential rivals and enemies like Sanjay Joshi, Shankarsingh Vaghela, Kesubhai Patel and Suresh Mehta. Can he succeed like Indira in vanquishing the BJP Syndicate? And if he does, will he become as authoritarian as Indira and make the BJP a one leader party? Intriguing questions, these... M AY 2 0 1 4

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EXCLUSIVE

There are large fan bases of people in the state who all look up to the CM

"We've done better, but talked less than Modi" Recently, as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav turned two. According to him, through development initiatives and schemes, he has tried his best for the optimum utilisation of tax payers' money. He is also of the view that the Uttar Pradesh Government has initiated more social welfare schemes compared to Gujarat, and these schemes are catalysing social revolution in the villages of Uttar Pradesh Anil Pandey & Gaurav Rathi

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ongratulations, you have completed your second year in government. From a common man's point of view, how do you visualise your governance? From a common man's point of view our governance is the materialisation of promises. We delivered what we promised. The Samajwadi Party government has reinstated the faith in minds of people that Netaji (as Mulayam Singh's followers call him) sticks to his words. In last two years, the tempo of development has gotten accelerated here.

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Several welfare schemes have been rolled out for women, youth, minorities, farmers and all sections of the society. And, I can assert that we have ensure the best utilisation of tax payers' money. UP is considered as one of the poor performers in infrastructure development. What has your government done for that over the past two years? Infrastructure is the lifeline of development anywhere. In the last two years, we have worked tirelessly for electrification and construction of roads. For this, total investment in the state has also grown manifold. Uttar Pradesh is the

first state in the country that has connected district headquarters through roads using state government revenue. Plans for several express highways are also on the cards. To improve electricity supply, we have worked on all three layers of electrification; production, transmission and distribution. For the first time, we have initiated feeder suppression and undercabling at the tehsil level. As far as production of electricity is concerned, there will be an addition of 660 megawatt by end of this year from the Lalitpur plant and Allahabad unit of JP. Netaji, during his tenure had approved a 330 megawatt


that we are incapable of marketing and branding. We know it very well. But, we preferred to focus more on our work than advertising it. Our achievements are much bigger than their advertisements. There are people who keep on giving lectures about development without doing any work. However, we chose to remain silent and focus more on the real thing: work.

Whoever you may be, Bill Gates is Bill Gates, and getting him to UP was no small feat

power plant at ShreeNagar. It was a joint venture between Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand governments. However, after Netaji's tenure, the whole project went into cold storage. After returning to power, we have started working on it. We aim at producing additional 3000 megawatt of electricity in next two years. For this, we will have to focus on solar energy too. By 2016, we aim at achieving the goal of 18 hours electricity supply to villages and 20 to 24 hours supply to urban areas. Uttar Pradesh is an agricultural state. Farmers across the country are in distress. What is the status of farmers in Uttar Pradesh? We have provided all facilities to our farmers. And, one thing I must say, we are for farmer's development; we have done much more than any of the state governments. Availability of seeds and fertiliser was the major hurdle for famers

during the reign of previous government. After returning to power, our first priority was making seeds and fertiliser available for farmers on time. To enhance their financial condition, we not only waived agricultural loans but also made fertilizer and electricity available at subsidised prices. For irrigation, we ensured free water. Our slogan is "free medicine, free education and free irrigation for farmers". All the three facilities are now available for farmers. Media gave innumerable coverage to Kejriwal's 700 litre free water supply provision. But, the irony is for our free irrigation initiative there was no media coverage. So you are a victim of a biased media? No, I am not blaming media. It's our fault. We failed in marketing our work and development initiatives. You know, nowadays its all about how you market and brand yourself. It does not mean

AKHILESH SAYS THAT THOUGH HIS GOVERNMENT HAS PROVIDED FREE FARMLAND WATER, YET KEJRIWAL GETS MORE PUBLICITY. HE IS CONVINCED THAT HIS EFFORTS, RATHER THAN MARKETING AND MEDIA EXPOSURE, WILL GET RESULTS

Who are you targeting at? Who are the people doing the false claims about development? There is lot of hue and cry about the Gujarat model of development. It is projected that Gujarat has witnessed development in leaps and bounds. Recently I came across an article in Frontline. It reveals ground reality of development there. Farmers are not paid accident insurance in Gujarat. Farmers are unable to produce wheat and sugarcane. The state is also lagging behind in production of milk. Come to Uttar Pradesh, you will find our farmers producing sugarcane and milk. So, what particular model of development are we talking about? We have provided seeds, fertilizer and free irrigation facility to our farmers. We have ensured proper procurement policy for agricultural produces. As far as social welfare schemes are concerned, we are unparalleled in the country. Even Gujarat lags behind Uttar Pradesh? Has Modi provided free laptops and tablets to students in Gujarat? Is there any scheme like Kanya Vidya Dhan? Is there allowance to unemployed youth? We have formulated and implemented these radical schemes which will transform a generation. Go to the remote villages of Uttar Pradesh, you can witness social revolution as a result of these schemes. Students from poor economic backgrounds have started going to schools, pursuing their higher studies. Schemes like "Humari Beti, Uska Kal" and "Padhe Betiyan, Badhe Betiyan" has helped in reducing the number of dropouts significantly and also enhanced the enrolment in schools. Girls from Muslim community were lagging behind in education. However, due to our scholarship schemes they have got the encouragement to excel. We are continuing skill development programs for poor and unemployed. Till M AY 2 0 1 4

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EXCLUSIVE now, 46 lakhs of youth belonging to age group of 20-40 have enrolled online for these programmes. We are providing housing facility to poorest of poor urban population who used to sleep on roads earlier. We are coming with a plan to provide battery rickshaws to rickshawpullers. Free education, free health facility and pension to the poor, the list goes on. And the most remarkable thing

Arunachal Pradesh problem and country's foreign policy. In the previous assembly election, you played a key role in the election strategy and management of the party and registered unprecedented victory. What is the strategy for this election? Our outputs for election campaign are highly powerful and impactful. Billy

UP government claims that free laptops have been a huge success with the youth in the state

about our plans and governance is that we never discriminate. I call them "socialist and secular schemes". Is Modi a significant threat for you in Uttar Pradesh? How can he affect your chances here? Modi is no threat. Compared to Modi's Gujurat, we have initiated more development schemes here. The work we have done for our farmers is unparalleled. People of the state realize it. Modi, through articulations tries to confuse people. He never speaks about the real problem of the country and its solutions. He never touches issues like bilateral relationship with China, solution to

Joel, Grammy award winner musician has prepared the campaign music video and filmed it on Netaji. This music video has kept the aspiration of youth in mind. It's attracting them. The song "Man se Mulayam irade loha hai" portrays the philosophy of life of Netaji. Alongside, we have also started advertising our development works. The election commission has approved 22 advertisements for our campaign. With them, Netaji and I have started our election campaign. According to the figures of Election Commission, there is an addition of around two lakhs of new and first time voters to the electoral list of every con-

AKHILESH YADAV CLAIMS THAT HIS GOVERNMENT HAS DONE FAR MORE FOR DEVELOPMENT, INFRASTRUCTURE, FARMING, EMPLOYMENT AND WELFARE OF WEAKER SECTIONS THAN ANY OTHER STATE GOVERNMENT IN THE COUNTRY 34

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stituency. How are you planning to get connected with them? See, we have taken steps for the development of all sections of the society. Here I would like to question our opposition, "Are they comparable with us as far as steps taken for the benefit of the youth is concerned?" Providing laptop and tablets to students, skill development programs, opening new IIT and adding seats to it, opening new engineering and medical universities, increasing 500 MBBS seats in medical colleges- all these steps show our concern for the youth of the state. The youth has benefitted enormously from these schemes. Employment generation for the youth was the biggest challenge. And from our development schemes, now youth is getting employment. Along with, we have opened our doors for big companies like Infosys, Amul, and Samsung. Youth of the state is very happy with us and in the ongoing election they will definitely vote for Samajwadi Party. A hung parliament is being speculated. If such a situation crops up, will Samajwadi Party be the King Maker? To put Netaji at the driver's seat during government formation process, we are striving to win more and more seats. The mood of the state is with us. This is the reason why National Families( mocking at the Gandhi family), national leaders, contenders for prime ministerial post, presidents of national parties all are in hurry to make their presence felt in the state. But, people here know everything. They will teach a tight lesson to all these leaders. What is your opinion about Aam Aadmi Party? It is being speculated that AAP might emerge as the third largest party. In a democracy, each political party has an ideology and policy. Perhaps, Aam Aadmi Party is the single exception to it as they neither subscribe to an ideology nor they have a clear policy. When they got the opportunity to make policies, they searched for ways for escape. Even, they have stolen our caps(Topi). Samajwadi Party workers used to wear red caps, they just changed the colour to white. When I was a member of Parliament, on my way to sessions, I used to watch their fasting and revolu-


tion at India Gate. During those days, empty beer cans were everywhere at the agitation spot. Suddenly, people from strange areas have delved into their party. They are Page-3…no, no… Page6 leaders. In Uttar Pradesh, whom you consider as your main competitor? Several national level leaders are fighting elections from Uttar Pradesh. And among BJP candidates, there are so many national level leaders. BJP has made development an issue. However, they miserably failed. And then only Modi started playing his communal cards. The Samajwadi Party has always combated with communal elements successfully and this time also it is not going to be an exception.

