MAKESHIFT Spaces

Faculty of Postgraduate Studies and Scientific Research

German University in Cairo

Makeshift Spaces

User Activity through Appropriation of Public Space and Design Intention

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Science in Architecture Engineering

(Architecture and Urban Design)

By

Omar Tarik Kamal Bishr

Supervised by:

Prof. Dr. Rita Pinto De Freitas

MAKESHIFT SPACES

User Activity through Appropriation of Public Space and Design Intention

ABSTRACT The relation between space and the user is a very strong one. Public spaces are perceived according to the activities of its users, their interaction with space, and their reformation or alteration to space and its design intention.

Although it is a two-way relation, the research focuses on the influence of user on space, investigated by observing, documenting, and analyzing situations where users have reformed space, in order to fulfill a certain need or preference. This reformation, or appropriation can take place in terms of physical or use change.

Although the design of public space and its physical features may influence how users act in space, it is not the only primal factor. This research aims to underline more prominent and primal features that grant users room for appropriation and reformation of space.

The research questions the drivers of appropriation, by observing and analyzing user activity and appropriation in public space, In order to understand the aspects that give a space more tendency and proneness towards appropriation.

The case studies are based in two neighborhoods, Mu’izz in Cairo and Raval in Barcelona, both are medieval towns that were established on similar principles, but have faced different paths of development and regeneration, resulting in a contrast between them in the culture of flexibility and appropriation in their street life.

Studying appropriation of public space in two neighborhoods introduces more variables and parameters of analysis, and produces more elaborative examples of self-made and appropriated situations, demonstrating the performance of the public realm, when provided with room for appropriation. This is crucial, in order to learn from temporary users and explore methods through which their informal practices can be integrated within the planning process.

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INDEX

1 INTRODUCTION TO THE TOPIC

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2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVE & NOTION

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2.1 AIM OF THE RESEARCH 2.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS 2.3 HYPOTHESIS

9 9 10

3 FRAMEWORK OF RESEARCH

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4 INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC SPACE

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4.1 THE ROLE OF PUBLIC SPACE IN THE CITY 4.2 METHODS OF CONSTRUCTING PUBLIC SPACE 4.2.1 TRADITIONAL METHOD 4.2.2 PARTICIPATORY METHOD 4.2.3 SELF-BUILT METHOD

5 DIMENSIONS OF PUBLIC SPACE 5.1 THE SOCIAL DIMENSION 5.2 THE VISUAL DIMENSION 5.3 THE FUNCTIONAL DIMENSION

6 APPROPRIATION OF PUBLIC SPACE 6.1 MEANING OF APPROPRIATION 6.2 LEVELS OF APPROPRIATION 6.3 FORMS OF APPROPRIATION 6.4 DIMENSIONS OF APPROPRIATION

7 INTRODUCTION TO CASE STUDY AREAS 7.1 RAVAL, CIUTAT VELLA 7.1.1 ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLE OF CONSTRUCTION 7.1.2 URBAN FORM 7.1.3 DEVELOPMENT AND REGENERATION

14 16 16 16 18

19 20 22 23

25 26 28 28 29

30 32 32 33 34 2

7.2 QAHIRAT AL MU’IZZ 7.2.1 ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLE OF CONSTRUCTION 7.2.2 URBAN FORM 7.2.3 DEVELOPMENT AND REGENERATION

8 METHOD OF ANALYSIS 8.1 DATA COLLECTION 8.2 DATA SELECTION 8.3 DATA ANALYSIS

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RAVAL CASE STUDY

9.1 DATA COLLECTION 9.2 DATA SELECTION 9.3 DATA ANALYSIS 9.4 DISCUSSION - RAVAL

37 37 38 40

42 43 43 44

46 46 49 49 80

10 MU’IZZ CASE STUDY

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10.1 DATA COLLECTION 10.2 DATA SELECTION 10.3 DATA ANALYSIS 10.4 DISCUSSION - MU’IZZ

84 88 88 128

11 DISCUSSION 11.1 SOCIAL BOND 11.2 METHOD OF SPACE CONTROL 11.3 MATERIALITY AND SPATIAL QUALITY

131 132 132 134

12 CONCLUSION 12.1 SOCIAL BOND VS. ANONYMITY 12.2 URBAN POLICY 12.3 SPATIAL QUALITY

135 137 137 138

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LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1, A time-line for Raval and Ciutat Vella (Author, 2017).

Figure 2, The selected site by Jawhar (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Figure 4, Master plan of al-Qahira (Warner, N. 2005).

Figure 5, Axonometric showing Bayn al-Qasrayn (Haag, M., 2007).

Figure 6, Bab al-futuh at Northern wall of Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Figure 8, Khan al-Khalili during the 14th century (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Figure 7, Aerial view of northern wall, showing al-Hakim Mosque (Haag, M., 2007).

Figure 9, Segments of the city developed at stages of growth (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Figure 10, Extension of the electric tram lines of Cairo, 1896 - 1917 (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Figure 11, First Medieval town wall (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 12, Layout and town wall of the Roman city (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 15, La Rambla (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 13, El Raval (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 14, Major urban transformation in Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 18, Project of intervention in Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 18, Project of intervention in Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 16, The main plans marking the evolution of Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 19, Open and Monumental spaces in Ciutat Vella, 2000 (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 20, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 21, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 22, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 23, Skateboarding in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

Figure 24, Gucci charging phone in one of the electrical sockets for cleaning (Author, 2018).

Figure 25, plan of the area in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

Figure 26, Sketch of the user’s activity (Author, 2019).

Figure 27, A group sitting on the ground, and on their skateboards (Author, 2018).

Figure 28, The same spot without users (Author, 2018).

Figure 29, Plan of the area (Author,2019).

Figure 30, Sketch of the situation (Author, 2018).

Figure 31, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 32, Football field in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 33, Close-up showing the material of the court (Author, 2018).

Figure 34, Plan of the basketball court (Author, 2018).

Figure 35, Sketch of the situation (Author, 2018).

Figure 36, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 37, Photograph of the monument in the middle of the courtyard of the library (Author, 2018).

Figure 38, Photograph of the monument in the middle of the courtyard of the library (Author, 2018).

Figure 39, Plan of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

Figure 40, Sketch of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

Figure 41, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 42, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 43, A shop in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 45, Photographs of the shopkeeper explaining the situation and the bench (Author, 2018).

Figure 44, Shop-front with context and (Author, 2018).

Figure 46, Plan of the shop in context with the sidewalk and street (Author, 2019).

Figure 47, Sketch of the store-front (Author, 2019).

Figure 48, Cafes taking over part of the space close to MACBA (Author, 2018).

Figure 49, The same space before the cafes use the space (Author, 2018).

Figure 50, Plan of the area (Author, 2019).

Figure 51, Sketch of the interviewee and the cafe setup (Author, 2018).

Figure 52, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 53, The courtyard of CCCB in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 54, Photograph of the user and his dog (Author, 2018).

Figure 55, plan of CCCB (Author, 2019).

Figure 56, Sketch of Diego in CCCB (Author, 2019) Figure 57, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 58, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Figure 61, plaza in front of Filmoteca (Author, 2018).

Figure 62, Space in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

Figure 63, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 64, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

31 32 33 34 34 35 35 36 36 37 38 39 39 39 40 40 40 41 47 48 50 51 51 52 52 54 54 55 55 57 58 58 59 59 61 62 62 63 63 65 66 67 68 68 69 69 71 71 72 72 74 75 75 76 76 78 79 82 82 85 86

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Figure 65, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 66, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 67, Children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 68, Children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 69, Plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 70, Sketch of children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 71, in front of School of Qalawoun in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 72, approach to the School (Author, 2019).

Figure 73, plan of the street (Author, 2019).

Figure 74, sketch of people sitting on the mosque’s border (Author, 2019).

Figure 75, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2018).

Figure 76, A shopkeeper in front of his shop with company (Author, 2019).

Figure 77, the shop while closed on a Sunday (Author, 2019).

Figure 78, plan of the shop and the sidewalk with the goods (Author, 2019).

Figure 79, illustration of the shop with its appropriated surroundings (Author, 2019).

Figure 80, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 81, sitting on pots in the public space attached to Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

Figure 82, trimming the trees, a situation without users (Author, 2019).

Figure 83, plan of Al-Hakim’s public space facing Al Mu’izz street (Author, 2019).

Figure 84, illustration showing the scope of the appropriation (Author, 2019).

Figure 85, A small shop in Mu’izz street, food-stand on the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

Figure 86, A plan showing the food-stand with the sidewalk and street (Author, 2019).

Figure 87, illustration of the food-stand in relation to the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

Figure 88, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 89, Fruits and vegetables on the sidewalk of Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 90, A closer look, showing the shop (Author, 2019).

Figure 91, A plan showing the goods on the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

Figure 92, illustration of the sidewalk appropriated (Author, 2019).

Figure 93, A shop blocking its storefront (Author, 2019).

Figure 95, illustration of the shop blockers (Author, 2019).

Figure 94, a plan of the street with the shop’s appropriation (Author, 2019).

Figure 96, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 97, a small shop for paper trading (Author, 2019).

Figure 98, illustration of the shop and the shopkeeper (Author, 2019).

Figure 99, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 100, A street corner with an extension of a shop (Author, 2019).

Figure 101, plan of the street corner (Author, 2019).

Figure 102, illustration of the shop in relation to the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

Figure 103, A furnished newspaper stand, with shade (Author, 2018).

Figure 105, the space without the newspaper lady (Author, 2018).

Figure 104, newspaper table tied to light-post later (Author, 2019).

Figure 107, illustration showing the temporary and permanent fixtures in the space (Author, 2018).

Figure 106, plan of the area where the lady occupies (Author, 2019).

Figure 108, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2018).

Figure 109, in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

Figure 110, in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

Figure 111, plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

Figure 112, illustration showing the users and their activity (Author, 2019).

Figure 69, Plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Figure 73, plan of the street (Author, 2019).

Figure 25, plan of the area in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

Figure 39, Plan of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

Figure 113, Master plan of al-Qahira (Warner, N. 2005). Edited by Author (2019).

87 89 90 90 91 91 93 93 94 94 96 97 97 98 98 100 101 101 102 102 104 105 105 107 108 108 109 109 111 112 112 114 115 115 117 118 119 119 121 121 121 122 122 124 125 125 126 126 138 138 138 138 139

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1

INTRODUCTION

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Since public spaces are for the people, it is crucial that we learn from their interaction with those spaces. Sometimes the rigidity of the design blinds us from seeing other organic and intangible aspects. Those aspects are meant for the users of space and their behavior, their needs, and appropriation to space.

Looking closely and observing users of public space is sought after by this thesis, in order to grasp a wider vision that is a subjective realm on many levels that can help in elaborating and proving the strength that users have over the design intention of public spaces within cities.

