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Language and Culture in Mathematical Cognition

FIRST EDITION

Curry School of Education, University of Virginia, Charloesville, VA, United States

Psychological Sciences, University of Missouri, Columbia, MO, United States

Kathleen Mann Koepke

Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child, Health and Human Development (NICHD), National Institutes of Health (NIH), Bethesda, MD, United States

Table of Contents

Cover image

Title page

Copyright

Contributors

Foreword: Mathematical Cognition, Language, and Culture: Understanding the Links

Preface

Chapter 1: Introduction: Language and Culture in Mathematical Cognitive Development

Abstract Introduction

A Brief Historical Review of Research on the Roles of Language and Culture in Mathematical Cognition

Specific Linguistic Levels of Influence on Numerical Processing

A Key Question Driving Research on Numerical Development

Other Considerations in Studying Linguistic Influences on Numerical Processing

The Role of Culture in Mathematical Cognition

Disentangling Linguistic and Cultural Influences on Numerical Processing and Mathematics Achievement

Conclusions

Chapter 2: Analogical Mapping in Numerical Development

Abstract Introduction

Analogical Mapping in Integer Learning

Acquisition of Natural Numbers

Analogical Mapping in Acquiring Natural Numbers

Problems With the Current Account of Analogical Mapping in Integer Learning

Analogical Mapping in Magnitude Estimation

Analogical Mapping in Estimation: Evidence From the Flexibility and Interdependence of Estimates

Analogical Mapping in Estimation: The Role of Ordinality

Other Evidence of Analogy as a Source of Representational Changes

General Conclusion

Chapter 3: Linguistic and Experiential Factors as Predictors of Young Children's Early Numeracy Skills

Abstract Number Language and Early Numeracy Performance

Comparisons of Counting Across Languages

Other Approaches to Exploring Language Effects

Conclusions

Acknowledgments

Chapter 4: Effects of Mathematics Language on Children's Mathematics Achievement and Central Conceptual Knowledge

Abstract

Mathematics Language and Achievement

Mathematics Achievement, Central Conceptual Knowledge, and Numerical Language

Conclusions

Chapter 5: How Does the “Learning Gap” Open? A Cognitive Theory of Nation Effects on Mathematics Proficiency

Abstract

The Traditional Approach: Differences in Input, Differences in Output

A Cognitive Theory on How the Learning Gap Opens

Do Numerical Magnitude Judgments Mediate Nation Effects on Math Proficiency?

Conclusions

Acknowledgments

Chapter 6: Mathematical Skills of Children With Specific Language Impairments: Testing Developmental Theory

Abstract

Introduction

Background to Specific Language Impairment

Linguistic and Nonlinguistic Contributions to Mathematical Development

Evidence From Children With Specific Language Impairments (SLI)

Conclusions

Chapter 7: Arithmetic in the Bilingual Brain

Abstract Introduction

Bilingualism and Retrieval of Mathematical Facts

Conclusions and Future Directions

Chapter 8: Linguistic Traces in Core Numerical Knowledge: An Approach From Bilingualism

Abstract

Introduction

Numbers Without Language

Language and Symbol Acquisition

Bilingualism as a Window to Numerical Cognition

The Language of Learning Mathematics

New Evidence: Bilingual Dyscalculia

Conclusions

Acknowledgments

Chapter 9: Early Number Knowledge in Dual-Language Learners From Low-SES Households

Abstract Introduction

Does Bilingualism Matter for Early Numeracy?

Ways for Young Children to Represent Numbers

Our Study

Acknowledgment

Chapter 10: How Culturally Predominant Reading Direction and Number Word Construction Influence Numerical Cognition and Mathematics Performance

Abstract Introduction Effects of Reading Direction

Effects of Number Word Construction

Conclusions and Future Directions

Acknowledgments

Chapter 11: Language, Culture, and Space: Reconstructing SpatialNumerical Associations

Abstract

Verbal Components of Language-Related Spatial-Numerical Associations

Non-Verbal Language-Related Behavior and Spatial-Numerical Associations

Evolutionary Predispositions to SNARC

Summary and Conclusions

Chapter 12: Cultural Processes in Elementary Mathematics: Studies in a Remote Papua New Guinea Community

Abstract

Dichotomous Approaches to Analyzing Relations Between Culture and the Development of Numerical Understandings

Intrinsic Relations Approaches to Analyzing Relations Between Culture and the Development of Numerical Understandings

The Interplay Between Cultural and Developmental Processes in Mathematical Understandings: A Program of Research in Remote Oksapmin Communities

Concluding Remarks

Chapter 13: Numeration Systems as Cultural Tools for Numerical Cognition

Abstract Introduction Properties of Numeration Systems and Their Implications

Inconsistencies Between Representational Systems

Conclusion

Acknowledgments

Index

Contributors

Foreword: Mathematical Cognition, Language, and Culture: Understanding the Links

Psychologists have long had a fascination with the twin notions of “homogeneity” and “heterogeneity.” Homogeneity has a technical and statistical meaning that describes the uniformity or similarity of a sample or population. For example, if all children arrived at exactly the same answer to a mathematical problem and did so through exactly the same computations, there would be homogeneity of process and output. If all the children received entirely the same teaching about such problems (no less, no more), that would also give rise to homogeneity, on the input side. The flip side to this is heterogeneity, where there is nonuniformity and variation. For example, if different children use different strategies or the same children use different strategies for solving different problems, even for something as apparently simple as addition (Siegler, 1987), we have heterogeneity of process. If some children get private tuition outside school (Huang, 2013), we have heterogeneity on the input side.

Psychologists have navigated a troubled relationship with these twin terms. The purported methodological advantages of each can quickly crumble and present themselves as limiters or hurdles in addressing important questions of validity the extent to which research findings accurately describe the state of the world, its

processes, and relationships. What we have needed is the right perspective on how both homogeneity and heterogeneity, in the present case for mathematics across cultural and linguistic contexts, can best be harnessed and exploited. The current volume takes a confident, authoritative, and highly skilled approach to addressing the consequences of homogeneity and heterogeneity in order to beer understand mathematical cognition.

