Reflections

Singapore and Cambodia is located within 850 miles of one another, or about a two-hour plane ride between Changi International Airport and the tarmac in the rice fields of Siem Reap. The distance is relatively close in today’s world; a similar distance exists between New York and Chicago, Shanghai and Hong Kong, and London and Rome. Yet, by almost every measure, Singapore and Cambodia are in stark contrast to one another and symbolise very different visions of the world forward.

Singapore represents the seemingly highest state of development in terms of gross domestic product (GDP), growth, efficient urban planning and social policies. The population is predominately educated to an advanced level and maintains one of the highest levels of income in Asia and the world. Accolades grace the policies of Singapore and its development strategies from the United Nations, western governments, and businesses alike. Fulfilling the mantra of “housing for the people”, literally 83 per cent of the population live 12 stories up in government-sponsored topically modified Unite d’habitations. The crime rate is low, the economy roaring with 14 per cent growth in 2010, and investment in tourism, biotechnology, and research sectors being the envy of most developed nations. The nation is fully urbanised, agriculture predominately erased long ago and replaced by a shopping paradise where almost everything is imported. Space is traded and sold at the highest level of government in the name of national development, keeping property prices growing and its residents occupied with paying the monthly mortgage. Traffic is managed centrally, automobile purchases are limited and the road sides are trimmed continually. By most measures, the ubiquitous title of an efficient, clean, green and blue city-state holds true as Singapore tries to shed the negative stereotypes of yesteryear.

Singapore’s historical rise from a sea-faring outpost to one of the world’s busiest ports comes with a strange contradiction. Since the colonisation of Singapore by Sir Stamford Raffles, the island has proceeded on a continual lobotomy of its most historical and crucial resource: water, creating an entirely interiorised nation divorced from the sea. Ports, defence structures, industrial landscapes and parkways have cut a nation from its maritime origins in the production of two worlds separating city living from the sea in a series of surgical ambitions. One is an interior world of Housing Development Board (HDB) flats, private-gated residential condominiums and landed homes for the bourgeois; the other world consists of industry, transportation, and petrochemical refineries dotting the coastline. Both worlds are equally off-limits to one another. Like the concentric rings of an onion, the island continually insulates itself from its surroundings in a garrison-state position or Truman Show bubble. Think Buckminster Fuller’s dome over Manhattan, albeit constructed more subversively and invisibly layer by layer, function by function. The exterior is the most dirty and unsightly, the most interior the jewel of the nation in its virgin tropical heart. The implementation of the United Nations’ (UN) plan of 1964 for Singapore’s development sits somewhere subconsciously in the country’s model for growth, where a ring city wraps a green heart of re-constructed jungle, setting the stage for a distributed sprinkling of new towns surrounding the island. Yet, somehow, the sea and the proposed water-borne taxi links never made it into Singapore’s history – rather, land reclamation and concrete erosion barriers kept the sea at bay while the container port fuelled the lifeblood of the Southeast Asian capitalistic miracle. The population was re-distributed from the dense centre across the interior, isolated from the sea and protected by the nation-state and the imported industry that keeps the economy humming forward.

Singapore is one of the important centres of a 21st century world, a node of capital influx, product trade and migration destination at the crossroads between Asia and Europe, India and China, and between a rural, poor past and, as William Gibson once claimed, a “clean dystopia representing our techno future”2. It is the darling of Southeast Asia and the seeming new development model embraced by China, Russia, United Arab Emirates and the world over, a centralised state-sponsored capitalism.

Cambodia, on the other hand, operates as the very mirror, a reflection, of the history of Singapore , albeit in a different location and context. Cambodia sits at the other end of the develop ment spectrum with a largely rural population living directly off the land and its water. A low-density, highly dispersed agrarian populat-ion employs the most direct means to establish life. The settlement patterns and architectural formation are a direct product of neither government planning nor historical pastiche, but of the necessities and function required to live each day. By all means, life in Cambodia is hard and by most measures, the country sits at the lower end of development metrics.

The local vernacular of kampongs was removed long ago in Singapore’s embrace for a new future and the few remaining kelongs now hide in the shadow of jack-up rigs and ship-building behemoths of Keppel Shipyard and Sembawang dry docks. Rain, the daily reminder that yes, you are in the tropics, is channelled in concrete dykes beneath the city, moving each deluge faster than the automobile traffic above1. The city looks like any other “modernised” city, similar to Houston or Los Angeles or Dubai, yet, it is an island city that has precisely decapitated itself from its very foundation – the sea the surrounds it and the jungle rain that made it such a perfect outpost for that early British colonizer, Mr. Raffles.