The main issue that triggered the initiation of the study is to draw attention to the effect of human behavior on space. It is often discussed quite the opposite, that design affects the behavior of dwellers, and how can designers control or impose their intentions on designed spaces and decide its happenings. Throughout the thesis, the focus is on appropriation of space done by the user, in order to look at it from the opposite perspective.

Although informality is not the living condition that should not be promoted for by architects, taking a closer look into it is crucial, there are major aspects that can be learned from it.

The outcome of the freedom that the informal neighborhoods dwellers have, is vast and can sometimes show the basic needs of user in space. This freedom gives the user the chance to use space more creatively, which makes them adequate spaces to be studied when questioning the raw needs of user in space.

The two areas where the case study is conducted are both medieval towns that were established on similar basis. However, there are some varying aspects regarding their urban realities. Particularly, the process of development, method of control, and the design, and spatial configuration of public spaces, those aspects altogether provide a wide set of results, that their contrast can answer the main research objective and questions.

The reason behind selecting two neighborhoods for the study, is to extract information that come from the contrasting issues in them. Thus, answering the thesis’ questions, with regards to different contexts.

The findings of the study will come throughout the process itself. By observing and analyzing cases of appropriation that we often encounter, but not necessarily think about. It can widen our knowledge about human behavior in neighborhood scaled public spaces. Those findings act as an extra lens that can be put on to look at informality and learn from it.

One of the main questions in Urban Catalyst1 was how can city planners learn from temporary users, and how can they integrate informal practices into their planning process. This question is closely tied to the objective of this research. That is looking closely at acts or practices of appropriation carried out by the user, observing them, and analyzing them. This can be achieved by observing minimal acts, whether temporary or permanent.

1 Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, P. (n.d.). Urban catalyst.

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2

OBJECTIVE AND NOTION

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2.1 AIM OF THE RESEARCH 1.Understand the relation between user behavior and design intention.

2.

Learn from temporary users and explore methods through which their informal practices can be integrated within the planning process.

3.

Extracting the drivers of appropriation. Underlining the aspects that give a space more tendency and proneness towards appropriation.

4. Producing a method of studying user activity in public space and dynamics of appropriation.

2.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS A.

How does the social bond affect appropriation cultures in public space?

Focusing on the social aspect, if we know that people change spaces according to their needs, does the social aspect matter? Does it matter if the neighbors know each other or not, to which extent does the relationship between the dwellers of a certain neighborhood affect their acts towards re-appropriating their space?

B. How does the methods of space control affect the user behavior and space appropriation?

Whether controlling space a core factor of directing the use of it or not, does the lack of control necessarily dictates that this space becomes chaotic or unlikeable? Or does it sometimes work in favor of the user? Providing more freedom for appropriation?

C. What is the relation between the level of user satisfaction by space and the level of appropriating it?

Is appropriation of space related to its success? Does a failed space public space remains as it is, or are people proactive towards space which forces them to act and change the space according to their needs?

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2.3 HYPOTHESIS There is a two-way relation between users and Design intention. However, the notion of this research is that this relation is stronger in the direction from user towards space or the design. The impact of the user on space is far stronger than the design affecting the user.

The thesis is experimenting this hypothesis by studying the user’s behavior in space and how they are interacting with it, focusing on two different contexts, that have contrasting social and cultural aspects, and rules or guidelines conducted on space. As culture of appropriation, user satisfaction, and level of control induced on space are all parameters that are tightly related to the level of appropriation in space.

Public space should not dictate how it should be used by the user, it has to offer a space for change. Openness is one of the most important aspects that a public space has to offer. A successful public space is a space that users can be free at, by changing it, and accustoming according to their needs or preference, A space that gives space for appropriation, is also a learning tool for architects and planners, it shows what users need in space, as a result of their appropriation, thus, this thesis is looking closely on such spaces. Thus, public spaces should not be completely rigid, they should include some flexibility and openness. There are drivers of appropriation, that give some spaces more tendency and proneness towards appropriation. Those drivers are to be studied closely when investigating appropriation in public space.

User satisfaction comes from the ability to appropriate, when space becomes open enough for users to adapt, it will consequently accommodate several activities, thus be of use by more users, and becomes an activated public space.

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3

FRAMEWORK OF RESEARCH

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This thesis is a collective platform of literature and case studies. It is divided into four stages.

Starting with a theoretical frame which will act as a base for the work, and will cater to the understanding of the thesis findings. It also includes literary overview for the selected case studies. And introduce relevant topics including public spaces and user behavior.

Afterwards, the case study areas are introduced, including the history of establishment, their development through time, and their current urban form of each of them. In order to establish an understanding on the areas before entering the case studies chapter.

The second half of the thesis starts by introducing the method of analysis carried out in the case studies phase. Explaining each layer by which the findings are passing through.

Case studies chapter are to follow, starting by Raval, presenting all data in the data collection phase, which consists of photos of findings,followed by a combined section of data selection and data analysis, that are more comprehensive and analytical. A discussion chapter is conducted afterwards that holds specific topics that will aid in comparing the two case studies together. Followed by the case study of Mu’izz in Cairo with the same structure and method.

As a closure for both case studies’ chapters, a general and collective discussion phase, reflects on findings of cases of appropriation conducted in the two studies areas, the contrast between findings in both neighborhoods will be discussed as they will help in answering the research questions. The similarities as well. This is considered part of the core of this research, that tries to reflect on the notion of the study and answer its questions.

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4

INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC SPACE

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4.1 THE ROLE OF PUBLIC SPACE IN THE CITY The public realm includes physical and social dimensions, it physically embraces all spaces accessible to it and is accessible to the public, they can be public spaces, lands between privately owned buildings or houses, squares, lakes, waterfronts, or forests. Those are the external public spaces. There are also internal public spaces like libraries, public institutions, public transportation, town halls, or museums.

‘Public life involves relatively open spaces and universal social connects, in contrast to private life, which is intimate, familiar and shielded. The activities and events occurring in those spaces and settings can be termed the sociocultural public realm’1 , in contrast to private life which is based on individual activities and rather than collective or communal activities.

Public spaces that are part of the public realm are defined as the sites and settings of public life, it is a forum for social interaction, intermingling, communication, and can also be a forum for political action and representation, it is also a stage for social learning, personal development, and information exchange2. It can be the site for formal and informal public life; it is called upon any space that is open for the public The qualities of public spaces3 should be neutral ground, where individuals can come and go as they please, without formal membership or exclusivity. It is also stated that public space is a 24/7 operating space that has to be taken for granted by users, also a space that induces comfort and playfulness, in addition to being a safe environment that is appealing to the user.

There are also some keys to a successful public space is the transaction base, which should be as complex as possible. Montgomery lists a set of key indicators of vitality of public space4, such as: the variety of uses and functionality of space, including a fair proportion of local businesses that operate on convenient working hour’s basis, and all day long activities, the also mentioned that the availability of cinemas, theaters, bars, pubs, restaurants, and other cultural/meeting places should exist and offer different kinds of qualities and prices; Those functions mentioned by Montgomery can be translated into baladi coffee shops, Kiosks and cafes in the context of Cairo. Putting the functions aside, the presence of gardens, squares, and innovative architecture with different building types and styles to provide multi-functional areas, to provoke the presence of energetic street life and street fronts.

Public space acts as a physical knot to the city. The city is constructed of the conjunctions of its public spaces, and they also hugely affect how the city is inter-connected.

Constructing public spaces is a key factor of urban interventions within the city and always has a great power and influence on the city. It is a space that is used by citizens without constraints, which in contrast to shielded private space, it is a place of uncertainty, conflict, and unpredictability. It is not absolutely about the design of the public space, people’s interpretation,

1 Carmona, M., Heath T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public places - urban spaces: the dimensions of urban design. UK: Architectural Press, p. 109.

2 Loukaitou-Sideris, A. and Banerjee, T (1998), Urban Design Downtown: Poetics and Politics of Form, Berkley, CA: University of California Press, p. 175.

3 Oldenburg, R. (1999), The Great Good Places: Cafes, Coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hair salons and the other hangouts at the heart of a community, New York: Marlowe & Company.

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usage, and appropriation to space is a crucial matter that should be thoroughly taken into consideration by urban planners.

This type of public space is usually integrated through small scale intervention, and are located within the area of a neighborhood, they are often used to revitalize a neighborhood and serve its inhabitants, and sometimes a number of surrounding neighborhoods as well, depending on the size of the public space. In relation to the neighborhood, those spaces can be either recreational ‘passive spaces’ (e.g. parks, benches, seats, etc.), Or ‘active’ spaces that usually include more interaction with the user (e.g. children’s playgrounds, street gyms, or sports courts).

The addition of public space not only enriches the sense of community in the neighborhood, but also strengthen the community and introduce safer environment to the area, it also develops a stronger identity to the neighborhood.

Public spaces in neighborhoods can also be of a vast economical value, by encouraging small or large-scale business owners varying from franchises to small authentic shops, cafes, restaurants, or bars. That are both adding to the neighborhood and benefits from it. Usually, the presence of public spaces encourages more activities to occur in the neighborhood, whether social, economic, or recreational.

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4.2 METHODS OF CONSTRUCTING PUBLIC SPACE This chapter discusses three methods of constructing public space: traditional method of constructing public space, participatory method, and the self-built method of constructing public space.

4.2.1 TRADITIONAL METHOD This conventional method only includes planners and authorities, that act as the only stakeholder in the process, neglecting other actors. This method has been widely criticized that they underestimate strategies used by street bureaucrats and target groups in order to divert the space to their own purposes1 , and that sometimes, those spaces serve much less than their potential if people were involved in the process.

The purpose of this part of the chapter is not to criticize top-down approaches. However, it is important to point it out and include it as one of the methods of constructing public space within the boundary of the city.

4.2.2 PARTICIPATORY METHOD The involvement of community in the process of urban design is becoming highly promoted and appreciated around the world, as it increases the level of liability to the public space and also introduces a sense of ownership to citizens. This process usually needs professional expertise to mobilize, co-ordinate, and apprehend the community’s opinion, it establishes a sort of partnership between citizens, planners, and city municipalities or governments.

Design participation is a collaborative process between different stakeholders, including the community, government, businesses, and professionals. All of these stakeholders take an effective part of the design process of a certain project. This method gives people acknowledgment for their inputs in the final design which is based on their aim and need.

The term ‘Design participation’ first emerged in 1971 as an international conference title. A design community’s first trial to explore participatory design methods.

There are some noteworthy key points that bring communities more fully into the participatory mechanisms2 ; planning for real is what they called on using large-scale models to encourage all communities to communicate, identify, and address their problems, they also stressed that it is crucial to conduct follow-up meetings to come out with solutions to the problems raised those events are audited by facilitators or professionals.