ACCORDING TO THE YOUNG CHIEF MINISTER, THE AAM AADMI PARTY IS MORE GAS AND NOISE THAN ANY GENUINE SUBSTANCE

Akhilesh is getting ready to present his third budget for the state

You are blamed for appeasing the Muslim community… I always say, it's very easy to be communal, but sticking to secular ideology is always tough. Our Constitution directs governments to uplift the poor, weaker and depressed class and protect them from exploitation. And we are with the weaker section of the society as per directives of the Constitution. Reports of Sachar and Ranganath committees speak a lot about the poor status of minorities. Several such committees were formed after independence and let me tell you, these committees also made suggestions like the above two. Now, when we are trying for the betterment of this weaker and depressed section, the opposition blames us with appeasement. Will the Muzaffarnagar riot affect your electoral chances? See, we have left no stone unturned to combat the riot and provide relief to the affected people. We did everything that we could have done. Even Supreme Court and Human Rights Commission agree with our argument. Still, the opposition parties are making it an issue. What will be the role of Akhilesh Yadav in the Loksabha election? My role will be to fulfil the promises we have made. I am going to table our third annual budget. And this budget will accelerate development schemes by providing them with more funds. M AY 2 0 1 4

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SPECIAL STORY

AAP chief Kejriwal flanked by his two powerful leutenants, Sisodia and Vishwas... the party fell into a trap by pitting its senior leaders against toughest rival candidates

AAP: From Pheonix Back to Ashes Huge hopes had gripped the people, in Delhi as well as across the country, when the Aam Admi Party took over the Delhi government. But after broken promises, rampant dissension and alleged corruption, the messiah of the masses has suffered politically HARISHANKAR JOSHI

T

he Beniyabagh ground during the election meeting of the Aam Aadmi Party in Varanasi was packed. There is no doubt about that. Television footage showed that. Photos in the newspaper the next day showed that. And party supremo Arvind Kejriwal did his best to show the world that he would make Bharatiya Janata Party's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi bite the holy dust. But as they say, all that glitters is not gold.Talking to the people, attending the meeting, it becomes clear that they are hardly from Varanasi. In fact, the crowd

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had been brought in from nearby Jaunpur by a new local AAP leader, KP Yadav, in charge of the Badlapur constituency. One cannot but compare this small gathering with the massive meeting at Ramlila Maidan in 2011. The gathering over the issue of Jan Lokpal Bill was so large and the public sentiment so vociferous that it gave Kejriwal and AAP the courage to launch a political party. But that curve which had peaked three years ago is now in the trough. AAP is apparently sliding down in popularity. And this is evident not just in Varanasi but across the country. When Kejriwal had formed the party, one restaurant owner, Ramesh, had told

this correspondent: "Perhaps he has rushed in too early into the political arena. Now even Kejriwal has admitted that the party's decision to quit the government in Delhi was taken in undue hurry. And many in the masses have been irked by this cavalier attitude. An auto rickshaw driver Om Prakash, watching the meeting at Varanasi, spat out in disgust: "This is the man Delhi voters elected to rule and he just quit. How can anyone trust him?" The slide downwards is not only reflected in such comments of the common man, but has been statistically validated through a AC Neilsen survey con-


VARANASI A TOUGH COOKIE

ducted by ABP News. The survey shows that while 55 per cent of Delhi voters supported AAP a few months ago, the share has tumbled by 20 per cent to 34 per cent. The short duration over which this has happened must be scary even for the quixotic Mr Kejriwal. And the marker is constantly sliding downwards all the time, without any remedy in sight. The blitzkrieg of support for the AAP on social networking sites before the state polls has become a mere whispering campaign. There was a time when AAP leaders in Delhi would be doing something or the other in the Capital that would fetch them TV news footage. AAP had become an all-India party. But now whatever the electronic media is covering of AAP is for all the wrong reasons. The electoral cacophony may be keeping the inner-party stress within AAP away from public view, but the stress is

there and it is back-breaking. Candidates are running away, issues are conflicting and few are taking responsibilities. Political analyst from Delhi, PK Mathur says: "The trust deficit in people is growing by the day because no sooner than it was born, the party became over ambitious and tried to become a national from a regional one. There is a chaos and indiscipline everywhere, whether it be in electoral practices or in the selection of candidates. At this rate the AAP will reduce itself to a party of intellectuals or political novices." A sociologist from Lucknow told News Bench: "The fissures have become rampant almost as soon as the party was formed. Candidates whose names had been announced left the fray. Justice Fakhruddin withdrew his candidature form Raebareli and the issue of Mukul Tripathi, candidate from Farrukhabad also doing the same became contentious.

IF THE VARANASI 'GREEN FLAG' TO THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY WORKS IN 300 MUSLIM DOMINATED DISTRICTS IN THE COUNTRY, IT MAY BE SOME RECOMPENSE FOR KEJRIWAL'S NEAR-SURE DEFEAT IN THIS POLL WAR'S BATTLE ROYALE

At the iconic paan shop Keshav Paan Bhandar in Varanasi, all the talk is of the fire that Arvind Kejriwal, AAP numero uno has landed himself in the constituency. Says a local, Vijay Shankar: "By keeping his meeting venue at Beniabagh, which is in a Muslim dominated area, and drying himself with a green towel after his bath in the Ganga, Kejriwal tried to send strong signals to the Muslim vote bank. He also tried to take advantage of Mukhtar's leaving the fray. But his achievement will remain confined to cutting some votes of other candidates. He is now trying to woo those voters who are against Modi's Hindu fundamentalism and against the ideology of the RSS. But this will be the last gambit for Arvind Kejriwal.

Tripathi says he withdrew, but the AAP leadership said he had been sacked. Today, Mukul has raised several serious allegations against AAP leadership. This includes allegations of corruption against the leaders who became national heroes for their anti-corruption campaign. Let alone issues of missusing money collected as membership funds or funds coming from abroad. Tripathi says there are basic issues even at local levels. "I asked for the funds collected from Farrukhabad. The party told me there were 40 to 50,000 members who paid Rs 10 each. But the records showed just 1,700 members." The pro-democracy party is also facing the allegations of inner-party despotism. The method of selecting candidates has been disputed on many seats. The candidacy of retired IPS officer Yuddhaveer Singh from Hissar caused a major protest against Kejriwal. AAP had M AY 2 0 1 4

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SPECIAL REPORT

THOSE WHO DID NOT COME TO DINNER

Vishwas is fighting Rahul... some call this a gimmick, some say it is sheer suicidal tendency

said that selection of candidates would be transparent, that people of a constituency would be asked which candidate they wanted and that person would be given the ticket. The party rule says a candidate to any constituency would have to be residents of that constituency. The rule also says that at least 100 persons from each assembly segment under a Lok Sabha candidate would have sign letters saying that the candidate is of unimpeachable character. But all those exciting conditionalities seems like so much well-intended hot air now. Asutosh's candidature from Chandi Chowk; Rajmohan Gandhi from East Delhi; Kumar Asutosh from

dancer Javed Jaffrey. Kejriwal claims that AAP will see at least 100 MPs in the 16th Lok Sabha. Even early initial surveys had shown AAP getting around 50 seats, and the follow-up surveys showed the figure climb down to 40. If a new survey is conducted, it is possible that may show AAP not getting more than two dozen or so MPs winning. The situation is such that due to pure political naivetĂŠ and sheer overconfidence has led many stalwart AAP leaders got entangled in major political battles.These leaders could have easily campaigned for lesser members and helped them, but they are no longer available for the party's larger interests.

WHILE KEJRIWAL CHEWED MODI IN VARANASI, HE ALSO ESCHEWED ANY AGENDA FOR DEVELOPMENT OR SOME CHANGES IN NATIONAL POLICIES THAT MAY BENEFIT THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTRY, WHICH THEY WERE EXPECTING Amethi, Gul Panag from Chandigarh‌ one after the other those party rules were smashed. Disgruntled MLA Binod Kumar Binni was told that no sitting MLA would be given a Lok Sabha ticket, but Rakhi Birla still got the ticket. Each of these persons were selected for some special reasons, whether it be Medha Patkar or the Lucknow candidate, actor-

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Caught by the clever political machinations of other more experienced parties, AAP's Chief of Staff has got trapped in the battle with Narendra Modi in Varanasi. This has caused considerable damage. It is numbers that matter in electoral politics. But laden with and too many contestants and huge promises, and hav-

In the Gujarat Assembly by-elections the AAP candidate Kanakrai kanani 'vanished' just before filing his nomination thus restricting the contest between Congress and the BJP. Then another Lok Sabha candidate left the party with his followers and joined the Congress lock stock and barrel. Ajmer Lok Sabha candidate from AAP Ajay Somani also did not file his nomination. North-West Delhi candidate Mahendra Singh, Muradabad candidate Khalid Parvez and Faizabad candidate Iqbal Mustafa returned their tickets after being given them. Singer Jaspinder Narula also left the party alleging lack of inner-party democracy. Savita Bhatti, widow of comedian late Jaspal Bhatti also returned her ticket. Angered by the system of ticket distribution in Delhi, lawyer Ashok Aggrawal had in March itself stomped out of the party. Clearly, it is not all honey and milk within the party. The ranks of escapees are fast swelling and it is guaranteed that just after the election results are announced there will be excepectedly, another round of resignations.

ing fuelled massive aspirations among the people, now AAP is clearly running out of steam and the peoples' aspirations are floating away aimlessly. The question is not what will happen to Arvind Kejriwal. The question is what will happen to those teaming millions who had been sold the dream of genuine democracy but is now feeling waylaid.


"A FEW UPSET AMONGST 450 CANDIDATES NO BIG DEAL" Nagendra Sharma, Media Advisor to Arvind Kejriwal The recent public meetings of the Aam Admi Party do not see the massive crowds that you could pull in before the Delhi polls. Does this show a drop in your popularity? During the Lok Sabha poll campaigns, AAP drew larger crowds than Rahul Gandhi or Sonia Gandhi in all the seven LS constituencies. And had you seen Arvind Kejriwal's public meetings, you would not have said this. There does not seem to be much influence of AAP outside Delhi? Is this because you have not been able to create a proper party structure beyond Delhi? That is not at all true. Earlier, your guns were trained at corrupt politicians, especially the Congress party. But now you are totally focused on the BJP, rather, on Narendra Modi. Why is this so? We were the first to expose the corruption in the Congress, especially in the Robert Vadra land scam. Now we are campaigning against corruption in BJP. No individual is being targeted. Some say that the real reason AAP is targeting Modi is to bring a large vote bank, the Muslims, with you so that you look like an all-India party AAP does not indulge in communal vote banks of either colour. It practices politics that is free of corruption, nepotism and crime. There are problems in your party. Some selected candidates are returning their tickets and some have even left the party, saying that the senior leaders misbehave with lesser leaders‌ AAP has fielded 450 candidates in this

WE WERE THE FIRST TO EXPOSE THE CONGRESS IN THE VADRA SCAM, AND NOW WE ARE EXPOSING THE BJP, THERE IS NO AGENDA OF TARGETING ANY BJP LEADER INDIVIDUALLY AT ALL elections, and if one or two of them return their tickets that is not a big deal. And the dissensions of some angry leaders can be tackled after the elections. There have been allegations that money has influenced the constituencies of certain candidates. That means corruption within the anti-corruption party! There is no question of buying tickets for constituencies. This is totally wrong.

