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The Routledge Guidebook to James s Principles of Psychology 1st Edition
David E Leary
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The Routledge Guidebook to James’s Principles ofPsychology
The Routledge Guidebook to James’s Principles ofPsychology is an engaging and accessible introduction to a monumental text, first published in 1890, that has influenced the development of both psychological science and philosophical pragmatism in important and lasting ways. Written for readers approaching William James’s classic work for the first time as well as for those without knowledge of its entire scope, this guidebook not only places this work within its historical context, it provides clear explications of its intertwined aspects and arguments, and examines its relevance within today’s psychology and philosophy.
Offering a close reading of this text, TheRoutledgeGuidebookto James’sPrinciplesofPsychologyis divided into three main parts:
• Background
• Principles
• Elaborations.
It also includes two useful appendices that outline the sources of James’s various chapters and indicate the parallel coverages of two later texts written by James, an abbreviated version of his Principles and a psychological primer for teachers. This is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand this influential work.
David E. Leary is University Professor Emeritus and Dean of Arts and Sciences Emeritus at the University of Richmond, U.S.A.
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The Routledge Guidebook to James’s Principlesof Psychology
David E. Leary
First published 2018 by Routledge
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library ofCongress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Leary, David E., author.
Title: The Routledge guidebook to James’s Principles of psychology / Leary E. David.
Description: 1 [edition]. | New York : Routledge, 2018. |
Series: The Routledge guides to the great books | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017037335 | ISBN 9781138887510 (hbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781138887534 (pbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315714042 (e-book)
Subjects: LCSH: Psychology. | James, William, 1842–1910. Principles of psychology.
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017037335
ISBN: 978-1-138-88751-0 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-88753-4 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-71404-2 (ebk)
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Appendix A: Sources and treatments
Appendix B: Coverages and parallels
References
Index
Preface and acknowledgments
In 1878 the New York publisher Henry Holt invited a relatively unknown assistant professor of physiology to write a textbook on “the new psychology” for his firm’s American Science Series. Although psychology was still subsumed under philosophy in the academic curricula of the time, Holt realized that ongoing developments were beginning to transform psychology into a more scientifically oriented discipline. A shrewd businessman, Holt wanted to take advantage of a potential new market for book buyers. He assumed that the author he had selected, William James, would need about six months to write this book. To his astonishment, James told him that he would need at least two years. When Holt reluctantly agreed, he had no idea that, in the end, it would take a full twelve years for James to complete his magisterial Principles of Psychology. The outcome – an immediate classic in the field –justified the wait.
By the time this classic work appeared in 1890, its author had long since become a highly regarded professor of philosophy at Harvard and had earned an extensive readership through the publication of earlier versions of various chapters in his book. As a result, Principles was highly anticipated – not only by Holt! – and quickly became an international bestseller, at least to the extent that a two-volume, 1,400-page, scholarly book could become a bestseller. (After two initial printings of 1,800 copies, there were three more printings by 1899. In fact, Principlesseems never to have gone out of print, surely a rare achievement that puts Principles in a very select group of nineteenth-century works, especially those of a scientific character.) Two years later, Holt published James’s single-
volume abbreviation of this lengthy text, which was soon dubbed “Jimmy” to distinguish it from the lengthier “James.” This “briefer course” (which went through six printings by 1900) made the central arguments of Principlesavailable to a much wider and more diverse audience, including especially undergraduate college students, many of whom were drawn to the rapidly developing field that James presented in such striking ways. For more than a generation, both versions of James’s work played important roles in establishing the new psychology within academic and professional settings. It was the full-length Psychology, however, that became and remained the Bible of the field, spawning multiple lines of development within psychology, both scientific and applied. It also provoked new ideas and considerations among philosophers, at first in relation to psychological matters and later in relation to James’s philosophical publications on pragmatism, pluralism, and radical empiricism. At the same time it was taken up by many writers, artists, social scientists, and others who sought a better understanding of the human mind and behavior. Over the years an astonishing range of individuals credited James’s Principles of Psychology with stimulating their intellectual and creative lives. An illustrative list would include Bernard Berenson, Niels Bohr, Jorge Luis Borges, John Dewey, W. E. B. DuBois, Robert Frost, George Herbert Mead, Helen Keller, Walter Lippmann, Stephen C. Pepper, Gertrude Stein, Wallace Stevens, Lev Vygotsky, Alfred North Whitehead, and Ludwig Wittgenstein. More recent acknowledgments have come from Jacques Barzun, Antonio Damasio, Nelson Goodman, Hilary Putnam, Marilynne Robinson, Richard Rorty, and Oliver Sacks, among many others.
Time has done nothing to reduce the historical significance of James’s Principles. It is universally considered one of the major points of transition between the old spiritualistic and associationistic psychologies that stretched back to Plato, Aristotle, and early Christian thinkers, and the innovative scientific psychology that was emerging through the amalgamation of these traditions with modern
physiology, evolutionary biology, experimental probings of normal psychological phenomena, and clinical observations of what James called “exceptional mental states.” The Principles of Psychology is also acknowledged to be a crucial text in the development of modern philosophy – in fact, it is the last text to be considered a classic in both psychology and philosophy – and it remains, as one notable scholar has said, “the best single work from which to learn the historical background of contemporary discussions in philosophical psychology.” Indeed, in this same author’s estimation, it is not only “the most stimulating and provocative [book] ever written in its area,” it is also “a seemingly inexhaustible source of ideas for philosophers of psychology” (Myers 1981, xl). The same can be said about its potential fruitfulness for psychologists.