Sampling uniformity or homogeneity can be crucial in order to improve the signal-to-noise ratio in the detection of an important psychological effect, both for within-participant and betweenparticipant designs. Yet a long-standing concern has been the potential distortion that this uniformity produces on real effects in the world. For example, a sample comprising university students at a Western campus might be asked to carry out single-digit multiplication problems. Phenomena such as the problem-size effect (questions with larger numbers take longer to solve and are more error-prone) and 5-operand advantage (multiplication combinations with operands of 5 (e.g., 5 × 4) are solved faster than comparable combinations that don't include a 5 (e.g., 7 × 3)) appear robust and consistent and have been documented repeatedly. Yet, it turns out that findings might be biased due to participant homogeneity when performances of Canadian and Chinese students are examined separately, some important differences emerge (LeFevre & Liu, 1997). However, only when we understand the relevant variables here, the educational experience of the participants can such differences be teased apart. The same limitation may be true for a sample of children who, for example, aend a school that is conveniently close and accessible to a university campus of a key researcher on a project; there may be biases introduced by unwiingly drawing on, for example, children from highly educated and prosperous families.

The implications of such issues are well recognized, at least in principle, even though we cannot always know in advance which variables are going to be important. However, more subtle effects may be occurring that are harder to recognize due to the broader forces and shifts that can occur over time. In terms of the number of

school leavers who go on to study university degrees, the university student cohort in the United Kingdom is now more diverse than it was, say, 40 years ago. The representativeness of a student sample in the United Kingdom today (relative to the population of mostly young adults) is different from the representativeness of the sample in a previous generation. The higher educational sector is also much more international than it was 40 years ago, for a host of economic and financial reasons. This again can affect the demographic student profile that is sampled.

Demographic changes on a university campus, for example, can be seen, audited, and tracked, especially where they may involve explicit institutional plans. But less obvious changes may take place in schools also. School children may become more or less homogeneous following changes over time in local migration, family size, and economic status. So even when we understand the principle of how biases can arise, recognizing the potential relevance of changes in a sample can be extremely difficult all the more so if we become anchored to out-of-date representations of the sample profiles.

Sufficient heterogeneity is of course a prerequisite for studies of individual differences (Cronbach, 1957). Without a spread of scores on the variables of interest, there is inevitable aenuation in the potential for tracking mediating processes and associations that might actually be relevant in a population. One of the problems though is that, a priori, it might not be feasible to identify all the dimensions that are pertinent. Without the empirical and conceptual grounding to understand the associations that maer, heterogeneity can lead to true effects being masked.

In summary, research design can be a tricky business. It takes critical thinking and careful interpretation to put together the right mixture of homogeneity and heterogeneity so as to yield coherent and useful findings. And herein lies the essential beauty of this volume—the demonstration of how science can benefit from the ties that bind and the dissociations that distinguish mathematical cognition, language, and culture.

Mathematics is an abstract code, and mathematical concepts and relationships are lawful, predictable, and often cumulative. In other words, the mathematical domain contains strong regularities. Yet even so, we know that the configurations through which children experience mathematical information can vary substantially. The ways in which children are taught can vary across generations (such that parents, used to representing multidigit subtractions in a vertical format, view with bemusement how their children have been taught to tackle the same problems by displaying them in a horizontal format). This is exemplified in a fascinating review by Opfer, Kim, & Qin of the link between mathematics performance, cognitive abilities, and curriculum specifications. They point out that the oft-cited “learning gap” between U.S. educated and Asian educated children may be a recent historical phenomenon. Okamoto also makes a profound point about the potential impact of cultural and linguistic differences on a smaller timescale. The potential for language-coding characteristics to shape learning and understanding of number names and early number processing is not necessarily the same as the potential impact of these exact same differences on other, later mathematical processes. Of course, there might be cascading effects of competence and confidence, as relative mastery with one mathematical process transforms into challenges to be faced in acquiring the next, different process. Nonetheless, the point at which these exogenous influences and sources of heterogeneity impact children's learning process is crucial. So for Okamoto, the path of core numerical knowledge need not run in parallel with the path of specific skills.

Part of the key to research progress is thus the successful harnessing of heterogeneity. Where learners experience mathematical ideas in different ways, whether through the lens of different languages and behavioral evidence (Marchand & Barner) or multiple languages through the study of brain activity in bilingual children (Wicha, Dickson, & Martinez-Lincoln) and adults (Salillas & Martinez), we can gain valuable clues as to the processes of mathematical development and the constraints that operate on mathematical processing. As Sarnecka, Negen, & Goldman remind us,

p g g these are complex issues, as they present evidence that language and cultural differences can be accompanied by other relevant variables, such as socioeconomic status.

How do culture and language interact to shape number processing and how do we properly tease apart these influences? It is an issue beautifully captured in the chapter by Saxe, whose work focuses on a remote tribe in Papua New Guinea. Separately, Bender and Beller discuss an exciting program of work that blends anthropological insights with state-of-the-art methodological and analytic innovations supporting a distributed cognition model of the cultural evolution of number systems.

Making use of the full range of heterogeneity (or, at least, a fuller range) may also be important. A number of previous empirical papers have exploited the contrast between, on the one hand, transparent coding of number values in East Asian languages such as Japanese and Chinese and, on the other hand, the nontransparent or idiosyncratic coding of number names in English (e.g., Saxton & Towse, 1998). One of the successful features of the contribution by Lefevre, Cankaya, Xu, and Lira is that they exploit the true multidimensional range of language-coding mappings. While there is a binary contrast to be made between East Asian-based and English languages, there is more we can learn from studying other languages such as French and Turkish, which have different points of confluence and divergence as compared with the traditional binary opposites. As such, LeFevre et al. increase our awareness of the richness or heterogeneity of the environment. In the context of the contribution of Bender and Beller already noted above, making the case for the variety and distinctiveness of number name systems across cultures, we are now at a point where science can take advantage of these natural variables.