HE SAID, HE RENEGED! Arvind Kejriwal took the seat of the Chief Minister but quickly left without keeping his promises. He had originally said that politics is a quagmire and he would never get into it. But he actually formed a party. Before the Delhi polls he had announced the name of an auto-rickshaw driver as the party candidate from Okhla, but when the time came the ticket went to a millionaire businessman. He first promised that the jan Lokpal Bill would be passed in the state Assembly, but later said this could not be done because of an order of the Centre which said that kits permission is a must for passing such a legislation. The fact remains, however, this order was passed long ago and not when AAP brought the Bill. He had handed over to the police a 370-page document on corruption in the Commonwealth Games, but after becoming CM, he sidestepped the issue and said that if anyone had any evidence, they should give it to him and action would be taken: issue killed! The Delhi voters felt cheated too. He had promised 700 litres of water free of cost, but from the CM's chair, he announced that if any household consumed even a litre more they would have to pay for the entire amount. Electricity charges would be halved, he had promised. Result? Zero! The biggest issue was security for women. But soon after the party came to power, assaults on their modesty reached an unthinkable new nadir.

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VIEW FROM ABOVE

Caste Matters, Sadly!

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aste has always been an important factor in elections in independent India. It was an important factor while deciding candidature. Late Chaudhari Charan Singh, the firebrand Jat leader, always fought from Sisoli due to the caste factor. This situation has not changed. Parties carefully analyse how many votes a candidate can garner from his caste vote bank. Some leaders are important because of the large population of his caste. Political parties try to take support of such leaders. For example, the Kurmis and Yadavs in Bihar and UP, and the Vokkalingas and Lingayats in Karnataka. But essentially it is the same in all the states. If some caste is dominant in a society, then its leader will also be influential. People like Raja Bhaiya and

HOW MANY DALITS ARE MADE CABINET MINISTERS IN THESE PARTIES? THEY ARE ONLY MADE MINISTERS FOR MINORITY AFFAIRS Anant Singh impact election outcomes in their own way. Vasundhara Raje and Jyotiraditya Scindia, both win elections because of their historical family backgrounds, both coming from distinguished royal families. In this election, the tone and tenor of campaigns has purely negative undertones. Political parties have indulged in mud-slinging. They started garnering votes in the name of caste. BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi is trying to project himself as a backward class leader. He takes pride in proclaiming himself as tea vendor. He talks about backward classes in a generic sense. He went into seat sharing arrangement with Ram Vilas Paswan, but forgot Sanjay Paswan. He was denied a ticket and neither was he fully utilised by the party. Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi always use feudal language in their speeches. They

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Professor Vivek Kumar

always mention that it is they who have given the free rice, Right To Information Act and the and National Rural Employment Gurantee Act. But people should ask if the Gandhis are giving alms or do the people have the right to own their community resources. The Congress is going through a leadership crisis over the past 10 years. Their leaders have lost mass appeal. Manmohan Singh and Chidambaram have no mass base. Kapil Sibbal has nothing to say beyond secularism. That is all that he is holding up his political brand image wherever he goes. People of India now want self-representation. This means people want to send their representatives to the parliament to protect their interests. Earlier, they used to think that the top leadership will protect their interests. Those

who were marginalised earlier, but later got political rights, made it a tool to garner votes. They have not snatched the rights from others; rather, they have now earned their due. The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh is a good example of this change. Which is why it has succeded in making forays in other parts of the country even outside Uttar Pradesh. Forward classes term this as casteism. They never forget to say that this is division of society. This is not true. You take vote from the community and forget them after winning the election. Congress and BJP have been doing this for long. Dalits and weaker section leaders are marginalised in all these parties. How many dalit leaders are given cabinet berths? How many dalits are spokespersons in these national parties? (The author is a professor of Sociology at JNU)



RAJASTHAN

Raje: dame fatale the social engineer! This princess from an erstwhile Rajput royal family is mixing and matching communities with the alacrity of a couture designer. However, this one is not about dressing up, but about stripping both Congress and the BSP of their vote banks Vikas Chaudhary Raje has angered many party colleagues by her high handedness

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he Bharatiya Janata Party has become a den of dissension due to the peculiar manner of exercising authority by Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje. Such is the situation that many senior leaders have quit the party and have become challengers. It is an open question, therefore, as to how many seats the state can give to the party in the Lok Sabha polls. To Raje's credit, though, she has done some fascinating social engineering which can deal a nasty knock to the Congress. Apart from the Rajput-JatGujjar combine, this time she has also used the Muslim-Jat combine. This new chemistry is expected not only to cut to size the influence of the Bahujan Samaj Party, but shock the Congress. This is a unique experiment by the BJP, which has made stalwart leader Jaswant Singh a rebel candidate from Barmer. Subhash Maharia too has left the party and is in the fray. They have posed open challenges. In some very critical constituencies the dissidents have openly done nothing that can make them face disciplinary actio bu the party. But they are quietlySocial formations in Rajasthan (in percentages) Hindus 88.8 Muslims 8.5 Sikh 1.4 Jain 1.2 SC 17 ST 12 (National Population Bureau: Rajasthan 2012)

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The social engineering being attempted by Raje is threatening the future of many powerful leaders in Rajasthan... It has ruined a few already

putting the spanner in the party's works covertly. And the enmities that first surfaced during the Assembly elections is still fuelling the conflicts during this General Elections as well. There seems to be some truth in the allegation that the party's claim that it will win hands down in the state is so much hot air. A senior leader of the state BJP says that the social engineering she has undertaken lies behind this tall claim of Raje's. She has for the first time brought to play the Muslim-Jat combine in Rajasthan. That is how she managed to cut Jaswant Singh out and Subhash Maharia has also been denied a ticket.The tickets were given apparently to those candidates who would win, whether they ran from BJP or otherwise. Denying the ticket to Jaswant from Barmer is a result of this new formula. In his place, Chaudhary Sonaram was made the candidate. The party had some doubts whether Jaswant would win from Barmer. Though this constituency is Rajput dominated, yet, only a candidate who could farm the Muslim psyche would win convincingly. The Muslim voter finds it more comfortable being with Jats rather than Rajputs. This is because there are many Jats who are Muslims. The urban Muslim voter may hesitate voting for the BJP. But in the villages, it is possible that the Muslims can be persuaded to vote in

favour of the Jat community. This Muslim-Jat chemistry can make or break the fortunes of candidates in as many as seven constituencies in the state. In fact, Raje has played a major strategic game in Rajasthan. Earlier, she had taken a gamble with the Gujjars. The Meenas and Gujjars are deciding factors in many Lok Sabha seats. The BJP earlier had strong candidates such as Kirorilal Meena, but he has left Bharatiya Janata Party and formed his own party due to Raje's obduracy. Having left BJP, though, he has completely lost his pull and is no threat to the party anymore. Raje sought to fill the vacuum left by Meena by towing in the Gujjar community. She had brought in Kirorilal Bainsla. Raje knew that the Gujjar would be no long term political ally, they had aligned and would stay with BJP only on the demand of being favoured with reservation, like Raje had ensured for the Meena community. This had created a furious reservation politics. In the ensuing war, Raje cut down Kirorilal to such an extent that he lost his relevance in his own community. After splitting the Meenas and the Gujjars, Raje created a Rajput-Jat equation, which was a long term affair, unlike that of the short-term political marriage of conveninces like with the Meenas and the Gujjars. Raje, though she never writes "Scindia" herself is a Rajput princess,

and being married to a Jat, her acceptability in both communities was excellent. In this election year, she created a new equation, and that is the Jat-Muslim combine. Raje knows that the Jat community is not at all inclined towards faces of saffron hue, so he brought in a candidate who can cull the Muslim votes as well. This will surely give some worries to the Bahujan Samaj Party. In three or four seats in the state, the BSP plays the game spoiler for the BJP by playing on its Muslim vote bank. This new masterstroke will also give a serious headache to the Congress, admits a senior state party leader. He says that this splitting of the Muslim vote may see a substantial section of the community slip away from the party. And this will needle the Congress in many a parliamentary constituency. The Congress too is not bereft of its share of dissensions. After the drubbing in the last Assembly elections in 2013, the young Jat leader of the party, Sachin Pilot, has taken over charge of the party. To keep the Rajputs with the party, youngsters such as Kunwar Jitendra Singh was promoted. Despite that, some leaders such as Buta Singh have expressed unhappiness and finally left to join the Samajwadi Party, and as a candidate from the Jalore, he could pose some serious threat to the Congress. Buta may win or lose, but he will make it tough for the Congress to have a cakewalk. M AY 2 0 1 4

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BIHAR

Terror takes roots in Bihar, strikes ahoy! The arrested and interrogated terrorists of Indian Mujahideen have mentioned the names of some prominent Bihar politicians sheltering them, and this makes it abundantly clear that a very scary scenario of terror is being worked upon in Bihar Sanjay Upaddhyay

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hough the Darbhanga Module of the Indian Mujahideen (IM) has been busted, Bihar still remains a safe haven for terrorists. Intelligence agencies have reported that sitting in Nepal, the IM has planned the abduc-

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tion of some of the top national leaders visiting Nepal during the general elections. And they will execute these plans in Bihar. Their plan is to use these abductions as a lever for getting their jailed comrades released in a barter. The country's internal intelligence agency, the Intelligence Bureau says that

in the terrorists' radar are Congress president Sonia Gandhi, vice-president Rahul Gandhi, the prime ministerial candidate of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Narendra Modi and several other top national leaders. In a sharp reaction to this intelligence revelation, Bihar Police has mounted a


Recent interrogations of held terrorist have revealed that Rahul Gandhi, mother Sonia and BJP's Modi are vulnerable

strict vigil along the 760 kilometre common border with Nepal. Sources liken the IM to a python, whose body and tail lie in Nepal and the mouth and fangs are in Bihar. It has come to light that between 2007 and 2011, the IM has developed a strong operational network in the state, guided by the Karnataka-based Yaseen Bhatkal. The latter was till recently in direct connection with the Pakistani operators. In Mithilanchal alone, dozens of educated youth have received specialised training in bomb making and other terrorist skills and had started working to the plan. Their hands were clearly seen in the serial blasts at the Modi rally earlier last year in Patna, and this is the

same group responsible for the blasts at Bodh Gaya, regarded as a centre of peace across the world. More than 20 trained terrorists from Bihar have already been arrested from various places in the country and of them, Abdulla aka Dilkash; Talla Abdali; Tariq Anjuman; Maroon Rashid, Naqi Ahmad, Wasi Ahmad, Ghafoor Khumeini, Mohammad Adil, Mohammad Irshad, Aftaab Alam and several others are now cooling their heels in various jails across the country. However, it is a fact after the arrest of Pakistani terrorist Waqas and finally, the nabbing of Yaseen Bhatkal has shaken the IM to the core. Bhatkal was arrested in the scenic haven of Pokhara in Nepal.