1 Pissourios, I. (2014) Top-Down and Bottom-Up Urban and Regional Planning: Towards a Framework for The Use of Planning Standards.

European Spatial Research and Policy, 21(1).

2, 3 Carmona, M., Heath T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public places - urban spaces: the dimensions of urban design. UK: Architectural Press.

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They also claim that urban design assistance teams should be present to parachute in, to facilitate such events, and advise locals on how to collaborate efficiently in community meetings.

There are three points3 that are important when conducting participatory workshops: autonomy: meaning differentiating between people, to allow them to individually speak and express themselves, and that differences of opinion should be encouraged, community integration is the second key point which is carried out by directing people’s attention and their interests to facilitate agreements by pointing out shared interests or points of view. This creates potential for group work or common goals. The third point is divinity which means helping participants to see the bigger picture or meaning of the workshops. By helping people to immerse in the natural world and express themselves, or talk about sacred places in order to trigger feelings of uplift.

Public space specifically showed that its complexities represent an opportunity for participatory methods. Participation can be in the design process and the implementation of the project.

Engaging the community in designing and implementing public space promotes the involvement of the community, and ensures having a connected community that can relates to government’s representatives. It also gives people the chance to have a part in decision making. It also benefits the involved parties by providing transparency in between the community and its government, and develops sense of ownerships towards space4.

The participatory method could be referred to as the formalization process. It was mentioned in Urban Catalyst how this process is usually desired by the users themselves, in order to maintain their establishments in a permanent and secure manner. It is also beneficial for some cities are also interested in such process, as it leads to create new jobs opportunities, and generate magnets of public life, and maintain open and public spaces in the city. 5 Participation can be of good use to city planners and architects, as it usually includes more ideas, and insights. This was according to the book’s citation of Sassika Sassin’s Open Source concept.6 Participation in constructing new facilities could result in beneficial outcomes. For instance, planning becomes dynamic, by bringing activities, programs and networks, to achieve a built structure, which is opposite to conventional city planning, also shared control, that usually results in a much safer neighborhood’s public spaces.

The participatory method of planning has numerous beneficial outcomes, it can be described as the middle zone between the top-down approach and informality.

4 Aguilar, M (2015), Participatory Design for Public Urban Spaces. Melbourne, Australia: UN Global-Compact Cities Programme.

5 Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, P. (n.d.). Urban catalyst.

6 Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, P. (n.d.). Urban catalyst.

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4.2.3 SELF-BUILT METHOD This model is usually labeled as Informal. However, we can call it self-built in order to be as objective as possible. It is often outside of the planned or strategic norms that the rest of the formal city is designed with, it is usually the response of inhabitants when facing challenging habitual situations, those spaces are freely designed and implemented by the user themselves, it sometimes can be through appropriating an already existing public space, in order to reach certain goals, or it can be totally informally built, in order to cater for basic needs of the inhabitants.

Informality is associated with procedures that occur outside formal processes or planned zones.

It includes numerous situations, like spontaneous occupation of territories, self-building of houses, rapid urbanization by illegal inhibition, temporary use of space, and self-organization.

The term informality has appeared noticeably in the last 50 years, under different terms and interpretations. The complexity of the concept revolves around many aspects other than the spatial setting, including its cultural, economic, social, and political organizations. 7 The concept revolves around many aspects other than the spatial setting, including its cultural, economic, social, and political organizations. 8 By occupying space in creative and unofficial ways, the appropriator raises the question of who has the right to the city, by showing alternative methods of inhabiting places within the city.

Even though the acts of informality put people at risk of criminalization, it is quite evidently an outcome of a need or a purpose to pursue certain activities.

The purpose of temporary or informal users is totally different from the planner’s, the users do not invest in construction measure while appropriating space, they also have maximum adaptation capacity in order to achieve their objective, in addition to the vast ability of improvising, they reach a virtue of necessity, overlooking many other aspects, that planners and investors mostly focus on.9 Temporary users leave their mark even after their use is over. Sometimes, their practices even turn into permanent ones. And by changing the image of the location, they can attract other temporary users. The book was also discussing how temporary users can positively alter the space in terms of its development, economic sectors, and cultural fields.10

7 Lutzoni, L (2016), In-Formalized Urban Space Design. Rethinking the Relationship between Formal and Informal. City, Territory and Architecture, 3(1).

8 Shaw P (2009) The Qualities of Informal Space: (Re)appropriation within the Informal, Interstitial Spaces of the City. UK: Stanford University 9, 10 Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, P. (n.d.). Urban catalyst.

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5

DIMENSIONS OF PUBLIC SPACE

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In this chapter, three dimensions of public space will be discussed, those are: The social dimension, the visual dimension, and the functional dimension.

“Design of an artifact, which could also be applied to space, has certain logic or a hierarchy of order to it”1. Firstly, it is developed as a FORM, with a certain functionality or purpose.

Secondly, there is the STYLE of that artifact or space, it means the decoration added to it or its distinct shape that makes it more significant than other artifacts of the same purpose or function. Thirdly, there is the USAGE of those artifacts by the consumer, and how they use, interact, or even manipulate it.

Those dimensions are also to be used in the rest of the research as a referencing tool that reflects on findings that include cases of appropriation of space. Each finding will be related to one of the three dimensions.

Dimensions of public spaces translates into dimensions of appropriation, and can be altered to some extent throughout the case study chapters, in order to label different findings, in this chapter they are discussed in reference to other authors, presenting some of what has been discussed regarding those dimensions.

5.1 SOCIAL DIMENSION It is important to realize the relation between the spatial configuration and the social life, in order to reach better design of spaces.2 The social dimension can be described as the relation between people and the space that they are using.

Social identity is derived from belonging to an affiliation, such as social groups, socio professional categories, ethnic groups, religions, nationalities, etc. Those affiliations generate a group of attributions, whether internal or external. 3 Space and society are strongly related, a space is never perceived without its social context, likewise, to perceive a society without its physical component is not achievable. Both aspects rely deeply on each other.

Jan Gehl discussed that social activities depend on the presence of others in public space (e.g. communal activities and conversations, passive contacts such as simply seeing and observing other people). Those actions occur spontaneously as a result of people being in the same space at the same time. This implies that such activities are supported whenever necessary and optional activities are given better environmental conditions.

‘There is a difference between a ‘potential’ environment, and ‘effective environment’. It is discussed that urban planners create potential environments, while people create effective environments.’ 4 This in fact, stresses on the fact, that it is important to provide an environment

1,2 Hiller, B., Hanson, J. (1984), The Social Logic of Space. New York: Cambridge university Press, preface 3 Valera, S. (1997), Public Space and Social Identity. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona 4 Gans, H.J. (1968), People and Planning: Essays on Urban problems and solutions. London: Penguin, p.5.

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for users that is adaptable and “appropriable”.

There are five basic human needs that are related to the social dimension of public spaces5.

Comfort, safety, sense of belonging to the community, esteem needs which means to feel valued by the community, and self-actualization needs: for all kinds of expression and fulfillment. Those aspects could be explanatory to why people would appropriate space in their neighborhood sometimes.

People collectively inhabiting an area tend to make ‘rules’ governing their use of space. While some of those rules are a matter of local, social, and cultural convention, many reflect deepseated needs6 . This will be reflected upon more closely later throughout the thesis, by studying and closely analyzing some of the public spaces in the selected case studies.

The social dimension of public space is a crucial dimension, as it concerns cultural beliefs and boundaries, and values that raise numerous difficult choices and challenges when constructing a public space7 . It is also the dimension that shapes the dynamics of usage of space by its users, which accordingly affect the space physically.

In a study called “Urban Design: An Investigation into the Visual, Perceptual, and Social Dimensions of Public Space”, In the spring of 2004, students in Professor Vicente del Rio’s “Principles of Urban Design” graduate seminar were asked to engage in an investigation into the visual, perceptual and social dimensions of urban design: Throughout their investigation, students have noticed the importance of understanding people’s behavior in public spaces and their interactions. The social dimension was documented through mapping, observations, and discussions. They identified opportunities for better accommodation of behavioral patterns in the area. For example, removing some barriers such as large bushes were an opportunity to have a more social space that people will sit on and interact8. We can learn from this study that in fact, very simple appropriations or changes to public space, can hugely affect how people behave in it, and whether they have a good chance of interacting with one another or not.

5 Maslow, A. (1968), Towards a Psychology of Being. New York: Nostrand.

6 Lawson, B. (2001), the Language of Space. London: Architectural Press, pp.2-3.

7 Carmona, M., Heath T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public places - urban spaces: the dimensions of urban design. UK: Architectural Press.

8 FitzZaland, Elizabeth and Wya , Anne (2005) "Urban Design: An Investigation into the Visual, Perceptual, and Social Dimensions of Public Space," Focus: Vol. 2: Iss. 1, Article 14.

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5.2 VISUAL DIMENSION The visual dimension is more concentrating on the aesthetic quality of space, including the design elements that are included in space, including the soft-scape and hard-scape elements.

Visual appreciation or acceptance towards a certain space is dependent on perception and cognition, this is how people perceive and interpret spaces and judge them.

Some renowned features of liked environments are:9 Naturalness: environments where there is a predominance of natural over man-made elements, Upkeep/civilities: looked after or cared for spaces, Openness and defined space: the blending of defined open space with panoramas and vistas of pleasant elements. Spaces that have pleasant elements with defined openness, Historical significance/content: environments that provoke favorable associations, and Order: in terms of organization, coherence, congruity, legibility, and clarity. Those aspects are important to note as they are motives for user to appropriate public space.

Additionally, a main component for humans capacity to appreciate a space aesthetically10 is recognition of balance, while visual balance is generally conceivable, it is difficult to define precisely. Balance is a form of order generally related to harmony among the parts of a visual scene or environment. It can also be recognized in scenes that are complex and seemingly chaotic – in some cases, it is rarely immediately obvious and may only become apparent over time.

A major attraction of historic towns is the discovery. Where everything suddenly seems to cohere into perfect balance – an important aspect of this is the surprise element. Although symmetry is to achieve visual balance but in more complex and potentially interesting ways, balance can also be perceived in highly complex organizations of colors, textures, and shapes, which cohere into a state of balance, giving a more ‘dynamic’ balance. Finally, sensitivity to harmonic relationships: Harmony concerns the relationships between different parts, and how they fit together to form a coherent whole. Good designers often manipulate proportions to achieve more harmonious results. Perspective effects, for example, may be used to suggest that building elements are taller, slenderer, or more elegant than they actually are, while deliberate strategies of distraction may concentrate attention on some aspects of the design rather than others.11

9 Nasar, J.L. (1998), the Evaluative Image of the City. London: Sage.

10 Smith, P.F. (1980), Urban Aesthetics, in Mikellides, B. (1980) (ed.), Architecture and People. London: Studio Vista.

11 Smith, P.F. (1980), Urban Aesthetics, in Mikellides, B. (1980) (ed.), Architecture and People. London: Studio Vista.

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5.3 FUNCTIONAL DIMENSION There are five main aspects that people seek to be satisfied in public space12, comfort: psychological Comfort is an absolute requirement from a functional public space. The length of time people stay in a public space is a function and an indicator of its comfort. The sense of comfort includes environmental factors (e.g. relief from sun, wind, etc.). The latter is dependent on the character and ambiance of the space. The sense of comfort may also be enhanced by the physical design of the space and/or by its management strategies.