Despite its acclaimed place in the histories of both psychology and philosophy, however, ThePrinciplesofPsychologyis read today, if at all, in highly selective, piecemeal fashion, mirroring the hyperspecialization that pushed psychology and philosophy apart in the decades after James’s death and then began to separate subfields within each discipline. As a result, it seems fair to say that Principles is more often consulted than thoroughly studied these days. Whether exploring the roots of their own areas of interest or simply trolling for lively, apt quotations from one of the great stylists of the English language, physiological psychologists tend to restrict their reading of James’s Principlesto his chapter regarding “The Functions of the Brain”; behaviorally oriented psychologists typically focus on his chapter regarding “Habit”; cognitive psychologists cite but aren’t quite sure what to do with his chapter on “The Stream of Thought”; personality and social psychologists tout his chapter on “The Consciousness of Self”; clinical psychologists are attracted to his chapters on “Emotion” and “Hypnotism”; and so on. All tend to ignore the chapters that fall outside their own narrowly defined domains, thus missing some of the insights they might gather from this classic work. Meanwhile, philosophers who read Principlesdo so,
typically, in similarly limited ways, often in search of – or reaction against – the conceptual roots of the philosophical topics that concern them.
Against this backdrop, the premise of this book is that much of the value and potential contemporary relevance of ThePrinciplesof Psychology is embedded less in its instructive treatment of this or that topic, and more in the overarching vision conveyed by its various parts, when read and considered in unison. James had interesting things to say about many topics – about emotion, for instance, as well as thought – but what distinguishes his work, as contrasted with the specialized literature of our time, are the ways he treated topics, such as emotion and cognition, as being ineluctably linked in actual experience, an insight that has only recently been “rediscovered” in psychology and philosophy. The same kinds of insight regarding the linkages between body and mind, habit and thought, perception and conception, imagination and memory, consciousness and subconsciousness, attention and will, and self and others have been missed over the years by selective readers of Principles. Many recent developments in psychology and philosophy could have occurred earlier if Principles had continued to be read asawholerather than inparts. James not only knew many things that have been forgotten, he also suggested many things that were admittedly conjectural yet highly probable, and remain so today, awaiting further investigation. In any case, James’s vision of the basic connectedness of psychological experience underlies my strategic decision, implemented throughout this book, to consider topics that he addressed within various combinations, while making occasional retrospective and prospective excursions to tighten the knots that connect his treatments to past and future developments in psychology and philosophy. Focusing primarily on just two topics at a time will undoubtedly simplify James’s vision – he, after all, saw everythingas interrelated – but I cannot treat all the connections that James discussed within the
scope of this book. Hopefully, proceeding in this manner rather than treating each topic separately will both clarify and exemplify the kindsof insight that can be taken with profit from James’s Principles, even today.
I have, of course, incurred many debts in the years leading up to the writing of this book. They reach back decades before I knew anything about William James. Although none of us can specify all of our important formative influences and obligations, any short list of mine would include my parents Thomas and Betty Leary, my wife Marjorie and children Emily, Elizabeth, and Matthew, my teachers George Stocking, Jr., and Stephen Toulmin, and my sometimementor Sigmund Koch. This list could be expanded almost without end to include many scholars, only some of whom I know personally, whose research has informed my studies of James and his work. Among them are Francesca Bordogna, George Cotkin, Paul Croce, John Patrick Diggins, Rand Evans, Howard Feinstein, Russell B. Goodman, John Greenwood, David Hollinger, Alexander Klein, James Kloppenberg, Bruce Kuklick, James Livingston, John J. McDermott, Gerald E. Myers, Ralph Barton Perry, Hilary Putnam, Robert Richards, Joan Richardson, Robert D. Richardson, Richard Rorty, Charlene Haddock Seigfried, Linda Simon, Ignas Skrupskelis, Michael Sokal, Eugene Taylor, Bruce Wilshire, and William Woodward. And of course, good friends and intellectual colleagues, like Joseph Chinnici, Raymond Hilliard, and Hugh West, have made the passage of years both more pleasurable and profitable. Finally, I want to acknowledge the University of New Hampshire, where my professional journey started 40 years ago, and thank the University of Richmond, where I have worked for almost three decades, for various forms of support, both social and financial in nature.
Writing a book about a masterpiece written by someone who has earned my respect and admiration has inevitably stirred feelings of personal responsibility: primarily, to be as faithful as possible to the insights of this pioneer of both modern psychology and modern
philosophy. To the extent that I have succeeded, I am pleased to think that some – hopefully many – who read this book will be moved by my words to seek out his words: to read James in the original, firsthand, without the filter of my account or anyone else’s. The number of those who pick up “James” or “Jimmy” because of this book will be the ultimate measure of its success.
Just as James felt that any verbal formulation is “ever not quite” what needs to be said, I offer this book with a palpable sense of its insufficiency…yet with gratitude to have this opportunity to introduce others to one of the most interesting, charming, provocative, and consequential thinkers of the past few centuries.
Finally, I would like to add that I gladly accepted the invitation to write this book in appreciation of how much I have profited from similar efforts on the part of others, not just in guidebooks but more broadly in the kind of fundamental work that benefits and supports the understanding and work of others. To give but a few examples, I am referring to the kind of persistent, systematic, and too-oftenunheralded efforts of individuals like Ignas Skrupskelis who has appended endlessly useful editorial notes to Harvard University Press’s edition of James’s works and to the University Press of Virginia’s collection of James’s letters; of Robert D. Richardson who, in addition to producing his marvelous intellectual biography of James, has patiently gathered and made available a comprehensive listing of the primary sources used throughout James’s extensive body of work; and of Ermine Algaier who is now making annotations of Harvard University’s collection of James’s personal library. These and other such efforts will provide untold future scholars with the means to advance James scholarship upon a firm and previously unavailable foundation. This book is not precisely of the same sort, but I hope that it too will be useful to many others – to students, teachers, scholars, and simply interested persons alike – as they try to understand James’s wide-ranging and still vibrant thoughts. I would like to think, for instance, that some scholars who may be
working on one aspect of James’s oeuvre will want to be sure that they are not distorting or overlooking the significance of some other aspects, and might therefore find it useful to read various chapters of this book. But no matter how useful this book proves to be, my reward, beyond the pleasure of introducing or re-introducing The Principles of Psychology to others, is to have spent so much time with an extraordinary man and mind.
