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Journal of Multicultural Discourses
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Latin America: political communication and media discourse in contexts of social and revolutionary transformations Pedro Santandera a Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, School of Journalism, First published on: 13 August 2010
To cite this Article Santander, Pedro(2010) 'Latin America: political communication and media discourse in contexts of
social and revolutionary transformations', Journal of Multicultural Discourses, 5: 3, 227 — 237, First published on: 13 August 2010 (iFirst) To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/17447141003602304 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447141003602304
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Journal of Multicultural Discourses Vol. 5, No. 3, November 2010, 227 237
Latin America: political communication and media discourse in contexts of social and revolutionary transformations Pedro Santander* Pontificia Universidad Cato´lica de Valparaı´so, School of Journalism
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(Received 6 October 2009; final version received 5 January 2010) This article sets forward a reflection and discussion concerning a problem that is considered to be vital within a certain Latin American academic production. We have verified that in Latin America a large accumulation of empirical evidence has been achieved; however, the same is preferably interpreted within European or North American theoretical frames. Consequently, our matrixes of interpretation contain a veil that predetermines a priori the analyses, thus hindering the possibility of an autonomous theoretical progress. In respect of that point, we will refer to a type of analysis concerning the media and the political communication in Latin America. Keywords: political communication; media discourse; social change
Introduction I have, on more than one occasion, asked my different students in PUCV’s School of Journalism the following question: ‘Let’s see, how many of you know about Napoleon and how much about Simo´n Bolı´var?’ What follows, although it never stopped astonishing me, however, is no longer a surprise: the historical figure of the European emperor is far much more familiar than that of the American Liberator for these Chilean University students. For instance, they know about the death of the Frenchman in exile and his possible poisoning, but they have heard little about tuberculosis and the solitude in which Bolı´var died when he was leaving his country. Even in the field of anecdotes, they know about Napoleon’s white horse, but have never heard that Bolı´var was called iron bottom by the plainsmen, due to his capacity to bear long horseback riding. Similar situations in respect of knowledge do not only affect university students, but also Latin American academics. It is commonly observed how the investigative and theoretical criteria of the European as well as the North American agenda, i.e. from ‘Occident’, orientate an important part of our scientific discussion. In this sense, a large part of Latin American scientific views are influenced and even induced by the concerns of the occidental academic community (Shi-xu 2009). We say induced since, within a very large number of Latin American universities and in practically all Chilean ones, ‘objective’ parameters have been established to measure academic performance and scientific productivity. These criteria do always reward more and better all matters recognized by the Occident. To be part of an *Corresponding author. Email: pedro.santander@ucv.cl ISSN 1744-7143 print/ISSN 1747-6615 online # 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/17447141003602304 http://www.informaworld.com
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editorial committee of a European or North American Journal has a higher ‘objective’ value than to belong to a Latin one. In turn, a Latin American Journal is interested in European or North American scientists figuring and forming part of their editorial committee, which they consider as a quality plus. A publication in a journal, in that part of the world, obtains an ‘objective’ score that is much higher than one in the South; to get an article circulated in an Institute of Scientific Information (ISI) indexation magazine ensures the author in obtaining a higher incentive from the university. Furthermore, in Chile, universities receive money from the State within the frame of the Direct Fiscal Contribution (DFC) for each ISI article their academics publish yearly. This, in turn, conforms an ‘objective’ ranking that allows comparing the quality of productivity between universities. And, of course, the large majority of ISI magazines are in Europe or the USA and is published in the English language. In this context, in order to be able to publish from ‘here’ to ‘there’ usually it becomes necessary to work in respect of subjects that interest the said academic community and, therefore, within ad hoc ideological, theoretical, and methodological frames. This concerns a productive and material structure which has been consolidating during the last 20 years in Latin America, within the frame of the installation of neo-liberalism in our continent, and of the university counter-reform that started in the decade of the ‘1980s’ (Pinochet in Chile, Menem in Argentina, Fujimori in Peru, Carlos A. Pe´rez in Venezuela, etc.) and which has consisted in limiting the university financial autonomy and resources. Following recommendations from International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, the academics’ basic incomes have been reduced and variable items, as well as incentives have been increased according to productivity parameters such as those indicated (Boro´n 2006). Although we are stating examples of situations that took place during the