The historical times

The Historical Times

The Irish Taboo

Sylvester Cummins Along with looking at the overall journey of the Irish troops in the 36th and the 16th divisions, I will also look at one soldier in particular; Sylvester Cummins.

Personal Narrative

The purpose of this newspaper is to explore a uniquely Irish taboo. In order to get to Ireland’s taboo, and to fully understand it, we must first embark on a journey through history.

A journey from Ireland to France, and back to Ireland again, during one of the most important events in world history.

It is a journey of courage, loss, triumph, bitterness, sorrow, and betrayal.

The journey begins in 1914, as we follow Irish soldiers who joined the British army in order to fight in the Great War.

In particular I will follow the path of the 16th division as they marched into the pages of history, only to be forgotten by the nation they loved so dearly.

The articles and images in this newspaper will show the historical events which lead to the creation of Ireland’s taboo.

The story leading up to the taboo is as important as the taboo itself. So we must follow the path of the Irishmen who lived in this time, in order to fully understand it.

Their journed begins with the recruitment drive at the beginning of the war.

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He is a soldier of no particular significance, who’s journey was much the same as many other young Irish men. His story will give a personal account, and remind us throught this newspaper, that each one of these men who fough, and who died, were individuals.

I came across his story in an article by the

Irishtimes.com

John Redmond Powerful speech 20 September 1914: John Redmond, the Leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party encouraged members of the Irish Volunteers to join the British army on this day.

He did this in a speech at

Woodenbridge, Co. Wicklow. In the

wake of the British Parliament passing the Home Rule Act just two days previously [suspended for the duration of the War]

he pledged his support to the Allied cause.

The words he addressed to the Irish Volunteers that day were: continued on page 2

theguardian.com Gardian newspaper online. Mr. Cummins’ granddaughter wrote this article, telling his story.

This narrative will show clearly not just the horrors and the courage soldiers endured in the trenches of the great war, but also how Irish soldiers were treated when they returned home to Ireland once the war had ended;

This is the story of my greatgrandfather, of Ireland, and of the importance of remembering. Sylvester James Cummins was a carpenter, like his father.

He was born in 1886 in the small market town of Bagenalstown in the beautiful Barrow Valley in County Carlow, an hour south of Dublin. The town is still known by its original Irish name, Muinebeag, which means small thicket, the term given for a dense stand of trees.

The English name came from the landowner, Lord Walter Bagenal, who modelled the town on Versailles in France.

The Bagenalstown courthouse is based on that in Versailles, where the peace treaty between Germany and the Allied powers that officially ended the first world war was signed.

Irish Recruitment Mr. J. Redmond paid a visit to his constituents today, and was received with great enthusiasm.

As he explained in his speech, he did not which that any great political demonstration of welcome should be made in his favour at the crisis. Nevertheless, Waterford City and county, and the neighbouring counties of Wexford, Kilkenny, and Tipperary sent large contingents of Volunteers to greet him.

Mr. Redmond’s main purpose in coming to Waterford was to present colours to the Waterford Battalion of the National Volunteers.

Altogether, roughly speaking, between 4,000 and 5,000 volunteers assembled with banners, bands, and arms in the sports field outside the town.

The Mayor of the city, Alderman R. Power, and the Sheriff, Mr. M. M’Donnell, Mayor of Kilkenny, Mr Joseph Devlin, M.P.; Mr. Thomas Condon, M.P.; Mr. P. O’Brien, M.P.; Mr John Cullinan, M.P.’ Mr. M Murphy, M.P.; and Mr. W.A. Redmond, M.P., were amongst those present. Two flags, one green and the other blue, worked by the Women’s Auxiliary of the A.O.H., were presented to the Waterfront Battalion

by Mr. Redmond.

AN IRISH BRIGADE For his part, he felt convince that if what had been done for Wales and for Ulster had been done for the rest of Ireland – if an Irish Brigade had been formed, composed entirely of Irishmen, bearing the name of Ireland, and officered entirely by Irishmen – if that were done he felt certain that the reputation of Irishmen for gallantry would not be tarnished.

Ulster Volinteers Ulster was, and still is a largely Protestant Unionist corner of Ireland. One of Ireland’s four provences, the majority of which remains part of the United Kingdom today.

The recruitment drive for Ireland during the outbreak of the WW1 was largely devided into two parts; the 36th (Ulster) Division, and the 16th (Irish) Division. the 36th division recruited from Ulster, and the 16th recruited from the rest of Ireland. Both of these divisions fought for the duration of the war, and distinguished themeselves throughout.

The 36th division was present on the opening day of the Somme, and achieved notable advancements, however due to the lack of advancement by any other divisions, they were forced to retreat.

This is a testiment to the courage that was evident throughout the Irish divisions and for the Durtion of the war.

In conclusion, Mr. Redmond said he hoped that when after the few short months before them the Parliament that they had already won opened its doors there may be seen marching through the streets of Dublin, and assembled on College Green on hundred thousand at least of welldrilled, well-equipped Irish Volunteers.

PRESENTATION OF AN ADDRESS Mr. Joseph Devlin having briefly addressed the gathering, the Volunteers marched back to the city.

Later in the afternoon the Corporation of Waterford presented an address to Mr. Redmond, who, in his reply, said that he prayed that the coming months might irishtimes archive.

A recruitment poster in Ireland during the first world war. Photograph: theguardian.com

Redmond speech continued ‘The interests of Ireland—of the whole of Ireland—are at stake in this war. This war is undertaken in the defence of the highest principles of religion and morality and right, and it would be a disgrace for ever to our country and a reproach to her manhood and a denial of the lessons of her...

...history if young Ireland confined their efforts to remaining at home to defend the shores of Ireland from an unlikely invasion, and to shrinking from the duty of proving on the field of battle that gallantry and courage which has distinguished our race all through its history. I say to you, therefore, your duty is twofold. I am glad to see such magnificent material for soldiers around me, and I say to you: “Go on drilling and

make yourself efficient for the Work, and then account yourselves as men, not only

for Ireland itself, but wherever the fighting line extends, in defence of right, of freedom, and religion in this war”’.

His words were a watershed in Modern Irish History as for the first time a Leader of Nationalist Ireland called upon Irishmen to enlist in the British Army. In the months that followed tens of thousands of Nationalist Irishmen took up his call and joined up. But while initially a calculated move by Redmond to strengthen his hand the tides of History went down other channels and his bold stroke cost his Party dear - and darkened his own legacy to Ireland. irishtimes arhive

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Poisoned gas smothers thousands of Irish troops Image from; bbc.co.uk

An Account Of Hulluch German attack at Hulluch German gas attacks at the Hulluch-Loos trenches demonstrate the inefficiency of the PH gas helmet.

At the time of the attack, poison gas defense was still in the nascent stage and early gas masks were largely experimental. The combination of gas used, chlorine and phosgene, was heavy enough to penetrate the helmets used by the British 1 Corps, resulting in large numbers of casualties.

The German II Bavarian Corps were able to occupy the British lines at Hulloch for a two day period, before they were driven out on 28 April. commons.wikimedia.org

Personal Narrative Irish people had many reasons for joining the British army.

Some of these reasons included a sense of adventure, free clothes and three meals a day, which perhaps would have been a luxury for may poor Irish men, and a salary. Also, Redmond convinced many people to join in order to stand up for other small catholic nations like Belgium, which had been invaded by Germany.

The 16th division trained in Ireland, before being shipped off to England for further training.

trenches causing many soldiers to choke to death, or to be incapacitated. The Germans then charged the Irish trenches and killed yet more Irish troops.

The death toll was extremely high, however, somehow, the Irish lines remained intact.

This was a violent beginning, and things wouldn’t get any easier for the duration of the war.

Whatever the reason for these men to joining the British army, and however much training they got, nothing could have prepared them what they met on the western front in France.

Their first taste of battle was at a place called Hulluch. It was a baptism of fire and toxic gas. The Germans pumped large quantities of chlorine gas into the Irish

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Praise for Irish troops “After more gas, the Germans reached the position of the Inniskillings and Dublin Fusiliers, but the Irishmen made a counterattack, and ejected the enemy in half an hour. It was the first time this Irish division had been in action, but the young soldiers were magnificently cool.”

The box respirator, at that point only in early production, was demonstrated to better handle heavier concentrations of gas, and was to replace the helmet as the first line of gas defense.

Gas would be used throughout the war as an effective if morally dubious weapon. In 1917 mustard gas would be introduced, which was deemed to be the most effecient and effective gas of the war. irishtimes archive

Sylvester Cummins

Sylvester enlisted with the 9th battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers in September 1914. The majority of British first world war army service records were destroyed during the London blitz of 1940.

Miraculously, Sylvester’s papers survived, with char marks around their edges from the blaze. They contain information about his discharge papers, disability pension, disciplinary actions and signed receipts for his war medals.

His attestation papers are a reminder of an Ireland that no longer exists. A handwritten “Yes” is placed beside the question, “Are you a British subject?”

Sylvester did not know it then, but Ireland was on the cusp of the 1916 Easter Rising, which would come to define the nationalist

Rebellious Uprising In Ireland Personal Narrative While Irishmen were fighting and dying in France fighting the Germans, back home in Ireland, another seismic historical event was taking place.

While John Redmond (Irish MP) was trying to negotiate Home Rule for Ireland, another much more extremist element had emerged in Irish society. They had their sights on an Ireland independent from Britain, and they were willing to fight and to die for it.

In 1916 they instigated a rebellion. Padraig Pearce, who was one of the rebel leaders announced in front of the GPO on O’Connell street, the proclamation of independence.

The rebel leaders had conspired with the Germans, who sent a ship full of weapons

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Martial Law in Dublin THE WHOLE COUNTRY UNDER MARTIAL LAW. GERMAN ATTEMPT TO LAND ARMS.

to help the rebellion, to strike at the British Empire closer to home.

The ship was intercepted by the British and so the arms never made it into the hands of the rebels. At that point the rebellion was nearly called off.

Despited this setback rebel leaders decided to go ahead with their plans, even though were underequipped and heavily outgunned.

The leaders HQ was the GPO on O’Connell’s street, and rebels took charge of other key buildings around the city. The battle commenced.

Reinforcements were sent from England to help crush the rebellion. It is worth noting that many of these British soldiers could very well have been Irish.

The rebellion was soon crushed and the leaders surrenedered. They were executed for treason shortly after.

The Secretary of the Admiralty announced on Easter Monday night that during the period between April 20 and April 21 an attempt to land arms and ammunition in Ireland was made by a vessel under the guise of a neutral merchant ship, but in reality a German auxiliary in conjunction with a German submarine. The auxiliary was sunk, and a number of prisoners were made, amongst whom was Sir Roger Casement.