In a number of ways, analysis of mathematical skills has been less well supported than analysis of reading skills as a topic of psychological study (see Towse, 2015, to see how these two compare as research topics). So it is good to remember that while these two domains differ in important ways and likely diverge at various developmental phases, there are some noteworthy connections and

p p y intersections. In an elegant program of work, Göbel shows how and when reading affects and molds number development and when it does not. This complements the more specific focus considered by Shaki and Fischer who reveal subtleties in how reading habits (for many, left to right but, for some, right to left) can shape symbolic number associations. There are not only long-term impacts but also short-term or transient effects that combine into a compelling account of how empirical research can make sense of heterogeneous findings. Donlan also complements the understanding of links between language and number by studying the trajectory of what has come to be known as the approximate number system in children with specific language impairments, further emphasizing the connections between skill domains and the potential for atypical development, to reveal important insights for cognition.

Put simply, this is a simply tremendous book. It is a tour de force of how innovative, rigorous, and thoughtful research can really make a difference in shining a light on what we understand about mathematical cognition. The authors bring enormous energy and passion to the work, and despite the difference in topics across authors, there is genuine coherence in the project. If you want concerted and convincing evidence that language and culture can offer the keys to making progress in the field, this is it.

References

Cronbach L.J. The two disciplines of scientific psychology. American Psychologist. 1957;12:671–684. doi:10.1037/h0076829.

Huang M.-H. After-school tutoring and the distribution of student performance. Comparative Education Review. 2013;57(4):689–710. doi:10.1086/671346.

LeFevre J., Liu J. The role of experience in numerical skill: Multiplication performance in adults from Canada and China. Mathematical Cognition. 1997;3(1):31–62. doi:10.1080/135467997387470.

Saxton M., Towse J.N. Linguistic relativity: The case of place value in multi-digit numbers. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology. 1998;69:66–79. doi:10.1006/jecp.1998.2437.

Siegler R.S. The perils of averaging data over strategies: An example from children's addition. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. 1987;116(3):250–264. doi:10.1037/00963445.116.3.250.

Towse J. Finding a voice for numerical cognition. Journal of Numerical Cognition. 2015;1(1):1–6. doi:10.5964/jnc.v1i1.16.

Preface

The intersections between language, culture, and mathematics are many and varied. For example, the “mathematics of language” provides the mathematical foundations of linguistics by describing language (and languages) with the use of mathematical models and methods. In contrast, the “language of mathematics” denotes the system of technical nomenclatures and grammatical conventions unique to mathematical discourse used by mathematicians for communicating mathematical ideas. Rather than being directly concerned with either of these topics, the present volume focuses in large part on how language in general and different languages in particular influence the acquisition of basic numerical skills, arithmetic processing, and, more broadly, mathematics achievement. This being said, how children acquire the foundational vocabulary and grammatical conventions of mathematics is indeed within the purview of this volume.

But what can we make of the relation between language and culture? For the most part, scholars working in this area, such as applied linguists, consider that language and culture influence each other in a continuously interactive manner (Jiang, 2000) and that language expresses, embodies, and symbolizes cultural reality (Kramsch, 2009). Although this kind of interaction is fascinating and worthy of study in its own right, it is by no means the direct focus of the present volume. And in apparent contradiction to the notion that language and culture are inseparable, authors of several of our chapters (see especially Chapter 3) delineate both empirical and

statistical methods that can be used by researchers for disentangling the effects of these factors on mathematical cognition.

Finally, what kinds of associations exist between mathematics and culture? On the one hand, according to the influential mathematician, David Hilbert, “Mathematics knows no races or geographic boundaries; for mathematics, the cultural world is one country” (quoted in Eves, 1971). In stark contrast to this assertion, the somewhat controversial province of mathematics education known as ethnomathematics is by definition concerned with the study of relations between mathematics and culture, especially the mathematics that is practiced by particular cultural groups. Although such interactions between mathematics and culture are not nominally covered in the present volume, the chapter by Saxe does provide an example of a distinctive collective practice involving children selling candy on the streets of an urban center in Brazil and an analysis of transactions between Oksapmin trade store clerks and customers in a remote region of Papua New Guinea (Chapter 12). Furthermore, Bender and Beller (Chapter 13) discuss how several different numeration systems have served as cultural tools for numerical cognition and examine the implications of cross-cultural variability in the different structural properties of these systems for number representation and processing.

Whereas the first three volumes of this series dealt with the evolutionary origins and early development of number processing, the neural underpinnings of and genetic influences on basic numerical cognition, and the learning of more complex arithmetic and higher-order math skills, in this fourth volume, we focus on the substantial contributions that language and culture can make to mathematical cognition, development, learning, and achievement. Although it is widely known that the systematic study of such phenomena began over 30 years ago and continues to this day, reports of this work are primarily published in a diverse range of scholarly journals and occasionally in solitary chapters within allencompassing handbooks of mathematical cognition and other kinds of compendiums. As a consequence, reviews of contemporary research along with summaries of the relevant prior literature have

g p not been collected and organized in a manner that provides both senior researchers and nonspecialized readers with a comprehensive picture capturing the rich history and current vitality of these areas within one and the same volume. That was the goal of the current effort.

We expect this volume will be of interest not only to researchers and scholars, as well as graduate and undergraduate students in the general field of cognitive development, but also to those who work in the areas of psycholinguistics, cross-cultural psychology, anthropology, educational psychology, and special education. Concomitantly, as the current volume covers a wide range of theoretical concepts, methodological issues, empirical phenomena, and pedagogical implications associated with linguistic and cultural influences on mathematical cognition, this volume could certainly be used as a textbook for a variety of courses taught in many different kinds of university courses.

Regarding the organization of the chapters appearing here, we expressly chose not to separate them into different sections, as the majority of the contributions weave together facets of both linguistic and cultural influences. In addition to the topics already mentioned, other chapters cover how the construction of analogical mappings between linguistic and nonverbal representations may provide the foundation for the learning of number words and their use in estimating large sets of objects (Chapter 2); the effects of mathematical language on children's mathematics achievement and central conceptual knowledge of numbers (Chapter 4); how symbolic numerical magnitude may serve as the mechanism underlying crossnational differences in mathematics achievement (Chapter 5); the kinds of mathematical challenges encountered by children with specific language impairment (Chapter 6); how employing eventrelated brain potentials reveals that both the language of learning arithmetic facts and the extent of use of such facts in a language can influence the manner and efficiency with which bilinguals access these facts in each of their languages (Chapter 7); how electrophysiological studies of linguistic traces in core number processing deficits at the neural level have been used to test whether

p g

the input language of numerical learning for bilingual children with developmental dyscalculia will maer even more than it does for typically developing bilingual children (Chapter 8); the influence of Head Start programs on the learning of symbolic numerical skills by preschool, dual-language learners (Chapter 9); the shaping of numerical processing by number word construction as contrasted with reading direction (Chapter 10); and the role of culture and language in creating associations between number and space (Chapter 11).