last 30 years, from the historical point of view, this is not something new. Further to their particular expression, situations such as those described herein are framed within a long historical process where, as Quijano explains, an ‘elaboration of euro-centric perspective of knowledge’ has been installed (Quijano 2000: 203). For hundreds of years, the population of the conquered continents has been forced, and especially the American ones, to learn the culture of their conquerors in every way useful for the reproduction of the domination, notwithstanding the area, and certainly, the scientific one is not an exception. ‘Europe also concentrated under their hegemony, the control of all controlling forms of subjectivity, culture and especially, knowledge and the production of knowledge’ (Quijano 2000: 209). As Boro´n (2006) notices and states, the colonialism and racism implicit in the criteria of productivity and scientific functioning, have produced a devastating effect upon the critical thinking of our Continent, whose effect became accentuated as from the 1980s. ‘The risk we are facing is to subordinate ourselves to an investigation agenda that has nothing to do with our social reality and, thus, within the periphery, create another academic ghetto that isolates us completely from the problems that afflict our society’ (Boro´n 2006, 6). Intellectual resistance and creativity yesterday and today This historical movement of subordination has not always been uniform. Intellectual resistance to this colonial perspective and to this imposition of agenda has had moments of high creativity and autonomy in Latin America. After World War II, in
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the decades of the 1940s and 1950s, a Latin American theory begins to form and mature, fundamentally centered on debate around the notions of modernity, development, and sub-development. This is a fertile moment of intellectual productivity empirical, theoretical and methodological. Theories emerge from groups of academicians who, being well acquainted with the European and North American theoretical frames, make their observation, their heuristics and their discourses autonomous, and supply Latin American social science with a battery of their own concepts and specific categories for the historical and cultural contexts of our countries. The criticisms to the theory of modernization begin to be formulated on the basis of one’s own hypothesis, the appearance of the Theory of Dependency, the Theory of Liberation, the use of center periphery conception, etc. are samples of intellectual originality that act as bases to sustain that the modernization of our continent does not necessarily imply a westernization of our societies, and furthermore, to question theories that inform us of an already defined aim, yesterday: modernity; today: globalization (Correa 2008). This fertile moment of Latin American intellectual creation was held back abruptly by manu militari in the 1970s, by means of coups d’e´tat practically in all South American countries, which were supported by important political and economical actors from Europe and the USA. Hereafter, the processes of theoretical accumulation that had been continuously conceived in Latin American social science were weakened, and so were the questionings of a hegemonic historical perspective which, as we mentioned above, imply a control over the production of knowledge. Since the 1980s and 1990s, we Latin American academics were formed in the frame of the neo-liberal assault. This formation is characterized, among others, by a generational deficiency sustained by the ignorance of the former process of scientific autonomy and originality, as well as in an uncritical separation from the same (Rovira 2008). Thus, a dense return to what Quijano (2000) calls the coloniality of knowledge took place. In this period, academic dependency was newly installed, where, as Boro´n (2000) demonstrates, Latin American scientific productivity showed large amounts of generation and accumulation of empirical data, which, however, are theorized with categories, concepts, and concerns that are proper of an investigation agenda which often has more to do with interests and concerns from ‘there’ than from our own context. The above is what occurs, in my opinion, in an important part of the media investigation and the political communication that presently takes place in Latin America. We shall discuss this in the following pages. Change of era As the President of Ecuador, Rafael Correa, who has an outstanding academic trajectory, more than once stated, these first years of the twenty-first century do not only represent for Latin America an era of changes, but above all, a change of the era. In the last 10 years, Latin America has experimented political changes of great importance which, however, are not reflected in the prevailing social analysis. I mean, the turn to the left of an important part of the continent’s governments. These governments have shown signs of a political autonomy in the face of Europe and the