Abbreviations and sources
The vast majority of textual citations in this work will refer to James’s full-length Principles (1890), but occasional citations will point to his shortened Briefer Course (1892) and his later Talks to TeachersonPsychology (1899). In case of ambiguity, Principles will be indicated by PP; Psychology by PBC (for Psychology: Briefer Course); and Talks to Teachers on Psychology by TTP. Abbreviated citations will also be used for James’s Varieties of Religious Experience(VRE) and TheCorrespondenceofWilliamJames(CWJ). Other abbreviated citations, as listed in the References will be made to additional works by James. In quoting from his works I have at times omitted or added italics.
All citations of James’s works will refer to the definitive Harvard University Press editions. Since the pagination of Principles is continuous across the two volumes of text, no references to volume numbers will be given. A third volume of the Harvard edition of Principles contains editorial notes, appendices, and scholarly information as well as an index of the names and subjects covered in the first two volumes.
For a complete listing of the chapters in Principles, see Appendix A, which also indicates the sources of some of these chapters as well as the chapters in which each is treated in this book. Appendix B provides a comparison of chapter topics in James’s three related textbooks on psychology – PP, PBC, and TPP.
Part I
BACKGROUND
1
LIFE AND WORK
William James (1842–1910) was one of the leading psychologists as well as one of the leading philosophers of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Unlike most American intellectuals at the time, his reputation was as firmly established in Europe as in the United States. He is remembered now, in particular, as one of the founders of modern scientific psychology as well as a leading proponent of philosophical pragmatism, pluralism, and radical empiricism. His legacy in psychology has taken the form of various streams of development, ranging from neurological and behavioral psychology at one end of the spectrum to cognitive and humanistic psychology at the other. His legacy in philosophy has revolved primarily around the pragmatic tradition, with its unique approach to truth, knowledge, and belief. And beyond these more particular areas of influence, he is regarded as a significant contributor to modern culture, still read and frequently quoted for his sage reflections on the meaning of life, the value of religion, the dignity of individuals, the importance of character, and many other topics. All of these legacies are firmly rooted in his Principles of Psychology (1890).
William James was named after his grandfather, a poor Irish immigrant who used a variety of business ventures to become one of the richest individuals in the United States. His wealth allowed
James’s father, Henry, to be an independent scholar. Henry’s chosen field was theology, which he pursued in a somewhat unorthodox manner, following the inspiration of the Swedish scientist-mystic Emanuel Swedenborg. Like Swedenborg, Henry was convinced that there would be no conflict between religion and science if the province of each was properly understood. He shared this conviction with his friend Ralph Waldo Emerson, who visited the James family soon after William was born in New York City on January 11, 1842. Especially after the mid-1860s, when the James family moved to Boston and then to nearby Cambridge, the Concord-based Emerson was a fixture in their lives. In many ways, William can be seen as fulfilling Emerson’s famous call for “American scholars” who would pursue innovative thought with the kind of independence from European predecessors that behooved citizens of the revolutionary United States of America. Many of James’s later ideas reflect his early and continuing exposure to Emerson’s ways of thinking.
Henry and his wife Mary had four more children after William. Next in line was Henry, Jr., who became a famous novelist; then came Garth Wilkinson, Robertson, and sister Alice, whose posthumously published diary revealed what it was like to grow up as a female in a household dominated by talented males. Henry, Sr., didn’t believe that the American school system was adequate for the needs of his children, so he frequently bundled them off to Europe, where they had a rather haphazard education, but benefited from exposure to different national cultures, multiple languages, and a wider range of literatures than they would have encountered in the United States. In this cosmopolitan atmosphere, besides developing linguistic and social skills that would serve him well later in life, William enjoyed access to some of the greatest museums of Europe. As a result, he was drawn to art and, during a return to the United States in 1858–9, he began to study painting with William Morris Hunt in Newport, RI. After yet another sojourn to Europe, he became an apprentice to Hunt in 1860. This artistic experience
helped him understand the significance of visual and mental perspective, and it deepened his appreciation of the role of attention in perception, both of which – perspective and attention – were to be distinctive and consequential emphases of his psychology and, by extension, his philosophy. However, partly because of his father’s reservations about artistic careers, William forsook painting and in 1861 enrolled in Harvard’s Lawrence Scientific School, where he studied chemistry, anatomy, and physiology.
When the Civil War began, the youngest two sons signed up and fought, but for reasons that are not entirely clear, neither William nor his brother Henry served, even though they were strongly committed to the Union cause. While it is true that health issues complicated their situation, it is also clear that their father didn’t want them to volunteer…and they didn’t. Although there was nothing exceptional in their avoidance of service – only one out of sixteen eligible northerners actually enlisted in the Union’s army or navy – it seems that not following up on their commitment to the cause aroused issues that each had to face. William, in any case, would suffer more than a decade and a half of self-questioning and selfdoubt, aimed overtly at his vocational crisis (what he should become) but perhaps covertly related to who he was (and whether that was what he wanted to be). Lingering queries and qualms almost certainly played a role in his protracted indecision about a career and prompted his related interests in the making of self, freedom of will, role of emotions, and sense of reality. Each of these topics is a prominent and for many an attractive feature of his PrinciplesofPsychology.