Finally, we thank the Child Development and Behavior Branch of the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, NIH, for their continuing support of the annual conferences that have served as the foundation for this book series. And we are especially grateful to Dr. Lindy Crawford and the ANSERS Institute at Texas Christian University and Dr. Jacqueline Huscroft-D'Angelo, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, the hosts of the conference on which this volume is based. Their guidance and support from the onset was critical to making this conference such a success. In addition, we extend a special thanks to Dr. Mary Martin Paon, dean of TCU's College of Education, who generously provided both supplementary funding for the event and a first-class venue for holding the meeting there.

References

Eves H.W. Mathematical circles revisited: A second collection of mathematical stories and anecdotes. Boston, MA: Prindle, Weber, & Schmidt; 1971.

Jiang W. The relationship between culture and language. ELT Journal. 2000;54:328–334. doi:10.1093/elt/54.4.328.

Kramsch C. Discourse, the symbolic dimension of intercultural competence. In: Hu A., Byram M., eds. Interkulturelle kompetenz und fremdsprachliches lernen. Modelle, Empirie, Evaluation. Tübingen: Gunter Narr; 2009:107–121.

C H A P T E R 1

Introduction: Language and Culture in Mathematical Cognitive Development

VA, United States

† University of Missouri, Columbia, MO, United States

‡ NICHD/CDBB, Rockville, MD, United States

Abstract

In this introductory chapter, we present a brief historical review of research on the roles of language and culture in mathematical cognition, and then provide readers with a useful framework for categorizing specific linguistic levels of influence on numerical processing (e.g., lexical, semantic, and syntactic). We then describe other considerations in studying linguistic influences on mathematical cognition, such as the neural substrates of verbal, language-based representations of numerical information and the impact of bilingualism on numerical processing. With respect to the role of cultural factors that influence mathematical cognition, we briefly review many of the classic studies on this topic, and then present some purported myths of cultural psychology as a framework for discussing specific kinds of cultural factors that could potentially influence mathematical learning and achievement. We conclude by discussing the complexities associated with disentangling linguistic and cultural influences on numerical processing and development.

Keywords

Lexical; Semantic; Syntactic; Phonological; SNARC effect; MARC effect; Approximate number system; Object tracking system; Analogical mapping; Linguistic transparency; Inversion; Transcoding; Intraparietal sulcus; Dyscalculia; Bilingualism

Introduction

The contributions of linguistic and cultural factors to the development and learning of numerical, arithmetic, and other mathematical concepts and skills are broad and varied, ranging from different types of linguistic influences to contrasting cultural beliefs about the relative importance of ability and effort in learning mathematics, to a traditional society whose language possesses only a limited numerical vocabulary. Indeed, the expansive collection of studies reviewed by the authors in this edited volume is a testament to the diversity of themes, critical issues, theoretical perspectives, research methods, and even the participants (e.g., dual-language learners, children with specific language impairments, and members of a remote indigenous population in New Guinea) that exemplify the fascinating and important spheres of linguistic and cultural influences on mathematical cognition.

In this introductory chapter, we begin by presenting a brief historical review of research on the roles of language and culture in mathematical cognition. Next, we provide readers with a useful framework for categorizing specific linguistic levels of influence on numerical processing (e.g., lexical, semantic, and syntactic), followed by a brief discussion of one of the major questions that has guided research on the role of language in numerical development. We then describe other considerations in studying linguistic influences on mathematical cognition, including the neural substrates of verbal, language-based representations of numerical information and the impact of bilingualism on mathematical thinking and learning. With respect to the role of cultural factors that influence mathematical cognition, we begin by briefly reviewing many of the classic studies on this topic. Next, we present some purported myths

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JACOBS AND HIS WRITINGS

William Wymark Jacobs was born in London, September 8, 1863, the son of William Gage Jacobs. He was educated at private schools, and entered the employ of the Post Office Savings Bank at sixteen. Four years later he secured a regular clerkship there. He began his literary career at the age of twenty-one with a contribution to the Blackfriars Magazine, a publication conducted by the clerks at the Post Office, and from that he was led to contributing articles to various London papers, though he retained his Civil Service position until 1899. His remarkable acquaintance with nautical subjects, and characters of the coasting trade and seaport wharves, was acquired during several years spent in Wapping, while his father was wharfinger there, as during that period the younger Jacobs was brought into contact with many seamen and wharf hands, and came to know many of them very well. In 1900 he married Agnes Eleanor Williams. Some of Jacobs’ most popular collections of stories are Many Cargoes; More Cargoes; Short Cruises; Odd Craft; Captains All; Light Freights; and The Lady of the Barge. His longer stories include A Master of Craft, Dialstone Lane; Salthaven, and At Sunwich Port.

Mr. Jacobs is known mostly by his delightfully quaint and humorous character delineations of river, shore, and sea-faring folk. The remarkable short-story given herewith, however, is of a very different sort and discloses a mastery of the weird, of the supernatural, which is not surpassed in the whole short-story field. With a sureness of character-drawing which is nothing short of amazing in a humorist, he outlines scene and actors, and when the crises are reached—so completely is all visualized—we are able to infer the swift-moving climax with scarce the need of a word. “The Monkey’s Paw” is one of the most dramatically poignant stories of the supernatural ever written, and invites us to a closer study of its gifted and versatile author.

It [a sea-life] is a man’s life. It teaches self-restraint and discipline and the art of governing men. It is a fine, healthy life that breeds men. All that I mean to say is that distance lends enchantment to the view, and that the essential romance and comedy of the life of those who go down to the sea in ships are intensified in the perspective of years. —W. W. J, London Daily Chronicle.