IM'S NATIONWIDE NETWORK Bihar has hit the headlines ever since the 2005 revelations of the National Investigating Agency (NIA). From the blasts at Bengaluru's Chinnaswamy Stadium during the IPL fixture of 2010, or the German Bakery blasts in Pune, the state has been central to the terror nexus. Delhi Police has been hunting in Bihar after the 2010 Jama Masjid blasts and the 2011 blast outside the Delhi High Court. All these blasts were directly the handiwork of IM's Darbhanga Module. Arrested Indian

Mujahideen activists have revealed that they were developing a well crafted pattern of activity from their bases in Bihar. The NIA has deciphered several critical leads from the 2011 Mumbai serial blasts. Based on these leads, several arrests have been made already. Till 2011, the brain behind the IM, Yasin Bhatkal was based in Darbhanga, but fled the state after the nabbing of Qateel Siddiqi. Qateel was Bhatkal's right hand man and he was privy to many of Bhatkal's secrets. There seems no end to this nightmare.

Waqas and Bhatkal have distinct specialisations. While Bhatkal is perfect in proselytising and indoctrination, Waqas has mastered making sophisticated bombs. After Bhatkal's arrest, Tehsin Akhtar, aka Monu, is now heading the Indian operations of the Mujahideen as its chief commander. Monu's origins are in Samastipur district of Bihar. After assimilating and analysing the statements and confessions of various arrested and interrogated terrorists, the Intelligence Bureau has taken a special initiative on Bihar. These arrested terrorists, now lodged in the high security Tihar Jail, have been handed over to the Special Cell. However, the mastermind behind the Patna blasts, Hyder Ali still eludes the cops. Hyder has been for a long time residing in Ranchi, the state capital of Jharkhand. In view of the intensified terror activity in Bihar, the state government has set up a specialised anti-terror squad under an IG rank officer, Paresh Saxena, IPS. In an exclusive interview存 Saxena told News Bench that their inputs are of very high levels and his squad is in complete coordination with all other agencies. It is interesting to note here that till not very long ago, the government was in a denial mode regarding Bihar having turned into a hotbed of terrorism. But double confirmation that the state has become a major terror centre came from Patna and Bodh Gaya. Six highly trained terrorists, in fact, have been arrested from the Madhubani District alone. M AY 2 0 1 4

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FOCUS

Kolkata's mammoth Red rallies are fast becoming a thing of the past for Left leaders, as 'Didi" has literally muscled her way into the minds and hearts of voters

Left getting left out The aging Left party leaders are not willing to accept that Indo-US nuclear deal is not an issue that their core voters think matters, and that the youth has shown them the door already. Now the Left is seeing red, literally... Sanjay Kumar Jha

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n January 2014, Prakash Karat the general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) said in an interview that Aam Admi Party (AAP) had done what CPIM should have done long ago. Though, he did not clarify why CPIM failed to do this, but it is clear that Karat meant they should have gone to the people on the issue of corruption. The party is fighting its last battle to save its existence. Elections are

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in top gear. But nobody talks about the Left parties. Though the CPIM, along with the Communist party of India (CPI) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) are fighting on 180 seats, but they don't seem to be in the contest. Even in the states like Tripura, West Bengal or Kerala, where the Left ruled for decades, they are shaky, and seem poised for a drubbing in these Lok Sabha polls. And there is good reason for that. In West Bengal, having come to power in 1977, they initiated Operation Borga,



FOCUS

“LEFT WILL BE IN CENTRE IN THE NEXT LOK SABHA”

The Communists are always dreamers of the impossible. In an interview with News Bench, Communist Party of India’s National Secretary Atul Kumar Anjaan says that both Congress and BJP will be out, and a Leftplus-other parties will come to power after the election. Excerpts from a News Bench interview….

What will be the scenario after the general elections? Non-Congress and non-BJP coalition will form the government. It is clear that the Left will be part of the Centre. So far as Congress is concerned, we hope they will lend support from outside. And suppose the Congress does not support from outside? We shall go to the people and tell them that this is not the Congress of Jawaharlal Nehru or Indira Gandhi, so break this party. The Congress will break up just as it had broken up after the Janata Party came to power

apparently giving land rights to the landless. But then they turned against industry, mouthing slogans of leading the working class, the proletariat. The result was that factories shut down by scores, leaving the proletariats almost begging on the streets. And in the final stage, they terrorised Bengal with their army, literally speaking, of lumpen proletariat goons they openly fostered to ensure their successive electoral victories Every survey says Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress will sweep the Bengal LS polls. In the 15th Lok Sabha, the Left had just 24 seats, almost one-third of the 62 seats they had in the previous LS. Of these 24, CPIM has 16 seats, CPI has four, and the RSP and Forward Bloc have two seats each. The Left parties were opposing neo- capitalism in the last election, which they fought on the issue of the Indo-US nuclear deal. But, they were routed in the elections. The signal is loud and clear: Left parties have failed to convince today's youth. Party leaders are not ready to accept that

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in 1978. In fact, we have started working towards that. AK Antony has said that the Left parties should support the Congress government after they

come to power. Do you think that is possible? There are various options open. In the event of a non-BJP coalition coming to power, supporting the Congress can be looked into.

EVEN IN THE STATES LIKE TRIPURA, WEST BENGAL OR KERALA, WHERE THE LEFT RULED FOR DECADES, THEY ARE SHAKY, AND SEEM POISED FOR A DRUBBING IN THESE LOK SABHA POLLS, SO A THIRD FRONT IS THEIR ONLY ESCAPE multinational companies are exploiting them. Left leaders have failed to tell them they are actually getting lowest share of the companies' profit pie. In the common man's language, all these white collar jobs really amount to duping the workers. Experts are of the view that the Left parties communication channel with common people has broken down. "Our leaders are on high horses. They talk only ideological jargons. Our fundamental ideology is leading the common people, the proletariat. But how will we lead if jargons like nuclear deal etc, go over their heads?" says a frustrated middle-level CPIM leader in Delhi, obviously on conditions of anonymity: A Politbureau leader told this journalist that one or two chairs are always empty during the meetings. Obviously,

he was pointing out that the older generation leaders are gradually leaving, but new, young faces are not joining the party. But the Left parties are reluctant to accept the truth. They don't want to accept that the times have changed and so have the youth. So, simplistic way in which the Left's existence could be kept going was to create a coalition with other parties as the Third front. Their parleys with Jayalalitha collpased. Now they are hoping that the Samajwadi party, Bahujan Samaj Party and AAP perform better this year, at the cost of the Congress. AB Vardhan accepts that the Third Front could take shape only after the election, but only if both the Congress and the BJP win less than 300 seats.



WOMEN ON TOP

New Horizons for Three Corporate Women

The major hurdles which women face while getting into the corporate world are balancing business with their daily lives and family issues, lack of family support, lack of business sense, marketing techniques and, of course, gender discrimination Vaishali Khulbe

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Shobhana Bhartia, Chief Executive of HT Media

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hen Kiran Mazumdar Shaw founded Biocon in 1978, she was something of an oddity, for the idea of a woman heading a business - let alone starting it was rare in those days. Four years later, Naina Lal Kidwai was heading ANZ Grindlays' investment banking division. Another four years, and Shobhana Bhartia joined as chief executive of HT Media, directly inheriting the chair from her father KK Birla. By then Indra Nooyi was also heading a business, but that was in the US. In 1990, Zarina Mehta Screwvala co-founded UTV, and by then, Indians had come to accept that women need not be cooking and breeding. They can lead big businesses too. The major hurdles which women face while getting into the corporate world are balancing of daily lives with business, lack of family support, lack of business sense marketing techniques and gender discrimination. It is just recently that Mansi Modak, who left journalism to set up a business of pastry making in Thane, Maharashtra, had to shut shop. Mansi told NewsBench that she was having to give more and more time to the business, which was rapidly growing. The family could not accept it, and the inevitable happened. But thanks to the Birla Institute of Management Technology, much of that is changing. The institute had taken up

the challenges of the "10,000 Women Entrepreneurs" programme of Goldman Sachs, executing it in India. BIMTECH has already trained close to 1,000 women in various parts of the country. And Sonal Kapoor has been one of the beneficiaries. Sonal, a biotechnology graduate with a business management degree, was the normal sort: educated, vibrant and working… till she met a woman who was then carrying her seventh child. Sonal was shocked and chucked her job and started Protsahan, an NGO that works for the uplift of such people. Protsahan is a non-profit organisation that uses innovative approaches of design, art, digital stories, photography, technology and cinema to foster creative education and sustainable livelihoods at the bottom of the livelihood pyramid. "Not only education but livelihood is also needed to empower street children financially and socially," she says. Thus for empowering the kids, Protsahan runs a variety of livelihood programmes too. In these livelihood programmes ,the kids are taught to make cushions, papermâché products, paintings, introducing them to technology, photography and other skills. These products are sold to corporate houses, thus generating income for the kids and also brings sustainability to the financial resources of the NGO. Sonal aims to make Protsahan, an international organisation. The organization has a good hold in Singapore. But

ONLY BY THE 1990S, INDIANS CAME TO ACCEPT THAT WOMEN NEED NOT BE ONLY COOKING AND BREEDING. THEY CAN LEAD BIG BUSINESSES TOO. AND NOW, THE RANKS OF WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS ARE FILLING UP FAST


CHALLENGE SOCIAL RESISTANCE The major hurdle for women entrepreneurs was lack of information and training opportunities but one institute is changing all that. H Chaturvedi, Director, BIMTECH, explained how, to News Bench's Vaishali Khulbe