Yet, Cambodia was once, just as Singapore is today, the urban centre of Southeast Asia, housing Angkor as the largest pre-industrial city of the world. At the height of the Khmer civilisation between the ninth and 13th centuries, the Angkor complex housed an approximate 600,000 to upwards of one million persons. London, by comparison during the Middle Ages, was approximately 60,000. The architectural form of its large religious struc-ture, Angkor was built precisely around, just as in Singapore, its most critical resource: water. Constructed in a formal arrangement of moats and reservoirs, the temple depends on its close proximity to Tonle Sap Biosphere Reserve, South-east Asia’s largest freshwater lake, a United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) Biosphere Reserve. A vis-ible and complex series of waterworks sustained the massive urban population. The embrace of technology was universal in Angkor’s develop-ment; infrastructure, architecture, and urban configurations channelled stone, food and people, lubricated by its management of water. And yet, the mismanagement and overinfrastructalism of water through dykes, channels and bayons led to the capital’s demise in the centuries that followed

Angkor’s urban configuration, estimated to be approximately 1,000 square kilometres, is slightly larger than the 711 square kilometres that made up Singapore in 20103. A low-rise, relatively high-density configuration for a pre-industrial city, Angkor’s settlement was

1 In 2010, massive flooding occurred on Orchard Road, Singapore’s Premier shopping belt, flooding international brands such as Hermes, Starbucks, and Wendy’s among many retail outlets. Likewise, in the upscale neighbourhoods of Bukit Timah and Thompson Road, flooding destroyed luxury cars in condominium car park basements, trapped residents without power, and produced traffic jams the horror of a city-state predicated on efficiency.

2 http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/1.04/gibson.html?topic=&topic_set= compact and concentrated. In contrast, the resulting density of 1,000 persons per square kilometre is only seven times less than Singapore’s population density today, which is,one of the highest national densities currently in the world. A difference of 700 years is also a difference by a factor of seven.

Engineering and mastery of the landscape was integral to the Khmer civilisation. Land was cleared, modified and molded into both an urban, religious and political structure, built on the foundations of an advanced engineering and technological knowledge. Symmetry, geometrical precision and axial coordinates constructed a cityscape based on centralised infrastructural discipline and control. Yet, as Jared Diamond suggests in “Collapse”, the radical transformation of the landscape and replacement of an ecological equilibrium for a centralised technological one led to the capital’s ultimate re-location and final collapse of the civilisation.

Today, throughout Tonle Sap, there are seemingly random configurations of floating villages, constructed in a locally informal vernacular. As a counter-point to the very symmetry and formal geometry of Angkor Wat and the surrounding temple complexes, the floating village moves with the seasonal monsoons in a more precise equilibrium with their natural surroundings. Though tremendously poor, the inhabitants of these villages nevertheless of-fer intimate knowledge of living on and by the water in simple yet provocative structures. The architecture is compact and relatively dense and, by all means, flexible. Consumption is minimised both by the realities of poverty, but also by the functions of living off the landscape or in this case, waterscape.

The water villages serve as a counter-point, both to the formal infrastructural approach to Angkor Wat and its embrace of a centralised infrastructalism. Yes, an architectural reading obscures the social and economic inequity borne by the local inhabitants. However, the water villages create autonomous dwellings, off the grid, yet self-sufficient with the sim-plest of means. Instead of the 12 stories now reaching for the new 35-storey heights typi-cally found in Singapore, the floating villages provide a radical contrast to the continual pressures of development found in Singapore’s self-constructed, land-locked and walledin urban milieu. And ironically, Singapore, in its own desire for defense and autonomy, seeks water independence from its neighbours, recycling its own grey water for drinking and industrial purposes and has recently embraced the small-scale agriculture and fish-farming on its shores as a means for the beginnings of food independence. Clearly, autonomy has found a new relevancy.