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USA, which had not often been observed in the continent: they have closed North American military bases (Ecuador)1 and driven out ambassadors from the said country due to their interference in internal politics (Venezuela and Bolivia), have closed the door to the Treaty of Continental Free Commerce (ALCA) in 2005 in Mar de Plata, Argentine, replacing the same by the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA); they have nationalized natural resources, thus affecting important European enterprises, etc. However, as President Correa has also sustained, ‘the comprehension of the world realized by social science, in many cases denies social experience as well as the social changes that are taking place’ (Correa 2008, 284). As stated above, some views of Latin American social scientists as well as the explicative approach formulated by the same are influenced by historical elements and political interests. ‘Academic spaces are spaces of ideological dispute seeking to build hegemony of some interests over others, of some world visions over others’ (Correa 2008, 282). Undoubtedly, the present political, social, and economical context in Latin America is, as never before, favorable to perform an independent and original scientific observation, since the social changes our continent is experimenting are original. We may sustain that Latin America is the only part in the world that is proposing an answer of continental dimension and character to capitalist globalization, and this in all fronts: military, discoursive, communicational, economical, political, etc. However, in the intellectual field we may observe scarce formulations of social hypotheses that might enrich the historical events we are presently experiencing, and, in turn, enhance social theory. This, in spite of the fact that the events that are taking place in Latin America are a forcible empirical answer that refutes and shows how ridiculous hegemonic proclaims concerning the end of history or the end of ideologies are (Fukuyama 1992). These events have again demonstrated that persons can change and influence the course of history and, therefore, the anti-utopian discourse of globalization and its TINA (there is no alternative) is a discourse that loses legitimateness in a continent where an important part of the inhabitants believe that there must exist other political and economical alternatives. Analysis of media and political communication: common elements and re-contextualization To approach in these contexts that are so dynamic and proper of our reality, our objects of study, is an exercise that demands intellectual independence from the canons of validation concerning the knowledge established by Europe and the USA. In the study of the media and of political communication, for instance, generalities are frequently established regarding the relation between the media and the political systems, which are rather more applicable to the more stable western capitalist democracies, and which have not been tested in dynamic contexts such as the aforementioned (Porto and Hallin 2009). There clearly exist elements that we share with Europe and the USA and that must also form part of the analysis, but this analysis should be enhanced with the elements belonging to our own historical context. This we shall endeavor to do in the following lines regarding the analysis of the media in Latin America. We shall begin this analysis by identifying two contextual elements that are present in our continent as well as in Europe and the USA, and then observe how
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they are re-contextualized in Latin America and which are the challenges for the social sciences of this re-contextualization.2 In respect of the shared elements, I will refer firstly to the concentration of ownership and secondly to the so-called mutual retreat.
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Concentration of ownership The economical concentration of ownership of the communication media is an objective tendency, uniform, and trans-continental, that affects capitalist democracies throughout the planet. It is interesting to verify that, for the countries that freed themselves from military dictatorships in Latin America (in the 1980s) as well as for those in Eastern Europe freed themselves from socialists (also during the 1980s), democracy brought with it among others the concentration of the media, basically in the form of oligopolies. It is equally interesting to state that this is a very powerful and rapid tendency; it advances quickly with massive fusions and acquisitions, has caused what Dragomir (2007, 73) calls ‘a small group of Golliats from the media’ to emerge, which furthermore becomes consolidated in spite of the existence of anti-monopoly legislations in all those countries, which however turn out to be inoperable. Italy is one of the most outstanding examples, here the Mediaset group pertaining to the present Head of State, Silvio Berlusconi, is the owner of the three most important channels, which together concentrate more than 40% of the audience (Dragomir 2007). In Latin America the situation is similar. We observe a highly concentrated medial market. In Chile, for instance, there exists a duopoly in the written press which also implies a concentration of publicity advertising. The same occurs in the radio field, which up to now had been able to be saved from this concentration. However, in 2008, the Spanish group Prisa acquired ten radios, 60% of the total audience. The same medial concentration may be observed in Mexico, Columbia, Bolivia, Ecuador or Venezuela. Mutual retreat The concept mutual retreat is used by Mair (2007) to refer to the manner in which the relationships between political society and civil society are established within the frame of occidental democracies. This is related to the fact that political parties no longer connect with citizens and these, in turn, are increasingly reluctant to relate with the parties (whether by militancy, spontaneous participation or even in vote). Mair (2007) mentions the failure of parties and the distrust toward the same, which provokes a mutual retreat: Citizens retreat to their private lives or towards more specialized forms of representation, and parties retreat to the institutions. The traditional field of democracy of parties, considered as the meeting zone of citizens with their political leaders, is becoming abandoned. (Mair 2007, 29)
Furthermore, Garreto´n (2007) describes this situation in Latin America by stating that a separation has been produced between ‘the political issue’ as the good society’s quest for politics, as a professional activity restricted to a certain sector, called the political class.