MARTIAL LAW PROCLAIMED IN DUBLIN. The following day, Tuesday, 25th April, the Viceroy issued a second proclamation, in which Martial Law was applied to the City and County of Dublin for a period of one month. The people were warned of the danger of frequenting places where the military were operating, and ordered to remain indoors between 7.30 p.m. and

5.30 a.m.

In the Dublin area all licensed premises were ordered to be closed, except between the hours of 2 and 5 p.m.

ALL IRELAND PROCLAIMED.

On Wednesday, April 26th, Martial Law was extended to the whole of Ireland, and in a further proclamation dated Saturday, 29th April, Martial Law for all Ireland was ordered for one month.

The following was issued by the GeneraOfficer Commanding-in-Chief:Dublin, Wednesday, 26th April.

There is now a complete cordon of troops around the centre of the town on the north side of the river. Two more battalions are arriving this afternoon (Wednesday) from England. There has been a small rising at Ardee, Louth, and a rather more serious one at Swords and Lusk, close to Dublin.

The last report I have shows the total of fifteen killed and twenty-one wounded, besides two loyal Volunteers and two policemen killed and six loyal Volunteers wounded.

Incidents of the Rebellion SIR JOHN MAXWELL ADOPTS RIGOROUS MEASURES.

A proclamation concerning the harbouring of rebels was the first to be issued by General Sir John Maxwell on taking over command of His Majesty’s troops in Ireland. It was as follows:“Most rigorous measures will be taken by me to stop the loss of life and damage to property which certain misguided persons are causing by their armed resistance to the law. If necessary, I shall not hesitate to destroy all buildings within any area occupied by rebels, and I warn all persons within the area specified below, and now surrounded by His Majesty’s troops, forthwith to leave such areas under the following condition:- (a) Women and children may leave the area from any of the examining posts set up for the purpose, and will be allowed to go away free; (b) men may leave by the same examining posts, and will be allowed to go away free, provided the examining officer is satisfied they have taken no part whatever in the present disturbance; (c) all other men who present themselves at the said examining posts must surrender unconditionally, together with any arms and ammunition in their possession.”

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Overview of the Rising 24th until April 30th1916.

The insurgents in Dublin amounted to 1,200 men and women from the nationalist militia the Irish Volunteers, the socialist trade union group Irish Citizen Army and the women’s group, Cumman na mBan. The Irish Volunteers had been founded in 1913 in response to the blocking of Home Rule, or self government for Ireland by the Ulster Volunteers. The Citizen Army (with around 300 members) was formed during the Dublin Lockout of 1913 to protect strikers from the police. James Connolly afterwards directed it towards pursuit of an Irish socialist republic.

The Volunteers split after the outbreak of the First World War into the National Volunteers and the Irish Volunteers.

The National Volunteers, over 120,000 strong, led by Irish Parliamentary Party leader John Redmond, were pledged to support the British war effort and over 30,000 of them joined the British Army.

The remaining 13,000 Irish Volunteers, led

by Eoin MacNeill, were committed to keep their organisation intact and in Ireland

until Home Rule was passed.

The Rising was planned in secret by seven men, mostly of the Irish Republican Brotherhood or IRB, who had formed a “Military Council” to this end just after the outbreak of the First World War. They were, Tom Clarke, Sean McDermott, Patrick Pearse, Thomas MacDonagh, Joseph Plunkett, James Connolly and Eamon Ceannt.

Their plans were not known to the membership of the Volunteers at large or to the leaders of the IRB and Volunteers, Dennis McCullough, Bulmer Hobson and Eoin MacNeill.

They had arranged with the Germans for a large importation of arms to be delivered on Good Friday, April 21st, but this shipment was discovered by the British off Kerry and its cargo lost.

At the last minute, the plans for the Rising were revealed to Eoin MacNeill who tried to call off the rebellion by issuing a “countermanding order”, but actually just postponed the outbreak from Easter Sunday to the next day, Monday.

The insurgents proclaimed an Irish

Republic with Pearse as President and Connolly as commander in chief.

surrendered and one, Roger Casement, in August.

They occupied positions around Dublin at the General Post Office (GPO), the Four Courts, the South Dublin Union, Boland’s Mill, Stephen’s Green and Jacobs’ biscuit factory.

Over 3,000 people were arrested after the rebellion and over 1,400 imprisoned. The Rising was not widely supported among the Dublin public and was condemned by the Irish Parliamentary Party and much of nationalist as well as unionist opinion.

Over the following week, the British deployed over 16,000 troops, artillery and naval gunboat into the city to suppress the rising. In the week’s fighting, about 450 people were killed and over 2,000 wounded.

The rebels’ headquarters at the GPO was bombarded into surrender, which Patrick Pearse ordered on Friday, 28th April.

However the fiercest fighting took place elsewhere, at Mount Street Bridge, South Dublin Union and North King Street.

There were also risings in county Galway, Enniscorthy in Wexford and Ashbourne in county Meath, but apart from an action at Ashbourne that killed 11 police, these caused little bloodshed.

Sixteen of the rebel leaders were executed, 15 in a two week period after they had

However, combined with other factors, such as the continued postponement of Home Rule, the growing casualties of the First World War and the threat of conscription, the Rising and its repression helped to increase the strength of the radical nationalists in Sinn Fein.

This party, which had not participated in the rebellion, was adopted as a vehicle by the veterans of the Rising and pledged to withdraw from the Westminster Parliament and set up an Irish one.

Sinn Fein went on to win three byelections in 1917 and a general election in 1918, leading to their proclamation of an Irish Republic and the start of the Irish War of Independence.

Irishtimes archive

DUBLIN wsm.ie

RISING

Great battle at the Somme

The first phase of the battle extended from July 1st to 6th, when, after a preliminary artillery preparation which lasted several days, the first and greater part of the second German positions were victoriously carried.

OPENING OF THE BATTLE. The first phase of the battle extended from July 1st to 6th, when, after a preliminary artillery preparation which lasted several days, the first and greater part of the second German positions were victoriously carried. The second phase of the battle lasted from July 6th to September 3rd, and may be summed up as having consisted in the completion of the occupation of the German second line of positions, and the widening of the breach thus made by means of local actions, which were considerably prolonged by bad weather, the first half of August having been very foggy, while the second half was marked by heavy rains. The third phase of the battle which began with the resumption of the joint Anglo-French offensive on September 3rd, is still in progress. After detailing the various steps in the progress of the Allies since the beginning of the battle, the statement sets forth the conclusions that may legitimately be drawn from the

results achieved between the beginning of the battle on July 1st and the middle of September.

SUPERIORITY OF THE ALLIES. During the two and a half months the Allied troops have constantly affirmed their superiority over the enemy. While all their attacks have succeeded, for the most part more than achieved the objectives aimed at, the German counter-attacks have either not been able to reach the Allied lines, or else have resulted in the enemy being again driven out of the conquered ground within two hours of recapturing it. To appreciate this tactical result it is only necessary to recall the fluctuations of the fighting at Yerdun, the Argonne, in Champagne, and in Artois, where ground was frequently won and lost time after time, and in many cases held for weeks at a time before again changing hands. The comparison proves that in the Somme battle the equilibrium of the struggle tends more and more in favour of the Allies.

dailymail.co.uk

THE GERMAN LINES.

Anglo/French offensive

The following telegram has been received from Mr. H. Warner Allen, special correspondent of the British Press with the French Armies: PARIS, Wednesday.

From an authoritative account of the battle of the Somme, which will appear in to-morrow’s Paris newspapers, the following extracts have been taken: The time has not yet come, says the writer of the account, to publish the full details of the battle of the Somme, as it is not yet finished.

Nevertheless, important results have been achieved, which a glance at the different phases of the struggle will place in relief.

In the month of June last the Germans had been for three-and-a-half months attaching the fortress of Verdun without being able to carry it. Nevertheless, they continued obstinately in the belief that they would be able to attract thither the French reserves, and prevent the Allies putting in to execution their general offensive. The Germans wished to preserve the initiative of the operations, and to be able to send where they were most wanted a portion of their forces on the Western front. This was all the more important as the reorganised Russian

Personal Narrative Sylvester Cummins

While Irish rebels had attacked the British back home, and conspired with the Germans, Irish soldiers fighting for the British against the Germans on the front lines were involved in one of the greatest battles of the war. The battle of the Somme took sixty thousand British lives in its first day. The 36th Ulster division was present on the first day, and were the only successful British division.

The 16th joined them soon after and the intensity of the fighting and the loss of life didn’t let up for the duration of the battle of the Somme. In the end the battle was futile, with little ground gained and many lives lost in the process.

narrative of post-independent Ireland.

“I, Silvester James Cummins, swear by Almighty God that I will be faithful and bear true Allegiance to His Majesty King George the Fifth, His Heirs, and Successors … So help me God,” reads the oath.

But he did not sign it.

Sylvester spelt his name with a Y, not an I. A glance at other attestation papers of Irish recruits reveals blanks in the oath, or a signature different to that elsewhere.

It is a small thing, but I noticed it, and 100 years later that dormant nationalism still matters somehow. There is no logic in making this distinction. He wore a British army uniform.

Army was victoriously attaching the Austrian positions, and the Austrians were admittedly incapable of barring the route to Lemberg and the Carpathians.

It was at this juncture that the British Army, which, without having attained the full development that the adoption of compulsory service will eventually bring, had become an important factor, began, in conjunction with the French Army, which had not been exhausted by the battle of t Verdun, an offensive on positions on both banks of the Somme.

ww1.canadia.com

The German defensive lines on the front attacked were then organised as follows: - There came first the strong lines based on the powerfully organised positions of Thiepval, Orvilliers, La Boiselle, Fricourt, Mametz, Curlu, Frise, Dompierro Fay, Soyecourt, and consisting of a series of parallel trenches, generally three, between which were numberless shelters for men, machine guns, and ammunition. This first line varied between 500 and 1,000 yards in depth. Behind it came a second line of positions, consisting of trenches, with blockhouses for machine guns, the whole being protected by a wide system of barbed wire. This second line ran from Grandecourt through Poziéres, the two Bazentins, Longueval, Guillemont, Maurepas, Herbecourt, Assevillors, and Belloy-en-Santerre, to Albaincourt.