Sonal Kapoor, youngest social entrepreneur

Sonal wants the whole world to know PROTSAHAN and its kids. She earns her own bread not from the organization but working as a consultant on corporate social responsibility matters. But her focus in life is such people as the 'forced' mother of seven. No wonder then that she has been to the UN's Women and Online Media at United Nation meet She was selected to represent India at the World Bank-IMF, Annual Meeting of 2011 in Washington DC for conceptualising the change of urban slums in India through ICT tools and art. Sonal has been recognised and has been a delegate to the Australia-India Youth Dialogue and on education panels of several high profile international events, all before she crossed 27 springs. Meanwhile, another woman, Nidhi B Mehta was the usual story: got through college, found a job and so forth‌ nothing remarkable about that. She worked for a while in the US but for entirely personal reasons, which she does not want to discuss, needed to return to Mother India. She sold off the company she had founded in the US, StezDance Inc (she is a dance buff) before coming back. That was in 2005. She stayed with her craze for dance and founded the company Bollybeatz, training people to dance and also perform in events. At present she is the creative head of Bollybeatz. By 2007, she was the mother of two, and it was after her second child's birth

What is the '10,000 women entrepreneurs' all about? The "10,000 Women Entrepreneurs" is a five-year initiative by Goldman Sachs to provide business and management education to female entrepreneurs in developing and emerging markets BIMTECH, with ISB, initiated a three-month programme to train women entrepreneurs under this initiative. In India 1,000 women entrepreneurs have already been benefitted. The training is free for the selected participants. Till now, we have organised programmes in Agra in UP and Bhubaneswar in Odisha.

Nidhi B. Mehta, entreprenur at NeedyBee

How is benefitting the women? Earlier, there was a societal resistance to women getting into entrepreneurship. But people like Shobhana Bhartia and Kiran Mazumdar Shaw broke those shackles. Our programme in small towns is helping women to start their own companies, like ice cream manufacturing and the packed lunch industry and they are earning very well. The project trains them in English speaking, banking knowledge and in making marketing and other criiticalbusiness plans. What are the challenges you faced? The major problem was language. In Agra only per cent people had basic knowledge of English. In Bhubaneshwar we had to travel to each village for the awareness and persuaded them to come to BIMTECH and we had to use both Oriya and English.

that she found a gap in the kids wear market. "I found out that companies like Lilliput and Catmoss were selling children's clothes, but not really other stuff that kids need, so I decided to get into the business of getting kids dressed from head to toe. Initially, she was a one-woman army in the venture, and her knowledge of ecommerce helped her start its website. Within three months, the company started getting good response. "There were several other companies doing kids things at the time, but the gap was in children's accessories. The other companies were all into making clothes. I decided to corner the accessories segment, which was still open." She fought the competition with her unique ideas. She started with cheap, unique, soft and nature friendly accessories. If Nidhi is motherly, Sonal slightly offbeat, then Shireen Mehra is pure footloose. She loves travelling, and to make it possible, she started her girls-only travel company, "Women on Cloud" in 2007. M AY 2 0 1 4

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WOMEN ON TOP

Adventure tourism had pulled in Western women a few decades ago, but is now a rage in India

Initially, their client base was only single working women, but now it is much larger. Entrepreneurs, grandmothers and students all join in. The membership of Women on Cloud is free, only the trips are charged for. By the end of the fourth year in business, she started an events management company, "Dream Cloud Events". The forte of their company is weddings, parties, birthdays and corporate events, offering a 360 degree

PURSUING A CAREER IS NO LONGER A TIME PASS FOR THESE INTREPID WOMEN. THEY HAVE KEPT COMING UP WITH MANY INNVOVATIVE ENTREPRENEURIAL IDEAS THAT HAVE SET NEW AND BOLD BENCHMARKS AND STANDARDS FOR OTHERS solution that come in packages. So where is this narrative headed, with three women of such diverse businesses? The common thread that binds them is BIMTECH. For Nidhi, it was a chance search on the net for something that her husband had asked to look up, when she came upon the institutes website and learnt that it was training women entrepreneurs in various skills.

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Initially, Nidhi had been doing everything by herself. Later, her hureusband has joined her in the business as they have grown in stat. Her mother in law, Shakuntala Mehta, has been a big support in the business and she handles the entire packaging solutions for NeedyBee. But there was something missing: a professional approach, knowledge of rules and laws‌ and all that happened when she joined the programme at BIMTECH in 2012. This professional approach changed her as an entrepreneur, and she now hopes to reach higher levels of business. Nidhi believes that all women are highly talented and adept at multi-tasking, but shy away from doing things independently. She says: "No business is small, it does not matter from where you start or how you start‌." Sonal had her own set of problems. She told News Bench her major problem was to gain the trust of the people she was working for and working with. Since she runs a non-profit organisation, finding funding also created a problem for her initially. The '10,000 Women Entrepreneurs' programme at BIMTECH helped her a lot in terms of networking. The strong network she created with the help of the programme gave a lot of strength. This is just the beginning, the early beacons having taken time to reach these women. There's more coming!



Management is in women's DNA

"I had to make my own living and my own opportunity! But I made it! Don't sit wait for the opportunities to come. Get up and make them." CJ Walker, American businesswoman and philan thropist

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Megha Rathi

ost of us believe that only MBAs can reach corporate board rooms and earn big. But we all must know that experience is the best teacher. People forget that if it is management skills we are talking, women are genetically already there, with first class multitasking skills. Seeing her mother shuffling between the household and caring for the family, a girl inherits the arts of not only human resource management but of financial and resource management as well. Bringing up her kids, she has learned demand-side management. We all have it in us. All we need is to think out of the box. Many women have turned the lunch boxes, their own handicraft products, hobbies such as travelling and even the humble papad into booming businesses. But let me take you through some examples of women developing businesses. The best example of women's entrepreneurship is the story of Lijjat Papad. Today, papad and Lijjat have become almost synonymous. The manufacturer, Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad has set the benchmark of women's collective strength. This organisation was initially started by seven Gujarati 'sisters' living in one building in Mumbai. Now the family comprises over 43,000 sisters working in 62 branches across 17 states. They had the will to start their own venture to create livelihood with their skills in cooking. In 2010, Lijjat had an turnover of Rs 6.50 billion! Kalpana Saroj, a dalit girl, was married off at 12, was beaten and bruised by her in-laws and returned to her parental home shattered. She did try to end it all by taking her life, but survived. And today, Kalpana Saroj is the Chief Executive Officer of Kamani Tubes. Kalpana was born in Akola district of Maharashtra. And being a dalit meant she was born into poverty. But when she survived her suicide bid, decided to march her own path. She initially worked at a hosiery unit, but soon moved into construction, real estate and social work, which she did for

more than a decade. In 2001, the workers of Kamani Tubes, which makes copper tubes approached her to help them. She was already a board member. The workers approached her to help to revive the sick company. It had had an unstable past and had eventually shut down. Saroj took the charge of Kamani when it was under a debt of Rs116 crore and was facing a scary 140 lawsuits. Between 2001 and 2006, Saroj settled court cases and negotiating with lenders and the government to get interests and penalties waived off. In 2006, the IDBI Bank, then monitoring its restructuring, put the company up for sale. Saroj took over Kamani Tubes. Today, she has a turnover of Rs 300-crore company and is seen with top magnates and politicians. Kiran Mazumdar Shaw at present is the CMD of Biocon and is the founder Chairman and Managing Director (CMD) of Biocon Ltd. Kiran completed her BSc Zoology Honours from Mount Carmel College, Bangalore. In 1973, she received a graduate honours degree in zoology from Bangalore University. She started by working as a trainee brewer in Carlton and United Breweries, Melbourne. In 1977, she left Standard Maltings Corporation, Baroda. She obviously had a plan, and it turned out to be a daring one. The very next year, she started Biocon and spearheaded its evolution from an industrial enzymes manufacturing company to a fully integrated bio-pharmaceutical company. Today, Biocon has established itself as a leading player in biomedicine research with a focus on diabetes and oncology. Kiran is now the recipient of top awards like Padma Bhushan. If you understand Hindi, both Kalpana and Kiran symbolize imagination and a ray of hope for women! Its election time and I must add two names here: whether they win or lose, Chandigarh candidates Gul Panag and Kiron Kher are symbols of successful self starters who don't depend family connections. We need millions more of such independent women.



EDUCATION

At home, walk into Harvard... ...or Stanford, for that matter. Democratisation of education is the mantra for the Massive Open Online Courses, which are opening not just the libraries but even lectures at the top international universities in the world to just about who can afford an Internet connection Vikash Kumar

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eepak Kumar, a software engineer in Bangalore, was not happy with his career progression. However, Deepak was aware that that he lacked knowledge and skill for the new Big Data technology. MOOC (Massive Open Online Course) came to his aid. He attended classes from top-notch universities of the world and that, too, completely free of cost. After some time, his company deputed

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him on the new project. This is not an isolated story of success. Thousands of students are taking benefits of the silent revolution called MOOC. Deepak says: "It was unthinkable even a few years ago that a Stanford lecture will come directly at my home through internet. MOOC has made all the difference." Andrew Mcefee, Professor MIT, told News Bench, "Internet has rendered geography redundant. Education is coming out of the brick-and-mortar

model. MOOC has democratised higher education, freeing it from the clutches of the elite class." What he meant is that anybody can now receive precious knowledge free-ofcost. Though the movement has not yet gained enough power to challenge existing structure, but its impact would surely be felt in the times to come. Experts point out that MOOC is not a disruptive development; rather it actually complements the existing system. Most candidates enrolling for the courses are either



EDUCATION

Tens of thousands of young Indians are upgrading their skills through MOOC

bachelor degree holder or professionals. The platform has several pre-designed modules, which range from courses in productivity software to management courses from The Jack Welch Management Institute. Corporations can use this platform to create customised courses for free, or pay a subscription fee that grants access to branded programmes and expanded services. The way MOOC works is very simple, students enroll in self-paced ***digital courses which have text notes and virtual online *** followed by assignments. Despite all promising claims by its promoters, many experts are not quite ready to take it seriously. They feel that MOOC in its present form cannot be a substitute for instructor-led education system. Though online penetration is increasing, yet it is still limited and quite unaffordable for lower middle classes of the society. Professor Susan Homes, professor MIT says, "Education in Stanford campus gives you new insight and social life. This is not possible in online education." These arguments seem valid and reasonable, but MOOC is in a neo-natal stage of development. It still has to go many more cycles of development