Le Corbusier, in his search for inspirational models, looked to the automobile, the airplane and the cruise ship. These technological ap- paratuses were the zeitgeist of an industrial age. Yet, it was the cruise ship that offered the most direct architectural model; Le Corbusier graphically compared “the Cunarder Aquitania” to that of Notre Dame, Arc de Triomphe, and the Palais Garnier. In his famous chapter, “Eyes Which Do Not See” in Towards a New Architecture, the proclamation “A house is a machine for living in” sits adjacent to the photograph of the Lamorichier (Cie Tranatlantique) cruise liner. Likewise, “architecture is the masterly, correct and magnificent play of masses brought together in light” subtitles the photograph of the “Empress of Asia” Canadian Pacific cruise liner. For Le Corbusier, “The house of the earth-man is the expression of a circumscribed world. The Steamship is the first stage in the realization of a world organised according to the new spirit.”4

Cambodia has no such cruise ships. Rather, floating on the massive Tonle Sap Lake, sometimes driven into the lake bed with timber piles, the water villages of Siem Reap conjure imagery of new constellations of living in a hydrological architecture not yet realised – a vision of a distributed field of inhabitation, a gentle carpet of self-initiated construction. The very counter-point to the industrialisation of the sea imagined by Le Corbusier or Kenzo Tange, or Buckminster Fuller incorporated into the Singaporean model of development and growth. And Singapore today, like Angkor 700 years ago, faces its own crisis of rising sea levels, interior flooding and its own total brace of engineering to solve all ills.

Imagine a Singapore of floating neighborhoods, linked by the sea that surrounds it. Imagine a rising sea, a flooded landscape where land reclamation is replaced by water reclamation; a new low rise, high density fabric of objects and fields, waterscapes and landscapes, farming and production, architecture and autonomy, all inspiring a future that Singapore long ago replaced with the promised of centralized modernism. But all is not lost, a city of individual autonomies, gentle impact, and modifiable architecture is a future that can be found in the lessons from the mirror of Singapore in Cambodia.

AP

Editor

Department of Architecture

National University of Singapore

Visions of the untouched virgin landscape of the Tonle Sap and the ruins of what used to be the majestic Angkor Wat instils a curious sense of reminisce and forebode in relation to Singapore’s past and potential future. Speckled kampong settlements of stilted houses line the way along the distributaries of the Tonle Sap lake; creating pockets of civilization on the oblate landscape, only to morph into a decapitated ‘floating’ village during the wet season from may-october annually. Despite this drastic 6 to 8 metre increase in water level, housing typology in the area has adapted to suit both climate changes ideally. In a similar fashion, the early kampongs of Singapore adapted to the climate and soft marine clay soil conditions by planting deep foundation stilts into the ground to raise the houses above water level to prevent flooding.

In present day, the advancement of Singapore’s cosmopolitan image ‘progresses’ beyond the simple technology of passive design in the past in substitution for modern western design ideals; leading to the dilution of culture and heritage our forefathers left behind. In this light, knowingly or unknowingly, Singapore has begun to divorce itself from its own original hydroscape of a small undulating landscape surrounded by seawater surging with vibrancy; in replacement for a self contained capsule city.

Wandering around the ruined grounds of the Angkor Wat presented the gravity of the issue - importance of water in relation to sustenance and continuity of inhabitation of a city. The Urban planning for the layout of the Angkor Wat and other minor temples strongly reflects their dependence on water as a resource through the proximity of location to water sources and the presence of moats. For a city such as Singapore possessing no natural fresh water resource for portability; Singapore’s Architecture and Urban design reflects our struggling need for fresh water. Without careful hydrological planning and management, Singapore could face the same demise as the ancient Angkor civilization.

Felicia Goh

“Where are you from?” He finally asked after following me around for awhile.

“Singapore.”

“Ooh…” He nodded with apparent familiarity, though he never mentioned anything about it again.

He told me his name was Sith. He seemed to be in his late-teens and had very tanned skin, not unlike everyone else sitting around in that temple ruins. He was half-clutching his messenger bag in front of him throughout our whole conversation. I only realized this when it was over.

He asked me if I want to know about the story of the temple we were in. Slightly surprised that anyone local was actually offering his knowledge without asking me to buy a book or a drink, I agreed. “This temple is called West Mebon,” he started before telling me a string of facts from the name of the king who commissioned the construction of that temple, to the exact year when the French took the statue of Vishnu formerly situated in the middle of the temple to put it in a museum in Phnom Penh.

His English was pretty fluent, though he sometimes mispronounced certain words and would try his best to repeat them until they sounded correct. The locals sitting behind us seemed to be listening, trying to figure out what we were talking about. They shouted out to him in Khmer now and then. He replied without looking at them.

He then told me a story about crocodiles that were bred in the temple compounds which I can vaguely recall now. I started to ask him about himself. He said he was 21 years old, and that he was studying in a high school. He walked all the way from the nearest town, across the vast West Baray, to the small hill the temple was located at. He would have had to take a boat if it wasn’t dry season. He said the water level would go up and fill the temple compound with water in the wet season. That explained the few small boats apparently stranded in the middle of rice fields around the temple. He took out a small notebook from his bag and asked me to take a look. Inside he wrote in English various scientific terms, historical facts and other school homework. Aside from a few misspellings and grammatical mistakes, there were surprisingly many subjects included. He listed them out in succession as I flipped through the notebook. I noticed a few pages were torn out and different handwritings started to appear at the back, stating names and places. He then asked me to write my name and my e-mail address.

