1
Dear readers,
C
ommitment to a cause is thought to be like love at first sight. You either instinctively care about an issue or you don’t. The difference between those who rally in the streets protesting for social change and those who feel no personal or emotional connection to social issues seems to fall down to the characteristics and background of each individual. If you are a contributor to this magazine or a reader, you are someone who is invested in issues of Asian or Asian-American heritage, culture, race-relations, and identity. For everyone else, gaining insight into the experiences of others may seem like an intellectual exercise, only slightly more important than collecting trivia knowledge. But, from personal experience, I know the myth of instinctive commitment to be false. It’s a conscious decision to invest in a cause. As you expend time and energy on something, you will find that you begin to understand its significance as a result. My involvement in NU Asian shapes me as much as I shape it, reaffirming my belief that giving Asian students at Northwestern a voice is important, and I am confident that it has done the same for our writers, uncovering reasons to care more deeply about their stories even while they interview or write drafts. In telling the stories of undocumented Asian immigrants who struggle with the legitimacy of their American identity (pg. 16), Asian artists who challenge convention and redefine free expression (pg. 12) (pg. 15), or a South Asian religious holiday that bridges people of different backgrounds (pg. 5), our many contributors have the legacy of caring built more firmly into themselves even as they put it into this magazine. It is not just people with an immediate reason to care who have a stake in this magazine--it’s anyone who chooses to invest in this dialogue regardless of race, culture, or experience. If there is a glint of something in these pages that strikes you as worth looking into, I encourage you to explore it and learn more. Open yourself to the possibility that becoming a passionate individual is not the catalyst of action but rather the consequence of it. I am honored to be working alongside a talented staff of editors and contributors who gave so much of themselves to the creation of this issue. I am also thankful to the individuals and organizations who believe in our work and support us. And of course, thanks to you for reading. Sincerely, Cheryl Wang
Editor in Chief Creative Director Managing Editors
Cheryl Wang
Writers
Yang Yu Wendi Gu Jeremy Seah Jun En Joyce Lee
Photo and Art Director Nicky Nicholson-Klingerman Web Editor Business Director
Jia You Vickie Huang
APAC External President and Assistant Editor Satugarn Limthongviratn 2
Designers
Web Designer
MEET OUR STAFF Jorene Ooi Tony Kim Nalin Natrajan Joyce Lee Cheryl Wang Yuri Han Siyu Zhao Yusun Chin Wendi Gu Emiliano Vera Jeremy Seah Jun En Jia You Yoona Ha
Bloggers
Marketing Adviser
Nicole Zhu Zhe Dong Denise Zou Joon Young Kwon Priyanka Mody Eric Kennedy Grace Lim Harlynn Siler Louie Lainez
Alice Zhang Elena Westbrook Lukasz Siuty
Special Thanks to: Asian American Studies Program, International Studies Department
Melody Yin
Published with support from Campus Progress, a division of the Center for American Progress. Online at CampusProgress.org
Con tents Campus Lighting up Northwestern
5
The Asian Divide
6
Chicago & Beyond
Upstanding Citizen, Status: Undocumented
16
Reaffirming Affirmative Action
18
“My Father is Li Gang”
19
Rebuilding the Pyramid
20
Overcoming the Odds
22
The Asian Social Network
8
On Asian Basketball Stars and Tiger Moms
10
The Noble Laureates
12
We the People
14 Doing Tofu Right
25
Rebel With a Cause
15 Racism Evolved
27
Others
3
4
Winter 2013 | Campus
Lighting up Northwestern Northwestern’s Diwali celebration is more than just a religious festival. By Jorene Ooi
D
iwali, popularly known as the Festival of Lights, is one of the most important holidays in India. The name “Diwali” itself arises from a contraction of the word “Deepavali,” which means a row (avali) of lamps (deepa). It is a celebration of light and the victory of good over evil – symbolically portrayed by the rows of festive lamps. Diwali is primarily a Hindu festival, although it has special significance in Jainism and Sikhism as well. Celebrated yearly in October or November, there are several stories associated with the festival. In one, lamps welcome the return of Rama, an avatar of the Hindu god Vishnu, after fourteen years of exile. In another version, the lamps commemorate the killing of the demon Narakasura. It is precisely the festival’s many meanings across these religions that makes it such a unifying event. “Diwali is a really special festival for Indians because it is one of the few festivals that are celebrated all over the country,” says Rishitha Chennupati, publicity chair for the Indian Graduate Students and Scholars Association’s (IGSSA) and second-year Kellogg student. “It brings people together, even across religions. In India, even if you are not a Hindu or any of these religions, you’ll always be invited to somebody’s house for dancing, food, parties, lights.” Diwali’s unifying power translates to the Northwestern campus. In anticipation of Diwali, which
occurred Nov. 13th this year, IGSSA organized a celebration Nov. 10 at the Ryan Family Auditorium. The event featured classical Indian dances such as Bharatha Natyam, a folk dance of Mahasashtra, and Carnatic classical music. Unfortunately, lighting lamps in the auditorium was not viable, though that did not seem to greatly faze the crowd of 220, who came dressed up in traditional costumes such sarees, salwas and churidars. On November 9th, Northwestern’s South Asian Student Alliance (SASA) also organized its own Diwali Night at Parkes Hall. This year, SASA collaborated with OM Hindu Cultural Council to provide attendees with pooja services, the Hindu ritual of making offerings to deities or important guests. The religious service was followed by a dinner, performances from Northwestern’s dance teams such as Bhangra, Deeva and Anubhav, and an open dance floor. According to Weinberg sophomore Nirmal Desai, who is SASA’s cultural chair, the event was meant to balance the religious and social aspects of Diwali. Both events served to bring the Northwestern community together. “SASA has a very diverse group of members,” Nirmal explains. “While many of our members are undergraduates of South Asian descent, we also have many active members who are not South Asian. Many graduate and international students are also actively involved.” Both graduate
and undergraduate students were involved with IGSSA’s event as well. Members of the undergraduate student activist group, Project RISHI, which works to make quality healthcare more accessible to rural Indians, collaborated with IGSSA to highlight their cause. The events which students groups like IGSSA and SASA run help students feel less homesick. “It was creating your own Diwali home away from home, with all the people that belong to your community,” Rishitha says, in reference to the IGSSA Diwali celebration. Diwali’s power of bringing people together extends to those outside the Northwestern community as well – students from University of Illinois at Chicago commuted to Evanston just to perform dances at the IGSSA event. “You get to meet so many people that you would never otherwise meet,” Rishitha says. She recounted the story of the two Chinese-American students who helped create the rangoli decorations. Rangoli are colorful designs made on the floor with powder or dyed rice. “They were so fascinated by it!” She added, “It was definitely not restricted to any particular religion. It was more of bringing together everybody related to the Indian community and who were interested in the Indian community to come forward and be part of the celebration.” 5
NU Asian
The Asian Divide on Campus By Tony Kim
Just how united is the Northwestern Asian student body?