Secondly, relaxation: While a sense of psychological comfort may be a prerequisite of relaxation, it is a more developed physical state of the user’s body. In urban settings, natural elements – trees, greenery, water features – and separation from vehicular traffic help emphasize the contrast with the immediate surroundings and make the setting more adequate for relaxing.

Thirdly, passive engagement: While passive engagement with the environment can lead to a sense of relaxation, it also involves the need for an encounter with the setting without having to become actively engaged. Perhaps the prime for passive engagement is people watching.

What attracts people is other people and the life and activity that they bring. The most used sitting places are mostly overlooking the pedestrian flow of the street. Fountains, views, public art, performances, and so forth also provide opportunities for passive engagement.13 The fourth aspect is active engagement: which is a more direct experience with the setting and the user. Some people seek more active engagement in an urban setting than finding satisfaction in passive engagement. Successful public spaces provide opportunities for varying degrees of engagement, and also for disengagement from contact. Design of the public realm can create or inhibit opportunities for contact. In public spaces, the arrangement of different elements – benches, telephones, fountains, sculptures, coffee carts – can be made and aligned more, or less, conductive to social interaction.

The fifth aspect is discovery, which represents desire for new spectacles and pleasurable experiences, variety and change is what ‘discovery’ depends on. It may require some sense of unpredictability, many have written about ‘liminal’ spaces – those formed in the interstices of everyday life and outside the norms of rules where different cultures and communities meet and engage in social dynamics. Discovery involving, lunch-time concerts, art exhibitions, street theatre, festivals, parades, markets, society events and/or trade promotions, across a range of times and venues. Such programs of animation may also include annual events.

Additionally, Privacy is a prominent aspect in the functional dimension of public space is, the edge of the space, especially in the neighborhood scale, plays a huge role in revitalizing the space and enriches its users with better experience in space. It also protects the public space and enhances its privacy in some cases.

12 Carmona, M., Heath T., Oc, T. and Tiesdell, S. (2003). Public places - urban spaces: the dimensions of urban design. UK: Architectural Press, pp.165-168.

13 Whyte, W. (1980). The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces.

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What defines most public spaces within a neighborhood are Building’s elevations. Those buildings act as enclosing parameters for space and provide more function to the space, and mix of use (e.g. shops, cafes, restaurants, bars, etc.). Also, the orientation is an essential aspect when designing public space, as it affects the climate of the space. Urban planners should take into consideration when placing a public space in accordance to the wind, and sun and shade. This encourages outdoor activity and attracting more users to the space during day as well as during night.

Density is also a significant factor for the functionality of public space; it can be of negative effect if the density is either too high, or too low. Thus, planners should be able to predict the density of the space, taking into consideration the scale of the neighborhood or area, its prominence, and its significance to the surrounding areas.

The effect of density on public space does not have to be good or bad, it is just an aspect that has a major influence on the dynamics of the public space. The effect of the urban fabric including density will perform a major role while studying the topic of re-appropriation of space.

Any public space should be accessible to members of the community as well as members from outside the community, they should both be communal and collective, without physical barriers or segregation. Some spaces tend to mildly dictate the type of user. According to several aspects, that can be the location of the space within a certain neighborhood, or the function of that space, or the surrounding environment. A public space in a small neighborhood is different from a public park in the city center.

In a probabilistic approach to understanding the influence of design on human behavior. (Gehl, J. 1996) argues through design, within certain limits, it is possible to influence or dictate how people use public space. He simplifies his discussion into two categories14: Necessary activities are more or less obligatory (e.g. going to school or work, shopping, waiting for a bus). As participants have no choice, meaning that it will occur regardless the physical setting, as it has minimum influence in that case.

Optional activities are undertaken willingly or voluntarily, if time and physical setting allow (e.g. taking a walk, stopping for a coffee in a street cafĂŠ, people-watching, riding a bike, etc.).

14 Gehl, J. and Gemzoe, L. (1996), Life Between Buildings: Using public space (Third edition). Skive: Akitektens.

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6

APPROPRIATION OF PUBLIC SPACE

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6.1 MEANING OF APPROPRIATION Appropriation is also defined as the act of taking something for your own use, usually without permission. It is Anything that is appropriated for a special purpose or need. It requires motivation on individuals, in order to act or transform a space, this motivation is not necessarily a need, and it can be also based on preferences or likings for alternatives that can be applied on a certain urban space.

Appropriating space conducts a sense of belonging or ownership towards a space, it is referred to as transforming space into place, which infers that space becomes more home-like and intimate towards its users. Marking a territory is one of the outcomes when inhabitants appropriate their living environment, it gives meaning to space and landmark that reflects the character of space on its users or community.

Henri Lefebvre, in his1968 book Le Droit Ă la ville, when the idea of Right to the City emerged and has been reclaimed more recently by social movements. Right to the City, argues that dwellers are entitled to participate in the production of urban space, in addition to the right to appropriate space1. Also, Richard Sennet in one of his lectures about the open city said:"The closed city can be designed and operated top-down, it is a city that belongs to the masters. The open city is a bottom-up place, it belongs to the people.

Studying appropriation of urban space in real life cases is the focus of the study, rather than discussion appropriation in a theoretical method. It has become clear that it is a globally known phenomenon, whether it is accepted or not, designers and scholars in the field should learn from it.

There are cases in which appropriation is introduced to a certain space in the form of workshops conducted by architects or local authorities, those are more official cases of appropriation that the study will also mention briefly. Those conducts are often carried out in order to fulfill a study or a research.

Architects and planners always look at the final configuration of space or the result. Whether it is a building or a space. Nonetheless, a short while after this final configuration is reached, it is reshaped by users. This phenomena is usually not expected to take place. That is why the process of appropriating space becomes a secondary layer to planned structures, whether accepted or not.2

1 Lefebvre, h. (1968), Le droit à la ville. Paris: Anthropos 2 Oswalt, P., Overmeyer, K. and Misselwitz, P. (n.d.). Urban catalyst.

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Dina K. Shehayeb has conducted in her research, that was focusing on identifying and providing the characterization of community-oriented activity patterns (commercial, handicraft, services, production and wholesale, local markets, etc.) Also analyzing different types of appropriation and use of public space in the area of historic Cairo, Shehayeb and her team pointed out that there are some activity patterns of appropriation carried out by residents or by outsiders in historic Cairo, where lots of activity patterns are taking place. Those are3 : Dwelling activities spill-out/ Dwelling – workshop proximity/ Neighborhood commercial street/node/ Hammam/ Sidewalk café “Qahwa”/ Sabeel or drinking fountain/ Community mosque/ Moulid celebration.

3 Shehayeb, D. (2011), Community-Oriented Activity patterns - Urban Regeneration Project for Historic Cairo(Final edition)

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6.2 LEVELS OF APPROPRIATION Appropriation of space throughout this study is classified according to the physical setting of space, and the appropriation carried out on it. Ranging between temporary appropriation to permanent appropriation.

Understanding those levels will become clearer throughout the case studies phase, after observing and analyzing all cases of appropriation encountered.

The purpose of leveling cases of appropriation is to understand how strong people can react to a certain space based on their needs or preferences, whether their interaction with space is strong so that they permanently adjust it, or just temporarily manipulate it for certain needs.

In ‘Community-Oriented Activity patterns’, Shehayeb referred to (Rapaport 1986) by analyzing each urban setting into categories of fixed feature element, semi-fixed feature element, and non-fixed feature element4 . Those are the three levels that the study will use as its levels of appropriation. Further explanation: • Fixed feature elements: Change slowly over time, such as street patterns, building characteristics, etc.

• Semi-fixed feature elements: Change moderately over time, they include all elements and street furniture, building colors and their facades, and store front designs.

• Non-fixed feature elements: Change constantly, they would include activities and their actors.

6.3 FORMS OF APPROPRIATION There are two forms of appropriation to be analyzed in the study, the appropriation of space, and of use. Simply, documented acts are either tangible or intangible.

Appropriation of use could be more common in more contexts, and more control-induced public spaces. Users do not alter the space physically. However, they choose to use the space in a way that differs from intention of the designer. For instance, Parkour around buildings, yoga classes in public parks, or playing football in alleyways or streets.

Appropriation of space, on the other hand, is altering the space physically, it can be less frequent than appropriation of use, it usually occurs in less controlled public spaces or environments. They occur by the changing of the user to a physical element of the space, by adding, removing, or editing of the setting.

4 Shehayeb, D. (2011), Community-Oriented Activity patterns - Urban Regeneration Project for Historic Cairo(Final edition)

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6.4 DIMENSIONS OF APPROPRIATION As discussed in the previous chapter Dimensions of public space, each space contains three main dimensions that each could serve as a lens to observe, understand, and analyze the space through. Apart from discussing the dimensions as an understanding to public space in the city, the study uses them as a tool for understanding, and analyzing appropriation methods carried out in the study areas.

Each finding of appropriated space goes through those three lenses or dimensions, then filtered in order to know which dimension is prominent in it. This provides the study with a better understanding of the findings, by categorizing acts of appropriation into social, visual, or functional dimension. It will also provide the motive of the user when appropriating space.

Some findings contain more than one of the three dimensions. However, this does not change the fact that for each finding, there is one dimension to be more prominent than the others.

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7

INTRODUCTION TO CASE STUDY AREAS

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The Case study and documentation is conducted in two cities that have some primal similarities, yet have a major contrasting issue to provide answers. The selected case studies are medieval towns, one is located in the heart of Cairo, while the other is Barcelona’s old city center.

Qahirat al Mu’izz in Cairo and Raval district in Barcelona. Both neighborhoods are medieval towns, constructed roughly in the same era, they are also of similar scale and urban fabric, these similarities are the criteria of selecting both districts as case studies. However, the main constructing factor is the process of development. Although it has become a tourist attraction, it is a consistent neighborhood that holds different sorts of informality that was not altered throughout history, nor it was controlled by any governing Institute.

Although Raval was built on an informal and spontaneous basis than al Qahirah, which was actually formally built and planned by the Fatimid’s, Raval has faced a drastic change throughout modern history by facing a domestication process by the municipality of Barcelona, a part of this domestication was carried out by inserting educational and cultural hubs in the district, that, of course, resulted in a drastic change in the image of the neighborhood, transforming it from a poor, unsafe neighborhood into the cultural port of the city area. This development that Raval has underwent, produces major contrasts between both neighborhoods, that are the urban policies, space maintenance, and urban functions.