“E-mail address? So you have an e-mail address?” I asked. He grinned and said: “No, I have home address.” He flipped to a page where he wrote: my name is Mik Sith my address

I live in Kouk Thnot village

Kouk Chork commune

Siem Reap district

Siem Reap province

Number house 0150 group g

I am very glad to meet you here

I am a student study at high school

Don’t forget me Sith

I wish you to have a good luck and a good health to successful for you

He tore the page out and gave it to me. I realized he had prepared a few pages with the same writings. That was his name card.

He then took out a book from his bag and tried to sell it to me.

Goldron Korintus

An urban built-up area does not accommodate water, but ironically it has to sustain its inhabitants with it. Here i learnt of the relationship between country, man and water. In Singapore’s scenario: Buying, collecting and renewing became answers to its water woes. An answer that becomes a neverending balance of supply and demand between the 3 factors.

July 2010, a pseudo river is created in Punggol as a re-creation of the old fishing village, reminiscing connections with water. Capitalistic re-invention of the past seems to be redefining the architecture of Singapore. Water in Singapore is not a resource, but becomes sold as a commodity.

Singapore’s approach is hard. Water is contained by tubes,locked by reservoirs and tanks. People go against the way of natural hydrology.

Cambodia comes to life with water.Water brings about large changes in Cambodia’s ecology, at the same time improving hygiene through provision of clean water. Architecture treads along with the changing water lines as its foundation. Water functions urbanistically as streets connecting everyones lives; As roads connecting villages; As offices where work resides; As a self-cleansing chute; As an environ defining the land.

On a smaller scale it becomes peoples’ multi-purposed space- restroom,kitchen, yard and even tub. Homes are reduced to just a bedroom. Personal privacy is achieved by jumping into the water. Water drives every change in Cambodia. The approach is soft.

Angkor: Each ancient Angkorian building intricately reinforces its relationship with water be its pool,moat or pond. Drainage systems within buildings like Bayon Temple are hidden rather than shown and clearly planned into their foundations and construct. Several of these buildings interact directly with water and their environment. Here, water functions beyond survival, recreational and symbolical extents but becomes an added dimension in Khmer architectural-scape: one which contemporary architecture have yet to include across such scales.

Cambodia represents a melting pot of hydro-environments yet to be discovered. Singapore reflects a technological forefront for water management much sought by other cities. Probably an equivalent comparison for our western counterparts are Venice versus Amsterdam. Yet not all parameters equate beyond the bare necessity of water.

Stark differences between the two ways of hydrological management and their apparent pros and cons are cleverly evident between Singapore and Cambodia. The hard. Dictative controlling of water with a considerable factor for safety. Architectural boundaries are clearly defined and millions are sunk into engineered infrastructure in construction and maintenance. The soft. Everything flows with the water, what is clear is the extent of changes but all becomes muddy when details are looked into. Materiality and construct becomes important as the environment is considered.

Be it to control water or to allow for water as a hydrological agent of change, these are but urbanistic limits of water control. Hydrology clearly defines an urbanscape, and Cambodia has clearly reflected that current urbanistic planning seem to divorce water and water systems as a seperate parameter to urban growth on a city scale.

“A sailing ship opens up the sea, but unlike a bulldozer, it doesn’t hurt the sea.” Buckminster Fuller location

As opposed to structures on land where foundations go deep into the ground and claim territory, people living in the floating villages have a different perspective. What they truly own are their boathouses and not the water on which they float. This is only one of the many differentiations between Singapore and Singaporeans, and Tonle Sap and its folk.

In Singapore, water is viewed as an exterior, a separate entity that exists around the island. Potable water is available in our homes, far from its source, whereas in Tonle Sap water is provided for and by the lake, raw and in abundance. There is a resultant sense of detachment between water and the individual in Singapore, where the rise and fall of the tides is duly noted, and our reservoirs are part of the landscape for private golf courses. And then there is Tonle Sap, where every room in the house opens to water, where a wash or a spot of fishing is steps away.

The people of Tonle Sap live off the lake and its yields- they are dependent on the water. Its intimate role in their daily lives makes the water’s primary purpose to give life instead of supporting it, and for this reason the people learn to live with the lake and its temperaments, and they do what they must to keep their place on it.