SUPERIORITY OF THE ALLIES During the two and a half months the Allied troops have constantly affirmed their superiority over the enemy. While all their attacks have succeeded, for the most part more than achieved the objectives aimed at, the German counter-attacks have either not been able to reach the Allied lines, or else have resulted in the enemy being again driven out of the conquered ground within two hours of recapturing it. To appreciate this tactical result it is only necessary to recall the fluctuations of the fighting at Yerdun, the Argonne, in Champagne, and in Artois, where ground was frequently won and lost time after time, and in many cases held for weeks at a time before again changing hands. The comparison proves that in the Somme battle the equilibrium of the struggle tends more and more in favour of the Allies. irishtimes.com

Overview of the Somme

www.todayinirishhistory.com Intended to be a decisive breakthrough, the Battle of the Somme instead became a byword for futile and indiscriminate slaughter, with General Haig’s tactics remaining controversial even today.

The British planned to attack on a 24km (15 mile) front between Serre, north of the Ancre, and Curlu, north of the Somme.

Five French divisions would attack an 13km (eight mile) front south of the Somme, between Curlu and Peronne. To ensure a rapid advance, Allied artillery pounded German lines for a week before the attack, firing 1.6 million shells.

British commanders were so confident they ordered their troops to walk slowly towards the German lines. Once they had been seized, cavalry units would pour through to pursue the fleeing Germans.

However, unconcealed preparations for the assault and the week-long bombardment gave the Germans clear warning. Happy to remain on French soil, German trenches were heavily fortified and, furthermore, many of the British shells failed to explode.

When the bombardment began, the Germans simply moved underground and waited. Around 7.30am on 1 July, whistles

blew to signal the start of the attack. With the shelling over, the Germans left their bunkers and set up their positions.

As the 11 British divisions walked towards the German lines, the machine guns started and the slaughter began.

Although a few units managed to reach German trenches, they could not exploit their gains and were driven back. By the end of the day, the British had suffered 60,000 casualties, of whom 20,000 were dead: their largest single loss. Sixty per cent of all officers involved on the first day were killed.

It was a baptism of fire for Britain’s new volunteer armies. Many ‘Pals’ Battalions, comprising men from the same town, had enlisted together to serve together.

They suffered catastrophic losses: whole units died together and for weeks after the initial assault, local newspapers would be filled with lists of dead, wounded and missing.

The French advance was considerably more successful. They had more guns and faced weaker defences, yet were unable to exploit their gains without British backup and had to fall back to earlier positions.

With the ‘decisive breakthrough’ now

a decisive failure, Haig accepted that advances would be more limited and concentrated on the southern sector. The British took the German positions there on 14 July, but once more could not follow through. The next two months saw bloody stalemate, with the Allies gaining little ground. On 15 September Haig renewed the offensive, using tanks for the first time.

However, lightly armed, small in number and often subject to mechanical failure,

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they made little impact.

Torrential rains in October turned the battlegrounds into a muddy quagmire and in mid-November the battle ended, with the Allies having advanced only 8km (five miles). The British suffered around 420,000 casualties, the French 195,000 and the Germans around 650,000. Only in the sense of relieving the French at Verdun can the British have claimed any measure of success.

The Taking of Guillemont illustratedfirstworldwar.com

Heroic Charge!

Mr. Philip Gibbs, in the “Daily Chronicle,” supplies the vivid description of the capture of Guillemont, to the Leuze Wood, and Falfemont Farm: “Curiously enough the enemy did not seem to expect to attack. They probably thought they

had prevented an advance by their previous bombardment, when they flung ten thousand gas shells into the British trenches. Our men went forward steadily in waves, despite the machine guns, which swept the ground with a rush of bullets. We took cover in the dips and hollows of the earth, and quickly reached the outskirts of ruined Guillemont. It is too soon to mention the names of the assaulting battalions, but they rushed the village with the finest valor. The first wave reached the Germans dugouts. There was little fighting underground. A few proud Germans refused to surrender quickly enough, but the rest came out, immediately rejoicing in their luck.

Desolation and Ruin

Panorama of the War

“Half an hour later the supporting troops advanced to a sunken road, where other Germans were captured.

“The panorama of the war sweeps round for miles to the north and south of the Somme, and shows on great unbroken curtain of fire and of bursting shells under the blue sky.

We found here a fine defensive position ready for use, after a little reorganization.

Some of these victors at Guillemont also advanced to Falfemont Farm, but this was too far for one day’s work. They were driven out to the outskirts of the wood by the immediate counterattack of the Prussian Guards. The Germans for once faced the British bayonet attack at the Falfemont Farm. The capture of the Wedge Wood was continued next day. The countryside here formed an extraordinary picture of desolation and ruin.

Personal Narrative Both the taking of Guillemont, and the victory at Ginchy show the tremendous courage of the Irish troops. These were two very well fortified positions which the allied forces had found difficult to break down. However, once the Irish divisions were involved, the fortifications could not hold up.

These victories came at a heavy price.

Not a tree is whole.

The great trunks were slashed and broken by shellfire, while ragged stumps lie across the never ending shell craters, which resemble the mountains in the mood as seen through a telescope.

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Victory at Ginchy Amazing Spirit of Irish

Reuter’s correspondent at the British Headquarters in France, describing the capture of Ginchy, says it was defended by an immense concentration of enemy guns, but the infantry entered the village within 10 minutes of the start of the advance.

The British officers had to make frantic endeavors to arrest the impetuous Irish, who pursued the Germans into the thick of the supports. Their spirit was amazing.

The correspondent mentions that the night before the attack a number of soldier servants “deserted,” and left a note saying that they had not been in the last “scrap,” but were going to participate in the capture of Ginchy. The note concluded by saying, “If all is right we will be back tomorrow.”

The correspondent also related another striking incident.

me. The narrative of the capture of Ginchy forms an imperishable Irish epic. They fought in the open, stormed citadels, captured prisoners, used machine guns, rifles, bombs, grenades, and bayonets, and gave and received wounds by every chemical and mechanical engine in modern warfare. The outstanding feature of the dash was its speed, the Irishmen capturing their share of Ginchy in eight minutes, and the trenches beyond 10 minutes. They then dug themselves in on a front of a mile in length in record time.

The British troops participating at other points won all destined ground except at High Wood and a highly-fortified crater at the eastern corner.”

Mr Beach Thomas, in a dispatch, remarks that the Ginchy battlefield reeks

Sylvester Cummins

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A German officer, finding that his men kept putting up their hands in token of surrender, sprang to a machine gun, swung it round, and practically mowed them all down.

The taking of Ginchy was evidently

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unexpected by the enemy, as the town was found to be well provisioned.

(United Service)

Telegraphing from the Somme front regarding the assault on Ginchy, Mr. W. Beach Thomas, who is representing the “Daily Mail,” says: -

“The last observation post is confronting

Why did a southern Irish Catholic voluntarily enlist in the British army?

John Redmond MP, leader of the Irish party, pledged to support Asquith’s Liberal party in return for the introduction of Home Rule. The Ulster Volunteer Army, based in Protestant-dominated Northern Ireland, promised to use “all means that may be necessary” to prevent Irish self-government. The Irish Volunteers in the south were also ready and armed.

Ireland was on the brink of civil war at the outbreak of the first world war.

Redmond made a pivotal speech in Woodenbridge on 20 September 1914, two days after Home Rule had passed into law and six weeks after Britain declared war on Germany. With Home Rule on the cards, he pledged his support to the Allied cause and urged the Irish Volunteers to join the British army, proclaiming that: “The interests of Ireland – of the whole of Ireland – are at stake in this war.” Of the 80,000 that enlisted in the first 12 months

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The Irish at Messines

Personal account

It is worth talking about the relationship between the 36th Ulster Division, and the 16th Irish Division. These two Divisions were on opposite sides of the religious and national divide in Ireland.

These two Divisions were involved in some of the greatest battles of the war; including a number of key victories at the Somme. However, it was at Messines that the two really rubbed shoulders.

Given the historical tensions between these two cultures back home on the island of Ireland, how would they get on fighting together on the front lines? Could they leave their differences at home, or would it boil over in the trenches of the western front?

When you consider what was going on in Ireland at the time, the 1916 uprising, the execution of all of the Rebellion leaders, the dramatic shift in sentiment towards the British Empire and all things British, would this become an untanabel situation for these two opposing sides and traditional enemies?

The events at Wijtschate reveal the nature of the relationship between Irish Protestant unionists and Catholic republicans on the front lines.

Sylvester Cummins

of the war, half were from Ulster and half from the south. Sylvester enlisted five weeks after Redmond’s speech.

Others enlisted for adventure, “for no other reason than to see what war was like, to get a gun, to see new countries and to feel like a grown man,” in the fiery words of the future IRA leader, Tom Barry. Poverty also featured. James Connolly, the socialist revolutionary, contended that “economic conscription” attracted a large number of recruits from the improvised tenements of inner-city Dublin. In Sylvester’s case, his father was dead and his army pay was sent

Advance in Flanders

Rapidly following on his advance of last Thursday, Sir Douglas Haig, in conjunction with our French Allies, has administered another

hammer-blow to the enemy on the Flanders front.

At 5.20 yesterday morning, in a persistent rain-storm and over sodden ground, our troops attacked on a wide front, and carried the greater part of their objectives. Sir Douglas Haig’s words are that the advance was attended by “very successful results.”

The number of prisoners so far counted exceeds 1,000.

We have captured the town of Poelcappelle and other important points which have hitherto given much trouble. Irish troops are taking part.

They are in the struggle for Houthulst Wood, where heavy fighting is taking place. The French have also reached the outskirts of the wood after crossing the Broembeek stream, which was in flood.

The French report the capture of three important villages. taosach.gov.ie

The Battle of Wijtschate Wijtschate-Messines Ridge was a battle that some believed presented an opportunity for reconciliation between the two political traditions in Ireland— British unionism and Irish nationalism. If Irishmen could fight and die together, surely they could live together.

The symbolism was not lost on politicians, particularly nationalists. In December 1916, Willie Redmond MP wrote to his friend Sir Arthur Conan Doyle: ‘There are a great many Irishmen today who feel that out of this war we should try to build up a new Ireland. The trouble is, men are so timid about meeting each other half way. It would be a fine memorial to the men who have died so splendidly, if we could, over their graves, build a bridge between north and south.’

Thiepval in July 1916 and Guillemont and Ginchy in September were the graveyards of the original Irish brigades from the 36th (Ulster) and 16th (Irish) Divisions who left Ireland between July and September 1915. Thousands of those idealistic Irish men who joined up in the first few months of the war died near these French villages during the Somme campaign.

Following that terrible ordeal, the 36th (Ulster) and 16th (Irish) Divisions left the Somme sector in late July and September respectively and moved north to the relative calm of the Flanders line facing German-occupied Wijtschate.

There they relieved the Canadian troops who had held this sector of the front prior to their arrival. When they arrived, the Germans, using signs put up along their front line, actually welcomed the Irish troops.