It is also noted that other than the case of domestication of Raval, there are other aspects that reason in the differences between both districts, as such, cultural norms, diversity, likewise, the laws and legal matters that are stricter in the case of Barcelona than in Cairo.

Following chapters will provide briefly the history of both Raval and Qahirat al Mu’izz, in order to understand the context and how they developed through history. Also, how that development could affect social norms and human behavior through focusing on a tangible aspect that is appropriation of space.

formally developed

GOVERNMENT INDUCED CONTROL DEVELOPMENT

DICTATION ON HUMAN BEHAVIOR

CONTROL DICTATION ON USER ACTIVITY

QAHIRAT AL MU’IZZ MU’IZZ Qahirat al MUIZZ RAVAL RAVAL CIUTAT VELLA

informally developed

COPING WITH EXPANSION OR DEVELOPMENT ADAPTATION CHANGE

SPONTANEOUS DEVELCONTROL OPMENT

DICTATION ON HUMAN BEHAVIOR

CONTROL DICTATION ON USER ACTIVITY

Figure 1, A time-line for Raval and Ciutat Vella (Author, 2017)

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7.1 RAVAL, CIUTAT VELLA 7.1.1 ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLE OF CONSTRUCTION The germ of today’s Barcelona dates back to the 1st century BC, under the Roman’s rule. Back then, the colony was called Barcino. The prominent location was bounded by two torrents, the Cagalell to the west, and Merdança to the east, in addition to its proximity to the Mediterranean Sea, providing Barcino with a natural port.

The colony of Barcino, now known as Ciutat Vella, was developed according to the same criteria as the many other Roman colonies established on the Mediterranean region.

There are three well-structured decisions that were taken:1 Observing the orientation of the site, studying the sun-path, using the Groma, determination of the perpendicular that would define the axis, in the case of Barcino, it was orthogonal to the line of the coast, And the course of the parallel streets, that are to be established over time.

The access to Barcino was via four gates, situated one at the center of each of the walls, forming the ends of the 2 main axis of the colony. While the original nucleus was 300 meters wide and covered the area of eleven hectares at the time. Barcino was considered a medium side city compared to other Roman colonies.

The site of the forum which held the main buildings, was located on the principal axes which crossed the center. This central point is Plaça De Sant Jaume, which is still Barcelona’s main representative space.

After the destruction of the city in the High Middle Ages, the medieval city began to experience the expansion of trade once again.

Figure 11, First Medieval town wall (Busquets, 2014).

1 Busquets, J. (2014). Barcelona. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Graduate School of Design.

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7.1.2 URBAN FORM The original layout of Barcino is said to follow the tradition of Roman founding. It was planned on the basis of two main axes, that crossed the central point of the colony. The practice of surveying existed at the time of founding Barcino, surveyors used an apparatus called Groma, which traced perpendicular lines. That helped in planning the city and adapting its site to the topography.2

Figure 12, Layout and town wall of the Roman city (Busquets, 2014).

It is very clear that the streets formed a continues but weak urban system with an irregular layout. Streets were not all the same, also the existence of public building helped orientation.

Squares were introduced to widen the streets, together with the existence of public space, reflecting the distribution of power between different parts of the city.

During the era of Jaume I, the city walls were extended to enclose the vile noves. Large institutional and religious buildings were incorporated within that urban enclosure, in order to enhance urban spaces.

There were small squares within the city that kept space for commercial functions. In 1260, after the destruction of the wall of Barcino, the start of constructing of a new wall in the reign of Jaume I started, to enclose the viles novels, with a layout that is open to the sea to allow accessibility for goods and trading to take place.

Between the 14th and the 15th centuries, the form of Barcelona took another major change by constructing the wall around Raval, which means suburbs, enclosing various religious and institutional facilities that were moved to the suburbs, those were large scale institutes that were independent and too big to fir within the existing city wall.3

1, 2 Busquets, J. (2014). Barcelona. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Graduate School of Design.

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7.1.3 DEVELOPMENT AND REGENERATION During the re-birth of Barcelona after the High Middle Ages, the old town wall was consolidated with a castle at each gate to increase the defensive capacity. However, the most expressive aspect of that rebirth was the viles noves, which means new districts or hamlets that sprawled outside the walls of the city, this occurred in order to accommodate the growing population.

During the 3rd century, reinforcement and strengthening of the wall took place, while keeping the same layout, this led into a stronger, more compact city. Not long before Barcino was regarded as a capital power center.

Figure 13, El Raval (Busquets, 2014).

Figure 14, Major urban transformation in Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

A major change has occurred to the urban form of Barcelona between the 14th and 15th centuries with the construction of the wall around the Raval, which meant suburbs. This movement included various religious buildings and institutions that had been gradually moving outside the walled city. And later on, this pattern was followed by other suburbs of European cities.4

Figure 15, La Rambla (Busquets, 2014).

The linear space left between Jaume I’s town wall and the Raval produced the Rambla, which was the first large urban space for promenading, recreation and markets. That until today, is a main tourist attraction in the city of Barcelona.

4 Busquets, J. (2014). Barcelona. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Graduate School of Design.

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Raval then became a house for prestigious city institutions. The third wall extended the already enclosed city to a wider 6km.

During the early 20th century, the municipal government started the Baixeres Plan which was planned much earlier in 1879, as part of the Hygiene and culture program. This operation took place in 1907, it included the construction of arteries, which connected the city more, and increased the old town’s accessibility, this also lead to the emergence of new buildings that held business places and offices, and it gave the old center a real flip.

Figure 16, The main plans marking the evolution of Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

According to (Busquets, 2014), The physical transformation of Ciutat Vella corresponded to the following types: 1. Opening up of streets, and joining new and old cities 2. Widening the streets by drawing back the building lines 3. New fronts of houses were constructed 4. Involving of new facilities The project of interventions shared the objective of freeing up space and designing projects of high urban quality that would offer guidelines for rehabilitation of the city’s old town. One of the main aspects was the dreadful housing conditions in Raval. Also the modernization of prominent buildings for communal and institutional use was a recurrent theme that was used during the process. Reuse and building new public space was a very important part of the process as well.

Figure 18, Project of intervention in Ciutat Vella (Busquets, 2014).

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Ciutat Vella was transformed to half of its total surface area. The rate of transformation is between 0.6 and 1.2 hecaters a year on average, according to the dominant concerns of each period.

Figure 19, Open and Monumental spaces in Ciutat Vella, 2000 (Busquets, 2014).

It is clear how Raval in particular was treated very heavily up until the 21st century by Barcelona’s city municipality, and how those parts of the city have faced vast impact caused by domestication and gentrification processes.

During the years 1998 and 2000, Raval has received 60 per -cent of the total investment in the rehabilitation plans. As it was the most deficient sector. The shock treatment included:5 Improving public spaces and housing, Increasing the appreciation for heritage by introducing economic and cultural activity in that part of the city, and restructuring residential buildings.

5 Busquets, J. (2014). Barcelona. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Graduate School of Design.

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7.2 QAHIRAT AL MU’IZZ 7.2.1 ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLE OF CONSTRUCTION The foundation of al-Qahira took place when the Fatimid’s, a north African Shi’a dynasty invaded Egypt in 969. The fourth caliph of the Fatimid dynasty was al-Mui’zz li-Din Allah, who had selected Egypt to be the location for his next campaign, lead by a brilliant general called Jawhar al-Siqilli.

In 969, Jawhar conquered the defending forces at Jizah. On that time, he carried a long a precise plan for a city that Mui’zz had envisioned to build in Egypt, and trusted Jawhar for the selection of its site.

Jawhar started by constructing the wall which will enclose the new rectangular palace city, the city was named al-Qahirah al Mu’izziyah four years later.

The city was finished by the year 974 when al-Mu’izz made his triumphant entry to the capital. During the next 65 years al-Qahirah grew in importance, although it was not big in size, it was divided only into ten harat (wards or quarters), following the envisioned plan that included a division of separate quarters according to ethnic lines and liberally endowed with gardens and palatial residences.

(Haag, m. 2007) Figure 2, The selected site by Jawhar (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

The concept of ethnic segregation was very prominent in al-Qahirah up until the 19th century.

Despite the changes that the city went through in regards of change in the ruling dynasties, this social structure of occupational segregation still existed heavily.1 Markets in Islamic Cairo are considered one of the crucial elements in the city, some markets appeared spontaneous, and random known as suqs, while some were planned as the textile market, based on the Byzantine market halls. All kind of trades used to happen in those markets, even street performers used to act there.

Khans were also located in the Islamic city, whether in the center or close to the city gates, they are public market areas that accommodate merchants and their goods, which was an efficient mode of trading, with minimum mobility needed.

1 Abu-Lughod, J. (1971). Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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7.2.2 URBAN FORM The city of the Fatimid’s had a social and a physical shell, that has dictated the form the medieval city was to take. However, the pattern of al-Qahirah developed in an oddly manner that was not initially planned, especially during the Ayubbids era, when it got overcrowded with masses that were in need of space.

It has evolved from a simple rectangular design, with a main longitudinal spine between two palaces, in addition to two more parallels and five or six east west streets into a degenerated rabbit-warren. 2 The longitudinal spine is Mu’izz street, that runs through al-Qahira, runs between Bab Zuwayla and Bab al-Futuh, was once a broad avenue with great palaces of the Fatimid’s. It was considered the heart of Cairo during the Fatimid’s and Mamluks eras. 3

Figure 4, Master plan of al-Qahira (Warner, N. 2005).

4

The fabric of al-Qahira produces a minimum land-waste due to the compactness of the spontaneous building process that went through during Salah al-Din’s era. Providing a network of alleyways with good weather condition and brought a sense of community in the dense neighborhood. However, the city had two kinds of urban voids. First, the primary circulation network of streets and alleyways; and the public squares and gardens that are large nodes corresponding to public buildings, like the Friday mosque. 5 The Islamic city was divided into haras (districts), each hara had a central street called darb.

Within the hara, there were small streets called atfas, leading to dead-end alleyways called zuqaqs.

Dead-end streets were of service to each small residential quarter. The Muslim city had no large open spaces, while spaces that serve mobility and traffic were narrow and irregular.

2 Abu-Lughod, J. (1971). Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

3 Haag, M. (2007). Cairo illustrated. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press.

4 Warner, N. (2005). The Monuments of Historic Cairo. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press.

5 Behrens-Abouseif, D. (2007). Cairo of the Mamluks. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press.

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That do not follow a certain grid or system. 6 This street system was not unique to Cairo, in fact it was practiced in many other European medieval cities. There is a big discussion on the emergence of such practice, but it does not bring adequate relevance to the topic.7

Figure 5, Axonometric showing Bayn al-Qasrayn (Haag, M., 2007).