The floating villages of Tonle Sap rest on bamboo poles and empty drums to stay afloat. Some are on three storey high stilts to keep their homes dry when the water level rises. It is also the lake that dictates their lifestyles. In the wet season fishing becomes the main source of income and when the water retreats they focus on rice cultivation, which is mostly irrigated by the receding lake. Tonle Sap had taught them adaptability, and with their limited means, the simple workability of their knowledge is made marvelously clear.

Singapore, on the other hand, would seem fortunate for not having to suffer from any drastic changes in its natural environment, and it was only in recent news that several areas on the island had been hit by flash floods. A plausible reasoning is the commencing failure of our drainage networks. So similar to the Angkor empire, an island with no freshwater sources plants a network of water by manmade design onto the existing landscape to prosper itself. Whether something so unnatural can hold for long is still up for debate. We have forty five years behind us. Angkor had four hundred. Perhaps this is why their people now exist so amicably with the water.

We still have three hundred or so years to straighten our gig; or the same amount of time to build taller towers.

Singapore’s and Cambodia’s history is predicated on water’s importance. One has water surrounding land, the other has land surrounding water. The negotiations with the two physical matter, whether through natural phenomenon or human intervention, are documented with specific attention to define the coastlines of Singapore and the Tonle Sap Lake. Physical scapes are compared against man-made water infrastructure in terms of what each can bear for the place and people. Sometimes infrastructure is built to adapt the changes of the landscapes, other times, landscapes are fabricated to adapt to the need of more infrastructure. The symbiotic relationship between water, land, people and architecture becomes kinetic through seasons and years.

Location on world map location

Location on world map

TIbetan Plateau

Mekong River

Dali

National Boundary

Cambodia

Myanmar

Kunning

China

Vietnam

Laos

Thailand

Bangkok

Gulf of Thailand

Pakse

Cambodia

South China Sea

Early

Over 1000m

200 - 1000m

100 - 200m

0 - 100m

Percentage Contribution to Annual Mekong River Discharge

Disasters and Waterborne Epidemics

Source: Natural Resource Endowments and Production Prospects

Average Annual source: Mekong River Commission, 2003 contours based on Japan International Cooperation Agency map c1997

15000km

2 maximum expanded area in wet season source: Cambodia National Mekong Committee, 2007

1.3km volume of lake in dry season

3 3

52% Tonle Sap river

30% tributaries

13% rainfall

5% Mekong floodplains

75km volume of water contained in lake and floodplain in wet season sources: worldlakes.org; Jintanugool, Round, 2005

Tonle Sap

Cambodia 12°53’N 104°04’E

Freshwater Lake

Max. Depth: 9m

Volume: 1.3 to 75km³

Surface Area: 2500 to 15000km²

Water Level Changes: 8m

Lake Toba

Indonesia 2°68’N 98°88’E

Volcanic Caldera Lake

Max. Depth: 505m

Volume: 240km³

Surface Area: 1103km²

Water Level Changes: 1m

Songkhla Lake

Thailand 7°12’N 100°28’E

Coastal Freshwater Lagoon

Max. Depth: 2.5m

Volume: 1.6km³

Surface Area: 1082km²

Water Level Changes: 1m average depth: comparing surface area: comparing volume:

Percentage of Jungle Cover in Cambodia

18,000,000 ha Total Land Area of Cambodia

Agricultural

as a Percentage of Total Land Area

Increase in Agricultural Land in Cambodia

Mekong Basin

Source: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, FAOSTAT

62% reduction of flooded forest

Area of flooded forests in dry season in 2002

Area of inundation in wet season

-1.53% of Area Per Year

Area of flooded grasslands in dry season in 2002

Area of inundation in wet season

Area of Flooded Grasslands Around Tonle

Area of Flooded Grasslands around Tonle Sap

113% increase in from 1973 - 1993

+5.7% of Area Per Year

Expanded Area of Flooded Shrublands Around Tonle Sap

Expanded Area of Flooded Shrublands around Tonle Sap

1819 : 0%

1960 : 0.6%

1970 : 1.4%

1980 : 6.9%

1990 : 9.5%

2000 : 18.1%

2009 : 22.9%

: 0m to 15m

: 15m to 30m

: 30m to 60m

: above 60m

: 15m to 30m

15m to 30m 30m to 60m above 60m

: above 60m

Topography

15m to 30m 30m to 60m above 60m Topography

: 30m to 60m Topography

Water Bodies

2010 <http://www.pub.gov.sg/water/Pages/LocalCatchment.aspx>.