Part of Plumer’s Second Army In their move north, both the 16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions became part of General Sir Herbert Charles Onslow Plumer’s Second Army. The winter of 1916/17 around the villages of Loker and Dranouter in western Flanders, where the Irish soldiers were based, was appalling.

Initially many of the soldiers had to live in tents because there were not enough billets for all the troops. During the months of March, April and May both divisions underwent a period of intense training in preparation for the attack on Wijtschate.

The days of marching men towards welldefended German machine-gun positions, as had happened at the Somme, were over.

The British Army had learned a bitter lesson, at a terrible cost in human life.

When the men were not training, they assisted in the massive infrastructural work that was undertaken prior to the attack on Wijtschate.

New roads were built; light gauge railway lines were laid from the reserve areas near the front line to bring supplies up and carry the wounded back.

They also conducted raids on the German lines to gain intelligence. The one feature of this battle that stands out above others on the Western Front prior to June 1917 was the amount of training, planning and preparation insisted on by General Plumer and his staff.

There may have been sound reasons why these two divisions were put alongside each other in the late summer of 1916.

One possible motive was recruitment in Ireland—or, more precisely, the lack of recruitment. After the Somme, recruitment had dropped off drastically all over the British Isles, and Ireland was no different in that regard. Between 1914 and 1916 recruitment in Ireland dropped from c. 50,000 per annum to c. 9,000. By 1917 it had fallen further to c. 8,000. The adjutant general, Sir Nevil Macready, presented several solutions: the introduction of conscription; the amalgamation of the 16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions; the reinforcement of Irish units with English conscripts, allowing the divisions to waste away; and the transfer of Irish troops from non-Irish units to Irish formations.

The army council opted for the second proposal, the amalgamation of the 16th and 36th Divisions.

General Nugent, the commander of the Ulster Division, thought that the amalgamation of the two Irish divisions would work.

By the end of the war, all four

solutions had been tried out, in one way or another.

During the debate on the second solution, politics raised its head. John Redmond came to the conclusion that amalgamation was unnecessary, and Edward Carson proposed that the 36th (Ulster) Division should be amalgamated with the Scottish 51st (Highland) Division. In the end

no amalgamation took place and a compromise solution was reached: men recruited in Ireland would go to regular Irish battalions, while English drafts would be used to maintain Irish service battalions. Those who made

the decision to place the two Irish divisions side by side in the same corps facing the Germans in Wijtschate believed that by doing so they would create a sense of Irish and Ulster pride back home, which (they hoped) would have a positive impact on recruiting.

Battle lines for attack on Wijtschate, 7–14 June 1917.

The move kept some politicians happy, particularly those in the Irish Parliamentary Party. On this particular theme, Willie Redmond MP wrote to a friend in Ireland just after his final return to the front:

‘I wish I had time to write you all I have seen out here.

My men are splendid and are pulling famously with the Ulster men. Would to God we could bring this spirit back with us to Ireland. I shall never regret I have been out here.’

How did they get on?

Redmond’s reference to his men ‘pulling famously with the Ulster men’ is worthy of closer analysis.

Was this true? What, in fact, was the relationship between the men from the 16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions during their time together? There were many occasions when they came into contact with each other around the villages of Loker, Dranouter, Kemmel and Bailleul. For example, on Saturday 26 May 1917 the divisional band of the 16th (Irish) Division put on a concert in Loker for all to attend, and many of the 14th Royal Irish Rifles, the Young Citizen Volunteers (a unit of the UVF) from the Ulster Division, attended the show. There they met and mixed with men from the 16th (Irish) Division. There were no reports of any disturbances.

Another meeting place was in

Lt. Dick Burke MC, 3rd and 6th Royal Irish Regiment, from Dingle, Co. Kerry, fought at Wijtschate in June 1917. He also fought in the Easter Rising in 1916 and is pictured here (extreme right, standing) in front of the Parnell monument with a group of British Army officers. Note the captured Sinn Féin flag taken from the GPO.

One of the Ulster Division camps near Bailleul was named the Shankill Camp; there was another camp not too far away named Celtic Park. Bailleul had shops and an ordnance store, a few hotels, restaurants and a club for officers. It also had its own special attraction for the Irish soldiers, as Lt. May of the 49th Machine Gun Company noted:

‘The special attraction of the town was a girl called Tina. Everyone in the area had heard of her . . . she was the best known girl outside Paris . . . she was a fine goodlooking girl and I think a decent girl. She spoke good English and was a barmaid at a café in the town. She had innumerable proposals from English officers “including two generals”. Before the attack on Wijtschate, Tina was removed from Bailleul, for it was thought that she had too much knowledge of our troop movements.’

Despite all the training and preparatory work carried out by the men from the Irish divisions in the months leading up to the attack on Wijtschate, there was still time for a spot of football, which was a great pastime around Loker. Matches were played between battalions and, more interestingly from an Irish perspective, between divisions.

On the afternoon of Saturday 21 April, the 9th Royal Irish Fusiliers (the ‘Faughs’), a battalion of the Ulster Division’s 108th Brigade, played a football match against the 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers in Loker.

The Faughs must have been a decent side because they beat the Dubs 7–0. Four days later they beat the 6th Connaught Rangers 2–0. A couple of days before returning to the line on 5 May, the 47th Brigade of the 16th (Irish) Division held a sports day.

These sports days were always good for morale. On 29 April, the 6th Connaught Rangers played a football match against what Roland Fielding described as a battalion ‘of the Carson (36th) Division’.

The team they played was in fact the 9th Royal Irish Fusiliers.

bad relationships between the divisions.

Walter Collins was a Londoner who served in the 9th Royal Irish Rifles. With a fine bit of political correctness, he referred to his battalion being with the ‘Irish (Ulster) Division (36th)’. He noted in his diary: ‘For

identity in the field we wore a shoulder flash, an orange shaped symbol or tab to denote our association as Orangemen . . .

Being practically politically unconscious at that time I found it very difficult to understand their antagonisms of religious belief, etc. which at times boiled up, but if they fought each other on occasion there was never any doubt whose side they were on in relation to the common enemy or of their courage in action whatever part of Ireland they came from.’

In As from Kemmel Hill (London, 1963) Andrew Behrend wrote on this relationship:

‘I should like to put on record one further memory of the Battle of Messines. However little it interested me then, it fascinates me today; that during the battle and for the weeks before, the 16th (Irish) and the

36th (Ulster) Divisions lived and fought side-by-side, got on with each other splendidly and at times even pulled each other’s chestnuts out of the fire.’On 20 November 1915, Pte Joseph Elley of the 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers wrote home to Monica Roberts, thanking her for the latest food parcel she had sent him. The weather then was freezing hard: ‘Well, we are having a time, its simply heartbreaking to see such strong and good boys getting frost bitten . . . We have the Ulster Division with us at present and fine good lads they are, good old Ireland again. The Dubliners get on with all the regiments, especially the Jocks and on the whole its great to be out here knowing you are defending your own at home.’

Later on, in early December, Elley wrote to Miss Roberts again: ‘I suppose you saw in the papers about Redmond’s visit to the front. I might say he spoke to the Ulster men and there is no bad feeling amongst us fellows out here and I think it will end such feelings forever.’

Revd John Redmond CF was a Church of Ireland chaplain attached to the 9th Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers during their time facing Wijtschate.

On the relationship between men from both divisions he wrote: ‘It was impressive to see what a feeling of security before the battle the Ulster Division had in having the 16th Irish on our left flank and that the 16th Division had in having our Ulster Division on their right flank. This feeling of goodwill and confidence between the two divisions had been growing for some time. I wish the entire north and south that they represent, could participate in the same spirit.’

On 20 November 1915, Pte Joseph Elley of the 2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers wrote home to Monica Roberts, thanking her for the latest food parcel she had sent him. The weather then was freezing hard: ‘Well, we are having a time, its simply heartbreaking to see such strong and good boys getting frost bitten . . . We have the Ulster Division with us at present and fine good lads they are, good old Ireland again. The Dubliners get on with all the regiments, especially the Jocks and on the whole its great to be out here knowing you are defending your own at home.’

At the second match, which for the Ulstermen was unusual insofar as it was played on the Sabbath, a crowd of up to 3,000 spectators was reported.

The large attendance caused Col. Fielding some concern. Such a concentration of troops offered a prime target to German artillery if they got wind of the match.

Knowing something about the politics of Ireland and the interest this match had aroused, however, Col. Fielding’s heart ruled his head on this occasion and he allowed the match to go ahead. It would have taken a brave man to cancel it, German artillery or not. A wag on the Ulster side was heard to say: ‘I wonder if we shall get into trouble for fraternising with the enemy?’ For the record, the Faughs again beat the Rangers 2–0.

There were examples of both good and

A dead German soldier near Messines. (Imperial War Museum)pinterest.com

‘Number 1 Section I found had not been able to start work owing to hostile shelling. Lt. Thorne was just starting them in conjunction with 16th Division Royal Munster Fusiliers. So Ulster and the South of Ireland consolidate a position.

The Orange and Green working together and blended well.’

The village of Wijtschate after the attack. (Imperial War Museum) pinterest.com Later on, in early December, Elley wrote to Miss Roberts again:

‘I suppose you saw in the papers about Redmond’s visit to the front. I might say he spoke to the Ulster men and there is no bad feeling amongst us fellows out here and I think it will end such feelings forever.’

Revd John Redmond CF was a Church of Ireland chaplain attached to the 9th Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers during their time facing Wijtschate. On the relationship between men from both divisions he

wrote: ‘It was impressive to see what a feeling of security before the battle the Ulster Division had in having the 16th Irish on our left flank and that the 16th Division had in having our Ulster Division on their right flank. This feeling of goodwill and confidence between the two divisions had been growing for some time. I wish the entire north and south that they represent, could participate in the same spirit.’

Captain Stephen Gwynn, a nationalist officer in the 6th Connaught Rangers, wrote to his cousin Amelia on St Stephen’s Day (26 December) 1916:

‘We are alongside the Ulster Division and making great friends with them—which is well’.

Men from the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers and Royal Irish Rifles celebrating their victory at Wijtschate, June 1917.

Note the YCV flag (Young Citizen Volunteers, youth section of the Ulster Volunteer Force). (Imperial War Museum) pinterest.com

Many months after the attack on Wijtschate, The Galway Observer (21 September 1918) recorded the following: ‘In a letter to the mayor of Derry (Mr R. N. Johnston) on Irish achievements in the war, Capt. Gwynn recalls that he saw Derrymen at a place where, “there was no thought of anything but our common credit” on the ridge in front of Messines, where the 16th and 36th Divisions lay side by side. “Once it happened”, he says, “that our right flank was moved up a little and I was the officer sent up to take over the section of the line from the Ulster troops who were holding it. They were the Inniskillings, and the commanding officer, Colonel McRory, showed me round the line. All the trenches had names that were very familiar to me, but at last we came to a very strong point at the head of a mineshaft, where there was a great accumulation of sandbags. Col. McRory said to me rather sadly: ‘We call this place Derry Walls, but I suppose that when your fellows come in here they will be changing all the names’. I said to him: ‘we won’t change a name of them, and we will hold Derry Walls for you’. We did hold Derry Walls for four months and gave it back to the Ulster people and it was from there they went over the top on that day, when the two divisions, side by side, captured Messines and Wytschate”.’