Figure 6, Bab al-futuh at Northern wall of Cairo (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

6 Haag, M. (2007). Cairo illustrated. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press.

7 Abu-Lughod, J. (1971). Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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7.2.3 DEVELOPMENT AND REGENERATION Al-Qahirah has passed between the hands of the ruling dynasties of the Fatimid’s, Ayyubids, Mamluks, Ottomans, and later the French expedition that also had an impact of the city’s development. However, perfect correspondence is to be found in regards of location and extent.

Only three gates and a few fragments of the wall still survive to our present day. At the heart of this sub-city is the original walled nucleus, bisected longitudinally by at the ancient casbah, the man street which bears the name of Mu’izz al-Din.

Figure 7, Aerial view of northern wall, showing al-Hakim Mosque (Haag, M., 2007).

Figure 8, Khan al-Khalili during the 14th century (AbuLughod, 1971).

During the Ayyubids era, Salah al-Din transformed al-Qahira into residences for the aristocratic class of the Ayyubids, or into madrasas. That was one of the biggest impacts that hit the change of Mu’izz.

Al-Qahirah was flooded with excess residents, he had opened the city for the masses, who, because of their need of space, constructed anywhere within the larger streets and squares, affecting the main outline for the city and its symmetrical layout. From being a royal enclave to being open to public. Major palaces were torn down and replaced by schools and mosques, former Fatimid villas were transformed into commercial structures.

By the year 1260, al-Qahirah contained most of the population, and most of the major markets, it has been said to contain over 12,000 shops in addition to street vendors who jammed the markets. Some of those markets where added during the era of Salah al-Din. In the year of 1169, the future of al-Qahirah was completely altered, it had been transformed into a metropolis inhabited by masters and masses alike, it became then truly controlled by the new Sunni wazir, Salah al-Din.8 During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the city of al-Qahirah expanded to almost five times its original size. It was also during the fourteenth century that Cairo held a place on top of the trade industry in spices and luxury goods, when Jarkas al-Khalili, dug up the bodies in

8 Abu-Lughod, J. (1971). Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

40

the Fatimid royal cemetery and established his khan on site. That lead to the arrival of foreign merchants, and artisans, forming the vast commercial quarter of Khan al-Khalili. Until now, Khan al-Khalili is a tourist attraction, forming a bazaar for selling antiquities and souvenirs.9

Figure 9, Segments of the city developed at stages of growth (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Although al-Qahira started by a division of 10 harat that were established by Jawhar, by the time of the French expedition to Cairo, al-Qahirah was divided into 53 harat, each of which consists of several durubs (darbs). Mostly, each darb was dedicated to a certain craft or product.

People involved with certain products were to reside there, not only selling their product there.

Figure 10, Extension of the electric tram lines of Cairo, 1896 - 1917 (Abu-Lughod, 1971).

Those durub were not only reflecting the geographic climate, but the social climate as well. It was a social unit as much as it was a physical one.

9 Haag, M. (2007). Cairo illustrated. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press.

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8

METHOD OF ANALYSIS

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The method of analysis in this research relies heavily on visual representation. That includes photographs, sketches, and floor plans. In addition to interviews that are conducted with users that are involved in documented cases of appropriation.

Spaces that are investigated within each neighborhood are public spaces, sidewalks, urban voids, and streets.

The target of providing visual analysis is to acquire a medium that immerses that user in the situations that are presented, with the aid of photographs of different cases of appropriation, with different types and in varying contexts.

8.1 DATA COLLECTION The data collection phase is a transparent method to present findings, it includes tiles of photographs that show different situations where appropriation occurs in an objective way, without labeling and before passing through the critical eye of the study. This could be perceived as a catalogue for the thesis’ findings.

This method provides a vast space for the reader to look closely and interpret the spaces and their users freely, without analyzing them, before entering the data analysis phase.

8.2 DATA SELECTION In this phase, data is presented in a more critical system, than in the data collection phase.

Photographs are divided according to their dimension of appropriation, each given a color bar or bars that elaborate on the suggested dimension, according to the chapter of dimension of public space, in addition to sequential numbers and the date. All findings that were previously presented in the data collection, are to be segmented and compiled together with other matching findings that have the same dimension, this method also has an elaborative benefit, which is providing the reader with a sense of quantity of a certain dimension of appropriation that is more prominent, by the aid of the color bars.

This is also a tool of comparing different cases, whether they are carried out for functional, social, or visual reasons. It is, in itself a part of the analysis phase that objectively present the findings in a categorized method.

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8.3 DATA ANALYSIS Data analysis is a recurring phase that appears within the data selection phase. While presenting labeled-tiles photographs in data selection, some cases are selected to carry a more critical reflection on. Those cases of data analysis cut through in between the representation of the segmented cases.

Analyzed findings go through a layer of observation, that includes more elaborative and clear photographs with description. Following, they are analyzed in 3 Layers:

Layer I: Plan or an aerial sketch of the space that withholds the situation where appropriation occurs, showing the structure of the space, its scale, and its form.

Layer II: Interview or a dialogue conducted with the protagonist of appropriation, accompanied

by a sketch of the situation that adds an extra layer for understanding the case, and highlighting the focal aspects of it.

Questions asked are following 3 main guidelines: belonging, likability towards space, and consciousness of appropriation.

1. Do you live here?

2. Do you know your neighbors?

3. Do you feel you belong to this space?

Focusing on the social aspect, and people’s sense of belonging to it. If we know that people change spaces according to their needs, does the social aspect matter? Does it matter if the neighbors know each other or not, to which extent does the relationship between the dwellers of a certain neighborhood affect their acts towards reappropriating their space?

4. Would you describe this space as a good public space for your neighborhood?

5. On a scale of 1-5, could you rate this space?

Questions 4 and 5 are focused on the user satisfaction with space, and their likability towards it.

6. Do you feel that you can use this space freely enough?

7. How do the local authorities react to your adjustment of space or that you are using it in an unusual way?

8. Would you still like this space if you were not allowed neither to change anything about it, nor using it differently?

Questions 6,7 and 8 are investigating whether controlling space is a core factor of directing the use of it or not, does the lack of control necessarily dictates that this space becomes chaotic or unlikeable? Or does it sometimes work in favor of the user? Providing more freedom for appropriation? And also, whether the user prefers a space free from control or otherwise.1

Questions in the dialogue are adapted according to each situation, questions from 1 to 8 only define the range in which interviews were conducted, and topics discussed.

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Those interviews help in answering the main research questions: A. How does the social bond and contrast between appropriation cultures affect the space dynamics and user behavior?

B. How does space control technique affect the level of appropriation?

C. What is the relation between the level of user satisfaction by space and the level of appropriation?

Layer III: Discussion about the case, and summarizing the dialogue with the user, in addition

to setting 3 parameters that aid in understanding the cases, that are: dimension, level, and form of appropriation.

LEVEL: HIGH – MEDIUM – LOW (FIXED – SEMI-FIXED – NON-FIXED FEATURE ELEMENTS) Levels show how strongly the appropriation affects the state of the space, the levels are according to the parameters mentioned by Dr. Shehayeb, D. (2011), Community-Oriented Activity patterns - Urban Regeneration Project for Historic Cairo.

FORM: VARIES FROM PHYSICAL AND USE The form of appropriation is a simple tool observed by the physical state of the space, whether it has changed after appropriation or not. Dividing the findings into physical and use.

DIMENSION: SOCIAL, VISUAL, OR FUNCTIONAL According to the chapter of dimensions of public spaces.

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9 RAVAL CASE STUDY 9.1 DATA COLLECTION

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Visual

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Social

Functional

Figure 20, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

Visual

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Social

Functional

Figure 21, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

9 RAVAL CASE STUDY 9.2 DATA SELECTION 9.3 DATA ANALYSIS

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150518-13 Figure 22, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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Social

Functional

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140518-02 SKATING

Figure 23, Skateboarding in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

Gucci is a regular user to plaza Placa dels Angels in front of MACBA, he goes there to skate almost everyday, he was also trying to charge his phone on the electricity socket in the column, that is designated for the cleaning equipment. He frequently visit in order to skateboard, and to meet with his friends.

 

Figure 24, Gucci charging his phone in one of the electrical sockets designated for cleaning utilities (Author, 2018).

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I

Figure 25, plan of the area in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

0

10

0

10

20m 20 m

II Do you live here?

Yes

How would you rate it from 1 to 5?

5, very good

Do you know your neighbors and come skate with them?

Not at all

Can you can skate here freely?

Of course, I can

So, you meet people here?

Yes, All the time.

Do the police stop you from skating?

Only at the night for the noise

Do you feel familiar with this space?

Yes, I am here almost every day

What if you can’t skate here, would you still come?

No, if i don’t skate here, I will not come

Do you think it is a good space?

Of course, this is one of the best spots for skateboarding

Figure 26, Sketch of the user’s activity (Author, 2019).

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III

DIMENSION

Functional/Social

FORM

Use

Nothing changes about the space physically, it is only the activities that changed

LEVEL

Gucci has been using the space the same way for a long time according to him, he goes to MACBA to skate and to meet other skaters. He was very fond of the space because he was able to us it freely. According to Gucci’s activities, he does not add anything to space, neither temporary nor permanent. He only uses the space differently by performing skateboarding.

Low

Non-fixed feature elements, that include only Gucci’s activities

Gucci uses the space primarily in order to skate, and meat new people

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140518-12 SITTING / SKATING

Figure 27, A group sitting on the ground, and on their skateboards (Author, 2018).

This group of 3 girls were sitting in the area in front of MACBA, which is a large empty space that has become a prominent location for skateboarding. Although there are no seating elements in the space, they are using their skateboards for sitting, while charging their phones using the electricity socket on the column.

 

Figure 28, The same spot without users (Author, 2018).

Although their interaction with space might seem minimal, it still has an effect on it, by changing how it is used and also how it is perceived by others, from an empty space to a space where everyone can sit and do whatever they please. This kind of appropriation can also perform as a magnet for more activities as such to take place.

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I

Figure 29, Plan of the area (Author,2019).

0

10

0 Do you live in Raval?

Yes

Do you feel that you belong to this place?

Yes

Do you think it is a good space?

It’s the best in the city

Do the police stop you from skating or sitting here?

Only at night, if it is too loud

Do u know your neighbors?

Not a lot, In Barcelona it is very individual

How do you think this place has become a hub for skating?

One day someone showed up and decided to skate here. So, people followed

20m

10

20 m

II

Figure 30, Sketch of the situation (Author, 2018).

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III

LEVEL

FORM

DIMENSION

Paluma, Petra and Alison are using the space without adding fixed elements to it. However, they are using their skateboards as seats, while using the floor to put their things on, including their belongings and some drinks and snacks, they show how an empty space can be used by people without adding much to it, and with minimum design. It was also concluded from this interview how the space became a hub for skating by chance, that someone came and started it, and others followed.