T
he Asian population is undeniably a large presence at Northwestern— Asian-American students make up a fifth of the class of 2016, excluding the number of Asian international students, according to Northwestern’s official website. While racial divisions within the campus do visibly exist on campus, several students say ethnic divisions within the Asian community are just as distinct. Students feel more comfortable spending time with other students of the same ethnicity who share the same culture and language, said Sophia Hsu, president of Taiwan American Student Club. Hsu compared the Asian population to that of a “porous membrane” that allows Asian students to “easily open doors” and communicate with other Asian ethnic groups who are usually “open to interacting” but recognized that students tend to stick closely to their own ethnic group. Ethnic groups aren’t the only factors in the division as other students pointed out that geographic locations also tend to set Asian students apart from one another. Tina Zhao, president of Asian Pacific American Coalition, said, “The term Asian usually refers to East Asians although there is a considerable number of Southeast and South Asians on campus.” The other significant factor contributing to the disconnect within the Asian community is the culture students grew up in. Namely, students often place themselves in the categories of international Asian or Asian-American. The degree to how divisive the ethnic group is based on this factor of culture— varying within each group.
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The staff of NU Asian Magazine
China Night, hosted by Chinese International Student Association
Zhao said the Chinese community shows a significant split between the Chinese international and Chinese American students. “You can definitely see the divide between the international Chinese and Chinese-Americans because there is a language barrier and a cultural barrier,” she said. “They might say a joke in Chinese and we might say a joke in English that they won’t understand because they don’t have that background.”
On the other hand, Monica Yang, the president of Chinese Students Association, said the line dividing the two groups may not be as visible as Zhao claims. “In my experience, to be honest, I’ve been relatively surprised,” Yang said. “Chinese international students are super outgoing and want to collaborate with us.” For Taiwanese students, Hsu said that mixing
Winter 2013 | Campus
regularly occurs between the two groups as most Northwestern international Taiwanese students went to international schools that embody many of the characteristics of traditional American private schools. Although minor divisions may sometimes occur due to differences in culture, Hsu said most Taiwanese students are integrated as most went to school with English as their native language. The most visible rift, according to Zhao and Mike Choi, a member of International Student Association, is seen in the Korean community at Northwestern. There are two campus groups clearly separating the groups: KASA (Korea American Students Association) and KANU (Koreans at Northwestern University). He explained that KASA is an official club on campus that usually attracts Korean-Americans or Koreans more comfortable withspeaking English while the latter
an students usually for social outings. Even from an outsiders’ perspective, Zhou said the that there was “definitely a KASA and KANU divide” within the Korean community and neither groups “seemed to interact with one another at all.” Choi recognized however that there are a considerable number of Asian students who fall in the middle ground of both groups. “I’ve definitely seen on Northwestern almost like a spectrum of whether you’re fully international or you’re fully born and raised in America,” Choi said.
group is an unofficial group gathering native Kore-
aasp
Asian American Studies Program
Minor in Asian American Studies Join Asian American Studies and learn to be a leader for our global and multiracial 21st century society. Build lifelong community with quarterly field trips and meals with faculty, learn from award-winning teachers, and be inspired to changed the world. It takes 7 classes to fulfill the minor. To learn more about the minor contact Professor Jinah Kim or visit asianamerican.northwestern.edu
7
NU Asian
#the asian social network By Nalin Natrajan
Facebook has done a good job of taking over the world, but it’s not a complete monopoly. With an active population larger than that of the United States, Facebook is probably the most popular social network today. However, things look a little different in the Asia-Pacific region, especially on the other side of the Great Firewall. Whereas Facebook and Twitter dominate in most of the world, China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan would apparently much rather be on Renren and Weibo, Mixi, CyWorld, and Wretch respectively. Why is it that Facebook and Twitter have been unable to break into these countries? Language barriers? Government censorship? Cultural differences? In order to find out, I thought I’d try a couple of these social networks out.
Renren.com Renren, Chinese for “everyone’s website,” started out as a college network like Facebook and expanded to more people later on. On first impression, Renren comes across as expected – a copy of Facebook worthy of standing alongside the “Burberry” and “Ralph Lauren” knockoff products one might pick up at the Pearl Market in Beijing. Note: Renren makes you use a CAPTCHA – in Chinese! Just as annoying as the ones in English.
SUCCESS! I have a Renren profile, here’s my newsfeed: I already had a full news feed – full of commercial material that is – despite having no Renren friends as yet.
Key Differences One of the biggest differences is the Renren feature that tells you who viewed your profile (I’m guessing this will be the bane of all of you stalkers’ existences). Another major difference is Renren’s gameification of the social media platform. Renren employs a point system that allows users to rack up points to unlock additional skins, emoticons, and most importantly: the ability to browse other peoples’ profiles privately. Also, Renren integrates a music player as part of the site itself (not a standalone app). The Renren music page shows you a collection of trending artists, and then launches a mini player in a standalone window: Apparently ‘One Direction’ was trending in China:
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Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
didn’t have to. CyWorld gave me a sign up page in English. From then on, it was easy:
The Good: Clean layout, like Facebook pre-timeline The Bad: Saturated with ads, not as user friendly as Facebook, Chinese censorship The Ugly: Letting people see who viewed their profile, charging money to disable it this function
CyWorld
I know Chinese, so navigating Renren was relatively simple. But how would I get through CyWorld if it was in Korean? As it turned out, I
Differences between Cyworld and Facebook: CyWorld consolidates your newsfeed into something called a “miniHome” that is in a separate, smaller window (above), abandoning the more modern, professional look of Facebook for a more personalized, “cute” look. The “miniHome” is meant to be decorated and personalized like an online “home. Users can also change the color scheme of their miniHome and upload images to their backgrounds, much like blogs. Another major difference is a Sims-like game mode that lets users create avatars and interact with each other in a virtual. Unfortunately, I did not get to try out this feature because of my lack of CyWorld friends.
Conclusion:
Using both of these Social Networks was an interesting experience because, having grown up with Facebook and Twitter, I always thought of social networks as a means of sharing information rather than as a means of effective two way communication. Perhaps renren and cyworld attempt to incentivise sharing in cultures where sharing may not be the norm by adding the game features.
Overall, both networks serve their purpose well, but neither convinces me to move from Facebook or Twitter. (Though I would have loved Weibo to keep up with Chinese news).
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NU Asian NU Asian
Sewell Chan
1010
Sewell Chan Sewell Chan
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
New York Times Op-ed Editor Sewell Chan talks Asians in the media.