Londoners, in particular, should hail him with applause, for he has done more than make them laugh; he has added character to their river. Henceforward no one who has read Many Cargoes will look at a passing barge with an apathetic gaze. He will see before him not merely a vehicle of porterage, but a hot-bed of liquorish and acceptable sarcasm.—Academy (London).

Mr. Jacobs has two great gifts: one is the power to place a simple-minded man in a corner, excite our sympathies for him, magnify his embarrassments, and keep us engrossed all the time.... But we do not consider that herein lies Mr. Jacobs’s special distinction.... It is in his eye for character, his knowledge of a certain kind of human nature, his genius for the little touches, as we prefer to call them, that Mr. Jacobs stands out so notably. No one now writing can manage the little touches as Mr. Jacobs can, at once so naturally, so truthfully, so usefully, and so joyously.... None of them actually helps the plot, but every one of them is so much added to the characters and conditions of the story. I.

We cannot think of any other books with which to compare Mr. Jacobs’s, because there are none just like them. Today a number of the best and brightest English and American writers seem to be getting their inspiration from the sea.... Each one of these has his own particular field, and in presenting the humour of the sailor’s life and environment no one approaches Mr. Jacobs.—B (New York).

We are acquainted with one pronounced pessimist, who maintains defiantly and aggressively that he never reads anything in the nature of modern fiction. “Except, of course,” he adds, “the short stories of W. W. Jacobs, which certainly make me laugh....” We are inclined to believe that there are a number of men who are of the same mind in regard to the work of Mr. Jacobs. Yet we do not think that his most ardent admirer, after having laid aside one of his books for three days, would be able to give more than the vaguest description of the tales contained therein. To this rule there are, however, several exceptions. “The Monkey’s Paw,” as grewsome a story as has appeared for years, was one.—I.

FURTHER REFERENCES FOR READING ON JACOBS

Sketch of W. W. Jacobs, Current Literature, vol. 26, 117; His Work, Academy, vol. 52, 496; Living Age, vol. 218, 366; Strand, vol. 16, 676; W W Jacobs, Book News, vol. 19; The Little Touches (Review of A Master of Craft), Academy, vol. 59; A New Humorist, Spectator, vol. 78; More Cargoes (Review), Public Opinion, vol. 25; The Skipper’s Wooing (Review), Saturday Review, vol. 84.

FOR ANALYSIS

THE MONKEY’S PAW[19]

Without, the night was cold and wet, but in the small parlour of Laburnam Villa the blinds were drawn and the fire burned brightly. Father and son were at chess, the former, who possessed ideas about the game involving radical changes, putting his king into such sharp and unnecessary perils that it even provoked comment from the white-haired old lady knitting placidly by the fire.

2. “Hark at the wind,” said Mr. White, who having seen a fatal mistake after it was too late, was amiably desirous of preventing his son from seeing it.

3. “I’m listening,” said the latter, grimly surveying the board as he stretched out his hand. “Check.”

4. “I should hardly think that he’d come to-night,” said his father, with his hand poised over the board.

5. “Mate,” replied the son.

6. “That’s the worst of living so far out,” bawled Mr White, with sudden and unlooked-for violence; “of all the beastly, slushy, out-of-the-way places to live in, this is the worst. Pathway’s a bog, and the road’s a torrent. I don’t know what people are thinking about. I suppose because only two houses in the road are let, they think it doesn’t matter.”

7. “Never mind, dear,” said his wife, soothingly; “perhaps you’ll win the next one.”

8. Mr. White looked up sharply, just in time to intercept a knowing glance between mother and son. The words died away on his lips, and he hid a guilty grin in his thin grey beard.

9. “There he is,” said Herbert White, as the gate banged to loudly and heavy footsteps came toward the door.

10. The old man rose with hospitable haste, and opening the door, was heard condoling with the new arrival. The new arrival also condoled with himself, so that Mrs. White said, “Tut, tut!” and coughed gently as her husband entered the

room, followed by a tall, burly man, beady of eye and rubicund of visage.

11. “Sergeant-Major Morris,” he said, introducing him.

12. The sergeant-major shook hands, and taking the proffered seat by the fire, watched contentedly while his host got out whiskey and tumblers and stood a small copper kettle on the fire.

13. At the third glass his eyes got brighter, and he began to talk, the little family circle regarding with eager interest this visitor from distant parts, as he squared his broad shoulders in the chair and spoke of wild scenes and doughty deeds; of wars and plagues and strange peoples.

14. “Twenty-one years of it,” said Mr. White, nodding at his wife and son. “When he went away he was a slip of a youth in the warehouse. Now look at him.”

15. “He don’t look to have taken much harm,” said Mrs. White, politely.

16. “I’d like to go to India myself,” said the old man, “just to look round a bit, you know.”

17. “Better where you are,” said the sergeant-major, shaking his head. He put down the empty glass, and sighing softly, shook it again.

18. “I should like to see those old temples and fakirs and jugglers,” said the old man. “What was that you started telling me the other day about a monkey’s paw or something, Morris?”

19. “Nothing,” said the soldier, hastily. “Leastways nothing worth hearing.”

20. “Monkey’s paw?” said Mrs. White, curiously.

21. “Well, it’s just a bit of what you might call magic, perhaps,” said the sergeant-major, offhandedly.

22. His three listeners leaned forward eagerly The visitor absentmindedly put his empty glass to his lips and then set it down again. His host filled it for him.

23. “To look at,” said the sergeant-major, fumbling in his pocket, “it’s just an ordinary little paw, dried to a mummy.”

24. He took something out of his pocket and proffered it. Mrs. White drew back with a grimace, but her son, taking it, examined it curiously.

25. “And what is there special about it?” inquired Mr. White as he took it from his son, and having examined it, placed it upon the table.

26. “It had a spell put on it by an old fakir,” said the sergeantmajor, “a very holy man. He wanted to show that fate ruled people’s lives, and that those who interfered with it did so to their sorrow. He put a spell on it so that three separate men could each have three wishes from it.”

27. His manner was so impressive that his hearers were conscious that their light laughter jarred somewhat.

28. “Well, why don’t you have three, sir?” said Herbert White, cleverly.