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before reaching its logical culmination. But it is a fact that millions of students have already started taking benefit of this silent revolution in some form or other. Many universities also give assignments and homework. There will be many changes in its face and size in times to come. At present,

gain knowledge in the language of their choice. This is a small but significant step towards democratisation of education." Aggrawal seemed excited about the Hindi courses as his own basic education has been in the vernacular and he understands the problems. Gradually, the corporate sector has realised the potential of MOOC, but there is no clarity on the revenue model. Companies like "Coursera" and "Future Learn" work on profit-based models. Students have to pay some money to take certification. However, EdX courses are free as of now for anybody who wants to take advantage of the platform. Another benefit is that teachers have started experimenting. They are designing shorter duration courses and waiting for the response of the students. This way, a new market segment is being created. If the course is useful to the students, then the professor can charge them. These kind of successes will encourage others to experiment even more. Now, courses on hobbies such as money management, painting, gardening and crafts are also becoming popular. And Indian school education will surely be impacted from this new wave. BITS Pilani, one of the most reputed engineering institutions in the country, has already started the Coursera platform. As of now, the institute has launched two courses. Dean of the institution, Shan

INDIA IS PERHAPS THE BIGGEST MARKET FOR MOOC, EMERGING AS A BIG HOPE, AND ITS RESPONSE WILL DECIDE THE FATE OF MOOC AT GLOBAL LEVEL. MOOC IS NOT JUST CONFINED TO ENGLISH. STUDIES IN HINDI HAVE STARTED students have the option to choose from 12,000 courses from 200 universities and the list is increasing every passing day. MOOC education is not confined to the English language. Studies in Hindi have started and attempts are being made to replicate this effort in other Indian languages. EdX, one of the top MOOC service provider companies, is soon launching a 10-week course in both English and Hindi. It is certain that this trend will soon catch up. President of edX, Anant Agrawal told News Bench, "We are delighted to offer students the option to

Balasubramanian says: "This will help us to understand the learning behaviour of students." IIT-Bombay has made arrangements with edX and will soon launch a few courses at the global level. India is perhaps the biggest market for MOOC courses. The country has emerged as a big hope and its response will decide the fate of MOOC at global level. MIT's circuit and electronics course has got an overwhelming response from India. And hopefully, in a country which speaks of democracy but gets autocrats more often than not, at least, education will see that change!



CULTURE

Not many now remember the poet who once set hearts racing with his lyrics and... his audacity

Basheer Badra: A Poet Falls Silent The wah wahs at his home, once a daily affair, have stopped. The pen slips from his hand. Though a dedicated few still visit him, his own town, Bhopal-has forgotten Basheer Badra, the man who gave us "Dedh Ishqiya"... just one among his literary gems 60

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Rues Shifali

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t happens: Though it's a bit too harsh to say, but art also goes through phases of lifecycles like other things. Perhaps the life and times of Urdu poet Basheer Badra is a classic example of this. It looks as if Basheer saheb is lost somewhere in the busy streets of today's life. The man who used to spark imaginations in an entire generation's mind has now fallen a prey to the new generation's time crunch. This is an attempt to rediscover the shayar, and connect him to his millions



REAL ESTATE

Yamuna Expressway: Zaniest Urban Dream The Uttar Pradesh government wants to project Greater Noida's new habitats along the Yamuna Expressway as an urban hub that welcomes new ideas, perspectives and people, and this is clearly evident from the moment one takes a ride along the new highway Anant Kumar

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he wheat farms are gone, and the little that remains are going. Instead, what is coming up is the new super city, the likes of which the country has never seen. Push over Noida, with its uppity attitude and high rentals and purchase prices. Enter Yamuna Expressway and the swanky new cities coming up. Noida might be a mighty IT hub, but the basic infrastructure, the roads, barring in some sectors, are a shame. Not in the Yamuna Zone cities and neighbourhoods, though. Because the arterial road, the Yamuna Expressway itself is perhaps the best stretch in the country so far. And the Greater Noida Industrial Development Authority (GNIDA) has

removed the glitches of the far less meticulously planned Noida when it was developing the final Master Plan for Greater Noida. This is evident from the moment one drives into the Expressway. Wide, sixland roads, skirted by a single track for smaller vehicles; service lanes leading to each housing society‌. Most of the realtors' project plans show that roughly two-third of their project land will be kept free from construction. And most have zany names. Amrapali is making the "La Residentia" complex of multistoried apartment houses. There is Oxford Square, a Supertech Ltd project which will have duplex homes with splash pools and terrace gardens. The plan is to make this a high-tech city, and Habitech Hitech, near Knowledge Park 3, will be

The difference of this area with Noida is the arterial highway, setting the tenor of the urban hub

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From towering sky scrapers to duplex homes and low rise buildings, the tech savvy new urban agglomeration will have it all, planned for the swank class of GenNext buyers

selling independent villas. Similarly, Eldeco Mystic Greens has low rise flats. Most of the societies will have hi-tech security, wifi connectivity and many other tech features. In fact, the plan is clearly to make it a city that will draw smart investors. Take the three gateways themselves. GNIDA officials say that the new project aims to be hi-tech, and have a professional image that blends with its surroundings. Take the three main gateways allowing people into the area. These entrances will be designed to tighten security and enhance the aesthetics, complete with hi-tech surveillance cameras, police posts and observation towers. "The entrances will be crafted to reflect the city's character to people entering into Greater Noida. The city's planning and development will be mirrored in the gateways," the Authority officials say. "We want to project Greater Noida as a habitat which welcomes new ideas, perspectives and people," one official added. Yamuna Expressway is the future city, markedly similar to cities in developed


countries. There will be a lot of worldclass neighbourhoods on both sides of the highway. The Formula-1 track is already operational. And the country's first and the world's fourth "Night Safari" will be completed by 2017. That means tourism, which in turn means hotels, budget as well five-star, pubs and bars, restaurants of varying sizes, hospitals and lots of new job opportunities in small or micro ventures. Scores of universities are to be opened. Authority officials told News Bench that hundreds of IT companies and call centres will be opened, generating employment for thousands. The state government has announced its plan to make an airport in Saifai. The Master Plan of the Yamuna Zone covers approximately 2.37 lakh hectares. This comprises 1,187 villages in the region, many of them will be developed as villages and not cities. Around 1,300 MLD (million litres per day) of water will be required for the developments up to Jewar. Four water treatment plants and six sewerage treatment plants have been planned for

THE COUNTRY'S FIRST AND WORLD'S FOURTH NIGHT SAFARI IS TO BE COMPLETED BY 2017 ALONGSIDE THE YAMUNA EXPRESSWAY. THIS WILL NOT JUST BUILD IN TOURISM BUT GENERATE MANY NEW SMALL AND MICRO ENTERPRISES Sectors 18, 25-26, 24, 3-4, 5-6 and village Machhar near Jewar. A service road along the Yamuna Expressway is almost complete and will connect Sectors 18 and 20 from Pari Chowk. In addition to that, to take care of the massive surge in power needs, a new agency, the Yamuna Power Corporation Ltd, has been set-up. This agency will have its own power generation unit of 2,000 MW. The power project is expected to be completed by 2014; two sub-stations of 120KV and 32KV have been installed as a temporary measure. The Authority is already working on the Ganga Water Project to supply potable water. The CEO of Yamuna Development Authority PC Gupta told NewsBench that out of the Rs 3,426 crore budget, Rs 110 crore will be spent on land development.

And it is here too, that the Ansals will develop a huge city over a few thousand acres, which will have all modern amenities. The city also proposes to have a number of sporting facilities like the Mahesh Bhupathi Tennis Academy, a polo and equestrian club, and a worldclass stadium with training facilities for budding sportspersons and athletes. Already, one can see scores of upcoming sky scrapers skirting the Expressway. The business essence of the new urban hub becomes clear from the massive, ship-deck like, all-glass building that houses the KPMG and Advant's India HQs. It is very evident even now, at a nascent stage of development, that the Gurgaon business and residential districts, till now the country's showpiece, would look like a country cousin of the Yamuna establishment. M AY 2 0 1 4

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SKY SCRAPER

Cabin Crews' Desi Flight First two and then two more... these four friends dreamt of something special to do, some unique identity that they could wear on their sleeves. And thus began the now famous "Desi Vibes" restaurant at Sector 18, Noida... but then, it did not end there Abhishek Kumar & Vikas Chaudhary

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abin crew Varun Khera always served with a smile. He had a reputation as a good worker and a salary of Rs 50,000 in Jet Airways. But behind that smile hid a dissatisfaction. Is this all that he was worth? Will this be his identity for life? The Delhi Cantonment-born youth, with an MBA degree from Gwalior, wanted to do something that would be 'his own'. Varun was not the only one nagged by this feeling of being a high-salaried 'nobody'. His colleague Manas Wadhwa too had the same desire of an identity that would be unique, not just a salaried, worker. So when by way of casual banter, Varun one day gave vent to his mind, he connected synaptically with Manas. After some discussion, the decided that they would start a restaurant. A very special restaurant that would bring them not just money but acclaim. After some deliberation, they put their

finger on the one project they though could be a hit: and Indian restaurant for the common man, but with uncommon ambience and service. The problem was, there was a lot of money needed for such a project. And money they did not have. This was around the year 2004, and they figured out they would need around Rs 20-25 lakh. In 2004, that was a lot of money in those days, and they had no sources they could bank on. But call it providence or chance, two more friends, Charu and Sachin Maharia, shared their enthusiasm. And the project started taking shape finally. "We pulled out some of our savings and for the rest we finally managed to get some loan," Varun recalls. Quite understandably, their families were worried: chucking up such lucrative jobs when the economy was starting to sink seemed to their families as sheer madness. "We convinced them though. We promised that if we failed, then we

Decor, environment and such things cost a lot in Five Star eateries, but Desi Vibes is affordable