A
sian-American coverage in the media is dominated by notable figures such as Jeremy Lin, the MBA basketball player and Harvard graduate, or Amy Chua, proof that Asian mothers are truly “tigers.” But Asian-Americans haven’t been very well examined, says Sewell Chan, the deputy Op-Ed editor of the New York Times, and there has to be more nuanced coverage of Asian-Americans in the media tackling cultural generalizations. Chan recently sat down for a round table discussion with a little over 15 Northwestern students and faculty members near the end of October to discuss coverage of Asian-Americans in the media and the role diversity plays behind the scenes in media production.
experiences in the Asian-American population. Such diversity can come from a root as simple as the different routes taken by families to the U.S. “How do you compare the experiences among refugees to [Asian-Americans] resettled in the 80s in the Midwest,” Chan asks. But the issue with inaccurate or lacking coverage points is an issue with many folds. There is the complexity of covering diverse communities and also the underrepresentation of AsianAmericans in the Media. But there’s also the media’s lack of class diversity, Chan says.
you have a background in something, that doesn’t necessarily give you a greater background,” Chan says. “Journalists [engage] in an intense, obsessive act of curiosity. [They] bore really deep, immerse [themselves] to understand something.” But, in the globalized world of today, a newsroom simply has to be diverse, he added. Going forward, coverage of Asian-Americans will probably be focused on the two concerns that made Amy Chua’s Tiger Mom idea viral, Chan says. The rising of influence in China, portending the economic might of Asia, and the competitiveness many
Asians recently overtook Hispanics as the fastest growing immigrant group in the U.S., according to a June 2012 study by the Pew Research Center. But, Chan says, Asian-Americans are severely under-examined in the media and subject to much cultural generalization and stereotypes. For example, there is no distinction between Asians and Asian-Americans, as pointed out by the Asian American Journalist’s Association (AAJA) in their guidelines for covering Jeremy Lin. “Jeremy Lin is Asian American, not Asian (more specifically, Taiwanese American),” the media advisory says. Stereotypes perpetuated by the media hide certain truths, Chan says. Surprisingly, Chan says, of the 72 percent Asian population at Stuyvescent High School, a specialized public school in New York City where admittance is based on a test, many are from blue-collar immigrant families like Chan’s. There has to be recognition of the spectrum of
Director of Program in Asian American Studies, Professor Carolyn Chen “At the New York Times (NYT), we actually don’t have enough class diversity,” Chan says. “A lot of journalists come from very, very established families. [There are] three journalists from NYT whose parents are federal judges.” “My dad was a cab driver,” Chan says. Ideally, one’s ethnicity shouldn’t play a role when it comes to good journalism, Chan says. “[I] subscribe to a simplistic view [that just] because
middle and upper class parents feel raising their children in an increasingly high pressure society. But, then again, Amy Chua’s Tiger Mom idea is only a generalization. “I found the Tiger Mom thesis kind of infuriating partly because I grew up in a family that was so opposite [the one] Amy Chua was describing,” Chan says. “[I have] great parents, very loving, very hard working. I was always a very independent kid. Not programmed, pretty self motivated.”
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NU Asian
The Noble Laureates
Asian authors gaining recognition are expected to prove they are worthy of the fame. By Cheryl Wang
Mo Yan
D
espite housing around 60 percent of the world’s population, Asia has received less than four percent of all the Nobel Prizes in Literature ever awarded. Other major international literary awards display the same underrepresentation, and few Asian writers have achieved the status of international household name. With the awarding of the 2012 Nobel Prize in Literature to Chinese author Mo Yan and the increasing popularity of Japanese author Haruki Murakami, it seems Asia is finally gaining some recognition for its literary talent. However, for Yan and Murakami, the spotlight has also created controversy over their literature and the responsibilities that come with international accolades. While Yan is beloved in China, he has come
12
under fire abroad for his lack of advocacy against Chinese censorship and the detention of Nobel laureate Liu Xiaobo. Many critics have expressed disappointment at not having found a strong human rights proponent in the author, labeling Yan a coward and implying a lack of merit for the title of Nobel laureate. In response, Yan has said that “[a] writer should express criticism and indignation at the dark side of society and the ugliness of human nature, but we should not use one uniform expression. Some may want to shout on the street, but we should tolerate those who hide in their rooms and use literature to voice their opinions.” It is difficult to reconcile Yan’s lack of explicit advocacy with the veins of satire and social commentary in his novels, which often paint government policies
in a negative light. But together his written works and public statements demonstrate a resistance to blindly following anyone else’s political agenda, whether that of the Chinese government which wishes to make him a symbol of national pride or the Western democratic factions which hope for an outspoken human rights activist. In this regard, he may stand on common ground with Murakami. Murakami and Yan have both been praised for their aesthetic style but decried for a perceived lack of activism. Murakami has said in regards to his contemporary, Kenzaburo Oe, who is a Nobel laureate and established political activist, “He was a powerful writer to me when he was young, but I’m not interested in politics or making statements. I let him do that.” Detractors have criticized Murakami as lack-
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
Haruki Murakami
ing the sense of moral responsibility exhibited by Oe and resorting instead to lighter, pop culture-hip fiction to appeal to the masses. In describing the reaction of Murakami’s Japanese readers to his work, Northwestern comparative literature professor Phyllis Lyons, who specializes in Japanese literature, notes, “People weren’t saying ‘what deep thoughts,’ they were saying ‘what fun!’” But Lyons is a staunch believer in the depth of Murakami’s work, adamant that behind the fun lies an acute portrait of society that comes close to home for many of the Japanese people. “It’s not the kind of consciousness that you would be used to… Murakami sees people’s hearts, what it is that moves them,” said Lyons. Many have connected with the universal themes of loneliness within his writing,
evident even in a brief piece of work such as “On Seeing the 100% Perfect Girl One Beautiful April Morning.” His work has been called “easy to read, but not easy to understand” by his enthusiasts. For these Asian writers, the story of their ascendance into fame is about staying true to their own instincts about their voices, regardless of the expectations placed on them. Yan and Murakami are both invested in using their voices to reflect and shape society, but they refuse to let others dictate how they do it. Murakami summed it up in a few candid words regarding his controversial 2009 acceptance of the Jerusalem prize, saying “Like most novelists, I like to do exactly the opposite of what I’m told. It’s in my nature as a novelist. Novelists can’t trust anything they haven’t seen with their own eyes or
touched with their own hands. So I chose to see. I chose to speak here rather than say nothing.”
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NU Asian
We the People By Yuri Han
Asian-American voters overwhelmingly support Obama.