At the Lawrence Scientific School, William moved from one science to another as he also read widely in literature, philosophy, and the new physics of motion, force, and energy. His deepest and most persistent attraction was to philosophy, which he read and discussed with a remarkably talented group of friends (including Charles S. Peirce and Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.), but he worried
that introspective reflection and systematic questioning of settled opinions, as demanded by a career in philosophy, would prove too taxing for him, both emotionally and physically. Meanwhile, his health issues – expanding to include “melancholy” and “neurasthenia,” in the terminology of the time – continued to plague him during these years, giving him a lifelong sympathy for those who suffer such difficulties as well as a personal interest in understanding the causes of mental illness. Largely because of his own psychological issues, he switched to Harvard’s Medical School in 1864. Then, in 1865–6, he went on a long specimen-gathering expedition to Brazil, under the leadership of the geologist and zoologist Louis Agassiz, one of the foremost scientists in the world. Though he came to respect Agassiz’s empirical observations, he was dismayed by his anti-Darwinism, and the experiences afforded by this expedition smothered any potential interest that he had in field research. Returning to medical school, he continued his study of anatomy and physiology until he went once again to Europe, still hoping to find a cure for his continuing poor health. While there, he developed a strong interest in recent advances in sensory physiology, electrophysiology, and neurology, all of which would be instrumental in his later contributions to psychology. Finally, in 1869, he earned his Harvard M.D., the only degree he ever earned.
James never practiced medicine. Instead, on and off over the next years, he taught comparative anatomy and physiology at Harvard and served for a while as the Acting Director of Harvard’s Museum of Comparative Anatomy. Then, in 1875, he taught the first course on physiological psychology in the United States. In connection with this course he offered a lab that has been called the first laboratory for experimental psychology in the United States, though it was used primarily for demonstrations and replications rather than original research. Teaching this course on physiological psychology – or more precisely, on “The Relations between Physiology and Psychology” – was a turning point in James’s life as
well as in the development of scientific psychology. Fortuitously, the course caught the attention of Harvard’s Board of Overseers, who had been concerned about stagnation in Harvard’s Department of Philosophy. The immediate popularity of James’s course, both its topic and his style of teaching, prompted the Overseers to support James’s interest in teaching and advancing the new psychology. In 1876 they appointed him Assistant Professor of Physiology, even as he continued teaching both graduate and undergraduate courses in psychology. In 1880, his title was changed to Assistant Professor of Philosophy. By 1885 he was a Professor of Philosophy, and in 1889 he was awarded the Alford Professorship of Psychology. In 1897, as he turned more attention to philosophy, he requested that his title be changed back to Professor of Philosophy. He held this title until he retired from teaching in 1907.
James’s “annus mirabilis” was 1878, the year in which he married Alice Howe Gibbens, published his first substantive articles, and signed a contract to write a major textbook – the book that would eventually be published as The Principles of Psychology (1890). Although he was never completely free of health issues, he was notably better from that time until he began to have heart troubles in the late 1890s. Meanwhile, as he worked on Principles, he wrote a series of articles that formed the basis for many of its chapters. (For a listing of these articles, see Appendix A of this book.) Once his book was published, James devised a briefer version for classroom use and continued to explore altered states of consciousness as well as various clinical conditions (all of which he called “exceptional mental states”) as he slowly turned more and more of his attention to philosophical topics and concerns. Prior to 1890, he had been teaching philosophical as well as psychological courses, but with his Principles finally in print, he had more time to pursue the philosophical matters that interested him. In the late 1890s he began to develop and advocate pragmatism, which proved to be particularly relevant in framing his distinctive approach toward the
new “science of religion.” Based upon lectures he had delivered at Edinburgh in 1901–2, James’s Varieties of Religious Experience (1902), his second masterwork, was both a profound psychological text and a notable illustration of his reliance on pragmatic principles. It was also, in essence, an affirmation of his father’s conviction that science and religion need not be in conflict. Though not formally religious himself, William ended up doing what his father had hoped to do: He demonstrated the possibility of a more coherent and respectful relation between science and religion, first by showing that science has its own belief system and then by articulating the tangible real-world benefits of religion. His classic work, subtitled “A Study in Human Nature,” is still considered one of the most significant texts on the psychology of religion.
Over the years, William and Alice had five children, one of whom died in childhood. Though William loved his work (despite his frequent protests about the demands of teaching), he enjoyed escaping to the outdoors whenever he could, often to hike in the Adirondacks, and he was rarely so much at peace as when he was with his family at their summer home in Chocorua, NH.
James spent his entire career at Harvard, taking occasional leaves to recuperate and interact with colleagues in Europe. He was a very popular teacher and highly regarded as a public lecturer. His books were generally based on ideas that he had initially worked out in his teaching and then articulated, more formally, in his public lectures. Besides The Principles of Psychology (1890) and his abbreviated Briefer Course(1892), these works included TheWilltoBelieve and Other Essays on Popular Philosophy (1897), Talks to Teachers on Psychology and to Students on Some of Life’s Ideals (1899), The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902), Pragmatism (1907), A Pluralistic Universe (1909), and The Meaning of Truth (1909). Two other volumes – an incomplete SomeProblemsofPhilosophy (1911) and a gathering of his Essays in RadicalEmpiricism (1912) – were
published after his death from heart failure in Chocorua, NH, on August 26, 1910.
It is easy to forget how vastly things have changed in science, education, and society over the past 150 years. When William James became a student at Harvard in the early 1860s, there were fewer than 500 students in Harvard College and Harvard’s Lawrence Scientific School combined, and all of them were white males from prosperous or fairly prosperous families. At the same time, there were fewer than thirty professors and only one professor of philosophy. That single professor of philosophy was, necessarily, the only professor of psychology, since psychology was still a subfield of philosophy, which had its recent roots in the work of the seventeenth-century British philosopher John Locke, the eighteenthcentury Scottish philosopher David Hume, and their disciples. Its more distant roots, however, lay in the work of Aristotle, the ancient Greek philosopher and naturalist. So in the 1860s, the human mind, to the Harvard professor as much as to Locke, Hume, and Aristotle, was understood to be a theater of “ideas” that came and went from consciousness in various configurations and relations according to “the laws of association.” Reasoning and willing, in this tradition, were explained as mental manipulations of those same associations of ideas, and to the extent they were treated at all, emotions were depicted as manifestations of the consonances and conflicts among ideas.