Functional/Social

The functional & social are the most prominent dimensions in this case, based on observation and interviewing the three girls, the reason for specifically sitting there is for meeting and taking a break from skating.

Space

They have integrated their items into the space without changing anything permanently. However, they changed the space physically by adding some of their belongings on the floor, thus the form of appropriation here is space appropriation.

Medium

The added elements are semi-fixed feature elements, as they do not only include the girls or their activity, they also include physical furniture that have been added. Thus, we can describe the level of appropriation of this case as medium level of appropriation.

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Figure 31, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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Social

Functional

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160518-14 SITTING IN GROUP

Figure 32, Football field in Raval (Author, 2018).

This group of five were sitting in the middle of the basketball field in front of CCCB in Raval in an afternoon, they placed some drinks and snacks. They have clearly stated that the space is good enough for them, because it is empty and flat, so it enables them to sit comfortably. They have not added any elements to the space.

 

Figure 33, Close-up showing the material of the court (Author, 2018).

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I

Figure 34, Plan of the basketball court (Author, 2018).

Do you live here?

Yes, most of us Do you come here a lot, to this playground?

No, this is the first time, we’re waiting for our friends to go somewhere else Do you think it is nice?

Yes

0

10

20m

II

Why? Because it’s empty and flat. You can sit here for free and enjoy the weather Do you think this place is too empty?

No, you can just sit, talk, drink, and eat

0

10

20 m

Don’t you need more? Benches and so?

Not really

Figure 35, Sketch of the situation (Author, 2018)

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III

DIMENSION

Functional/social

In this case the functional and social dimensions are the prominent ones, based on observation and interviewing the group.

FORM

Use

This group of youngsters are appropriating in the form of use only, by not adding any elements to space, nothing to sit on for example.

LEVEL

By sitting in the middle of an empty basketball court, this group of youngsters are using the space different than intended. According to them, they chose this place to sit on because of its flat surface and calm and sunny atmosphere, also because sitting there is free of charge.

Low

In this case, the added elements are non-fixed feature elements, this group have not added anything to the space. Whether temporary or permanent.

They have carried out a low level of appropriation.

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150518-41 Figure 36, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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Social

Functional

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150518-41 TAKING A BREAK

Figure 37, Photograph of the monument in the middle of the courtyard of the library (Author, 2018).

Two girls were sitting on the steps on a central monument in the library of Catalunya. They have not changed anything about the space, neither did they add any elements to it.

Figure 38, Photograph of the monument in the middle of the courtyard of the library (Author, 2018).

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I

Figure 39, Plan of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

0

0

10

10

20 m

20m

II Do you live here?

No, we study here

Do you think it was built for this or just a pathway?

This was a hospital and this where the people were buried (graveyard)

Do you come here a lot?

Yes

Do the police come here?

Yes, they only come here if there is a problem, to control the situations, But they don’t come for us.

Do you feel that you belong this space, and can you use it freely??

Yes, as long as we do not harm other people

Figure 40, Sketch of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

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III

DIMENSION

Functional/social

The functional and social dimensions are the appropriated dimensions in this case, based on observation and interviewing them, they are sitting on the monument’s steps in order to suit their preference, comfort, or need.

FORM

Use

The two girls are only sitting on the steps without adding or changing anything about it physically. Thus, we can say that they are carrying out appropriation of use.

LEVEL

Anya and Laura are sitting on the monument in the center of the court in the library, they are not changing anything in the space, they are only sitting on steps that might not be designed for sitting, instead of sitting on chairs that are provided by the library, showing that they are using the space how they prefer. According to the interviews, they have stated that they can use the space freely without any interference from the police, unless they do something which would harm other people.

Low

In this case, the added elements are non-fixed feature elements, as they only include the girls as the actors and their activity which is sitting.

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Figure 41, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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Visual

Social

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Figure 42, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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140518-46 DISPLAYING ON THE SIDEWALK

Figure 43, A shop in Raval (Author, 2018).

This shop is in a ordinary street in Raval, there was nothing displayed in front of the shop.

Although this might not be a case of appropriation, it was a convenient chance to understand how shops deal with the street and sidewalk. And what is their understanding of appropriation as a phenomena.

II Do you think that sometimes you want to put your things outside?

Al the time, with this nice weather

First time they come and tell you that you cannot do this, if you do it again, maybe then you pay a fine or a note or something

Why don’t you do it?

It is not allowed, but of course I would like to put some stuff outside, for people on the street to see it.

How can you do it?

I need a special permission from the city hall, if I put things outside without permission,

III

Othon has not carried out any sort of appropriation towards the sidewalk in front of his shop.

However, interviewing him showed that, if it was accessible to him, he would have put some of his merchandise out on the streets, which is considered an intention of appropriation. But there were more than one reason for that, such as, control, that is highly imposed on commercial practices, as well as that items displayed outside the shop can easily be stolen.

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150518-50 APPROPRIATING WITHIN THE BUILDING FACADE

Figure 44, Shop-front with context and (Author, 2018).

The Nomad cafĂŠ is located in a prominent street in Raval, while not acting towards the street with any elements, neither lurking towards it in anyway, the cafĂŠ is still making use of its front elevation by placing a bench on the inside of the shop while facing the street.

Figure 45, Photographs of the shopkeeper explaining the situation and the bench (Author, 2018).

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I

Figure 46, Plan of the shop in context with the sidewalk and street (Author, 2019).

Why don’t you move this bench outside on the sidewalk?

No, I cannot. Inside I can put everything. Outside I need permission from the town hall

0

2.5

5m

Is it very controlled here?

It is , most of the time. We need to get permission from city hall for every small detail that we do

II

You can sit only this way, looking inside the shop, even your legs cannot be outside. There are other bars who do the same thing

0

1

Figure 47, Sketch of the store-front (Author, 2019).

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III

DIMENSION

Appropriation of the functional dimension is the case here. As the motive or need behind appropriation is for attracting more customers, and increase their level of comfort.

Space

By adding this bench, it is clear that this is a case of appropriation of space.

High

Elements added are fixed feature elements, as they do not only include the user or her activity, they also include physical furniture that have been added permanently. Thus, we can describe the level of appropriation of this case as high level of appropriation

LEVEL

Functional

FORM

This case is hypothetical to some extent, as Pedro explained that he is not able to put out benches onto the sidewalk but instead, they have integrated the bench on the edge of the cafĂŠ, in order for people to sit on facing the inside. Stating that this matter is strictly controlled by the authorities, yet most of the cafes and bars make the best out if it by the maximum appropriation that they can carry out in order to make their place more appealing and comfortable.

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160518-54 OUTDOORS CAFE

Figure 48, Cafes taking over part of the space close to MACBA (Author, 2018).

This area where the cafes put out their tables and chairs is an empty space close to MACBA. The space is completely vacant later at night. Although it is filled with people, all chairs and tables are put back inside the coffee shops during closing hours. The space undoubtedly holds a very lively and dynamic scenario, that changes drastically from day to night.

Figure 49, The same space before the cafes use the space (Author, 2018).

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I

Figure 50, Plan of the area (Author, 2019).

0

0

10

10

20m

20 m II

Do you need permission for putting tables and chairs outside?

Yes, and I think this is the best part of the restaurant

Are you allowed to put the seatings outside at any time?

0 No, there are certain working hours only

10

Do you think it was made for this or by chance?

No, but I think it is very suitable for using it for the cafe How do you choose to place the seatings as they are?

We do not choose, the city hall provides us with a strict outline that we have to follow

Figure 51, Sketch of the interviewee and the cafe setup (Author, 2018).

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III

DIMENSION

Functional

The functional dimension is the most prominent one in this case, the only reason behind it is to enhance the business of the cafĂŠ. By introducing more spaces for sitting and gaining more customers. That prefer to sit outside especially on sunny mornings.

FORM

Space

The form in the case of the cafes in general is appropriation of space, because of their vast impact on space. And how it physical appearance changes from being a pathway into a seating zone.

LEVEL

According to one of the waiters, they are each restricted to a very specific layout where they can place tables, which they have to apply for it from the city hall. Although this act is approved, it is still considered as appropriation, they have changed how the space acts and looks. Also, passersby are mostly positive about cafes taking space out of this void, as they do not block their way.

Medium

In this case, the added elements are semi-fixed feature elements, the tables and chairs that the cafĂŠ place outside are only during fixed daily hours, that they stick to. While during the night they remove the fixtures back inside.

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Functional

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Figure 52, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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190518-62 SITTING WITH DOG

Figure 53, The courtyard of CCCB in Raval (Author, 2018).

Diego was sitting on floor of the court of CCCB with his dog, he was only sitting there without changing anything in the surrounding.

Figure 54, Photograph of the user and his dog (Author, 2018).

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I

0

10

20m

Figure 55, plan of CCCB (Author, 2019).

0

10

20 m

II Do you come here a lot?

Yes, always to walk the dog, and to relax

Do you think it is empty or they can put more things?

I prefer when it is empty, I can do whatever I want here.

Do you live in Raval?

Yes

What sort of activities take place here?

What do you think of this space?

It is a good space. There is a bar, the cultural center, and a place to sit and enjoy the good weather

People sit here on the floor, students go out in their breaks, tourists from the market walk around, school trips, even homeless people stay over in front of the market

Figure 56, Sketch of Diego in CCCB (Author, 2019)

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III

DIMENSION

Functional

Diego chose the grass instead of the bench for a reason which is more probably based on his preference, or maybe to be closer to his dog. We are able to describe his act as functional appropriation.

FORM

Use

Appropriation of use is the form in Diego’s case, he only chose to use the space differently, by not changing anything physically.

LEVEL

Diego is carrying out very minimal appropriation to space, he chose to sit on the ground instead of the benches that are designated for sitting, this is clearly a matter of preference. According to the interview, he chose to sit there because it is emptier than the rest of the space.

Low

In this case, the added elements are non-fixed feature elements, they only include Diego as the actor and his acts which is sitting on

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Social

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Figure 57, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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Figure 58, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Raval (Author, 2018).

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9.4 DISCUSSION - RAVAL There is a big portion of public spaces in Raval that include different scales and types, as shown throughout the case study phase. It also has a less touristic atmosphere than the rest of the city, as observed from studying it. All of the interviewees were either live in Raval or work there.

The main topics that are included in the discussion are the Social aspects that include sense of belonging of users, social bond between inhabitants, and awareness of appropriation. Control matters that discuss the level and mechanism of control conducted on space. The physical aspect that includes materiality of spaces and the prominence of urban function.

It was noted that in Raval, people use the space in various ways that are not always predictable, especially in empty plazas or courts like MACBA’s space or CCCB’s court. While sometimes, people use space as intended for it if there are benches or seating elements that are rambla del Raval.