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would go back to a regular job. But despite that our families would not agree. But in the end, we were completely sold on the idea, so we went ahead and did what we thought was right for us. They brainstormed about the place where they could locate their business . They zeroed in on Noida. They had a good business sense and they calculated that Noida in those days was just coming up. It was an empty field to score a goal on, so Noida it was that became the home to their dream. And that dream was finally named the "Desi Vibes". They decided that the USP for their restaurant would be excellence in service as well as decor. Varun says good food matters, but if good service is added to that it would be a winning formula. "There are hundreds of budget restaurants for ordinary people which sell good food. They do not, however, always bother about good service and a wellthought out ambience. For that one has to go to Five Star restaurants, but that


Four Musketeers: They have dreamt and made their lives soar high but with feet on the ground

was only for the very rich. We decided to bring all that together at an affordable price for the middleclass clientale," Varun explained to News Bench. The absence of any quality restaurant in Noida at that point in time really setthem on the fast track. But it was a constant thought process:"Desi Vibes" was all the while reinventing itself. After building in quality service with tasty food, the owners realised that a

short while after taking Indian food, people felt drowsy. Usually this is referred to in common parlance as 'heavy' food. So they consulted a microbiologist and nutritionists and altered their spices and oils to retain the desi flavours sans the usual 'heaviness' of Indian cuisine. And this is what gave their dishes the perfect 'mom's kitchen' flavor of home food. They remember that the very first

time they served Kadhi Palak, their clients really praised them to the skies. Similarly, in non-vegetarian fare, their Murgh Maharani, Chicken Lababdar and Mutton Do Piyaza are hot favourites. After the runaway success of "Desi Vibes" in Noida Sector 18, the group of friends decided to diversify and set up an Italian restaurant. It was called "Kafia", and was meant to be a family restaurant where clients could have a wide variety of food. That was in 2007. In 2012, Varun opened yet another bar-cum-restaurant, Naysha where people could come in and enjoy anytime as a mood elevating joint. In 2013, Varun went into catering and was an immediate hit. They bagged the contract for catering at the venue of the Formula 1 race event. In that single event, the company sold food to 40,000 race enthusiasts. And his next target is opening up about eight restaurants of various kinds in Gurgaon and Delhi. Varun feels that he did have to struggle, but if anyone has the right approach and the right kind of dream, then anything is possible.

VARUN FEELS THAT HE DID HAVE TO STRUGGLE, BUT IF ANYONE HAS THE RIGHT APPROACH TO THE RIGHT KIND OF DREAM, ANYTHING IS POSSIBLE. IT ONLY REQUIRES CLEAR PLANNING WITH FEET SOLIDLY ON THE GROUND, AND CONSTANT REINVENTING OF THE VENTURE

High class service is what goes missing at your neighbourhood restaurants, not here

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HI LIFE

The Jat 'villain' with no fancies

He does not crave for a Mercedes Benz or an Audi. His 'barber' is not the Habib's hairstylist, but runs a local saloon. The couple exchange books as gifts on anniversaries... The former boxer, film villain and TV host is attractive because he is so un-filmy Vaishali Khulbe

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is handlebar moustache, perfectly kept in place with wax, his tough physique and a clearly Jat persona does not readily make him look like a sophisticated actor. But Sushant Singh is an acclaimed thespian, known for the strong roles he has portrayed in all his films. Remember the obnoxious villain in Ram Gopal Varma's film Jungle? That's Sushant Singh for you. And it is no mean feat that he is today a member of the International Film and Television Club of the Asian Academy Of Film & Television. Though he suffered hiccups starting his film career, doing translations and voice overs in documentaries for National Geographic and Discovery Channel, but when he did start, it was with a bang. His debut film, Satya, (1998) was directed by Varma. It is regarded as one of the best gangster movies and critic Rajeev Masand has termed it as one of the "most influential movie of the past ten years". Sushant did his schooling from Nainital, and then graduated from Kirrorimal College of Delhi University in English Honours. From the very beginning, Sushant had a deep interest in acting and he joined Ebrahim Alkazi's "Living Theatre Academy" in 1992. Four years later he did exactly what many dreamers do. He

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landed up in Mumbai seeking - like thousands every year - his fortunes. Sushant got his first break in Satya (1998) by Ram Gopal Varma. It was not a big role, but he caught Varma's eyes. And within two years he was sailing smoothly. In 2000, he simultaneously worked in two films, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar by Jabbar Patel, and Jungle, in which he played the role of Durga Narayan Choudhary. The first film got the National Award (though he did not get it as an actor), and the other got him his branding as a villain. Sushant has also worked in television serials. He has been part of Dhadkan, Virrudh, Zindagi Ka Har Rang: Gulaal, and is now hosting Wanted: High Alert and Savdhaan India. On the silver screen he played roles like Gotiya in Josh, Sukhdev in Legend of Bhagat Singh, and Gajraj Singh in Sehar. These roles brought him critical appreciation. His two movies in the making are Hate Story 2 and the famous Dirty Politics. But for all his fame as an excellent supporting actor, the man is an unassuming husband and a doting father. Sushant is married to Molina Singh, an Odissi and Kathak dancer from Mumbai. Fancy cars are not his craze and he rides a Skoda in a city where most actors would be seen in nothing less than Mercs. Sushant starts his day with a cup of coffee (but will not say which brand‌ no free endorsements, please!) and usually ends it watching a movie with his wife at home. He spends only half a day at work and the other half divided into time in the gym and with his family, a daughter Kuhu of 11 years, a four-year old son Shivaaksh and, of course, his


wife Molina. He is unlike the brand conscious stars and prefers wearing jeans and shirts. Shopping on the street or in a zany mall makes no difference to him. He buys whatever he likes wherever he chances upon them. Though not gadget freak, he is very particular about his Mac laptop. And he has not moved over to iPhone 5s Gold and sticks to his Blackberry for the past three-and-half years. Like many successful Indians, Singh seems to have an enduring fascination for Blackberry phones despite the iconic global stature of the i Phone. Very few know that he is also a pugilist, so no wonder his tough exterior. Now he is not much into sports but hits the gym regularly. And his choice of sports shoes are Nike or Reebok. So far his sports icons are concerned, Kapil Dev is still there at the back of his mind,

HIS DEBUT FILM, 'SATYA', HAS BEEN TERMED AN ALL-TIME GREAT. HIS NEXT BIG FILM, 'JUNGLE' GOT HIM HIS BRANDING AS A VILLAIN. THE ONLY FANCIFUL THING HE DOES IS TAKE HIS FAMILY ON HOLIDAYS TO PLACES OUTSIDE THE COUNTRY but he is crazy about Mary Kom and the all time great Muhammad Ali. He was a boxer, after all! His clothes are not fancy either. He wears whatever his wife buys for him and visits the same local hair stylist he has been getting his hair done for the past 10 years. Call it the neighbourhood saloon, not Silvie's or Habib's. Sushant and his wife share the same hobby: reading. So rather than a Nakshatra earring or a PC Jeweller's necklace, on birthdays and wedding anniversaries they end up gifting each other with books. And vacations? He leaves that to his

kids, wherever they feel free to wander and have fun. Last year, they had a family trip to Hong Kong and this year they are planning to go to Singapore. The only fancy thing about the family is that he prefers visiting foreign climes rather than tourists spots in the country. No brands, no sexy perfumes, not even an Audi‌ not interesting enough as a film personality? But isn't he so unusual, and thus‌ attractive? Without a doubt, Sushant Singh is a classy symbol of new age India and new age cinema: sensible, smart, grounded and yet willing to explore new frontiers for the sake of art. M AY 2 0 1 4

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CINEMA

. . . t u o e r a s m l i ! f d p o o o p w y y l l l l o o L B s e k a h s y t i l a e r

t curren d n ' s e i d ife stor inging-aroun l l a e r on es s based mind over th m l i f t e ' of yore l budg n audiences f l f a u t m s s ood ome ndia ses of s oring in the I iolent Bollyw s e dialogues, a la Dharminder, or the c c u abs v be sc cent s impossible fights of Sunny Deol or Sunil The re ties seem to ic or six-pack i Shetty and the six-pack abs of Salman t l i n sensib , pink roma "Lagaan (Land Tax) is a 2001 Indian epic Khan, sans any semblance of basic intelh s sports drama film written and directed ligence or common sense. the-bu Vaishali Khulbe

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ormally, only lazy bums and duffers lift matter from websites ike Wikipedia. But allow us the liberty of lifting just a few lines from the site! "2007 Academy Awards Best Foreign Film submission[edit] "Since the film "reflected contemporary Indian reality and had cinematic excellence", it was chosen as India's official entry for the 79th Academy Awards despite stiff competition from films such as Krrish, Lage Raho Munna Bhai, Omkara and Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna.[80][81] " Cut back to Lagaan, again from Wiki:

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by Ashutosh Gowariker. Aamir Khan, who was also the producer, stars with Gracy Singh in the lead roles; British actors Rachel Shelley and Paul Blackthorne play the supporting roles." Both Rang De and Lagaan were made for Rs 25 crore ($4.2 million), decidedly small budgets, as compared to most Bollywood films today. The reason why Aamir Khan might well go down in history as a gamechanger in Indian cinema industry is that he had seen it coming…. The common cinema-goers' changing sensibilities. Neither Rang de nor Lagaan was the typical "let's go 'round the mulberry bush" lollypop romance of pink lipsticks and predictable endings with a family photo-opp, or the chun chun ke marunga

CAPUT! KHANS… KAPOORS! Last year and even this year the Khans and Kapoors of Bollywood were out from the mint. Jai ho, Besharam, Bewkoofiyaan were multi-million dollar disasters (See box) On the other hand John Abraham, Irrfan Khan, Sushant Singh, Raj Kumar and Kangana Ranaut-starrers kept the cash counter jingling. This is what Aamir must have anticipated: Masala dosa films… out Funky and romantic music… out Boobs and brawn… out What the masses are now looking for is solid entertainment based on realism. The social realties between the times


when the Dharmendra-Hema, Amitabh-Rekha, or Kaka's (Rajesh Khanna) chocolate films were lapped up have changed drastically with the new, post-liberalisation social and economic existential dilemmas. A good storyline and a strong performance are sufficient to draw the masses. And with the advent of the Internet, reviews and scores on sites like rottentomatoes.com make the difference on what is watched and what is washed away. The latest trend has created a space for various cult movies as well. The socalled 'art' films and documentaries have made their ways among the Bollywood masala movies. Indian viewers are lesser inclined these days towards the love stories and friendship tales. They want to see more of documentaries, real life stories and inspiring characters, a la Lagan, Rang de Basanti, Heroine, Corporate, Queen, Paan Singh Tomar or Bhaag Milkha Bhaag. Viewers and critics alike now want to discuss more about the stories and how it can influence their lives and society after getting out of the theatres, rather than discussing the dresses, unbelievable fights and the special effects. These new, low-budgets, off-beat

movies are not only getting worldwide fame and awards but also bringing in the bacon more than adequately. Madras CafĂŠ, a low budget film of Rs 10 crore on the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi earned