So, very old ways of thinking were still regnant when James attended Lawrence Scientific School (though he himself never took a course on psychology or philosophy). Nonetheless, ferment and change were in the air. The emerging branches of what had until recently been called “natural philosophy” were undergoing rapid development. Chemistry, geology, and physics were exploding in new directions, and biology was not far behind. As the experimental work of Johannes Müller, Hermann von Helmholtz, Gustav Theodor
Fechner, and others revolutionized sensory physiology, the evolutionary theorizing of Charles Darwin, especially as advanced in his Origin of Species (1859), was changing the life sciences and casting exciting, if sometimes disturbing light on “the sciences of man,” including psychology.
In psychology, a number of works more or less representative of the trend toward “the new psychology” were published in the decades before James’s Principles. Chief among them were transitional works like Herbert Spencer’s ThePrinciplesofPsychology (1855) and Alexander Bain’s The Senses and the Intellect (1855) and The Emotions and the Will (1859). There were also compendia of relevant experimental and empirical research, the most famous being Wilhelm Wundt’s PrinciplesofPhysiologicalPsychology(1874). And in the years just before James’s Principles appeared, some works that depended upon past philosophical approaches, like James Sully’s associationistic Outlines ofPsychology (1884), John Dewey’s Hegelian-inspired Psychology (1887), and George Trumbull Ladd’s rationalistic Elements of PhysiologicalPsychology (1887), pointed in various ways toward future developments. None, however, offered the same balance of scientific, humanistic, and what might be called rhetorical assets that brought James’s Principles so immediately to the forefront of developments in the new psychology.
Other factors played a role in the emergence of scientific psychology. For instance, in the years of James’s youth, public intellectuals like Ralph Waldo Emerson were offering new ways to think about the human mind and human experience. Often criticizing traditional religious notions, whether implicitly or explicitly, they prompted greater openness regarding the nature and limits of human capacities, thereby expanding the desire and the audience for new forms of psychology. The transcendentalist movement that Emerson helped to start brought the quest for spiritual enlightenment into the secular realm. Not surprisingly, it was the transcendentalists and their heirs who ushered in translations and
explorations of Eastern thought and meditative practices, thus intensifying curiosity about the role of mind and spirit in human life.
In the 1860s, the abrupt and premature loss of so many lives in the Civil War provoked a precipitous rise of interest in the afterlife and the possibilities of communicating with the dead. Spiritualism, séances, psychical research, and widespread interest in “spirits” and “souls” fed a more general demand for knowledge of all things spiritual and psychological. In fact, the American Society for Psychical Research, founded in 1884, sought empirical confirmation of reports regarding spirit communication, telepathy, and the like.
James himself, skeptical yet hopeful, was active in the ASPR and spent time exploring the possibility of discovering relevant empirical data regarding some of these phenomena. Largely under his influence, the ASPR became the first organization to establish a “Committee for Experimental Psychology.” All of this fed off earlier public enthusiasm for phrenology and mesmerism, which had prompted investigations of brain and mind while also nurturing myriad forms of “mind cure” and pastoral counseling that eventually melded into the emerging fields of abnormal and clinical psychology. Also in the 1880s, the use of natural hallucinogens (e.g., cocaine, marijuana, and peyote) and artificial gases (e.g., nitrous oxide) provided opportunities for experiences that cast doubt on previous assumptions about consciousness. As altered forms of consciousness came to the attention of the public as well as scholars, doubt was cast – or at least questions were raised – about traditional notions regarding the nature and variety of psychological states, not to mention the relation between these states and apparent physiological causes.
Meanwhile, new ways of organizing society and work were being implemented. For the first time in history, scientific research was becoming a commonly accepted form of compensated work rather than an elective activity of a relatively few wealthy or sponsored individuals. Thus, in 1848, the American Association for the
Advancement of Science was formed, and in subsequent years many individual sciences were given their own institutional foundations (e.g., the American Neurological Society was formed in 1875 and the American Chemical Society in 1876). Humanistic scholars and social scientists were not far behind in organizing themselves (e.g., historians organized in 1884, economists in 1885, and political scientists in 1889). And just two years after the publication of James’s PrinciplesofPsychology(1890), the American Psychological Association was established under the leadership of G. Stanley Hall, James’s first Ph.D. student in psychology. James would serve as president of this organization on two separate occasions.
With these new organizations came new means of communication, including professional meetings and journals, which accelerated the dissemination of new ideas and new ways of doing things. In the United States alone, before the turn of the century, the American Journal of Psychology, Psychological Review, and Psychological Bulletin became major outlets for scientific work in psychology. One effect of professional organizations was the establishment of membership as proof of “expertise” and hence the “right” of some individuals rather than others to engage in, and be compensated for, professional activities. With regard to psychology, this helped to reduce and eventually to eliminate most of the competition regarding who could speak authoritatively about the human mind and who could treat minds that were “stressed” or “ill” (to use then-popular metaphors drawn from engineering and medicine). Thus, the views and efforts of phrenologists, mesmerists, psychical researchers, and psychics of various sorts were first marginalized and then removed almost entirely from the scene. Professionalization also, at times, created tensions between traditional religious counselors and the new psychological therapists, though in the early years of clinical psychology (around the turn of the twentieth century) there was a great deal of collaboration, as
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Title: The wellsprings of space
Author: Albert Teichner
Illustrator: Dan Adkins
Release date: March 21, 2024 [eBook #73226]
Language: English
Original publication: New York, NY: Ziff-Davis Publishing Company, 1961
Credits: Greg Weeks, Mary Meehan and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WELLSPRINGS OF SPACE ***
Like oases in the desert, they were spaced through the universe to replenish the electron-thirst of the giant ships. But Old Huddleston had seen the problem: What kind of currency serves to buy matter from ...
The WELLSPRINGS OF SPACE
By ALBERT TEICHNER
Illustrated by ADKINS
[Transcriber's Note: This etext was produced from Amazing Stories October 1961. Extensive research did not uncover any evidence that the U.S. copyright on this publication was renewed.]