Once battle commenced, at 3.10am on 7 June 1917, the planned objectives were achieved within hours and on schedule.

The mines and a massive and very detailed combination of creeping and standing artillery barrages followed by consolidation and reinforcement removed the Germans from Wijtschate and off the Wijtschate-Mesen Ridge by mid-morning.

During the late evening of 7 June, like many of the unit commanding officers, Major Boyle of the 150th Field Company took a walk up front to inspect the consolidation work his men were doing.

He found some of his men working beside and in cooperation with men from the Royal Munster Fusiliers:

In contrast to these examples, relations between the men of the 16th (Irish) and 36th (Ulster) Divisions were not always so cordial. Fr Henry Gill SJ was a chaplain with the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles, who were transferred in to the 36th (Ulster) Division after the Battle of Wijtschate.

This particular battalion of the Royal Irish Rifles was a regular battalion with a large component of Catholic soldiers from Cork and Dublin. The move, he noted, ‘came as a surprise and a disagreeable shock almost to everyone’. Lt.-Col. Denys Reitz, the commanding officer of the 7th Royal Irish Rifles of the 48th Brigade, 16th (Irish) Division, recalls how he and a few of his men prevented a fight between some of his men and ‘the bloody Orangemen’ from the Ulster Division. Lt. Percy McElwaine of the 14th Royal Irish Rifles recalled an incident, which was probably no more than a bit of banter:

‘On one occasion there was a slight adjustment of our front near Wulverghem. A battalion of the Dublin 16th (Irish) Division took over from one of our battalions. I think indeed from the YCVs. As the Dublins came in, one of them remarked, “Glory be to God will you look at the Carson’s Boys”. From whom there was a reply, “Get the Hell out of that you bloody Fenians”.’

The relationship between the men from the 16th and 36th Divisions in Flanders may well have reflected what was happening back home in Ireland at the time. There were UVF men in the 36th (Ulster) Division and there were National Volunteer men in the 16th (Irish) Division.

These were two diametrically opposed armed political militias who would have killed each other had it not been for the outbreak of the war. When faced with a common enemy, however, despite their ethnic or religious differences, it would seem that they did indeed pull each other’s chestnuts out of the fire. The enemy that faced Carson’s men in Wijtschate were the Saxons and East Prussians, not the Dubliners or Corkonians beside them. The same could be said for the Redmondites in the 16th Division.

At 3.10am on Thursday 7 June 1917, two infantry divisions of the British Army raised in Ireland fought side by side and defeated a common enemy. For a while, at least, old quarrels were set aside. Willie Redmond dreamed of building a new Ireland, a nation at peace with itself and its neighbours. The wonderful events at Stormont Castle in May 2007 show that sometimes dreams do come true. irishtimes archive

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Personal Narrative At every turn throughout the war, Irish soldiers destinguished themselves, not only were their victories reported in British newspapers, but also their courage and their valour. Even members of the French military saw fit to praise their tremendous sacrifice and courage in the face of impossible odds.

Over two hundred thousand Irish men served in the army during the war, continuing a long tradition of Irish participation in Britain’s military. No other

British institution was so heavily populated or influenced by the Irish.

For the previous number of centuries, around fourty percent of the British military was made up by the Irish.

When you consider Ireland’s small population in comparison to a country like England, Ireland only being around the same population of Scotland or Wales, for it to make up almost half of the British military is quite startling. The british Empire stretched across the entire world, in no small part because of its unstoppable military force.

Britain to a large extent has the Irish to thank for their success.

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Armistice Day Programme Armistice Day 3:00 A.M. - Receipt of the News of signing in Armistice.

10:00 A.M. - Visit

by American Legion Committee to homes of Heroes who didn’t come back.

2:30 P.M. - Foot Ball Game: Perrysburg Post No 28 vs Toledo Berkhard.

8:30 P.M. - American Legion Dance at Town Hall.

Armistice Day, - Tuesday, Nov. 11 – will be generally observed

throughout the nation as a holiday.

Upon this date the war ended and the terrible carnage ceased.

We, one and all, remember how our hearts were thrilled upon the receipt of the glorious tiding – because our boys were there and with the war over they would soon come back to be again with us, around our firesides.

It is meet and proper that we remember this momentous day and with each returning anniversary we observe it sacredly.

Therefore, on Tuesday, November 11, I ask that business be suspended, our public schools close and that we join with our boys in observing the day which meant so much to them, to us, and yes, to all Christendom.

(Signed) D. R. CANFIELD, Mayor.

Germany Surrenders Never before in the world’s history has such an epochmaking event been witnessed as that which was enacted in the North Sea last Thursday (November 21), when the flower of the German Fleet made its surrender.

The “handing-over” of the Teutonic vessels was solemn and impressive, and the last act in the tragedy was performed in an environment, which, perhaps, could not have been more appropriate. A mist which

lay upon the bosom of the waters lifted soon after daybreak, and gradually the sun penetrated the broken clouds, driven by an Arctic easterly breeze. The weather continued to clear, but still a light haze remained, which blotted out the amazing view which a clear day would have afforded of the most magnificent assemblage of warships that has ever ridden the waves.

Yet, though in part invisible, one could visualise their massive strength and grandeur. One knew that for miles there stretched upwards of 1,000 vessels. From the giant battleship to the tiniest war craft, each had played its part in bringing down

Victory and peace VICTORIOUS PEACH FOR THE ALLIES DRASTIC TERMS OF ARMISTICE GENERAL REJOICING

The armistice terms dictated by Marshal Foch on behalf of the Allies and the United States were signed on Monday morning by the German plenipotentiaries at five o’clock, and at eleven o’clock the same day fighting ceased along the entire front.

The terms of the armistice are drastic and complete. They provide for the immediate evacuation of Belgium, Alsace-Lorraine, and Luxemburg; evacuation of Rhineland; railways of Alsace-Lorraine to be handed over. All Allied and American prisoners

The British Grand Fleet last Thursday in the North Sea (40 miles east of May Island), took the surrender of the flower of the German battle fleet, which was handed over for internment according to the terms of the armistice.

The British Armada, consisting of about 1,000 vessels, ranged from the giant battleship to the smallest craft. The Allies’ Fleets were also represented.

There were 9 German battleships, 5 battle cruisers, and 7 light cruisers. Each class was one short of the stipulated number, but the missing vessels will be surrendered later. Fifty destroyers were also surrendered.

On the way German destroyer stuck a mine and sank.

The first twenty German U-boats surrendered to Admiral Tyrwhitt at Harwich last Wednesday, and they have come in lots of about a score each day since.

the Queen Elizabeth. Admiral Madden, the second in command, was on the Revenge. Other vessels of the First Battle Squadron to watch the Germans come in flying the white flag were the Revenge, Resolution, Ramifies, Royal Sovereign, Royal Oak, Emperor of India, Benbow, Marlborough, Iron Duke and Canada.

A conspicuous feature in this aggregation of Naval might was the share taken by the American warships. They were few in number, only five of them, the New York (with Admiral Rodman in command), Texas, Wyoming, Florida, and Arkansas.

Personal Narrative

like sheep as they marched by their officers, indicating that felt like nothing more than lambs to the slaughter.

The war began in 1914, and everyone believed that the war would be over by Christmas. This was in part, responsible for the huge amount of people who wanted to join the armies, because they didn’t want to miss out on their opportunity to see what war was like. After an exhausting four years on the front lines, the soldiers were ready to return home.

The surrender of Germany was met with jubilation on all sides.

are to repatriated without reciprocity.

The clauses relating to the Eastern front of Germany provide, amongst other things, for the abandonment of the Brest -Litvak and Romanian treaties and the withdrawal of all German troops from Romania and Russia.

The naval clauses demand the surrender of all submarines and the disarmament of six battle cruisers, ten battleships, six light cruisers, and fifty destroyers, as well as other vessels.

The terms also include the surrender of 5,000 guns – 2,500 field – and 30,000 machine guns.

Historic scenes in the North Sea Surrender of the German Navy to Sir David Beatty

the curtain on German ambition. Each, therefore, was represented, and rightly so, at the grand finale. Though unconnected with the fury of battle, of naval conflict, the victory of today was bigger than that of Trafalgar, and fraught with consequences even more significant.

The “Silent Navy” was never more silent than when, in this, the supreme moment of its triumph, all, or nearly all, the sea instruments of war of “the Sure Shield” which contributed to a result so far reaching were, in sporting parlance “in at the death.” Admiral Sir David Beatty, the Commander-in-Chief, was on his flagship,

U-BOATS BROUGHT INTO HARWICH On Wednesday, at Harwich, twenty German submarines, the first lot surrendered in accordance with the armistice terms, were handed over to Read Admiral Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt, and brought into harbour.

Saturday saw the largest surrender of German submarines in one day.

Twenty-eight U-boats gave themselves up at Harwich. The surrendered vessels included several very large craft, and four cruiser submarines, one of them nearly 350 feet in length. Among the boats arriving for internment was the noted cruiser submarine, Deutschland U 153, which brought Harwich two American Officers who were rescued from the United States transport. Ticonderoga, which was torpedoed on Sept 30 when eight days out from America. Another large vessel was U 139, which carried a crew of 75 men, with 15 extra men for manning prizes, and mounted two 5.9 guns. A British officer was making inquiries as to the name of the man who fired the second torpedo at the Leinster.

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It was on the 11th hour, of the 11th day, of the 11th month in 1918 when Germany finally surrendered.

But not before embarking on a last gasp final push into France. This final push was repulsed by the Anglo/French forces and it came with a heavy cost in terms of lives lost.

All of the armies were exhausted. There were even reports of some soldiers bleating

Tribute to Irish troops from Marshal Foch The Irishmen had endured such constant attacks that it was thought that they must be utterly demoralised, but always they seemed to find new energy with which to attack their assailants, and in the end the flower of the German Army withered and faded away as an effective force.

“THEY NEVER FAILED” When the moment came for taking the offensive all along our line, it was these same worn Irish troops that we placed in the van, making call after call on their devotion, but never finding them fail us. In the critical days of the German offensive, when it was necessary that lives should be sacrificed by the thousand to slow down the rush of the enemy, in order that our harassed forces should have time to reform, it was on the Irish that we relied repeatedly to make these desperate stands, and we found them responding always.