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It is very interesting to observe that, as we mentioned in respect of ownership concentration of the media, the mutual retreat is also a trans-continental tendency. Whether in Italy, Chile, Peru or England, the distance between parties and citizens is progressively increasing, whilst the distance between the parties themselves has been reduced. In a large amount of occidental countries, all the ciphers show a sustained fall of affiliation to the parties in respect of participation in elections, etc. (Mair 2007). As a result of this diverging movement between civil society and the political one, this mutual retreat generates an empty, abandoned zone, which today is occupied largely by the media. Whilst citizens in democracies have changed from participants to spectators within the frame of video-politics or democracy of audiences, the political elite gains more space and its constituents find it easier to achieve shared interests. Thus, on an abandoned zone, the media partake of the political communication and have become an important mediating instance between the civil society and the political one. Responding to economical and discursive concentrations The concentration of the media’s ownership has meant a larger ideological challenge for the Leftist Presidents, especially for Rafael Correa (Ecuador), Evo Morales (Bolivia) and Hugo Cha´vez (Venezuela). In Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, the media industry is strongly concentrated in terms of ownership as well as in the discursive ambit of transmitting a certain ideology. In Bolivia, the press has permanently disqualified the President Evo Morales, both culturally and socially, has linked him to drugdealer-terrorism, has insisted in reminding of his lack of formal education, has insulted him for his racial origin, for his syndicate past, etc. In Ecuador and, since the President Rafael Correa himself has denounced this, six of the seven national TV channels are owned by Bankers and active opponents to the government. In Venezuela, 80% of the media opposes the government of Hugo Cha´vez and has not hesitated in supporting sabotage and attempts of coup d’e´tat against him. In view of this reality, the left party governments have been obliged to create reactions in the political communication field which are worthy to be empirically observed in order to enrich the media theory. In the case of the discourse closure which the concentration of ownership provokes, Venezuela leads the most creative attempts to react to that phenomenon and contrary to what the occidental communication media usually inform, the reaction to this ownership and discourse concentration does not pretend to limit freedom of expression, but to amplify the same socially and make it participative. To this end, support has been established for local communication and community media, which is unprecedented in world experiences. The Organic Telecommunications Law (art. 191) encourages the development of these community media (such as radio broadcasting or open community television) and expressly prevents its ownership concentration. The concession to operate a community media is not granted to private persons, but to a ‘community foundation,’ i.e. a participative foundation that is plural and local, which obliges the community to organize itself in respect of the problems of communication. Furthermore, a breach in the traditional broadcaster receiver relation is established, and this is what turns out to be most surprising for the theory of communication and media: the Regulation for Sonorous Radio Broadcasting and
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Open Community TV demands that 70% of the contents of a community media be produced-by the local audience! The station itself, i.e. specialist media producers, may only produce a maximum of 15 20% of the contents, wherefore the rest must be produced by members of the community itself. Thus, a situation that was unforeseen by the researches and classic communication experiences is produced; the audience itself is converted into producers and distributors of its media, in fact, it is obliged by law to act as such if it wishes its communication media to function and the concession not to be revoked. This idea that, in order to own a media, the local audience has to generate the majority of the contents, i.e. to act as producer and, at the same time, to form part of the community that receives the radio transmission, is revolutionary. Traditionally, in the media, a few (journalists and communicators) produce messages for many (the audience) and these many are structurally prevented from acceding to the messages’ pole of production, therefore, from having a direct influence over the contents. This is what some authors such as Thompson (1998) or Fairclough (1997) call structural asymmetry. But these new experiences disassociate from the said asymmetry. In this context, as from the year 2000, frequencies for more than 25 community television stations and more than 150 community FM stations have been granted. As we may observe in respect of what we have called re-contextualization, in Venezuela the concentration of the media’s ownership is being faced by means of the expansion of the radio-electrical space, the creation of community media and the incentive for the community to partake actively in the contents. In turn, other countries of the Continent with progressive governments are presently discussing, in their Parliaments, legislations that face the new reality of the media concentration. Thus, in the year 2009 the government of Cristina Kirchner, in the Argentine, approved the Law of Audio Visual Communications Services, the main objective of which is to put an end to monopolies and to grant participation in the radio-phonic spectrum to non-profit entities, profit enterprises and the State, in three equal parts. In Ecuador also, it is foreseen that the year 2010 will start with a legislative discussion in the National Assembly concerning communications