B
arack Obama won the 2013 presidential election with the support of minority groups. A majority of Hispanics and African Americans voted for Obama, as they did in 2008, and surprisingly, an overwhelming number of Asian Americans did too. The Asian American demographic has the highest median household income and subscribes to traditional family values—economic and social indicators that Asian Americans would support the Republican Party. However, in the most recent election, 73 percent of Asian Americans voted for Obama, while 26 percent voted for Mitt Romney, according to exit polling by The New York Times. The majority of Asian Americans felt a stronger connection to Obama’s message and the Democratic Party’s platform for larger government with more services. Obama’s message for equal opportunities for all, regardless of one’s sexuality, race or ethnicity, appealed to his voters, said Alexa Wong, Weinberg senior majoring in political science. Wong worked on Michelle Obama’s correspondence team over the summer and for the past few months on Barack Obama’s campaign team. “The re-election doesn’t cater to just Asian Americans but all minorities,” said Wong. “The democratic campaign was about equal opportunities for anyone, and making sure there are no obstacles to success. [Asian Americans] value a college education, professional
14
careers, social issues and promoting civil rights. Overall, it puts Asian Americans in an environment where they are supported.” The two greatest problems facing Asian American households are the costs of college and the costs of taking care of the elderly, according to the National Asian American Survey. For many Asian Americans, Obama’s agenda catered to both their primary issues. During Obama’s first term, the federal government played a larger role in granting loans, which he emphasized during the presidential debate. On the other hand, Romney’s plan to “refocus Pell Grant dollars on the students that need them most” was construed as a plan to cut the number of Pell Grants offered to students, according to The New York Times. On the issue of health care and social security, the Affordable Care Act under “Obamacare” aims to lower health costs and insure all Americans. The fastest growing minority population, Asian Americans in Illinois has grown over 41 percent in the last decade, according to the Asian American Institute in Chicago. However, whether or not it is cost-effective to specifically target Asian Americans in future presidential campaigns is uncertain. Asian Americans only made up about three percent of the electorate in the most recent election, and their votes may not be significant in swing states, said Tuyet Le, Asian American Institute of Chica-
go executive director. Nonetheless, while the Asian American presence is growing in the U.S., Asian Americans are seldom mentioned in political campaigns. “Even though the Asian American population is growing in this country, I feel that they’re underrepresented in politics,” Andrea He, Weinberg sophomore and Asian Pacific American Coalition Asian Leadership Initiative co-chair. “More Asian Americans need to vote, and more Asian Americans need to be represented in future political campaigns.”
Winter Winter 2013 2013 || Chicago Chicago &Beyond &Beyond
I
Even in the midst of an unforgiving political system, Chinese artist Ai Wei Wei isn’t apologizing.
n May 2011, when I paid a campus visit to the University of Hong Kong, a bold, red caption on its Democracy Wall, famous for the liberal opinions of student activists painted on it, caught my attention. “还我艾未未” (“We want Ai Weiwei back”). This caption unsettled me. Who is Ai Weiwei? Who caught him? And for what reasons was he arrested? It wasn’t until I watched Ai Weiwei: Never Sorry, winner of the Special Jury Prize of the 2012 Sundance Film Festival, that I learned of the story of Ai Weiwei, China’s most famous international artist and its most outspoken domestic critic. This documentary was directed by Alison Klayman, a recent college graduate who went to China in 2006 on a trip that began as a five-month excursion and ended with a job as a Beijing-based journalist. She was first introduced to Ai Weiwei by a friend in 2007 and decided one year later to produce a documentary on this bearded, big-bellied man she had befriended.
This documentary is a 24-year-old’s fair attempt at a first film. The techniques she used are comparatively monotonous and the structure of the film is rather immature. There were noticeable gaps between the various strings of Weiwei’s life and a few interesting sources who are not probed deeply enough. But the film’s unparalleled access makes up for these technical shortcomings. From 2009-2011, Klayman gained unprecedented access to Ai Weiwei’s life, and the documentary thoroughly explores Ai Weiwei
as an artist, son, father, husband and provocateur. Never Sorry includes everything from Ai Weiwei’s intimate exchanges with his family to the close encounters with public officials. A “memorable highlight of these encounters involves Weiwei filming policemen who are in turn filming him having a restaurant meal,” a critic from the British Film Institute comments.
Yet what really makes Never Sorry successful is Klayman’s portrait of Ai Weiwei as an artist whose name is synonymous with political dissidence. Ai Weiwei “is one of the only artists in China who [doesn’t] care about fancy houses and cars but about the future of the country. His artwork expresses a direct meaning that no one would misunderstand,” says Hung Huang, a famous critic and friend of Weiwei in the documentary. Never Sorry documents the details of Weiwei’s dissidence such as Weiwei’s obsessive posting of outspoken “f-bomb” statements on Twitter and utilization of sculpture, architecture, photography, documentary and other art mediums to express his dissatisfaction with the Chinese government. For example, the documentary highlights Weiwei’s Sichuan Earthquake Names Project, which publicized the information of 5,212 children who had died when the shoddily constructed schools collapsed in the 2008 Earthquake and whose names the government refused to publish. The documentary also shows a part of Weiwei’s own video of volunteers saying “Fuck you, Motherland,” and uses a photograph of Weiwei pointing
By Siyu Zhao
his middle finger at Tian Anmen Square, the symbol of the government in China on its poster. Never Sorry also provoked much talk with its recordings of authorities’ efforts to silence Weiwei—their low-level prosecution of Ai Weiwei, the government’s CCTV cameras trained permanently on his studio, the police assault and demolition of his Shanghai studio. The Chinese government refused to tolerate Never Sorry. The film failed to pass the censorship test in China and the delegation of Chinese Commissioning editors did not attend the Sheffield Film Festival after the festival refused to cancel the screening of Ai Weiwei: Never Sorry at the Chinese editors’ request. Despite the government’s resistance, Ai Weiwei’s followers managed to unblock the “Great Firewall” and watched the documentary online. This film caused a large stir among Chinese audiences. “We all love our country very much, but it doesn’t necessarily mean we are satisfied with the government. It’s time for us to be the change,” an audience member says in the documentary. In a quote that characterizes his attitude throughout the film and his life, Ai Weiwei says at the very beginning of the documentary, “I have 40 cats. But only one of them can open the door. Before seeing this cat opening the door, I [didn’t] even know cats can open the door.” 15
NU Asian
By Yusun Chin
16 17
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
T
wo days shy of her 21st birthday, North-
status. An “enforced secrecy” in their families keeps
Dhalla, who wants to become an immigration at-
western graduate Leezia Dhalla found out
many Asian students from speaking out about their
torney, also finds ways to empower herself through
she was “less than legal.”
legal struggles, says Roberto Gonzales, an assistant
her status. She says having been able to succeed at
professor at University of Chicago.