Again and again, when the bravest were necessary to delay the enemy’s advance, it was the Irish who were ready and at all times the soldiers of Ireland fought with the rare courage and determination that has always characterised the race on the battlefield.

“WE SHALL NEVER FORGET” Some of the flower of Irish chivalry rests in the cemeteries that áhave been reserved in France, and the French people will always have these reminders of the debt that France owes to Irish valour. We shall always see that the graves of these heroes from across the sea are lovingly tended, and we shall try to ensure that the generations that come after us shall never forget the heroic dead of Ireland.

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Personal Account At first when the irish returned home from the war they were greeted as heroes.

As seen in these pictures. A Union Jack been flown on Dame street as the soldiers were greeted by great crowds.

However, Ireland had Independence from Britain on its mind, and after the 1916 rising, and the execution of the rebel leaders, a bitterness remained in Ireland towards Britain.

Sinn Fein grew in popularity and would achieve an independent Ireland either by agreement or by force.

Between 1919 to 1921 Ireland fought Britain in what became known as the war of independence.

Before long everything British became the enemy. The comemoration day, on the anniversary of the end of the Great War, which was observed and celebrated all over the world, became a point of contention. And over the following years it was stamped out altogether. Those who observed the comemoration were traitors to the Irish republic. Before long no one dared comemorate, or wear a British uniform, or waved a union jack in solidarity. Those who fought in the Great War fell silent, for fear of reprocussions from republican extremists.

Sylvester Cummins to his mother and young sister.

Under the command of Tipperary man Major General William Hickie, the 9th battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers of the 48th Brigade and 16th (Irish) Division of the British Expeditionary Force was mobilised for war on 18 December 1915.

They landed in the northern French port of Le Havre the next day, and spent three years on the western front.

Life in the trenches, shelling, charges into no-man’s land and poison gas for ever scarred those who survived. “The bursting shells threw up earth that descended in showers, shrapnel and other shells came roaring along … There is nothing for you to do except to keep a firm grip over everything and wait till the bombardment stops.” This letter was from a solider who fought with Sylvester, Second Lieutenant Bernard Reid.

Sylvester was involved in three major operations. He was in the trenches at Hulluch near Loos on the western front when the Germans launched a gas attack on 27 April 1916. The Irish Division suffered heavy casualties, with 538 dead.

Hundreds more were to suffer chronic lung conditions for the rest of their lives. “I had the sad job of collecting and burying the dead,” Lieutenant Lyon of the 7th Leinster regiment wrote. His description of his countrymen is heart-breaking, “some of them holding hands like children in the dark”. This was the same day that news reached my great-grandfather and his battalion that the Irish Easter Rising had started.

Irish Soldiers Welcomed Home taosach.gov.ie

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The War of Independence Personal Narrative

Since the 1916 rising and the execution of the leaders of that rising, public opinoin towards Britain had soured.

The British had promised Home Rule to Ireland, but this ran into complications; one such complication was the opposition

by Ulster Unionists, who were staunchly British, protestant, and opposed to Home Rule.

By 1918, the radical political party, Sinn Fein, was the most popular party in the country, and they had their eyes set on an independent Ireland.

Home Rule was dead, and now would come armed conflict with the British Empire.

During this period all things British were seen as the enemy. The Union Jack, which had to that point been Ireland’s national flag, became known as “the butcher’s apron.”

The IRA carried out assinations of British soldiers, RIC (the police force in Ireland at the time) and British intellegence officers operating in Dublin.

The Great War was over, and the tremendous triumphs and sacrifices Irish men wearing British uniforms had made were forgotten. All eyes were focussed on an independent Ireland.

The year after the war, and at the beginning

of the 1920’s the comemoration of Irish soldiers who fought in the great war was observed in Ireland as it was in many other countries around the world. However the flying of Union Jacks and the playing of the British national anthum proved very contentious. If an individual was to wear a British military uniform during this time, even if he was an Irish republican, he could be met with more than just hostility.

Ireland’s War of Independence in Summary By 1918, Home Rule had been forgotten as people in Ireland started campaigning for independence from Britain.

Sinn Féin had become a republican party and after their huge win in the 1918 general election they refused to take their seats in Westminster and instead set up the first Dáil Éireann (Irish Parliment) on 21 January 1919. Soon after, the War of Independence broke out. By 1921, the British government was negotiating with the Dáil. The President of the Dáil, Éamon

de Valera, sent a team led by Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins to London to strike an agreement with Britain.

Those negotiations ended with the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which gave most of Ireland independence as an Irish Free State but it would remain in the British Commonwealth. Six counties in Ulster were to remain in the UK - they became known as Northern Ireland. TDs in Dáil Éireann would still have to take an oath of alliegance to the King, and Britain would stay in control of three Irish ports (Berehaven, Lough Swilly and Cóbh).

The Treaty caused a split in the Dáil.

Most TDs voted in favour it and it was passed in 1922.

But the disagreements over the conditions spilled over to the whole country. Soon, not long after the War of Independence had ended, a civil war had broken out: Sinn Féin, the IRA and the Irish people had each split into “proTreaty” or “anti-Treaty” groups, and they fought each other for a year. Eventually, after much death and destruction including the death of Michael Collins - a truce was called. The Pro-Treaty Sinn Féin now led the government, and it had to rebuild a new Irish free state which had just experienced two very destructive wars. The story of modern Ireland was only beginning.

Whether pro, or anti treaty, one thing both sides were in agreement about, was that Britain was the enemy.

Michael Collins MIchael Collins, picture above, was one of the main protagonists of the war of independence.

He fought in the 1916 rising, and was the head of the IRA before and during the war of independence. He then became leader of the Free State army and fought with the Pro-treaty side in the Irish civil war. He was assinated in his home county of Cork during the civil war.

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irishhistory.blogspot.com

The Poppy: 1925 The popularity of Armistice Day, or ‘Poppy Day’, is evident from sales of the remembrance poppy in Dublin in the 1920s.

In his history of the IRA from 1926 to 1936, Brian Hanley notes that “Poppy Day was observed by thousands of people, particularly in Dublin during the 1920s.” It was claimed by the British Legion that over 500,000 poppies were sold in the Dublin area in 1924. This was at a time before the British Legion had even opened an office in Dublin, which they did in 1925. It was late October of 1925 when the poppy was formally launched in Ireland, something which led republican women to the creation of the Easter lily in 1926, as an ‘alternative’ symbol, and Ann Matthews has looked at this symbol in great detail during the course of her research on the role of women in the republican movement.

The popularity of the Easter Lily never even approached that of the Poppy.

In the inaugural year of the symbol, we know from Cumann na mBan’s (The women’s republican movement) own Annual Reports that only £34 was raised from sales of the lily, pittance when contrasted with the £7,430 evident from the “Annual Report of the Southern Ireland Area of the British Legion”, documenting poppy sales.

Armistice Day in 1926 witnessed a huge procession through the streets of the capital, destined for the Phoenix Park.

europeana1914-1918.eu

Irish times. Irish Soldiers returning home march in a parade down Dame Street and are met by masses of supporters. taosach.gov.ie

How veterines were treated Post-war Ireland Over 35,500 Irish soldiers died in the Great War. Memories of the war and the victims it claimed were still fresh in Irish households.

The Ireland to which the veterans returned was a very different place from the home they had left. Many were victimized either physically – the IRA murdered at least two hundred between 1919 – ’22, many of these murders resulting from personal grudges – or economically – the 1919 unemployment ratio of ex-servicemen was 46% in Ireland compared to just 10% Irish soldiers in the trenches at Ginchy.

In 1919, a Trust was founded to fund a permanent memorial to all the Irishmen who had fallen. Some nationalists did oppose a number of proposals and an early scheme to locate a memorial in Merrion Square did not succeed. The present War Memorial Gardens in Dublin, first proposed by a Cosgrave government, was the plan completed under a de Valera administration in 1936.

The poppy, common to many battlefields, was adopted as a symbol of remembrance of those who died in the war, but has since become politicised. Early Remembrance Day commemorations were attended by huge crowds, though Sinn Féin protests did lead to violence. In 1923, 150,000 poppies were sold within a few days in the Irish Free State.

The role of the Irish soldiers from the territory now the Republic, was gradually

played down, by both the establishment in the Republic who wanted to distance Ireland from Great Britain, and others preferred not to dwell on the contribution the Irish had made to the war.

Irish National War Memorial Gardens The War Memorial Gardens are situated on the southern slopes of the Liffey opposite the Magazine Fort in the Phoenix Park.

Designed by Sir Edward Lutyens, the gardens were built by a workforce made up of ex-servicemen from both the British and Irish armies. The Memorial is part of a larger, 150 acre park between Islandbridge and Chapelizod.

The committee which proposed building a memorial and established the Irish National War Memorial Trust fund to cover the cost, also erected Memorials to the Irish soldiers at battle-sites in France and Flanders.

‘Ireland’s Memorial Records,’ an eightvolume directory of the names and services of every Irish officer and soldier killed in the Great War was also published.

Copies of these records are kept in the book-rooms at the National War Memorial.

Early Remembrance Around the country, some communities (eg. some schools, Lansdowne Road rugby ground, churches and towns) erected memorials to honour those who had been killed in the First World War. In the early twenties, thousands of people would gather at various centres around the country, such as College Green in Dublin where the Ginchy Cross was temporarily erected each year as an Irish Cenotaph. A two minute silence was observed at 11am. According to ‘The

Irish Times,’ 120,00 people attended the College Green commemoration in 1925.

The same year, a smoke bomb was let off in the crowd and a film called ‘Ypres,’ stolen from The Masterpiece Cinema in Dublin. Sinn Féin organized annual protests and violence led to the relocation of the commemorations. On the Sunday prior to Remembrance Day, veterans gathered to parade to Requiem Mass at the Pro-Cathedral and later to a service in St. Patrick’s Cathedral. These religious services were attended by the Lord Mayor of Dublin and Foreign Ministers accredited to the Irish Free State. Representatives of the Free State government attended official commemorations in both Dublin and London and in 1938, a Fianna Fáil government sent a wreath of orange flowers and white lilies to the London Cenotaph, “in memory of the brave.”

The singing of the British national anthem and the display of the Union Jack at these events caused a great deal of distress to participants and Imperialists exploited the occasion as much as extreme Nationalists.

Over the years, in the Irish consciousness, the poppy and Remembrance Day have become associated less with respect for those who died in war and wrongly confused with a statement of political allegiance. Recently, some commentators and historians have begun to examine and evaluate the part played by Irish soldiers in the Great War. Some attention is now being given to the sacrifice of the 35,500 Irish people who died during the War, the suffering of the 200,000 who watched their comrades die and the grief of the loved ones who mourned for the lives lost.