29. The soldier regarded him in the way that middle age is wont to regard presumptuous youth. “I have,” he said, quietly, and his blotchy face whitened.

30. “And did you really have the three wishes granted?” asked Mrs. White.

31. “I did,” said the sergeant-major, and his glass tapped against his strong teeth.

32. “And has anybody else wished?” persisted the old lady.

33. “The first man had his three wishes. Yes,” was the reply; “I don’t know what the first two were, but the third was for death. That’s how I got the paw.”

34. His tones were so grave that a hush fell upon the group.

35. “If you’ve had your three wishes, it’s no good to you now, then, Morris,” said the old man at last. “What do you keep it for?”

36. The soldier shook his head. “Fancy, I suppose,” he said, slowly. “I did have some idea of selling it, but I don’t think I will. It has caused enough mischief already. Besides, people won’t buy. They think it’s a fairy tale, some of them; and those who do think anything of it want to try it first and pay me afterward.”

37. “If you could have another three wishes,” said the old man, eyeing him keenly, “would you have them?”

38. “I don’t know,” said the other. “I don’t know.”

39. He took the paw, and dangling it between his forefinger and thumb, suddenly threw it upon the fire. White, with a slight cry, stooped down and snatched it off.

40. “Better let it burn,” said the soldier, solemnly

41. “If you don’t want it, Morris,” said the other, “give it to me.”

42. “I won’t,” said his friend doggedly. “I threw it on the fire. If you keep it, don’t blame me for what happens. Pitch it on the fire again like a sensible man.”

43. The other shook his head and examined his new possession closely “How do you do it?” he inquired.

44. “Hold it up in your right hand and wish aloud,” said the sergeant-major, “but I warn you of the consequences.”

45. “Sounds like the Arabian Nights,” said Mrs. White, as she rose and began to set the supper. “Don’t you think you might wish for four pairs of hands for me?”

46. Her husband drew the talisman from his pocket, and then all three burst into laughter as the sergeant-major, with a look of alarm on his face, caught him by the arm.

47. “If you must wish,” he said, gruffly, “wish for something sensible.”

48. Mr White dropped it back in his pocket, and placing chairs, motioned his friend to the table. In the business of supper the talisman was partly forgotten, and afterward the three sat listening in an enthralled fashion to a second installment of the soldier’s adventures in India.

49. “If the tale about the monkey’s paw is not more truthful than those he has been telling us,” said Herbert, as the door closed behind their guest, just in time for him to catch the last train, “we shan’t make much out of it.”

50. “Did you give him anything for it, father?” inquired Mrs. White, regarding her husband closely.

51. “A trifle,” said he, colouring slightly. “He didn’t want it, but I made him take it. And he pressed me again to throw it away.”

52. “Likely,” said Herbert, with pretended horror “Why, we’re going to be rich, and famous and happy. Wish to be an emperor, father, to begin with; then you can’t be hen-pecked.”

53. He darted round the table, pursued by the maligned Mrs. White armed with an antimacassar.

54. Mr. White took the paw from his pocket and eyed it dubiously. “I don’t know what to wish for, and that’s a fact,” he said, slowly. “It seems to me I’ve got all I want.”

55. “If you only cleared the house, you’d be quite happy, wouldn’t you?” said Herbert, with his hand on his shoulder. “Well, wish for two hundred pounds, then; that’ll just do it.”

56. His father, smiling shamefacedly at his own credulity, held up the talisman, as his son, with a solemn face, somewhat marred by a wink at his mother, sat down at the piano and struck a few impressive chords.

57. “I wish for two hundred pounds,” said the old man distinctly.

58. A fine crash from the piano greeted the words, interrupted by a shuddering cry from the old man. His wife and son ran toward him.

59. “It moved,” he cried, with a glance of disgust at the object as it lay on the floor.

60. “As I wished, it twisted in my hand like a snake.”

61. “Well, I don’t see the money,” said his son as he picked it up and placed it on the table, “and I bet I never shall.”

62. “It must have been your fancy, father,” said his wife, regarding him anxiously

63. He shook his head. “Never mind, though; there’s no harm, but it gave me a shock all the same.”

64. They sat down by the fire again while the two men finished their pipes. Outside, the wind was higher than ever, and the old man started nervously at the sound of a door banging up-stairs. A silence unusual and depressing settled upon all three, which lasted until the old couple rose to retire for the night.

65. “I expect you’ll find the cash tied up in a big bag in the middle of your bed,” said Herbert, as he bade them goodnight, “and something horrible squatting up on top of the wardrobe watching you as you pocket your ill-gotten gains.”

66. He sat alone in the darkness, gazing at the dying fire, and seeing faces in it. The last face was so horrible and so simian that he gazed at it in amazement. It got so vivid that, with a little uneasy laugh, he felt on the table for a glass containing a little water to throw over it. His hand grasped the monkey’s paw, and with a little shiver he wiped his hand on his coat and went up to bed.

II

67. In the brightness of the wintry sun next morning as it streamed over the breakfast table he laughed at his fears. There was an air of prosaic wholesomeness about the room which it had lacked on the previous night, and the dirty,

shrivelled little paw was pitched on the sideboard with a carelessness which betokened no great belief in its virtues.

68. “I suppose all old soldiers are the same,” said Mrs. White. “The idea of our listening to such nonsense! How could wishes be granted in these days? And if they could, how could two hundred pounds hurt you, father?”

69. “Might drop on his head from the sky,” said the frivolous Herbert.

70. “Morris said the things happened so naturally,” said his father, “that you might if you so wished attribute it to coincidence.”

71. “Well, don’t break into the money before I come back,” said Herbert as he rose from the table. “I’m afraid it’ll turn you into a mean, avaricious man, and we shall have to disown you.”

72. His mother laughed, and following him to the door, watched him down the road; and returning to the breakfast table, was very happy at the expense of her husband’s credulity. All of which did not prevent her from scurrying to the door at the postman’s knock, nor prevent her from referring somewhat shortly to retired sergeant-majors of bibulous habits when she found that the post brought a tailor’s bill.

73. “Herbert will have some more of his funny remarks, I expect, when he comes home,” she said, as they sat at dinner.