The three top scientists had come to describe their greatest triumph to the revered Huddleston; after centuries of bitter disagreement the world's cosmologists were now unanimous in accepting the newlyproposed Lowen-Crane-and-Fitzhugh Hypothesis. At three hundred Huddleston was doddering toward death but the great man certainly deserved to know in his more lucid moments that the problems he had outlined long ago were finally solved. He had been the first to prophesy that all parsec journeys to the stars must fail because each
spaceship would steadily lose electrons to the weak magnetic field of the galaxy. The few weakened shells that had managed to limp back into the solar system had proven his point.
He was having one of his brighter periods when they came in. Not only were his eyes and wrinkled flesh glowing with pink health (the illusory super-health of the very aged) but he knew instantly who they were. "My best pupils!" he chuckled, curling his plasti-patched lips. "May your lives be as long and as happy as mine has been."
Lowen, four-square solid and close to seven feet in height, almost automatically became the spokesman for the trio. "We have the best news of all for your final phase," he said with bluff kindliness. "The electron leakage problem has been solved."
The old man's eyes widened and a network of hairfine lines proliferated around them. "It can't be done," he said, wistfully gazing out his window at the night sky, then at the shelves of antique bottles that ringed the room. "We're the eternal prisoners of the solar system. You shouldn't tease an old man."
They exchanged knowingly sympathetic glances. None of them could ever be the great pioneer that he had been but even a midget standing on a giant's shoulder could see further than the giant himself.
"We now know there is continuous creation of matter out in space." Lowen paused dramatically for the point to sink in but the ancient only continued to look incredulous. He hurried on. "It was simply a matter of incorrect methodology, Learned Master We have always assigned too many of the decision-functions in this area to computers when it was too purely a creative problem for anything but human minds."
Huddleston had suddenly become serious. "That could make a difference. Well, I haven't given a moment's thought to the whole matter for fifty years—much too exhausting when you're having so
many prosthetic operations, much nicer to putter around with hobbies like old maps and bottles—but, gentlemen, just before I gave up, oh now it's clear as if it were yesterday! I remember thinking what you've just said: This problem's too basic for automated analysis. If I'd only been less tired; but, by then—."
"You'd already done more than your share," Fitzhugh consoled him. "And we have more precise instruments now. The big breakthrough came on the data from the newest Jupiter observatory. Every once in a while it would pick up unaccountable Doppler shifts from the direction of Arcturus but the disturbing area was too small for an accurate fix at such a distance. That was the beginning—Crane and I worked out the rest. But Lowen made the great practical achievement. Together we achieved a hypothesis that proves beyond any question that the universe has no beginning, will have no end and is constantly receiving new matter as it expands, matter from other dimensions—in a word, continuous creation."
"You can imagine the uproar at first," Lowen grinned, "especially since the big-bang theory has held the field for two centuries. That's why we had to tell you quickly—you never surrendered your mind to any dogma, always kept it open."
Huddleston spryly took the sheaf of reports that Lowen had been holding and started to glance rapidly through them. "Brilliant, brilliant! What I'd give to be young again."
"You'll tire yourself," Fitzhugh said. "We didn't expect you to do an analysis."
"Nonsense," the old man snapped waspishly. "This gives me new life, just seeing what you youngsters are up to. Of course, though, continuous creation can't make any difference as far as parsec travel is concerned."
"But it does!" they all shouted.
Huddleston laughed. "Now, now, gentlemen. Just because hydrogen atoms are springing into being from nothingness throughout space doesn't mean—."
"That's not how it is," Crane said, speaking down to Huddleston as if he were the tallest man in the room, not the shortest. "Lowen has shown that continuous creation does not take place everywhere. That's his great practical discovery and—"
"It happens at specific, restricted points," Lowen broke in. "Great streams of hydrogen and free electrons welling into our universe the way water does out of dry ground."
Huddleston let the report slip from his hands onto a table and stared at them. He was very pale now. "My God, I think I see what you're getting at."
They considered each other, bewildered by his reaction to such good news. "You must be missing the real point, Learned Master," said Lowen. "The wellsprings are spaced at approximately one million parsecs apart. I've already pinpointed hundreds of them. We established the first one from the Jupiter readings and the rest practically mapped themselves out. It has checked out a dozen different ways. That was one place where the computers could handle the job—on the checkout." He tapped the report with his thumb. "Nodes of lifesaving electrons across the deepest reaches of space—."
"—where each spaceship can bathe its weakened structure," suggested Huddleston, "refill every lattice gap where electrons have dropped out."
"Exactly. You still can always see to the heart of the matter, Learned Master."
Huddleston sank into a chair, shaking his head as if dazed. "It won't work."
"Why not?" they demanded, astounded.
"I don't know. I just know that it can't work. You never get something for nothing. What would you lose at each wellspring?"
"Nothing!" Lowen insisted. "You see, the ship's structure would be strengthened as the empty electron positions were refilled. Then we
would shift back into hyperdrive and move on to the next wellspring. The ancient systems of caravan waterholes but on a cosmic scale."
The old man pounded the table energetically. "No, no! Oh, I'm willing to accept your calculations as far as they go. You were all excellent students and have had distinguished careers and you're in your eighties at the first peak of vigor. But nothing can be this convenient. I sense that the problem lies—." He was chalk-white now, his hands shaking. "Lies in those maps of ancient Manhattan. Did Broadway go into Grand Central or stop at North Michigan Avenue? Annie, Annie," he shouted, "where are the subway maps?"
His niece came running into the room, carrying some rare antique maps, and gasped as she saw him. "You'll all have to go," she whispered. "I've never seen him this bad before."
"Here, uncle, here are your favorite maps." He took them from her with quivering fingers, mumbling something about it being time.
"One more question," Lowen persisted.
She whirled on him, anger making her look much younger than her nearly two centuries. "Get out of here, the whole bunch of you— distinguished men! Haven't you the sense to see how he is? All he wants now is his little hobby."