law. However, we must state that, in spite of the fact that the structure of the media industry has not been profoundly altered, 80% of the media in Venezuela still belong to private corporations. Facing mutual retreat As we observed, the notion of mutual retreat that serves to characterize certain behaviors of the civil and political societies in capitalist democracies, indicates us the existence of a space which is today occupied, in an important part, by the media. Today, the parties strategically develop their political communication through the media and from there, they communicate with their voters. The media have become necessary in the political domain, politicians need their spreading capacity and the media act as interlocutory channels between the members of the political elite, between the same and the audience (Mazzoleni and Schulz 1999). In the Latin American countries that have leftist governments such as Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, this central role of the media in political communication shows dynamics that differ very much from what, for example, may be observed in the western democracies of the European countries that presently have a more stable
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and homogenous political system. In order to describe this dynamic, we shall hereunder relate the following data. In the following countries we can observe two objective facts: 1. The main communication media have become explicit political actors of the Opposition, from them and with them, an active, permanent and militant opposition to the leftist governments is carried out. It is interesting to observe that the victories of the leftist governments have meant the disarticulation of the old political system, including the parties that supported them. The Opposition in Venezuela, Ecuador or Bolivia no longer possesses leaders or partisan organics that are sufficiently solid to articulate the political opposition. By occupying this vacuum, the media have become the natural place of political articulation and agitation of the rightists, and, in replacement of the traditional parties, have assumed the Opposition’s political conduction. In this context, we may understand what Evo Morales stated after his victory in the Referendum of October 2008: ‘In the Referendum, the most defeated entity has been the press. A similar press against Evo and similar support from the people: 67%.’3 2. The second data are constituted by the consecutive election victories in those Latin American leftist governments. These three presidents have won during the last 10 years, practically all electoral events that have taken place within the frame of elections with a high participation of the citizens. In fact, they have always won, except in a constitutional Referendum, which President Cha´vez lost per 50,000 votes, which defeat he acknowledged on the same day. These two events, when related, cause the legitimate and necessary question to rise, regarding the power of the media and the political communication which is performed through them: why, in spite of the constant and active opposition from the media, in spite of an adverse discourse flow, of mainly negative information regarding their governments, of programs from the opposition, these Presidents win again and again? What happens with the effect on the audiences, since we observe that the discourse of the media goes in one direction and the popular vote in the other? In other words, the desired media effect points in one direction and the attitude of the audience in a very different one. We may hypothesize that, in this Latin American context, mediatization of politics is a reality that is retreating and that civil society is again occupying a formerly abandoned space that implies a direct contact with political activity. Constructing theory based on Latin American history In the described context, we note that we have the privilege of observing concrete historical situations and events that open new theoretical and empirical potentials to the problem of the effect of the media, of political communication and which permit the formulation of new research questions and hypothesis. The constant call of the main media not to support the progressive governments does not attain effectiveness in the electoral behavior. On the contrary, the repeated and consecutive victories in the ballot boxes of these three presidents allow us to suspect that audiences even have developed a sort of immunity to the ideological discourse of the media. This because what has not changed is the high use of the
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media by persons. In this sense, there are neither punishments from the audience nor a change in conduct as could be, to abandon the television screen or channel, nor a diminishing curve in the syntonies, in the lectorates, in rating, etc. For example, there exists no behavior of detaching or disengaging on the part of the audience that would allow us to consider that the media do not achieve the desired effect, simply because they are no longer consumed. Then, if we observe that neither the ideological orientation nor the media discourse, the concentration of the industry, nor the habits of consumption, have varied, the questions and hypothesis that might arise to explain us the above, we need to explore outside the ambit of the discourse and the ownership of the media, and to center our research on the other actor: the audience. This means that it is worthwhile to center our attention, rather than on the contents of the messages from the media, on the kind of audience who have been shaped in the countries that undergo processes of revolutionary changes. We are facing audience having developed an attitude that calls our attention with regard to the power we might suppose the media possess so as to influence with world visions and political preferences. Then, knowing that the media structure has undergone very little change, the following question emerges: what has varied in the audience?