Comemoration Day after 1926 For republicans—the IRA, Sinn Féin, and after 1926, Fianna Fáil—Poppy Day was a celebration of imperialism, an affront to everything they stood for.

It represented the flaunting of the despised Union Jack, the ‘butcher’s apron’, over those who had fought its representatives from 1916 to 1921. Despite the fact that some republicans had fought in the Great War themselves, including leading IRA figures such as Mick Price, and the legendary Tom Barry, Poppy Day was seen as ‘nothing more or less than homage of loyalty to England’s King’. Indeed the eve of Poppy Day became an important mobilising point for the IRA and the whole spectrum of radical republicanism. Under the aegis of the League Against Imperialism crowds would gather at College Green to hear speakers denounce ‘the flagrant display of British Imperialism disguised as Armistice celebrations’.

A report by Chief Superintendent Brennan of the Detective Branch to the Garda Commissioner Eoin O’Duffy described how the rally in 1930 ‘comprised some of the roughest elements of the population’. He estimated about 5,000 attended the rally.

The speakers that year represented the full spectrum of republican opinion.

The main platform comprised Mick Fitzpatrick (IRA), Helena Moloney (Women Workers’ Union), Alex Lynn BL (a prominent defender of IRA suspects), Éamon de Valera (Fianna Fáil), Sean Murray (Communist) and Frank Ryan (editor of An Phoblacht). The second platform included Seán MacBride (IRA), Jack O’Neill (described as ‘communist’ in the Garda report), the feminist Hanna Sheehy Skeffington and Peadar O’Donnell (IRA). Violent clashes between republicans and police, or those displaying ‘loyalist’ symbols invariably followed these rallies.

Shops and premises regarded as proBritish were singled out for attack, with a 1928 Sinn Féin leaflet listing Brown Thomas, Hayes Conyngham and Robinson and Trinity College as persistent displayers of ‘imperialistic’ bunting. After the 1930s rally, Gardaí fired shots in the air to disperse a mob who had chased two men wearing poppies into a tobacconist’s on O’Connell Street.

It was at an eve of Poppy Day rally that Frank Ryan made his famous speech that ‘no matter what anybody says to the contrary, while we have fists, hands, and boots to use and guns if necessary, there shall be no free speech for traitors’.

However, despite the regular use of such

Comemoration day 1926 at the Wellington Monument Phoenix park. Irish times. rhetoric, republican publications and speakers were usually at pains to point out that they held nothing against ordinary ex-servicemen, only against the use of their sacrifice for the purpose of jingoism.

Mick Fitzpatrick told the demonstrators that ‘Irishmen had no objection to people keeping green the memory of their relatives who had been gulled into fighting and losing their lives for the supposed defence of small nationalities, but they protested against such commemorations being made an annual excuse for the display of British imperialism in the streets of Dublin’. A resolution from Helena Moloney expressing sympathy with the relatives of the Irishmen killed in the war, and protesting against the display of British emblems was carried. A similar argument was made by Hanna Sheehy Skeffington in 1932, when she said that republicans ‘grudged no honour to the dead but objected to the dead being used to carry on the traditions of imperialism’.

De Valera spoke at the antiPoppy Day rally in 1930. Indeed a letter to prominent IRA leader Seán MacBride from Fianna Fáil secretary Seán Lemass claimed that the party had circulated all cumainn in Dublin city to attend the demonstration and ‘to do everything possible to ensure its success’.

However once Fianna Fáil was in government the difficulty of taking part in an event which invariably led to the disruption of public order became readily apparent to them. From 1932 there was no Fianna Fáil speaker at anti-Poppy

Day rallies and it had to consider its response to Remembrance Day in terms of its effect on the government’s position.

Rank-and-file Fianna Fáil members may have still regarded ex-servicemen as traitors, but the government were aware that they were a substantial section of the electorate. In October 1933 Garda Commissioner Eamon Broy wrote to the secretary of the Department of Justice recommending that ‘all marching, as well as the proposed ceremony in the Phoenix Park be prohibited’. In his opinion only church services, without any marching to or from, should be permitted. The Department of Justice however felt that it would be wrong to arrive at a decision ‘which might give offence to the large body of ex-servicemen in this country and…is of opinion that permission should be granted for the church parades, the march on the 11th of November and the two minutes silence in the Phoenix Park’.

Broy’s objections were not simply the gut reactions of a republican, but those which his pro-Treaty predecessors in the Gardaí had also raised. The opportunity Poppy Day gave for the IRA to mobilise on the one hand, coupled with what the Gardaí saw as the provocative actions of some of the British Legion’s supporters, had consistently perplexed the force. On 7 November 1928 Chief Superintendent David Neligan had complained to the Commissioner that ‘this “commemoration” is fast becoming the excuse for a regular military field-day for these persons. I think the attached programme gives these men far too much scope, and certainly if the irregulars adopted these tactics they would be arrested under the Treasonable Offences Act 1925’. Neligan was a hate figure for the IRA since the Civil War and was certainly no friend of theirs. The attached programme he referred to was a cutting

from the Irish Times which outlined the British Legion’s plans to march in full military formation, under the command of their officers, to the Phoenix Park. This display, complete with shouted commands and regimental and Union Jacks, was considered of grave concern to the Gardaí.

A 1932 memo to the Minister for Justice from Commissioner Eoin O’Duffy warned that the Poppy Day ceremonies were ‘a severe strain on police resources’ and that while the ‘responsible promoters’ may not desire any trouble, many of their followers ‘take advantage of such occasions to display anti-Irish and pro-British sentiments’. A particular irritant was the number of people at College Green, ‘ostensibly to observe the “two minutes silence” but who immediately afterwards indulged in a “community singing” of the English national anthem’. There is no doubt that the practice of Trinity students in particular, in closing off College Green, and singing God save the King infuriated many Dubliners. For a section at least, of southern unionists, Remembrance Day was an opportunity to deny the reality of the changes that had taken place since 1922. A further point seized upon by the opponents of Poppy Day was the presence at several parades of black-shirted ‘British Fascisti’. This peculiar group actually owned a premises in Molesworth Street, but their public appearances were limited to Remembrance Day. They applied to join the Army Comrades’ Association in July 1933, but were refused. The Special Branch regarded them as being of ‘no importance’ but their appearance was the cause of much complaint. Eventually, the British Legion was forced to prohibit them, along with open displays of the Union Jack and military commands, from its parades.

Present day Ireland Sylvester Cummins Patrick Pearse had issued the Proclamation of the Irish Republic on the steps of the General Post Office (GPO) three days earlier.

Thus began an unstoppable series of events that cumulated in the Irish war of independence of 1919-1921. A terrible beauty was born. “Irishmen!/ Heavy uproar in Ireland/ English guns are firing at/ Your wifes and children!” read the German placards opposite the Irish trenches. The Ireland Sylvester left would prove to be unrecognisable from the one he returned to.

The Royal Dublin Fusiliers were involved in two stages of the battle of the Somme in September 1916. The village of Guillemont was captured and the heavily fortified German position at Ginchy was taken. Sylvester’s battalion lost 66 men at Ginchy, including the Irish Nationalist MP Lieutenant Tom Kettle.

They helped capture Wytschaete in June 1917, the opening day of the battle of Messines. He was also involved in Langemarck at the Third Battle of Ypres.

This major offensive in Flanders in 1917 attempted to break through the fortified German defences enclosing the Ypres Salient. The difficult, waterlogged conditions caused major casualities, and Sylvester’s records suggest that he was injured in September 1917.

Two years on the frontline were rewarded with a transfer to the Labour Corps, a unit for men deemed physically unfit for normal soldiering, but not injured enough to be sent home. Sylvester was medically rated “B2”, below the “A1” condition needed for frontline service. As a member of the Area Employment Company, he would have done salvage work within range of the enemy fire, sometimes for lengthy periods, adding to the mental anguish already accumulated from the gas at Hulluch and the shellshock from the trenches. of Messines. He was also involved in Langemarck at the Third Battle of Ypres. This major offensive in Flanders in 1917 attempted to break through the fortified German defences enclosing the Ypres Salient. The difficult, waterlogged conditions caused major casualities, and Sylvester’s records suggest that he was injured in September 1917.

Two years on the frontline were rewarded with a transfer to the Labour Corps, a unit for men deemed physically unfit for normal soldiering, but not injured enough to be sent home. Sylvester was medically rated “B2”, below the “A1” condition needed for frontline service. As a member of the Area Employment Company, he would have done salvage work within range of the enemy fire, sometimes for lengthy periods, adding to the mental anguish already accumulated from the gas at Hulluch and the shellshock from the trenches.

Why Irish people shouldn’t wear the poppy A Chara

The debate about whether or not to wear a British poppy in Ireland has once again engaged the general public.

The same arguments for and against are once again presented. The most cited argument in favour seems to be “Remember those Irishmen who perished in WW1”. The most cited against seems to be a belief that wearing a poppy in Ireland is an attack on those who support the concept of the Irish Nation State and an insult to those who died fighting for it. Many of these and other, controversial points can be laid to rest simply by reading some of the ample information on the wearing of the poppy provided by the Royal British Legion. They and they alone produce and distribute the poppy.

On the legions official website they state that virtually all of the survivors of WW1 are now deceased. They then go on to state that the poppy should be worn to support all the British Military Service Personal who served in all conflicts since 1945.

The wearing of the Poppy is to honour ALL current and former British Soldiers, Sailors and Air Men in all conflicts. This

is stressed again and again by the British Legion and repeated by British Politicians and commentators. To further emphasize this point the Legion dedicates the wearing of the poppy each year to serving soldiers.

This year it is dedicated to those in Afghanistan and last year it was dedicated to “our heroes in Basra” .

This means that wearing the Poppy in Ireland honours all the British Soldiers who committed all the atrocities in Ireland. You can not conveniently isolate the wearing of the Poppy in Ireland to WW1 and WW2. You can not simply ignore the fact that you are honouring the Black and Tans, the Murders of Bloody Sunday (both), the executioners of 1916 and so forth

Every year some media commentators tell us yet again that we should wear a poppy to remember the Irish soldiers who died in WW1. Indeed we should remember. We should remember that no Irish soldiers died in WW1.

Unfortunately tens of thousands of British soldiers, recruited in Ireland did loose their young lives in that terrible conflict.

We should also remember the many Irish

soldiers who did die at the time of WW1.

They died in Ireland, most died fighting the British army, some were executed, while some were simply murdered.

There was much publicity recently when the Grangemockler G.A.A. club in Tipperary held commemorative events dedicated to “our greatest son” Michael Hogan.