Northwestern without the privileges of wealth—
It was an unsuspecting moment of discovery for
and, most importantly, citizenship—makes her more
Dhalla, whose Indian and Tanzanian parents immi-
“[There are] issues of saving face, so not wanting to
grated to the U.S. due to financial struggles when she
look bad in front of the Asian-American commu-
confident in herself.
was 6. They had kept her illegal status secret from
nity,” Gonzales says. Although Latino groups often
“My advice is to find a way to make it work—if you
her so she could focus on her studies without any
want to diversify and reach out to more minority
can’t go in through the front door, go through the
legal distractions.
communities, undocumented Asian students are
back door enter, or even go through the basement or
“not out in ways that Latino students are,” he says.
climb a window,” she says.
sentially grown up an all-American girl and excelled
Leezia says Northwestern could have provided a
grants, says Young Sun Song, a community organiz-
at it—she logged 800 hours of community service
more open and welcoming atmosphere for the un-
er at the Korean Resource Cultural Center (KRCC).
during high school and raised over $10,000 to help
documented population.
Students often internalize the disappointment of not
It was a jarring realization for Dhalla, who had es-
pay for the bone marrow transplant of a boy she’d
being able to go to prestigious schools.
never met who suffered from leukemia. Despite her
“You don’t want someone to report you or to report
achievements, Dhalla realized that she was actually
your family—you don’t want anyone to make trou-
“The struggles of individuals are not well-known
everything but American by virtue of her undocu-
ble of the situation,” she says. Although she was one
and internalized in our community that [if] you are
mented status.
of three undocumented students enrolled at North-
not doing as well as the other Asian-Americans, there
western in 2011, Dhalla says she never found out the
must be something wrong with you,” Song says.
“The whole debate is that are these people Ameri-
identities of the other two students.
can enough?” says Dhalla, who graduated from Me-
Many students thus conceal their experiences in or-
dill last year. “And the answer to that is yes, we are,
A strain of internalized racism also keeps these voic-
der to uphold their reputations in front of the Asian
because we came here so young so we don’t know
es at bay. The surface “successes” of Asian-Ameri-
American community, where rumors spread quickly
anything else but America.”
cans undermine the financial and legal struggles of
and fatally, Song says. Students fear that “coming
individual undocumented immigrants, says Young
out” will endanger their parents’ standing in their
Over 1.5 million such undocumented yet Ameri-
Sun Song, a community organizer at the Korean Re-
workplaces and churches, places of critical social
can-raised Asians currently live in the U.S., many
source Cultural Center (KRCC). Students often in-
consequence for the insulated Korean American
of whom come from Korea, Vietnam, India and
ternalize the disappointment of not being able to go
community.
the Philippines. Unlike the usual immigrant tale of
to prestigious schools.
border-crossing, many Asian students become un-
But the voices of the undocumented Asian Amer-
documented after they unintentionally overstay their
“The struggles of individuals are not well-known
ican community are slowly shedding the stigma of
tourist visas. Often times, one family member comes
and internalized in our community that [if] you are
shame. Groups like the Youth Organizing Council
over to work and brings over the whole family with
not doing as well as the other Asian-Americans, there
meet weekly at KRCC in Chicago to plan differ-
the hopes of getting status for everyone, only to fail.
must be something wrong with you,” Song says.
ent events for community education, outreach, and
Due to their legal limbo, students are ineligible for
fundraising for scholarships. Every year, they give
financial aid and scholarships from universities, lim-
Many students thus conceal their experiences in
out a scholarship to an Asian American student who
iting their college options. Many struggle to keep up
order to uphold their reputations in front of the
is struggling to pay their way through school.
with tuition payments, pay for medical and graduate
Asian-American community, where rumors spread
school, and even land a job without running into le-
quickly and fatally, Song says. Students fear that
Dhalla, who wants to become an immigration at-
gal roadblocks.
“coming out” will endanger their parents’ standing
torney, also finds ways to empower herself through
in their workplaces and churches, places of critical
her status. She says having been able to succeed at
The disappointment stings even more harshly for un-
social consequence for the insulated Korean-Amer-
Northwestern without the privileges of wealth and
documented Asian-American students, whose finan-
ican community.
most importantly, citizenship, makes her more con-
cial troubles make it difficult to uphold expectations
fident in herself.
of Asian academic excellency. Students often work
But the voices of the undocumented Asian-Amer-
odd jobs at odd hours to pay for their schools–most
ican community are slowly shedding the stigma of
“My advice is to find a way to make it work– if you
times, prestigious private schools like Northwestern
shame. Groups like the Youth Organizing Council
can’t go in through the front door, go through the
are simply too pricy of an option.
meet weekly at KRCC in Chicago to plan different
back door. Enter or even go through the basement
events for community education, outreach and fund-
or climb a window,” she says.
But the Asian-American voice in the undocumented
raising for scholarships. Every year, they give out a
movement still remains largely invisible due to the
scholarship to an Asian-American student who is
cultural stigma and shame that surround their illegal
struggling to pay their way through school.
17
NU Asian
Reaffirming Affirmative Action by Emiliano Vera
We’re not ready for an alternative yet.
O
n October 10th, the Supreme Court began hearing arguments for the first case on race-based affirmative action
in university admissions in nearly ten years. Fisher v. University of Texas challenges UT’s admission policy which includes race and ethnicity, along with numerous other factors, as considerations for admission for students graduating below the top ten percent of their class. The Court currently holds that race can be considered a limiting factor in admissions decisions, provided an institution can prove there are educational benefits that stem from a racially diverse student body and that any admissions determined by race are “narrowly tailored” to achieve this purpose. In light of this new case, Northwestern hosted a panel on December 5th to discuss the October 10th hearing and the effect it may have on admissions in the future. The panel included insights from the academic, legal and corporate fields as well as Northwestern’s Associate Provost for University Enrollment. First, they raised the question of whether affirmative action is necessary to ensure racial diversity. For underrepresented minorities, the answer seems to be an unequivocal yes. When California passed Proposition 209, which banned any discrimination in admissions processes based on sex, race or nationality, African-American, Latino and American-Indian admissions to state institutions plummeted from collectively making up 23.1 percent of admitted freshmen in 1997 to only 10.4 percent of those admitted in 1998. Nationally, admissions of underrepresented minorities have begun to plateau after rising steadily for several decades since the civil rights movements of the 1960s and in the wake of Supreme Court rulings that require the aforementioned “strict tailoring” of admissions policies and banned racial
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quotas. One student in the audience also raised the question about the “Asian ceiling”—the supposed policy of Ivy League schools to cap admissions of Asians-Americans at around 20 percent and holding Asian-Americans to a higher standard than other groups. When asked about what a successful policy in place of affirmative action would look like, Northwestern Law School Dean Daniel Rodriguez answers simply, “Not yet.” Elaborating on the topic, Director of Legal Studies Laura Beth Nielson says, “It will be successful when racial diversity stops adding value to admissions. In other words, when there is no racial inequality.” On this point another student turned the question on its head and asked at which point in a minority person’s life should affirmative action begin? This question hints at the vast racial inequality that is still reflected in our nation’s public education system, a problem that often stunts academic growth in young minority students long before it comes time for college admissions. Affirmative action is deeply rooted in the injustices of the past that tragically replicate themselves, embroiling entire groups in cycles of poverty and neglect that are difficult to break. In order to not devastate underrepresented minority groups, there must first be an improvement in public education before a “color-blind” admission can even be considered.