Singapore:

Pandan Reservoir

Singapore:

Kranji Reservoir

Singapore:

Pandan Reservoir

Jurong Lake Reservoir

1.Pandan Reservoir

Kranji Reservoir

MacRitchie Reservoir

2.Kranji Reservoir

Jurong Lake Reservoir

Upper Pierce Reservoir

Lower Pierce Reservoir

MacRitchie Reservoir

Bedok Reservoir

4.MacRitchie Reservoir

Upper Pierce Reservoir

5.Upper

Lower Pierce Reservoir

Poyan Reservoir

Murai Reservoir

Poyan Reservoir

Tengeh Reservoir

Murai Reservoir

10.Poyan Reservoir

Sarimbun Reservoir

11.Murai Reservoir

Tengeh Reservoir

Pulau Tekong Reservoir

Marina Reservoir

Sarimbun Reservoir

12.Tengeh Reservoir

Serangoon Reservoir

Pulau Tekong Reservoir

13.Sarimbun Reservoir

Upper Seletar Reservoir

Lower Seletar Reservoir

Bedok Reservoir

Upper Seletar Reservoir

Johor Bahru:

Lower Seletar Reservoir

Punggol Reservoir

Marina Reservoir

14.Pulau Tekong Reservoir

Serangoon Reservoir

15.Marina Reservoir

16.Serangoon Reservoir

Punggol Reservoir

8.Upper

9.Lower

Tebrau River

Scudai River

Pontian Reservoir

Gunung Pulai Reservoir

Johor Bahru:

Tebrau River

17.Punggol Reservoir Johor

Scudai River

Source of Water Catchment Supply

Pontian Reservoir

19.Skudai

20.Pontian

21.Gunung

Source of Water Catchment Supply

Source of Water Catchment Supply

Source: Pang, Wei-Chong and Pavel Tkalich.“Modeling Tidal and Monsoon Driven Currents in the Singapore Strait.” Singapore Maritime and Port Journal, 151-162. 2003. 1 Jul. 2010 <http://www.porl.nus.edu.sg/Drplink/PDF/MPAJ-02.PDF>.

Speed of Currents

Height of Tides

NEWater pumped back into system

- 208000 m³/day non-potable for industrial usage

- 38000 m³/day indirect potable to reservoirs 3300mm 6000mm

3260 Fish Farms

Density : 9 farms/km²

Average fish farm : 20,000m² = 1800kg of fish/day

Total fish produced = 1800 X 3260 = 5,868,000kg of fish/day

Total fish consumption in Singapore : 274,000kg/day

2400 and over 2300-2400

2200-2300

2100-2200

Less than 2100

2/3 Rainwater collected by the catchments

1,651,250,510m3 Singapore Rainwater

Total Land Area if Total Population lived in 1 storey building = Population X Dwelling Area = 4,987,600 X 50m² = 249,380,000m²

Projected Total Volume of Rainwater Collection = Habitable Land Area X Rainfall per Annum = 249,380,000m² X 2.4m = 598,512,000m³

Self-sustainability through Rainwater Collection

The hydrological landscape of Cambodia has spawned an economy of water that has profound impact on the livelihood of its people. Both environmental and seasonal changes have produced ebbs and flows in the productivity of its agriculture dependent communities. Being at the mercy of nature, both Singapore and Cambodia are drawing on the potential of its limited or unlimited resource- water- to sustain itself in the future. Research statistics and diagrams illustrate the fragility of these economies and pursue the ramifications of future hydrological developments.

Myanmar 0.75

Population within Basin (each representing 2 x 106 people)

Land area within basin National Boundary

74,300,000

Total Population of Mekong Basin

Thailand

14

China(Yunnan) 4.75

Laos 2.25

Cambodia 4.5

Vietnam 11.5 source: United Nations Population Division, 2008 source: World Bank, 2010 source: World Bank, 2010

Life Expectancy at Birth (2008)

Infant Mortality Rate (2008) Number of infants dying before reaching one year of age, per 1000 live births.

Child Mortality Rate (2008)

Probability per 1000 that a newborn baby will die before reaching age of five.

Net Migration (2005)

Annual number of immigrants minus total number of emigrants. Each suitcase represents 10,000 people.