The return to politics At this point and before we suggest questions to be asked, let us put forth the following questions, in the form of a resume´: . There is a clear divergence between the ideological discourse, which the media mainly put into circulation (A) in the abovementioned countries, and the main political attitude of the audience (B) in their electoral behavior. . The above causes serious doubts to arise concerning the effectiveness of the media in contexts such as the abovementioned, i.e. in contexts of social transformation (C). The latter would be a new variable in the study of political communication and the effect of the media. . The high medial consumption on the part of the audience is maintained. . The possible answers or hypotheses must not be searched by analyzing merely the media, we must explore the manner in which the audience interprets the media discourse. Here, there appears to be a variation. What are the fundamentals of this variation? As an hypothesis and considering the variable C, we can propose that, what has varied during the last years is that the processes of profound social change developing in Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia, have politicized persons. A clear and increasing politicization of the popular sectors has been produced, which, according to all investigations are the ones that consume more television and radio. This politicization is made evident in the permanent social mobilizations, in the emerging of new base organizations, in the creation of new instances of popular power and also, in the massive concurrence to the ballot boxes. For instance, during the last election in Bolivia, in the Referendum of January 2009, the attendance was 91% of persons inscribed. As in the rest of the western democracies, in these countries the indifference and electoral abstinence were also frequent phenomena. Today, this
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has changed: not only do these processes repeatedly obtain more than 50% approval, but they also mobilize electors in a massive manner, with an attendance at the ballot boxes of persons over 18 years, which also frequently amounts to over 60%. These processes of social transformation which our continent is undergoing in several countries, besides mobilizing sectors that have formerly shown little interest in formal electoral competition, such as the young people, the marginal persons, workers from the informal sector, natives, etc., have achieved the politicization of persons. And a politicized person is a qualitatively different audience. S/He no longer is a passive consumer of the media, her/his vulnerability before the ideological contents of the media decreases, her/his levels of alertness increase, her/his appropriation of messages becomes more autonomous and critical. S/He may continue to amuse her/himself without having problems with television’s banality, laugh with the foreign comedies, be surprised with Hollywood’s special effects; s/he may even follow the information through the traditional reference news. But, a large part of her/his civic and political formation is now developed away from the screen, in the middle of revolutionary processes that demonstrate, for instance, should the process should reverse, that there is much to lose. Final words: a hypothesis Finally and according to what has been mentioned above, I wish to propose the following correlational hypothesis: the more a citizen is politicized, the less will the media have ideological influence over him, or, to the contrary, the less a citizen is politicized, the influence of the media over him will be greater. Therefore, political communication developed through the media depends to a great extent on the political contexts and its study or investigation must consider the politicization of persons as a dense variable. And in this, Latin America has much information to give. Acknowledgements This work belongs to a Research Project (No. 1090032) supported by Chile’s National Fund for Science and Technology (FONDECYT).
Notes 1.
2.
3.
The President of Honduras, Manuel Zelaya, had also planned to do this with the naval base of Soto Cano in 2009, in order to change said base into a civil airport, with funds from ALBA. The coup d’e´tat he suffered the same year prevented the realization of this purpose. In the west (context number one) as well as in Latin America (second context), similar situations occur in respect of the media and communications. But, in view of the fact that one context is necessarily different from the other, we have conceptualized the manifestation and dynamics of those situations in Latin America as a re-contextualization. Interview to the Argentinean magazine p. 12, 19 October 2008.
Notes on contributor Pedro Santander is a professor in the School of Journalism at the Pontificia Universidad Cato´lica de Valparaı´so, Chile, where he is in charge of the lectures of Theory of the Language and Discourse Analysis. His principal research interests are in Discourse Theory, Discourse Analysis, and Media Research, and his major publications (with dates) are Matar al Padre:
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ana´lisis del discurso de la sociologı´a en dictadura. Cuadernos Americanos 4, no. 100. Me´xico (2003); Critical analysis of discourse and of the media: challenges and shortcomings. Critical Discourse Studies, Volume 6, Issue 3 August 2009, pages 185 198. El Acceso invisible a las noticias de la televisio´n. Estudios Filolo´gicos 38 (2003); and El Acceso a las noticias de TV como estrategia polı´tica; Estudios Filolo´gicos 39 (2004).
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