74. “I dare say,” said Mr. White, pouring himself out some beer; “but for all that, the thing moved in my hand; that I’ll swear to.”

75. “You thought it did,” said the old lady soothingly.

76. “I say it did,” replied the other. “There was no thought about it; I had just—What’s the matter?”

77. His wife made no reply. She was watching the mysterious movements of a man outside, who, peering in an undecided

fashion at the house, appeared to be trying to make up his mind to enter. In mental connection with the two hundred pounds, she noticed that the stranger was well dressed, and wore a silk hat of glossy newness. Three times he paused at the gate, and then walked on again. The fourth time he stood with his hand upon it, and then with sudden resolution flung it open and walked up the path. Mrs. White at the same moment placed her hands behind her, and hurriedly unfastening the strings of her apron, put that useful article of apparel beneath the cushion of her chair

78. She brought the stranger, who seemed ill at ease, into the room. He gazed at her furtively, and listened in a preoccupied fashion as the old lady apologized for the appearance of the room, and her husband’s coat, a garment which he usually reserved for the garden. She then waited as patiently as her sex would permit, for him to broach his business, but he was at first strangely silent.

79. “I—was asked to call,” he said at last, and stooped and picked a piece of cotton from his trousers. “I come from Maw and Meggins.”

80. The old lady started. “Is anything the matter?” she asked, breathlessly. “Has anything happened to Herbert? What is it? What is it?”

81. Her husband interposed. “There, there, mother,” he said, hastily. “Sit down, and don’t jump to conclusions. You’ve not brought bad news, I’m sure, sir;” and he eyed the other wistfully.

82. “I’m sorry—” began the visitor.

83. “Is he hurt?” demanded the mother, wildly.

84. The visitor bowed in assent. “Badly hurt,” he said, quietly, “but he is not in any pain.”

85. “Oh, thank God!” said the old woman, clasping her hands. “Thank God for that! Thank—”

86. She broke off suddenly as the sinister meaning of the assurance dawned upon her and she saw the awful confirmation of her fears in the other’s averted face. She caught her breath, and turning to her slower-witted husband, laid her trembling old hand upon his. There was a long silence.

87. “He was caught in the machinery,” said the visitor at length in a low voice.

88. “Caught in the machinery,” repeated Mr. White, in a dazed fashion, “yes.”

89. He sat staring blankly out at the window, and taking his wife’s hand between his own, pressed it as he had been wont to do in their old courting-days nearly forty years before.

90. “He was the only one left to us,” he said, turning gently to the visitor. “It is hard.”

91. The other coughed, and rising, walked slowly to the window. “The firm wished me to convey their sincere sympathy with you in your great loss,” he said, without looking round. “I beg that you will understand I am only their servant and merely obeying orders.”

92. There was no reply; the old woman’s face was white, her eyes staring, and her breath inaudible; on the husband’s face was a look such as his friend the sergeant might have carried into his first action.

93. “I was to say that Maw and Meggins disclaim all responsibility,” continued the other. “They admit no liability at all, but in consideration of your son’s services, they wish to present you with a certain sum as compensation.”

94. Mr. White dropped his wife’s hand, and rising to his feet, gazed with a look of horror at his visitor. His dry lips shaped the words. “How much?”

95. “Two hundred pounds,” was the answer.

96. Unconscious of his wife’s shriek, the old man smiled faintly, put out his hands like a sightless man, and dropped, a senseless heap, to the floor.

III

97. In the huge new cemetery, some two miles distant, the old people buried their dead, and came back to a house steeped in shadow and silence. It was all over so quickly that at first they could hardly realize it, and remained in a state of expectation as though of something else to happen— something else which was to lighten this load, too heavy for old hearts to bear.

98. But the days passed, and expectation gave place to resignation—the hopeless resignation of the old, sometimes miscalled, apathy Sometimes they hardly exchanged a word, for now they had nothing to talk about, and their days were long to weariness.

99. It was about a week after that the old man, waking suddenly in the night, stretched out his hand and found himself alone. The room was in darkness, and the sound of subdued weeping came from the window. He raised himself in bed and listened.

100. “Come back,” he said, tenderly. “You will be cold.”

101. “It is colder for my son,” said the old woman, and wept afresh.

102. The sound of her sobs died away on his ears. The bed was warm, and his eyes heavy with sleep. He dozed fitfully, and then slept until a sudden wild cry from his wife awoke him with a start.

103. “The paw!” she cried wildly “The monkey’s paw!”

104. He started up in alarm. “Where? Where is it? What’s the matter?”

105. She came stumbling across the room toward him. “I want it,” she said, quietly. “You’ve not destroyed it?”

106. “It’s in the parlour, on the bracket,” he replied marvelling. “Why?”

107. She cried and laughed together, and bending over, kissed his cheek.

108. “I only just thought of it,” she said, hysterically “Why didn’t I think of it before? Why didn’t you think of it?”

109. “Think of what?” he questioned.

110. “The other two wishes,” she replied, rapidly. “We’ve only had one.”

111. “Was not that enough?” he demanded, fiercely.

112. “No,” she cried, triumphantly; “we’ll have one more. Go down and get it quickly, and wish our boy alive again.”

113. The man sat up in bed and flung the bed-clothes from his quaking limbs. “Good God, you are mad!” he cried, aghast.

114. “Get it,” she panted; “get it quickly, and wish—Oh, my boy, my boy!”

115. Her husband struck a match and lit the candle. “Get back to bed,” he said, unsteadily. “You don’t know what you are saying.”

116. “We had the first wish granted,” said the old woman, feverishly; “why not the second?”

117. “A coincidence,” stammered the old man.

118. “Go and get it and wish,” cried his wife, quivering with excitement.

119. The old man turned and regarded her, and his voice shook. “He has been dead ten days, and besides he—I would not tell you else, but—I could only recognize him by his clothing. If he was too terrible for you to see then, how now?”

120. “Bring him back,” cried the old woman, and dragged him toward the door. “Do you think I fear the child I have nursed?”