"But we have to get an explanation from him," Crane protested. "It's very import—."
Fitzhugh tugged at his elbow. "Forget it, Crane. His mind's far away now."
They retreated to the door. Eunice Huddleston gave them one sharp glance, then turned back to her uncle who was slipping into sleep, his face still deathly pale.
They stopped in the garden outside the great man's house and Crane shook his head, worried. "I'd give a lot to know what he was thinking about."
Lowen thumped his back encouragingly "He was a very great man but, well, after three hundred years, he's entitled to the special pleasures of senility."
"He seemed so lucid for a while," Fitzhugh said, "I mean when he saw the point of moving through the wellspring nodes to overcome materials fatigue." He shrugged. "No, you're right, Lowen. We'll have to go to the President without Huddleston's backing."
"I was thinking about his prestige. But his support really wouldn't have proven anything." Lowen shook his head. "I had no idea he had gone downhill that much in the last twenty years."
They joined in a sympathetic sigh for past greatness, then hurried on to the business of the future.
President Collins was pleased to see them. He was even happier when he was shown how the recent, highly-publicized discovery of the space nodes of continuous creation could be put to practical use. "There's a serious sociological problem that this can solve for us, gentlemen. You probably haven't given it much attention since your interests lie in other directions."
"We leave that to our political leaders," Lowen nodded. "They're thoroughly competent to do so."
"Thank you, Professor,—."
"No, President Collins, you're right—I don't have time to bother with imprecise life studies." Lowen tried to keep contempt out of his grin. "A little entertainment, somewhat more theory and lots of practical technical applications—that's my personal prescription for staying fully alive."
"Anyway your work fits the present social bill to a T," President Collins went on, choosing to disregard the unpleasant aspects of his visitor's one-sided nature for the pleasant fruits they had borne. "For close to two centuries now we have known we were trapped in the
general area of the solar system and society has learned to live with the limitation. But lately an indefinable restlessness has been growing—nothing in the least serious but it's there and continuous entertainment, study and sports just aren't enough to eliminate it. This renewed outward movement can, though. I'm backing your request for a new Stellar Reaches Expedition to the limit of my strength." He rubbed his chin, smiling sadly. "You know who we ought to get in touch with? Old Huddleston. He deserves to know. Come to think of it, his opinion would still carry plenty of weight with many people."
"We've told him," Lowen announced. "He was enormously impressed with the solution."
"Good, good. Now, there's an ultimate Master, if I ever heard of one, knowledge in every area, the humanities, mathematics, logic, poetry, physics—. What did he think about fatigued metal revival at the wellsprings?"
Lowen squinted. "Sad thing, Mister President, we couldn't get much of an opinion there. He's so worn-out." Lowen disregarded Fitzhugh's conscience-stricken look. "But he did grasp what we told him before he relapsed."
"It is a sad thing, isn't it? Well, the years get us all one way or the other, don't they?"
"I guess so," said Lowen, "but, Mr. Pres—."
Collins perked up. "Tell you what, though—he's liable to get a clear period any time and we really should have his thinking on this. I'll have that niece of his notify my office as soon as it happens and we'll go right over."
"He's in very bad shape," Lowen hastened to say. "It would just wear him down more."
"That bad, heh? Then I'd better make certain we get to see him very soon."
Lowen glared at the floor, ready to kick himself for aggravating an already touchy situation.
The intervideo snapped on. "Could you come out for a moment?" his secretary whispered on screen. She looked very upset.
"Certainly, Helen, I'll be right there." President Collins turned to them. "I hope you gentlemen will excuse me."
"Of course, Mister President." They all rose and bowed slightly in his direction.
"Maps," President Collins smiled just before he went out. "That's his big hobby now, isn't it? Wonder what I'll go in for when I reach the intermittent senile phase?" He grinned. "Oh well, I still have a century before that."
As soon as the door shut, Lowen whirled on his associates. "What the hell's the matter with you two? You looked as if you were going to spill the whole beans about the old man. We have to watch our step."
"But the implication about his reaction was somewhat distorted," Fitzhugh protested.
"Somewhat distorted! Well, what of it? The most innocent little distortion I ever heard! We don't even know what Huddleston really means, do we?"
"That's what I mean by distorted, Lowen. You didn't convey that impression—."
Lowen exploded. "You're making me sick! You too, Crane, you looked qualmish." He leaned forward, spitting his words through clenched teeth. "The hypocrisy of it—you'd lie to your own soul if anything got in the way of this project. But now you can make nice prissy postures because I'm doing the so-called dirty work for you."
Fitzhugh waved for calm. "Agreed, agreed, Lowen, it is much more important than a squeamish little point."
"Much more important," seconded Crane.
Collins made a grim-faced return. "I have news from Huddleston's niece."
The three men tensed. "What—," asked Lowen.
"Gentlemen, you were right about the seriousness of his condition. He's dead. She said he became so excited about something you had told him that he had a serious relapse. He started to babble incoherently and never returned to articulate speech."
They leaned back, more relaxed. "A terrible blow," said Crane. "The least we can do is carry forward his work."
"You're absolutely right." Tired, he rubbed his silver eye-brows for a moment. "Gentlemen, I'll see to it that the Expedition gets every bit of support it needs."
The next month was one of unaccustomed excitement for the tranquilly routine existence of human society. First the death of the one survivor of the earliest generation of Learned Masters and then the announcement about the renewed thrust to the stars that was to be enacted by the three men who had made it possible. There was talk for a time of constructing a larger ship that could carry a full crew complement but Lowen's arguments had quickly overcome such objections. For one thing, design and execution of the project would take many years. For another, it would require vast expenditures even in the preliminary stages. "Of course, the effort is worth any amount eventually," Lowen had been the first to emphasize, "but why not wait until we see what the results are from the smaller design first?"
"Very reasonable," President Collins had agreed. "You three have sacrificed your own interests far beyond the call of duty."