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
“My Father is Li Gang” 富 二 代 By Wendi Gu
China’s biggest fear? The next generation.
“My father is Li Gang!” has developed into one of China’s most well known catchphrases, a phrase fraught with political discontent. Since China’s market reform in the 1980s, individual wealth has accumulated among the few and has grown at exponential rates, endowing their next generation, the fu er dai (rich second generation), with enormous privilege. In 2012, a 22-year-old young man named Li Qiming, the son of a local official, killed two young women while driving drunk, and when the police intercepted him, he drunkenly proclaimed “my father is Li Gang!” in order to abscond himself from criminal charges. His father, Li Gang, was a high-ranking official of a public security bureau in Hebei province. The phrase, which has made him a national laughingstock, highlights the unfair privileges now associated with wealth and ultimately brings into national discourse the potential incompetence of an educated but coddled second-generation of Chinese people.
are ultimately perceived as unconcerned and disconnected with the growth of the nation. According to China’s Global Times, these “concerns are not without foundation.” Professor Yu Mingyang of economics at Shanghai Jiaotong University claims that “there may be a major crisis for China’s economy if we don’t see these wealthy young people taking over their parents’ businesses.” This year, Yu conducted a survey among 182 successful family businesses in China and discovered that 82 percent are concerned about the next generation taking over, unsure if they are endowed with the adequate skills and values in order to maintain a successful business that their parents worked hard to build.
Since China’s one-child policy was introduced in 1978, a new generation of only-children has come under the national spotlight. And the children of the emerging wealthy class, endowed with extraordinary privilege—bottomless disposable incomes, Western educations and extravagant social lives—
Yu also claims that “family businesses account for 60 percent of China’s GDP and if the majority of the wealthy second generation do not want to take over the businesses, there will be a problem maintaining the growth of China’s GDP.” But economic concerns aside, the materialism
Many Chinese are slowly losing faith in its privileged, younger generations, who are known to flaunt their Ferraris and expensive, brand-name clothing.
that is associated with the fu er dai highlights nationwide concerns that the future leaders from this new generation place commodity and consumerism above all else. Post-market reform China has increased its own GDP by an average of almost 16% in the past 30 years, an unprecedented growth on the world stage, endowing the urban sectors with extraordinary new wealth virtually unseen since the most flourishing periods of dynastic China. Anthropologist Li Zhang argues in her ethnography Strangers in the City that moral authority within China is made manifest through the language of monetary gain and commercial networks. Therefore, if the new generation of Chinese is primarily concerned with consumerism, the nation will then embark on a slow and sterile journey towards cultural amnesia.
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NU Asian
E
very five years, over 2000 delegates of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) gather together for a National Congress. They determine, among other things, the makeup of the CCP’s highest ruling apparatus – the politburo standing committee (see sidebar). The most recent congress took place from Nov 8 – 14 2012 and saw an
professor from Northwestern University. He continues, “With the country currently grappling with a serious need for economic, legal and healthcare reform, this leadership transition certainly comes at a critical time for China.” While there are many ways the new CCP leadership could handle these issues, many China experts view the new
it’s more or less consistent. You have a well written constitution that keeps all political parties and actors in check. In China though, our policies are largely dependent on the few decision makers at the top, and whenever that team reshuffles you might be able to see a new direction in terms of policy.” Professor Hurst believes that with policy changes potentially imminent,
Rebuilding the Pyramid By Jeremy Seah Jun En
Why the Chinese Communist Party’s leadership transition is a big deal.
almost complete overhaul of the politburo standing committee. The committee was scaled down from nine to seven members and only two of the previous nine members remain in the present committee. What changes can we expect to see from China’s new leadership, and more importantly, why should college students care about this leadership transition? “This is the biggest leadership transition in China in the last 20 years, certainly the most thorough and the least predictable.” William Hurst says, a Political Science
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committee as a more conservative lineup. “I think that it is probably unlikely that we will see really deep-seeded radical reform in the very near term,” Professor Hurst says, “but whether they are deeply conservative or not, that is hard to read, so it doesn’t necessarily mean that there’s nothing more coming in the slightly longer term.” Yang Xu, a Weinberg Sophomore from China agrees that potential policy changes and reform are important reasons for everyone to take note of the leadership transition in China. He says, “In the US,
we could perhaps look forward to a more internationally engaged China in the years to come. In terms of US-China relations, he predicts a higher degree of engagement between the two countries not just on economic and trade issues, but in foreign policy as a whole. “There’s a larger quotient of people in the current lineup, including Xi Jinping (the new Chinese premier) himself, who have a particularly outward looking, more internationally focused development agenda. They care more about foreign policy, in economic spheres, but also just in general,
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
than perhaps most of the outgoing bunch.” With China steadily becoming more of a major driver of global events and the global economy, political events in the Middle Kingdom will continue to impact the rest of the world. And in this respect, regardless of one’s nationality, age, or income bracket, it is important to keep an eye on the country. “This right now is the biggest
crossroads for the Chinese government and leadership in 20 years.” Professor Hurst says, “So it really is an interesting moment in that so many things are still left to be decided and that the decisions taken now will have pretty big implications and serious consequences for what comes next.”
How is the CCP organized? General Secretary: Xi Jinping
years.
Highest-ranking official of the party and head of the Politburo Standing Committee, Politburo Central Committee, and the Central Committee. Holds ultimate power and authority over the state and government.
Committee meets once a week and makes decisions by consensus. Each member has a portfolio covering a major area of national concern such as the economy, legislation, corruption, internal security, or propaganda.
Politburo Standing Committee (7 members)
Politburo Central Committee (25 members)
The de-facto decision-making body in China. Regarded as the most elite group of political leaders within the CCP structure. Members are selected from the within the Politburo and are announced at the party congress every five
Officially recognized as the chief political decision-making body in China Members are selected from the Central Committee and are announced at the party congress every five years.