INDIAN CINE-GOERS THESE DAYS ARE LESS INCLINED TOWARDS LOVE STORIES AND FRIENDSHIP TALES. THEY WANT TO SEE MORE REALISTIC FILMS AND DOCUMENTARIES SUCH AS FASHION, QUEEN OR BHAAG MILKHA BHAAG

Rs 45 crore at the box office. And that's just one example. Kai Po Che, Lunchbox and Queen, in the category of genre movies portrayed real life very well and raked in both accolades and the unexpected moolahs. Gulabi Gang is really a documentary on a gang fighting for women's empowerment founded by Sampat Pal Devi, a mother of five (as well as a former child bride). Gulabis visit abusive husbands and threaten to beat them unless they M AY 2 0 1 4

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CINEMA

The 2001 movie Lagaan was a milestone of sorts in the making of reality cinema in Bollywood

stop abusing their wives. One cannot by any chance also deny the success of Gangs of Wasseypur and Gangs of Wasseypur 2 and its strong storyline, characters and direction. Or for that matter, that of Kahaani, with sterling performances by Vidya Balaan, matched equally by the Nawazuddin Siddiqui and Parambrata Chatterjee. Name of the movie Jai Ho Besharam Bewkoofiyan Madras Cafe Paan Singh Tomar Bhaag Milkha Bhaag Kai Po Che Lunch Box Queen

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The current Bollywood trend has gone past the woods and the trees and song, dance and fight formula ending with the Happy Family photograph. NEW FORMULA The new formula clearly is to assimilate Mrinal Sen, Satyajit Ray, Adoor Gopalakrishnan or Ritwik Ghatak,

Production cost 120 crore 78 crore 22 crore 10 crore 5 crore 52 crore 30 crore 9 crore 24 crore

Box Office collection 107 crore 55.79 crore 12.06 crore 45 crore 10 crore 103.50 crore 50 crore 22.21 crore 80 crore

Year 2014 2013 2014 2013 2012 2013 2013 2013 2014

punch their realism with the calculated business sense of an Aamir Khan and match the demands of the Gen-Now, the BPO-fed, iPod, iPhone, whatsapp breed. That formula is wedding entertainment to realism at some basic level, not just sell the romance and brawn masala. The society wants empowerment of women, which is why movies like Queen and Gulabi Gang are not only emerging but being hits too. The youth wants to get motivated and are thus looking for movies like Bhaag Milkha and Kai Po Che. Deep underneath the changing psyche of the new Indians, there is a realisation that movies do not only entertain but also impact society and that is why there are constant fights to remove vulgarity, abuse and materialising of women in Bollywood films. Ravi Kant, Professor at Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), Delhi told News Bench: "Society has


always been changing and the films a whole range of them have tried to capture the change in their own little ways. Rewind, search YouTube and you will find a lot of films that cannot be easily categorised as commercial or art." There is a notable absence - apart from Aamir of commercially successful heroes and heroines in 'parallel cinema'. Shah Rukh Khan, Deepika or Ranbir Kapoor stay away from them. The protagonists in such films are Raj Kumar, Irrfan, Kay Kay Menon, Rahul Bose and so forth. Film critic Saibal Chatterjee told News Bench that a lot of this has to do with the origins of the new directors: "This trend is rising because a new breed of filmmakers has emerged in Mumbai. They have come to the industry from different parts of the country, especially small towns, and a fresh and personal approach to storytelling.’' He adds: "Films such as Queen and

Ankhon Dekhi are set in specific Delhi locations and are made by directors who understand the city very well, because they grew up here. Lunchbox, set in Mumbai, has been made by Riteish Batra, who grew up in Bombay and Lakshmi has been directed by Nagesh Kukunoor, who is from Hyderabad." "This is the key thing about offbeat Hindi films today -- directors are increasingly telling stories that they have a personal connection with, rather than make films that are formula fantasies. So directors who come to Mumbai from various small towns carry their stories with them." They are the ones who are driving the new Bollywood cinema," states Chatterjee. The fact is that despite its recent failures, the post-liberalisation economic order has allowed to younger generation a sensibility that only historians and sociologists in coming years will explain. Till then, goodbye, lollypops! M AY 2 0 1 4

NEWS BENCH

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NEWS SNACKS

TAKE POO TO THE LOO‌

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ccording to UNICEF, more than 620 million people in India do not use toiletS and 28 million children have no toilet facilities in their schools. That means 65 million kilos of poo is dumped out in the open every day. In order to end this mess, UNICEF India has come up with a new mascot 'Mr Poo', to persuade people to not do it in public. Mr. Poo was introduced in the 'Poo Party' music video and has already made 100,000 people commit that they will call on their Head of State to ensure that India rises to the challenge of ending open defecation". Watch the video and next time, do your 'business' only in the toilets.

APP TO MAKE WOMEN BETTER LEADERS

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he French government has unveiled an app to instruct leadership skills to help women. The newly launched 'Leadership Pour Elles' application is portrayed as a free tool to assist women to move ahead in their careers" by offering them "easy, resourceful and complete guidance". Initially, the app evaluates the user by asking few questions. The app decides the category of the user on the basis of the answers received. For instance, one

INDIA TOPS THE LIST OF CONTENT CENSORSHIP

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acebook has released its second transparency report for the government request. Though U.S had the most number of requests for user accounts but India leads in case of censoring the content posted on Facebook. India stands ahead of the UK in terms of asking for access to users' accounts and total requests as well, standing second in the unenviable league. Report says Facebook limited access to large amount of content in India. For the nature of content that was censored in India, Facebook said, "We restricted access in India to a number of pieces of content reported primarily by law enforcement officials and the India Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) under local laws prohibiting criticism of a religion or the state."

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can be an "apprentice leader". In that case, the app would recommend the user to learn to count to three before responding to a question to show that the user is thinking to use silence to defuse situations and to spend 20 percent of one's working day in networking among other things. It will recommend the user develop a "friendly smile", keep peace, and identify emotions in her and others but not to be "sentimental".



NEWS SNACKS

BOLLYWOOD STARS WHO CAN'T VOTE

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any B town actor-actresses are seen urging people to vote, but there are few celebs who themselves would not be voting. Let us see why... Katrina was born to an English father and American mother in Hong Kong and is not an Indian. Imran Khan is a US citizen and has been denied the right to vote though he stated that he wants to be an Indian citizen but for that he will have to pay 10 years' tax and will be blacklisted from the US, and young Alia also carries a British passport and so barred!

CURE FOR HEPATITIS-C

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elief news is there for the patients infected with Hepatitis C virus (HCV). Scientists have extracted a new compound from Chinese herbal medicines that can slow down the activity of HCV by approximately 90%.The new compound is known as SBEL1 which has been extracted from a herb found in some regions of Taiwan and Southern China. SBEL in Chinese medicine is used for treatment of sore throats and inflammations. The associate professor of medicine at University of Vienna in Austria, Markus Peck-Radosavljevic said that latest development in curing HCV is safe and

RECHARGE SMARTPHONE BATTERY IN 30 SECS

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n Israeli startup company 'StoreDot' has built up a new smart phone battery called 'Nanodots'. This new battery will recharge your smart phone in 30 seconds. The battery was displayed at the Microsoft's Think Next convention in Tel Aviv, Israel. The battery shown at the symposium is the size of a small brick but the company has asserted to upgrade the device small enough to be fitted in a standard Smartphone by 2016. This progress could help in smooth functioning of the portable electronics. This technology could also assist in realising the vision of a fast-charging electric car.

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have no unpleasant side effects. He added that the compound discovered, SBEL1 has confirmed significant inhibition of HCV at numerous stages of the viral lifecycle, which is an exciting discovery because it allows us to gain a deeper understanding of the virus and its interactions with other compounds," There are an estimated 150 million to 200 million people living with chronic HCV and more than 350,000 people die annually from HCV-related diseases. The virus gets transmitted through blood and can occur because of the injuries caused by piercing of needles or sharing used equipment to inject drugs.



INAUGURAL ISSUE MAY 2014

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INTERVIEW

P32

"WE HAVE DONE MORE, BUT TALKED

S¬‡Ê‹ Á⁄U¬ Ù≈¸THAN U 38 LESS MODI IN TERMS OF “•Ê¬” ∑§Ê ÄÿÊDEVELOPMENT „UÙªÊ OF OUR STATE" ¡ŸÊ’ •Ê‹Ë!

SPECIAL REPORT P36

HUGE HOPES HAD GRIPPED THE ‚ÊˇÊÊà∑§Ê⁄U 46 COUNTRY, BUT HAVE BEEN DASHED, A NO-GOER IN 2014 “„U◊Ÿ ªÈ¡⁄UMAKING Êà ‚AAP ÖÿÊŒÊ Áfl∑§Ê‚ ∑§Ë ¬Á⁄UÿÙ¡ŸÊ∞¢ ‡ÊÈM§ ∑§Ë „Ò¥U”

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THE CANDIDATE HAS TO DEFANG AND DEFEAT •¥ª˝¡ËŒÊ¢ •Á÷¡Êàÿ ◊ËÁ«ÿÊ߸ „ÁSÃÿÊ¢ •ı⁄U ∑ȧ¿ ∑§ÁÕà ‚هʋ BOTH THE ELITE MEDIA ∞ÄU≈UËÁflS≈U •ı⁄U ◊ÈÁ‡∑§‹¥ ¬ÒŒÊ ∑§⁄UŸ flÊ‹ •¬Ÿ „Ë Œ‹ ∑‘§ ÁŒÇª¡ ŒÈ‡◊ŸÙ¥ ‚ ◊ÙŒË ∑§Ù ÁŸ◊¸AND ◊ÃʬÍfl¸∑HIS § ÁŸ’≈UOWN ŸÊ „٪ʖ LEADERS


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