The Hogan stand in Croke Park is named in honour of him. Michael Hogan was but one of the 14 civilians shot dead in Croke Park by British soldiers on November 21st 1920, an event that quickly became known as Bloody Sunday.

This year the G.A.A. celebrates its 125th anniversary a truly great achievement.

The association has had to adapt and compete with the many codes of sports now so readily available to our youth. This weekend will see the Republic of Ireland team play France in Croke Park a week before the anniversary of Bloody Sunday.

I am sure some people will pause on the night to remember. I hope they choose to remember the victims’ of Bloody Sunday especially the children, rather than the uniformed thugs who murdered them.

“Lest we forget”

Mary Mcilise comemorating the Irish who died in WW1 in 1998. It was the first ever public acknowledgement by a head of state. tracingyourmourneroots.com

The Taoiseach will lay a wreath in Enniskillen and TV screens will show the poppy being worn on everything from sports jerseys to ball gowns.

Yet in Ireland, Remembrance Sunday and tomorrow’s Remembrance Day will go largely unmarked, aside from a few ceremonies across the country. Writing onTheJournal.ie last week, Kate Bellamy made the case for wearing the poppy.

She says it recognises a senseless loss of life across Europe, not British nationalism.

So, we’re asking: Should Irish people wear poppies in honour of our war dead?

Poll Results: thejournal.ie

Wearing the poppy in Dublin I am walking down Talbot Street in Dublin city centre, heading towards Connolly Station, when a man on a bicycle materialises alongside me and starts to roar abuse.

“That f***ing thing,” he shouts, pointing to the bright red poppy on my lapel. “Go back to England with your f***ing poppy.”

It’s a bizarre outburst, considering that the 30-something cyclist is wearing a tracksuit top emblazoned with the words Chelsea FC -- one of England’s top football teams.

His words rattle me badly and I don’t respond. He has the countenance of someone who would be quite happy to let his fists do the talking and I’m relieved when he cycles away, rant over.

My sense of unease is compounded by the fact that I have been wearing this Remembrance Day symbol for only half-an-hour and already I’ve been on the receiving end of looks that have veered from suspicious to hostile.

The idea had been simple: how do Irish people regard the poppy and its meaning

in 2012? It’s one thing to see it sported by every presenter on British television -- but what reaction would I get if I walked through the streets of Dublin wearing it?

How many are now keen to acknowledge the thousands of Irishmen who served in the British army, especially the 200,000 or so from here who fought in the First World War? Of those, more than 50,000 perished in the trenches.

I’m not the only one to gauge the mood. Fine Gael TD for Roscommon/Leitrim, Frank Feighan, became the first member of the Dáil to wear the poppy in the house for 16 years and, during the week, ex-Taoiseach John Bruton sported the symbol on Channel 4.

But it’s a very different story walking through the streets of Ireland’s capital where, in the course of three days, I see only one other person wearing a poppy.

He is a professional male in his 30s and his head is held high.

Despite the verbal abuse from the angry Chelsea fan that first day, I don’t experience any direct hostility. Sure, there are

lots of inquisitive stares and there is an unsettling moment when a pair of young men with strong Northern Irish accents suspend their conversation as I walk by: they stare at the poppy -- and then at me -with open contempt. But for the most part, anyone who has something to say to me about it is positive.

I’m touched by a chance encounter with a woman in Bewley’s on Grafton Street, who says it’s great to see an Irish person wear the poppy in acknowledgement of all those countrymen who died fighting in both world wars. She is originally from Kent and has lived in Ireland for 30 years. She is heartened to see that relations between this country and Britain have improved significantly in recent years.

Another day, an elderly Dublin man stops me near the Spire on O’Connell Street to applaud my decision to wear the poppy.

He says he grew up hearing the stories of many Irishmen who “gave their lives for Ireland” by fighting in British colours

during the First World War. He is saddened that for many, the poppy is seen as a symbol of British imperialism, rather than a simple acknowledgement that people died fighting for a cause they believed in and that we all benefit from today.

“It’s a way of showing that we haven’t forgotten,” he says, “and are grateful.”

Pam Roche, the Dublin county manager of the Royal British Legion, is well used to hearing such brickbats. But she says the response of her fellow Irish people tends to be much more considered and that support for the poppy is growing.

When I meet her on Monday morning in her office off Nassau Street, she is opening envelope after envelope of donations -- some of them anonymous. In the 12 months up to the end of October, some €250,000 was raised in the Republic alone.

“It’s a really good figure,” she says, “especially in an environment where people are suffering charity-fatigue and are struggling to make ends meet themselves.” independant.ie

Shou ld we reme mb e r ?

Personal Narrative For me personally i think it is important that we do remember. These men fought and either perished or survived for the freedom of others. And even those who did survive, the war never lef them. It may not have killed them, but in many cases, as in the case of Sylvester Cummins, it took away their lives.

For me, I have relatives who fought and died in the second world war, and relatives who fought in the first world war. On my father’s side of the family, there was a long tradition of joining the British army.

I comemorate these people; my great grand uncle who died in Turkey fighting the Nazis, and my great grand parents who fought in world war one. However,

I do it privately. I don’t walk the streets of Dublin wearing the poppy, for fear of abuse or confrontation, so I am confined to the privacy of my own home when i comemorate.

I have friends who are staunch Sinn Fein supporters. And even with these friends, I wouldn’t talk about my relatives who fought for Britain, because they see them as traitors, and I wouldn’t take kindly to my relatives being referred to in such a way. So to save an argument, we say nothing of such things.

In more recent times there has been acknowledgement of those who died.

It began when our presedent publicly comemorated those who died for the first time in 1998. Those veterines and heroes have been waiting a very long time for that acknowledgement.

This is Ireland’s taboo, and the victims of this taboo are the brave heroes who sacrificed their lives in the trenches. For so long they were forgotten, and even worse, the are branded by some as traitors to their own country.

Heroes Sylvester Cummins We know it now as post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD. There was no understanding at the time of the psychological effect of experiencing intense fear and raw horror over a prolonged period of time. “This is not a war,” Sebastian Faulks surmised in Bird Song, “this is an exploration of how far men can be degraded.” By the time the armistice was signed in November 1918, on “the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month,” Sylvester had survived two years of trench warfare and another awful year in the no-man’s land of the Labour Corps.

The Irishmen who fought in the first world war were officially forgotten in postindependence Ireland. The end of the war coincided with a changed political climate.

Redmond’s call at Woodenbridge was rewarded with just six seats from 105 for the Irish party at the 1918 election. Home Rule was dead. The militant nationalism

expressed by Éamon de Valera’s Sinn Fein was in the ascendancy. All had changed, changed utterly.

In November 1920, Sylvester’s disability pension was approved and he signed the receipt for his army medal, the 1914/1915 Star. This was the same month that my grand-uncle, no relation to Sylvester, took part in the assassination of British intelligence officers on what became known as Bloody Sunday. Charlie Byrne was a member of the revolutionary leader Michael Collins’s “apostles”, an elite team of men with the specific purpose of killing British armed forces during the Irish war of independence. Two Irishmen on different sides of history: one served in a British army uniform, the other killed men wearing them.

This was not an Ireland for a southern Catholic who had served in the British army. A collective national amnesia had decided that the southern Irish soldiers belonged neither to the unionist tradition of the north or the republican legacy of

rootschat.com

Traitors the south. Many veterans, including my great-grandfather, decided to live outside Ireland after the war. Poverty and high unemployment were certainly factors, but so too was the explicit hostility to those who had served in the war.

“Let there be a war memorial. That is one thing, but a war memorial in Merrion Square, a public park, presumably with the railings gone and leading up to the entrance of Government Buildings, is another thing.” The minister of justice, Kevin O’Higgins, was adamant that any memorial for those that had died in the war, including his own brother, would be out of sight and therefore out of mind.

It was not until 1988 that the Irish National War Memorial Gardens, 5km from parliament on the outskirts of Dublin, were formally dedicated and opened to the public. The Queen’s visit to the Islandbridge memorial in 2011 was the first time that I became aware it existed.

The first world war was not taught in Irish schools. Most Irish people would

be surprised to learn that an estimated 200,000 Irishmen served in the British army. The silence in our history books about the 50,000 dead is sorrowing. Many other Irish-born men fought and died with the American, Canadian, Australian and New Zealand armies.

My first insight into the Irish in the first world war was through the eyes of the fictional character, Willie Dunne. The 2005 novel by Sebastian Barry, A Long Long Way, tells the story of a Dublin Fusiliers solider. It was fiction that taught me the facts of Irish history.

Next week, president Michael D Higgins will make the first visit by an Irish head of state to the UK. The four-day trip follows the successful visit by Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh to the Republic of Ireland in 2011, the first by the head of the British monarchy since 1911.

This normalisation of Anglo-Irish relations, 93 years after the Irish war of independence ended, is brimming with public symbolism and private emotion.

On Wednesday morning, the president and his wife, Sabina, will be escorted by the Duke of York to the grand staircase in Windsor castle to view the colours of Irish regiments from the first world war – the Royal Dublin Fusiliers, Royal Irish Regiment, Royal Munster Fusiliers, Connaught Rangers, Prince of Wales’s Leinster Regiment and the South Irish Horse, which were all disbanded following the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922. The solitary act of standing before the colours will help Ireland to purposely remember what was deliberately forgotten.

Sylvester survived the war, but not the consequences of it. His wife died in September 1935 from meningitis. She had helped keep his shellshock at bay and he was entirely dependent on her support.

He had lived with the noise of shelling in his head and the lingering taste of poison gas for 20 raw years. The memory of his daughter is one of her beloved father pacing the floor, over and over and over again.

“Suicide by gas poisoning, there being no evidence to show state of mind,” read the death certificate, five months after his wife’s

death. On the back of a photograph of him taken after the war, are the words, “Dad died. We loved him.”

My grandmother did not tell her children about the circumstances of her father’s death and his service in the first world war until she was in her 70s. She did not want anyone to think badly of the father she loved. His final resting place lies outside Eccles near Manchester. “We let him be forgotten,” she once whispered at his grave.

Thomas Kettle wrote a poem, To My Daughter Betty, the Gift of God. In that brutal intimacy at the front, did he show it to Sylvester, his fellow soldier in the Dublin Fusiliers? I dedicate this to my grandmother, who lost her father because of the war.

So here, while the mad guns curse overhead, And tired men sigh with mud for couch and floor, Know that we fools, now with the foolish dead, Died not for flag, nor King, nor Emperor, But for a dream, born in a herdsman’s shed, And for the secret Scripture of the poor.

Portland.indymedia.org

Should we remember, or should we forget?