Source: http://www.mekong.net/cambodia/facts.htm

90% Khmer

5% Vietnamese

5% Chinese

Very small percentages of hill tribes, Chams, Burmese, Thai

75% Singaporean 25% Non-citizens & non-PRs

75% Singaporean & PRs 25% Non-citizens & non PRs

All figures for 2008, source: National Institute of Statistics, 2008

60,707km² 181,035km²

33.5% percentage of land area of the provinces adjacent to Tonle Sap over total land area of Cambodia

3,340,217

14,562,008

22.9% percentage of population of the provinces adjacent to Tonle Sap over total population of Cambodia

The Happy Planet Index (HPI) is an index of human well-being and environmental impact that was introduced by the New Economics Foundation (NEF) in July 2006. The Index is designed to chalenge well-established indices of countries’ development, such as Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the Human Development Index (HDI), which are seen as not taking sustainability into account. In particular, GDP is seen as inappropriate, as the usual ultimate aim of most people is not to be rich, but to be happy and healthy.

10%

Others

-remittances

-tourism

4% Petty Trade

1% Non-farm labour

2% Agriculture

-rice

-maize

-sweet potato

83% Livestock

-fish

-chicken

-crocodile

. Primary Fishing

. Secondary Fish processing, animal rearing, agriculture

Income distribution of typical household in Tonle Sap

Income distribution of a typical household living in Tonle Sap

7% Agriculture purchase

17% Livestock purchase

28% Transport cost -capital cost of motorcycles

(147,990 motorcycles 17.8% of cambodia)

29% ceremonial expenses

-buddhist events

-family weddings

-festivals

5% Household expenses

14% Health Cost

Percentage of total expenditure of a typical household living in Tonle Sap

<http://www.singstat.gov.sg/stats/themes/people/hes.pdf>,

Siem Reap-

A tank of cooking gas in Cambodia can cost up to an average of 35 USD, resulting in 95% of the population turning to biomass fuels –waste, charcoal and wood –for cooking.

Market Location

Main Road

Secondary Roads

Roads Linking Markets and Fishing Lots

Source: Livelihood Sustainability Analysis of the Floating Villages of the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia, Malin Meinander, 2009

Source:Livelihood Sustainability Analysis of the Floating Villages of the Tonle Sap Lake, Cambodia, Malin Meinander, 2009

Number of fish catch per person

Tonle Sap -

1.5 million people living around Tonle Sap fish for a living, but over fishing and pollution has led to shrinking of fish stocks and increasing poverty.

Fish catch in Tonle Sap Lake was 250,000,000kg in 2007.

Therefore, fish catch of 250,000,000kg can satisfy 2.5X of Singapore population.

Fishing and fish consumption is far more important in the vicinity of the lake than elsewhere in Cambodia.

75% (median)

Percentage at which fish constitutes the animal protein intake of the fishing communities

Source:Natural Resources and Rural Livelihoods in Cambodia, Cambodia Development Resource Institute, 2002

90% of animal protein intake 35kg/year/pax in Cambodia:

Fish catch of 200kg/pax - fish intake of 35kg/pax

Cambodians are left with 165kg/pax/year of fish to sell to the market (Siem Reap).

7,500 Khmer RIEL = USD 1.80

USD 297

Deep Water Rice

Shallow Water Wet

Shallow Water Dry

Swamps

Types of Rice Cultivation in Cambodia

5,000,000 tonnes

Total Rice Production of Cambodia in 2010 Can feed

4km3 volume of water needed to irrigate crops

=

8 times of Singapore’s annual water consumption

Can flood Singapore with 5.6m of water

Rice Production in Cambodia protected wells

54.3% government protected water tube wells for irrigation imported water piped in dwellings tap water rainwater

6.1% 1.3% 0.7%

Water Distribution of Cambodia

Kampong KhleangPipes connect the houses to a freshwater source, often groundwater from wells or collected rainwater.

Kampong KhleangRainwater is channelled through gutters and self-made funnels made of old plastic containers throughout the houses of the village.

Breakdown of Annual Water Supply

40% Imported water

30% Domestic Catchments

20% NEWater

10% Desalination

50% NEWater

30% Desalination

15% Domestic Catchemnts

5% Imported water

70% Non-Domestic

No imported water

30% Domestic

1961 Agreement (expires in 2011)

390,956m3 of raw water per day

12% of imported water (treated)

1962 Agreement (expires in 2061)

1,136,500m3 of raw water per day

2% of imported water (treated)

Treated Water

RM0.5/ 1000 gallons

RM2.4/ 1000 gallons

Water Treatment

Raw Water

RM0.03/ 1000 gallons

1000 gallons = 4.546m3

Portable water to Johor

RM3.95/ 1000 gallons

Selling prices of water

Singapore

Cambodia

Water consumed

Water lost

72% 6%

Unaccounted for water is the difference between the actual volume of water in the supply plants and the paid volume of water consumed.