Meets once a month. Members generally simultaneously hold powerful positions within the People’s Republic of China state positions or hold powerful regional positions Central Committee (350 members) Convenes once per year at “plenary sessions” during which the CCP announces policy changes Members are selected every five years from a pool of more than 2,000 delegates to the party congress The Central Committee appoints many of the most powerful people in China, including the members of the Politburo Central and Standing Committee. Source: https://www.uschina.org/cmi/articles/view/262/chinas-leadership-structure-and-transition
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NU Asian NU Asian
Sanay Ma (right) with her friend Chri Zine
T
he first day Sanay Ma stepped into her American school, she didn’t expect she would be spending the day in tears. Born in a Burmese refugee camp in Thailand, the 11-year-old had arrived in the U.S. only two months ago, and was just learning to use the washing machine at her home in Rogers Park, Chicago, when she started middle school. It was her short hair that got Sanay into trouble: her American teacher, mistaking her for a boy, placed her in an all boys class. With little English at their disposal, neither Sanay nor her parents could explain the mistake to her teacher. Sanay stayed in the wrong class for a week before a fellow Burmese refugee and friend, Poe Clee, wrote a letter of explanation in English to her teacher. Sanay only went to school two days that week.
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“It was very, very embarrassing,” Sanay, now 16,
says with a smile. “But now it seems so funny.” The high school junior has come a long way. Today she is the president of Josephinum Academy’s chapter of the National Honor Society. She also volunteers at the Swedish Covenant Hospital in Chicago, where she helps with medicine delivery. Last year she won third place at a health and science enrichment program held at the University of Illinois at Chicago. And she’s applying to be an Illinois State Scholar. “I just tried my best,” the soft-spoken Sanay says simply about her transition across two worlds. But she can’t hide the pride and excitement in her voice when she talks about all her involvements. Indeed, her journey has been nothing short of extraordinary. Sanay was born in a bamboo hut in Mae La Camp, the largest Burmese refugee camp in Thailand. Her parents, who belong to the Karen ethnic group in Myanmar, had crossed
the Thai-Myanmar border to escape government persecution of minorities such as the Karen. Civil war between the Burmese government and the ethnic tribes first broke out shortly after the country gained independence in 1948, but government crackdown on minorities intensified after the country’s first military regime took power in 1962, causing thousands to flee to Thailand. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees website, Thailand currently hosts about 92,000 registered Burmese refugees in nine camps. Until she was 11, Sanay had never been outside the Mae La camp, which at the time hosted about 5,000 Burmese refugees, mostly Karens. Her daily diet consisted of rice, beans, oil, pepper and fish paste supplied monthly by the UNCHR. Chicken was a rarity. Education was also makeshift, provided only up to the 10th grade.
Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond Winter 2013 | Chicago &Beyond
Overcoming the Odds By Jia You
A young Burmese refugee’s journey from Thailand to Rogers Park.
“It’s a very small school, so we didn’t get to learn a lot of stuff,” Sanay says. Even then, Sanay’s parents struggled to pay for her tuition, which cost 500 Thai baht a year, or roughly sixteen dollars, as there were hardly any jobs in the camp, and refugees were not allowed to go outside. Sanay’s parents sought asylum in the U.S. because it accepted more Burmese refugees than many other countries, about 17,000 annually. She said the application process was also simpler compared to that in other countries. Nevertheless, her family went through several interviews and a medical examination, waiting a year before a decision was made on their eligibility. During that time, Sanay prayed every night that her parents’ names would appear on the list of successful asylum seekers pasted in a bulletin board in the camp.
“It is a very exciting process,” she says. “We were thrilled to see our names on the bulletin board. It’s like the happiest day in our lives.” But coming to America was just the first step in Sanay’s long journey. The real challenge was in school, where she struggled to overcome cultural and language barriers. During the first year, she could hardly follow her classes or make friends with her American classmates. “I was kind of lost,” Sanay says. “I felt so lonely.” Fortunately, her Rogers Park community stepped in to help. Sanay’s church, St. Paul’s Church Bythe-Lake, created a special program for Burmese refugees in the area to help them assimilate to Chicago. Judith Gramer, the program director, helped her with school and her parents with jobs and finances.
Sanay tried hard to learn the language and catch up with classes. By her third year in school, she had become comfortable with English. When Sanay overcame her communication barrier, her outgoing personality quickly attracted a lot of friends. By the time she entered high school, she was no longer taking English as a Second Language (ESL) classes. In February of her freshman year, she represented her school as a student speaker at Josephinum Acadamy’s annual Winter Luncheon fundraising event. “After the speech I felt very happy and I kept telling myself ‘I did it!’” Sanay wrote in her Tumblr after the event. “I enjoyed meeting all the guests there and I really appreciate everyone at Josephinum who gave me to opportunity to represent this year.” 23
NU Asian NU Asian
Along the way, Sanay has also learned to adjust to cultural differences. A particular one is how she speaks to adults. In Burmese culture, young people are expected to treat elders with politeness and deference. In contrast, American youth employ a more casual, informal tone towards adults. Sanay says she learned to speak her mind in front of adults.
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“You just have to stand up for what you believe in,” she says. “You don’t need to be that polite.” Her parents are not always happy with the change. “(Sometimes) my parents are mad at me because I can’t be that polite to the elders,” Sanay says. But she is still grounded in her heritage. Every year on July 19, Sanay’s family meets other Burmese
refugee families in Chicago to celebrate Memorial Day, the day when many of Myanmar’s independence leaders, including Aung Sun Suu Kyi’s father, Gen. Aung San, was assassinated in 1947. The families sing and play games, and Sanay teaches younger children about Burmese history. But Memorial Day this year is special. For the first time in more than 20 years, the Myanmar state television broadcasted a memorial ceremony for Gen. Aung San. Previously, the military government had played down the event in an effort to weaken Suu Kyi’s popularity. Less than a week after Memorial Day, during her first speech in the Myanmar parliament, Suu Kyi called for an end to discrimination against ethnic minorities. All these seem to signal a change in Myanmar’s political atmosphere. But Sanay is cautious when it
comes to politics. “I don’t trust politics or the government very much,” she says. It is not difficult to see why. Right before Burma’s independence, Gen. Aung San had made a promise of peace to the Karen people, in the form of a pre-independence agreement with ethnic leaders in 1947 which stated all ethnicities would live together in peace in the Union of Burma. That promise was never realized. Still, there is hope — even among the Karen refugees in Chicago. “A lot of people have hope,” Sanay says. “I hope that [Aung San Suu Kyi] will really change Burma into a very good country and bring freedom and democracy.”