121. He went down in the darkness, and felt his way to the parlour, and then to the mantelpiece. The talisman was in its place, and a horrible fear that the unspoken wish might bring his mutilated son before him ere he could escape from the room seized upon him, and he caught his breath as he found that he had lost the direction of the door. His brow cold with sweat, he felt his way round the table, and groped along the wall until he found himself in the small passage with the unwholesome thing in his hand.

122. Even his wife’s face seemed changed as he entered the room. It was white and expectant, and to his fears seemed to have an unnatural look upon it. He was afraid of her.

123. “Wish!” she cried in a strong voice.

124. “It is foolish and wicked,” he faltered.

125. “Wish!” repeated his wife.

126. He raised his hand. “I wish my son alive again.”

127. The talisman fell to the floor, and he regarded it fearfully. Then he sank trembling into a chair as the old woman, with burning eyes, walked to the window and raised the blind.

128. He sat until he was chilled with the cold, glancing occasionally at the figure of the old woman peering through the window. The candle-end, which had burned below the rim of the china candle-stick, was throwing pulsating shadows on the ceilings and walls, until, with a flicker larger than the rest, it expired. The old man, with an unspeakable sense of relief at the failure of the talisman, crept back to his bed, and a minute or two afterward the old woman came silently and apathetically beside him.

129. Neither spoke, but lay silently listening to the ticking of the clock. A stair creaked, and a squeaky mouse scurried noisily through the wall. The darkness was oppressive, and

after lying for some time screwing up his courage, he took the box of matches, and striking one, went downstairs for a candle.

130. At the foot of the stairs the match went out, and he paused to strike another; and at the same moment a knock, so quiet and stealthy as to be scarcely audible, sounded on the front door.

131. The matches fell from his hand and spilled in the passage. He stood motionless, his breath suspended until the knock was repeated. Then he turned and fled swiftly back to his room, and closed the door behind him. A third knock sounded through the house.

132. “What’s that?” cried the old woman, starting up.

133. “A rat,” said the old man in shaking tones—“a rat. It passed me on the stairs.”

134. His wife sat up in bed listening. A loud knock resounded through the house.

135. “It’s Herbert!” she screamed, “It’s Herbert!”

136. She ran to the door, but her husband was before her, and catching her by the arm, held her tightly.

137. “What are you going to do?” he whispered hoarsely.

138. “It’s my boy; it’s Herbert!” she cried, struggling mechanically. “I forgot it was two miles away. What are you holding me for? Let go. I must open the door.”

139. “For God’s sake don’t let it in,” cried the old man, trembling.

140. “You’re afraid of your own son,” she cried, struggling. “Let me go. I’m coming, Herbert; I’m coming.”

141. There was another knock, and another. The old woman with a sudden wrench broke free and ran from the room. Her husband followed to the landing, and called after her appealingly as she hurried downstairs. He heard the chain

rattle back and the bottom bolt drawn slowly and stiffly from the socket. Then the old woman’s voice, strained and panting.

142. “The bolt,” she cried, loudly “Come down. I can’t reach it.”

143. But her husband was on his hands and knees groping wildly on the floor in search of the paw. If he could only find it before the thing outside got in. A perfect fusillade of knocks reverberated through the house, and he heard the scraping of a chair as his wife put it down in the passage against the door He heard the creaking of the bolt as it came slowly back, and at the same moment he found the monkey’s paw, and frantically breathed his third and last wish.

144. The knocking ceased suddenly, although the echoes of it were still in the house. He heard the chair drawn back, and the door opened. A cold wind rushed up the staircase, and a long loud wail of disappointment and misery from his wife gave him courage to run down to her side, and then to the gate beyond. The street lamp flickering opposite shone on a quiet and deserted road.

SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONS FOR STUDY

1. Does it add to the interest of a story, for you, when you are baffled by its mystery up to the very end?

2. What author’s detective stories do you consider the best? Why?

3. If possible, secure a copy of Voltaire’s “Zadig,” and write a short paper on Zadig’s reasoning.

4. Does the introduction of an element of the supernatural increase or lessen the interest of a story, for you?

5. Write about two-hundred words comparing (a) the work of Poe’s Dupin with Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes; (b) with that of any other fictional detective—Chesterton’s Father Brown, for example.

6. Explain what is meant by inductive reasoning.

7. Select from some magazine (a) a good detective story, and (b) a good story of the unexplained, or supernatural. (c) Discuss the relative merits of each.

8. Do you prefer Jacobs as a writer of humorous stories of sea-faring folk or as a writer of the weird?

9. Which of Poe’s stories do you like best, and why?

TEN REPRESENTATIVE STORIES OF MYSTERY AND FANTASY

“The Horla,” Guy de Maupassant, translated in Modern Ghosts.

“The Lost Duchess,” Anonymous, in The Lock and Key Library.

“The Golden Ingot,” Fitz-James O’Brien, in The Lock and Key Library.

“The Gold Bug,” Edgar Allan Poe, in Tales.

“The Black Spaniel,” Robert Hichens, in volume of same title.

“The Upper Berth,” F. Marion Crawford, in Short-Story Classics, American.

“The Adventure of the Dancing Men,” A. Conan Doyle, in The Return of Sherlock Holmes.

“The Venus of Ille,” Prosper Mérimée, translated in Little French Masterpieces

“The Pavilion on the Links,” Robert Louis Stevenson, in New Arabian Nights.

“The Damned Thing,” Ambrose Bierce, in Short-Story Classics, American

FOOTNOTES:

[19] Copyright, 1902, by Dodd, Mead & Co , in the collection of short-stories, The Lady of the Barge Used by permission

III STORIES OF EMOTION

The Last Class.—A D

Without Benefit of Clergy.—R K

In painting we may represent any fine figure we please; but we never can give it those enlivening touches which it may receive from words. To represent an angel in a picture, you can only draw a beautiful young man winged: but what painting can furnish out any thing so grand as the addition of one word, “the angel of the Lord?...” Now, as there is a moving tone of voice, an impassioned countenance, an agitated gesture, which affect independently of the things about which they are exerted, so there are words, and certain dispositions of words, which being peculiarly devoted to passionate subjects, and always used by those who are under the influence of any passion, touch and move us more than those which far more clearly and distinctly express the subject-matter.

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