Unaccounted for water

60,000,000m3 of water escaped into the atmosphere each year from 30km2 of reservoir surface area pool)

Evaporation of water

Operating dam

Dam under construction

Proposed dam

Gongguoqiao

Xiaowan Manwan Dachaoshan Nuozhadu

Jinghong

Ganlanba Mengsong

Pak Beng

Luang Prabang Xayabouri

Pak Lay Pak Chom

Sanakham

Ban Koum Lat Sua

Don Sahong Stung Treng

Sambor

Mekong Mainstream Dams

506,000

Can Power more than 13 Singapores in a year.

(Singapore 2010 annual consumption is 37,940 GWh)

Sponsors of the Mekong Dams

Mulutang

Hanoi

Luang Namtha

Nam Mo

Vienntiane

Na Bon

Rangoon

Tha Wong

Wang Noi

Bangkok

Soc Son

How Binh

Ban Mai

Ha Tinh

Danang

Nakhon Ratchasima Pleiku

Watthana Nathon

Battambang

Sambor

Phnom Penh

Stung Treng

Dams

Proposed Interconnection Line

City/Town National Capital

Proposed Power Grid Connecting the Mekong to Thailand

Banteay Meanchey Siem Reap

Battambang to Vietnam

Sihanoukville

Pursat to Laos

150kV

220kV Proposed

Kampot to Vietnam

Downstream Irrigation from Dam Constructions sources: MRC, 2009

U.S. Energy Information Administration, 2007

11,740 GWh expected annual energy production of the Sambor Dam

1,273 GWh

3.93%

1,273

GWh total electricity produced in Cambodia in 2007, of which 3.93% is contributed by hydroelectric power the expected annual energy production of the Sambor Dam can satisfy:

923.7%

15.8%8.8%655.3%

Nominated as a UNESCO Biosphere Reserve in 1997, Tonle Sap exists as the largest freshwater lake in Southeast Asia. Throughout Tonle Sap today exists seemingly random configurations of floating villages configured in a locally informal vernacular.They move with the seasonal monsoons in a precise equilibrium with their natural surroundings. Constructed mappings and photographic evidence will illustrate the inhabitants’ intimate knowledge of living on and by the water in simple yet provocative architecture.

That’s equivalent to travelling back and forth from Changi Airport to Tuas about 4.5 times.

Travel Route by the Team Adjacent Towns to Siem Reap by Boat

Chong KneasA typical floating home that does not differ much from its landed counterparts in appearance

Eight hundred years ago a people built an empire with timber and stone, leaving behind a legacy of successful attempts to control water, though ultimately they failed. The importance of water to their existence brought about its heavy manipulation and other elements of the given landscape, and over time nature had returned to claim what is hers to control. Through a series of analytical diagrams, the ancient waterworks of Angkor is uncovered.

Otdar Meanchey Province

Provinces around Tonle Sap

Siem Reap district 13°21′44″N 103°51′35″E

Tonle Sap

6

Source: Canby Publications Co., Ltd;2009; Online image http://www.canbypublications.com/maps/provsr.htm; 1Jul’10 sandstone/laterite sourced from Kulen hills each piece is pre-measured and cut out stone masons create holes which allow for smoothening and transportation stone bricks transported along river to site slaves use poles to transport and stack bricks

Upland rice Wet season rice rice rice

Types of rice crops

Rain & mixed deciduous forest

Agriculture

Dry mixed deciduous forest

1985-1986

1992-1993

Flooded forest & marshes

Marshes

Flooded forest

West BarayPriority of water distribution is to ensure multiple harvests in a year.

During the dry season, the baray is used for agriculture.

Types & Distribution of Vegetations(12 C.)

General direction of water flow main roads connecting the key places topography main roads secondary roads tertiary roads

Main Roads(12C.)

Barays

Irrigation

Daily usage

Religion

Hierarchy of Importance

0.74km 2

12 Central Business Districts (CBD)

200 tonnes

Amount of Stone Used

Unlike other religious monuments, the temple does not face the east. The sunrise casts its entrance in shadow.

300-400m

60m

Rice Crops

Built Dykes

flood plains tonle sap kulen hills

West Gate

Phimeanakas

Baphuon

North Gate

Terrace of the Elephants

Bayon

Victory Gate

East Gate (Gate of the Dead)

South Gate water level in the watertable drops partial diversion of water

Dyke failure leading to diversion of river flow http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/1.04/gibson.html?topic=&topic_set=

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