Winter 2013 | Others
Doing Tofu Right Four Tofu Dishes with a Delicious Twist
By Yoona Ha
H
ow do you tofu? Is often a question that comes up regularly among seasoned vegetarians and doubtful carnivores alike. While tofu is well known for its health-benefits, it has mistakenly gotten a bad rap as dull, bland and lifeless of soybean squares that you eat not out of pleasure but as obligation, like taking your daily vitamin pills. But there are certainly ways you can eat tofu without a grimace and make you exclaim, “I can’t believe this is amaof ed ix m tofu!” So leave your prejudices behind with these ofu bly hard t k wob d ic n h a t s t four ways you can try your tofu a this tard. tnu e cus ecipe, r ches g r e a t r e a s e e w v a new way. m, pan freshly your oli, ya nal Ja g like ist on brocc in r w t , t traditio r s r o y f e b in you om avor ucum melts and c t ntly s a a y t s h e k me, c a t g il le m . To tofu is a p tastes ilken ting it s a u f e e o s h slices t t a w o n of oft asy Buckt is as e l of s f soy in u n o i f e h e n d s t r o s e ta ga spo eaves, Tak moon a. The hba L er to Each ll e v e O h o r t a h g d z it ea rin moz r ved w tard h r orde made r soy. ofu se fu cus king o T o a t e M d h Ginge . a s i h e t m r m f e u a o f m m o m ul o and U esh H outhf led Fr kame, il a h your m W C , s ir ke er the ito Fla to ord , Bon n io n O Green
n
rde a G n oo : The M
tard s u C Tofu
A
Mapo T ofu
Mapo Tofu is a slowuan pro cooked vince in traditio China. nal Ch chili sa This dis inese r uce and ecipe t h mixe powde bambo hat hail s cubes red Sze o shoo s from o f c h m w ts and il a the Sic d n t p o an or e e fu lace ppers w various haten w d with a it s e h a s s it o t e h n a spicy a p m l u of rice e v ll d e e g d m e t p u ables. M ork me . Makin shroom at and apo To g mapo s, peas, persist is best fu can tofu re ence w h be stric o quires t a h n e d n tly vegsteamy a good done r that th ight, so over a deal of e job is bowl it’s gen patienc left to make y e chefs. I e and rally re our wa f you’r comme y over e cravin nded Chinat to Lao g own an a bite, Sze Ch d orde uan in with a r their bowl o m a po tofu f white rice.
Soon
ae l of red G i J oo Koreans, a blionwg stew withd, B o sizz Do afoo ong
m is a or se ite a ji-gae of beef often o favor o at it s o-b e h t o c e d t i o p h , war m soon stock tew is so y but y c i v p o s s over is ely anch hang u. Th t’s relativ a f s o a t buy r .I nd day o y if you les a nside i d b l a u o t f s c e art, to a ea veg t for e rich e H-M d n be c a k h e i t c l f r s s t e o t an bo mel arke be p eats doogh to sian m es of m A oon s this n i g p enou f ase lo t ty b akin n w p e o M r u b e . o iff cure ade s eat a nd d e to pre-m d tofu a k r i l u o y uld d ad u wo it an f yo boil I . s table vege
A
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NU Asian
Blackberry Pomegranate Mango Tofu Milkshake Tofu based dessert might be a harder sell, but for those who would like to have their tofu sweet than savory this milkshake is one of your best bets. This out-of-the-wok recipe is unfortunately unavailable in almost all restaurants in Chicago, but is easy to make at home. This recipe takes about ten minutes or less, and is a great grab for the morning and throughout the day. 1. Peel and slice all of the fruits so they would fit into the blender. When peeling and taking out the seeds from the pomegranate make sure not to include nothing but the seeds in the blender. 2. Add fruits and honey into the blender.
1.
3. Add the silken tofu to the blender. 4. Add milk into the blender. 5. Whirl the mixed ingredients for five minutes so pomegranate seeds become a fine crushed mix.
2+3.
6. Pour milkshake into cups. 7. Enjoy!
5.
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6.
7.
After the media blew up over Amy Chua’s controversial “Tiger Mother” memoir in 2011, a lot of people emailed me links to Wesley Yang’s article in New York Magazine. Almost every Asian-American I know has read this Yang’s article—an intelligent discussion of the unspoken racism many Asians have passively accepted because of the cultural values with which we’re indoctrinated. But Yang’s conclusions on the matter can be summed up in the following statements: “Fuck filial piety. Fuck grade-grubbing. Fuck Ivy League mania. Fuck deference to authority. Fuck humility and hard work. Fuck harmonious relations. Fuck sacrificing for the future. Fuck earnest, striving middle-class servility.” Yang condemns these values because they perpetuate the inability for Asian-Americans to make noise, to become true leaders or pioneering figures within American society. Instead, our passivity relegates us to the backdrop, silently standing behind the curtain of the model-minority stereotype, silently restrained by the bars of the bamboo ceiling. This passivity is summed up in the character of Harold—before his journey with Kumar to White Castle—that is afraid and intimidated by lackadaisical white co-workers and bosses, always silently completing his work on time. Obviously, not all Asians fit this mold. Just take Jeremy Lin. His massive catapult into international stardom has been fraught with discourse on race. “I’m going to have to play well for a longer period of time for certain people to believe it, because I’m Asian,” Lin says in his 2012 interview with GQ. And that’s just the reality of it.” Lin himself acknowledges that as an Asian, he has to go the
extra step just to ensure his relevance. But why is his race intrinsically tied to all of his evaluations as a member of the NBA? When the New York Post’s headline article in February 2012 sung the newly coined “AMASIAN” across its front page with Lin against the backdrop, people weren’t sure how to react. Is this racist? Or just a bad pun? A New York Sports Studios skit on SNL highlighted the media’s mishandling of Lin’s Asian persona with satirical statements like “he’s sweet, not sour,” and “He turned Kobe into kobe beef!” But when a white sportscaster counters with a black stereotype and says “…and Kobe’s like, hey, I ordered fried chicken,” the rest of the newscasters jump on him for being racist. SNL, being SNL, brings to light this double standard. Why is it ok to stereotype Asians but oh so taboo with other racial groups? Does Lin’s Asian face make these comments more permissive? There are the Jeremy Lins, the Alexander Wangs, the Lucy Lius of the world that have become household names. Steve Chen, one of the creators of Youtube. The Huang brothers of Guitar Hero. The list can go on. To say that Asian-Americans have not
succeeded in American society is an outright lie. But with their success comes certain racial politics that are distinguished from more outright forms of racism. Rosalind Chou and Joe Feagin, authors of “The Myth of the Model Minority: Asian Americans Facing Racism,” argue that the “success” stereotypes associated with Asians actually make them more vulnerable to racism in America, because “this distinctive, supposedly positive stereotyping distracts people from seeing the discrimination Asian Americans face every day.” But have Asians succeeded in securing the mythic American dream? Or are they wholesale representations of passivity, like Wesley Yang argues? And does the racism Asians experience even matter when America is already preoccupied by the discussion of illegal Mexican immigration and n-word politics?
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