This devotion reinforced his decision to have the three men named Learned Masters before their theory was put to the ultimate test, a move that had been hopefully anticipated in their calculations. Here, though, some public opposition did develop. "No one has ever been
named a Learned Master under the age of one hundred and fifty," a few people pointed out. "Now, suddenly, we are told three men, none of them more than eighty-five, should be so honored! Even the great Huddleston never had that."
But President Collins expressed the feelings of the overwhelming majority of citizens when he said, "The successful accomplishment of the task these men have set themselves will be an even greater achievement than that of their first teacher." His viewpoint prevailed and, after much grumbling, the Solar Institute of Learning unanimously confirmed their nomination for supreme honors.
The ceremony took place four months after construction on the New Cosmos had begun and was celebrated in the great hall of the Institute. The world's most important figure in each major field of thought, usually a doddering oldster, gave a confirming speech; and the accompanying three-D explanations enthralled billions who suddenly discovered how bored they had been for the past century. The only flaw in an otherwise glorious day of festivities was the refusal of Eunice Huddleston to participate. She issued no public statement but they knew well enough that she still insisted they had somehow upset her uncle and that, if his death could not have been avoided, his final moments could have at least been happier ones without their intrusion.
Her abstention almost upset Fitzhugh. "Still," he managed to console himself, "she'll see the matter in a different light once we get back."
Lowen, though, remained altogether undisturbed by the development. "I feel like a distinguished oldster and like a vigorous youngster both at the same time. Learned Master—oh, my colleagues, how we've managed to speed things up!"
"Which just goes to prove," Crane laughed, "that you really can have your cake and eat it."
Planning the flight was much simpler than it seemed to the nonspecialist public. Very little of a new nature had to be added to the ship's design beyond what had been known for a long time. And there was no doubt that hyperdrive speeds far beyond those of light
were possible if the proper carrier components were selected from those that averaged out to the normal 186,000-mile limit. That had been mastered a long time ago. The only doubt had been about the ability to return. Now that was dispelled and they could safely plan to reach a point close to the galactic center and return within seven weeks. No calculations had been left to chance; the survey of all known factors showed that it was no more dangerous than a journey within the solar system—and that certainly was routine by now.
If anything, popular enthusiasm increased the longer the project lasted. Thousands of men threw themselves into the round-the-clock effort and nine months after construction had commenced the great sleek ship was ready.
The New Cosmos took off on a morning of bright spring sunlight but, instead of immediately moving onto special carrier components, stuck to solar velocities so that they first could make a triumphal tour of the system. Approaching Mars, they were met by a great fleet of commuting liners, rising to greet them with an enormous display of atomic fireworks, and in their circuit of Saturn they were treated to a special auroral display. Then, two days later, the last planet behind them, they moved into hyperdrive, heading for the first node of continuous creation.
Crane made his hundredth re-check and said, "We'll be there in forty minutes."
Outside the nearer stars had become tiny beeps of light, visible only for miniseconds, and only those of the farther reaches accompanied them fixedly on their way. Lowen gave regular two-minute interval readings of structural fatigue. "The electron loss is within one part in a million of estimate—and the error is in our favor We can proceed five hours without danger."
Fitzhugh beamed his contentment. "So much margin of safety—it's a beautiful universe!"
They established voice contact with Earth on the carrier components and spoke all at once into the receiver as the "Are you all right?" query came: "Never better!" they shouted.
Lowen was the first to pull himself out of their attack of space ecstasy. "We will start sending data following the first node," he intoned. "Twenty minutes to first report."
Then, suddenly, they were entering the area of continuous creation and looked out with awe on the one mystery in the universe that was even greater than that of life itself. The electron loss started to ease off at an accelerating rate, reached balance and finally moved into active acquisition. All around them the latticework of matter that was the New Cosmos was filling up again. They hurried to their assigned stations and intently studied the readings until the ship, as good as new, had passed beyond the initial wellspring.
Crane was the first to notice. After staring, hypnotized, at the master dial before him he suddenly became aware of his hand resting on the console below it. "My God!" he croaked.
They turned to look at each other in horror. "Turn back!" Lowen shrieked.
"We can't," Fitzhugh moaned, "it's set for the next node." He struggled desperately with his console and shouted into the sender, "Top Secret Scramble to President Collins, Top—." He fought to get the words out. "We're reversing back as soon as possible. It's all wrong. This way won't work. I can't talk much longer," he wheezed. "I've set for automatic return after the next wellspring. My God, it was so beautiful and it is so horrible. We're heading straight into the next wellspring now. It—."
Then the contact went dead.
Five hours later the great ship, undamaged, made a perfect automatic landing at the precise point from which it had left. Collins and a staff from the Institute were already waiting there, nervously
wondering whether they would really have to start looking for a new approach to the star travel problem. "They have to be all right," he said, as the ship came down. "It's in perfect shape. Probably some space hallucination."
As they moved toward the craft, the exit hatch opened and three wizened men came creeping out, leaning forward as if they were resting on canes. Their individual differences were barely distinguishable beneath the levelling networks of wrinkles but they were giggling hysterically.
"Old bottles!" Lowen kept cackling and each time he said it Crane and Fitzhugh joined him in wild laughter.
Collins stared, wide-eyed. "What was it?" he said.
Lowen squinted at him and there was the slightest glint of recognition as he became briefly lucid. "Ah yes! We didn't get it for nothing. We had to pay with—." The glint disappeared and he laughed. "Old bottles! I'm going to have the biggest collection in the world."
"What happened?" Collins pleaded, knowing even then that he would never get another rational word from any of them.
"Me too! Old bottles!"
"Collect them! Maybe maps too!"
"They've gone insane and they've become diseased," said a man from the Institute, shrinking back in disgust.
"No, not that, not really that. It's something else—They're only very old."
And in the split second of his saying that last word Collins knew what it was, what they had paid with. It was the only thing with which you could buy matter—Time.
THE END
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WELLSPRINGS OF SPACE ***
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