9.4.1 SOCIAL BOND AND SENSE OF BELONGING By conducting interviews, it was found out that people in Raval have a strong sense of ownership, which comes from using the space comfortably and freely. However, it was cleared that the social bond between the inhabitants is very weak, “you might live in the same building with someone for 10 years, and they will not even say Hi”, on of the interviewees. She has also stated that “One day someone came here, and said I am going to skate here, then everyone followed” so that was not started by a social group, it was initiated through an individual who took the chance.

MACBA is a very prominent space in this study as it is special for the sense of belonging that its users feel towards it. This might have come from their strong appropriation to space, it is noted that the users there only appropriate it through use. However, it is so strong and clear that it became theirs, and also because they all share one activity, which added a social bond to space between its users.

Many of the prominent buildings in Raval have their own public space. So, people using those buildings might feel they belong to its surrounding space (e.g. library of Catalunya court).

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9.4.2 METHOD OF SPACE CONTROL Throughout interviews with people in Raval, it was found out that they feel at ease while using public space, no one has complained from policemen dictating rules or abstaining a certain activity to be carried out, as long as it is not harming the rest of the users of space.

The only interviewees that mentioned the matter of control where the shops and bar owners, that sometimes wanted to extend towards the sidewalk but are not allowed due to certain guidelines that are provided by the city hall.

Although the control on cafes is strict as stated through the interviews, there are still lots of cafes that place some tables on the empty spaces in front of their venues, whether sidewalks or parts of public spaces. This is done by gaining agreements from the city hall, which provides them with a highly strict outline, exceeding their limit will cost them a conducted fine. Some of the cafes are not allowed to lurk towards the sidewalk depending on their location. However, they are always allowed to use their setbacks, as long as it does not step outside of the building perimeter.

9.4.3 AWARENESS OF APPROPRIATION As observed from talking to people in Raval, especially in MACBA, users are well aware of their appropriation, meaning that the space was not designed to be used as its being used by them (e.g. skating, sitting on the ground).

9.4.4 PROMINENT URBAN FUNCTION It is difficult to describe a prominent urban function that takes place in Raval, because in fact, there are a lot of urban activities that take place in the neighborhood, that vary from recreational, social, sports, commercial activities. While mostly, users appropriate space in order to carry out those activities.

It could be concluded that in Raval, the city hall has made good use of Raval’s empty or void spaces by allowing cafes to partially lurk onto the sidewalks, while leaving part of it empty for passersby. Which we could call a joint act of appropriation between the authorities and cafÊ owners, this leaves space that could be used and appropriated by other users that are not related to any commercial activity.

It is noteworthy that in Raval, the city council or planners are also appropriators of space. Since most of the spaces are not used in the same way that they were used through the medieval times. However, appropriation came through the city by implementing strategies for certain uses to encroach on certain empty spaces. But in a regulated manner. Interviewees have claimed that you they feel free to do whatever they please, as long as it does not cause harm to the other users or disturbs them.

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9.4.5 MATERIALITY Many of the public spaces in Raval are vast empty spaces, that lack seating elements or street furniture, people seem to make use of it, without complaining from lack of seats or benches. It was observed that many of those spaces were used for a set of activities, that without a doubt differed from space to another, according to the spatial configuration and materiality of the ground.

Figure 61, plaza in front of Filmoteca (Author, 2018).

However, the choice of material made a lot of difference in the sort of activities that are being carried out, MACBA’s space is an example of a place that allows users to carry out various kinds of activities that include sitting, skating, and walking, that could be the result of using smooth flooring material, while the plaza in front of Filmoteca in Raval, is an opposing example for a place that does not allow much to happen, there were no people sitting on the ground, clearly because the material of the ground was sandy in some parts while other parts where made of tiles that are not comfortable nor clean for sitting. This choice of material prohibited sitting on the ground and skating.

Figure 62, Space in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

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9.4.6 POTENTIAL AND OUTCOME OF APPROPRIATION IN RAVAL Most of the appropriation acts in Raval are of use, physical appropriation of space is less frequent, and most of the times, it is an act of appropriation that it approved by the city hall (Ajuntament). We can learn from Barcelona how users make use of space without much provided for them. A space lacking designed elements does not necessarily mean it’s a space without a function, nor that it is an insufficient space.

As stated before, Raval withholds different kinds of public spaces, there are spaces that are used for a certain activity, or allows different activities to take place, and places that only act as buffer spaces, like waiting for someone, or sitting on a bench for a cigarette break, both types of public space hold an importance or function within the neighborhood.

Raval is in general seems to be a very controlled neighborhood. However, control may be obviously imposed on shops, bars and cafes. However, it is not imposed on users that are not tied to commercial use, according to the interviews.

Apart from appropriation of the functional and social dimensions of space, visual appropriation is also very prominent in Raval, as seen in the photo journal-visual dimension, some shops draw graffiti on their sliding doors, so when the shop is closed, you can see the graffiti. Apart from graffiti that are spread all around the neighborhood, whether it is on public buildings, apartment buildings, or even on the ground.

The outcome of appropriation in Raval is a vast variety of activities and happenings, that are extremely elaborative, when it comes to studying user behavior and appropriation of space. It is elaborated after working in Raval and observing its spaces that a space that gives room for people to appropriate is a good space while spaces that do not give room for people to use freely or appropriate according to their needs or preference is not as good. Which is considered the most important lesson learned from Raval.

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10 MU’IZZ CASE STUDY 10.1 DATA COLLECTION

84

Visual

85

Social

Functional

Figure 63, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Visual

86

Social

Functional

Figure 64, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

Visual

87

Social

Functional

Figure 65, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

10 MU’IZZ CASE STUDY 10.2 DATA SELECTION 10.3 DATA ANALYSIS

88

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Figure 66, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

89

Social

Functional

290119-1

290119-01 PLAYING FOOTBALL

Figure 67, Children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

A group of children playing football in the front yard of Al-Hakim mosque, the area is clearly convenient for such activity, it is a rectangular, bounded area in front of the mosque, they have put some items on the floor to make themselves a goal or target. The fact that the space is lower than the street level makes it more suitable for football, as people do not pass through it, they only sit around it and watch, while the children have their empty space only for playing.

Figure 68, Children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

90

I

0

5

10m

Figure 69, Plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

II Do you live here?

Some of us in Mu’izz, and some from neighboring towns Do you have any contact with the other kids in your neighborhood?

Yes, we play here together What do you think of this space?

It is good space for football, the floor is very smooth

Does someone try to stop you from playing football here?

Not usually, sometimes people yell at us if we shoot the ball at someone by mistake Would you still come here if you can’t play football?

We would look for other places to play

Do you use the space with complete freedom?

Yes

0

0

Figure 70, Sketch of children playing football in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

91

III

DIMENSION

It is most suitable to label this activity as functional and social appropriation, as it occurred in order to suit a certain preference, that is playing football.

Also social because it is done in groups of friends.

Use

The children have changed space in for of use by playing football there, as the space has not been designed for such activity.

Low

All of the items that the kids have added to space in order to have targets to play at were non-fixed feature elements.

LEVEL

Functional/ Social

FORM

In fact, those children have changed a lot about how the space is perceived, they have filled it with their activity, that is according to their preference. The children had clarified that their selection to this specific space is based on its geometry and condition. Also that they were not being stopped for playing there, this could be because it became natural that this is a spot for playing football.

92

290119-14 SITTING

Figure 71, in front of School of Qalawoun in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

The school of Sultan Qalawoun has a peripheral stone curb, as elaborated in the photograph, that is commonly used for sitting, the part of the street in front of the building is wider than the rest of Mu’izz street. During the whole day, the curb is often filled by people sitting on. Although it is perceived as normal for people to sit there, this it is an activity of appropriation, as it has been built for surrounding and bordering the monumental building, while being used for sitting.

Figure 72, approach to the School (Author, 2019).

93

I

0

5

10m

Figure 73, plan of the street (Author, 2019).

II Do you live here?

No, but i work here What do you think of this place as a seating place?

It is comfortable and also it is a wide part in the street, You can sit and watch the happenings of the street

What if they banned people from sitting here, on the mosque’s borders?

It would be just like the rest of the street, no where to sit

Does someone stop people from sitting here?

Not that I have seen

Figure 74, sketch of people sitting on the mosque’s border (Author, 2019).

94

III

DIMENSION

This case has a stronger functional motive for it to occur, that is sitting. But it is only fair to include the social dimension as well, because it withholds people who sit in groups, and could be perceived as a meeting spot.

Use

While users are completely changing the structure of space in front of the School, by meeting and sitting there, they have not alter any physical aspect there.

LEVEL

Functional/ Social

FORM

The act of sitting in this space is completely normal for the users, according to the interviews, it is not related to sense of belonging or ownership, as many of them were not residents of Mu’izz. It was simply because that space gave room for such activity.

Low

This case only contains the users themselves, not any added fixtures to the space, thus its level of appropriation is low.

95

290119-17

290119-18

Figure 75, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2018).

96

Social

Functional

290119-16

290119-18 SELLING AND SITTING WITH A FRIEND

Figure 76, A shopkeeper in front of his shop with company (Author, 2019)

A very small shop that sells various goods and antiquities, while there are lots of goods inside the shop, there are also some that are displayed outside, on the sidewalk. Also the shopkeeper has made use of the shop’s door itself for displaying hanged picture frames, apart from displaying goods, the shop owner also has a small cafe setting, for his associate and himself to sit together outside, as there is absolutely no room inside for them to sit.

Figure 77, the shop while closed on a Sunday (Author, 2019).

This photograph shows the situation when the shop is closed on a Sunday, showing the vast impact of the appropriation that is shown in this case, by taking a part of the sidewalk completely for the benefit of the shop.

97

I

 

Figure 78, plan of the shop and the sidewalk with the goods (Author, 2019).

0

2.5

5m

II Do you live here?

Not far from here.

Do you deal a lot with other shop owners around you?

I have to, everyday Do you feel that you belong or own this space?

Of course i do. i have been here my whole life What do you think of this space?

It is a prominent area in Mu’izz street, almost the best part

Is it allowed that you sit on the sidewalk and put some merchandise out there?

It is, until the municipality comes, sometimes i just put everything back inside to avoid them.

But for sitting outside of course it is not a problem What if they completely banned you from displaying on the sidewalk?

It is also OK, i will know how to deal with it, the shop is small but it can hold everything inside

0

Figure 79, illustration of the shop with its appropriated surroundings (Author, 2019).

98

III

DIMENSION

While displaying goods on the sidewalk is a functional motive for appropriation, the social part of his appropriation is the outdoors small cafe structure that he has made in front of the shop, for sitting with his companion

Space

This case of appropriation has changed space physically, the sidewalk is completely blocked for passers-by, and it covers the lower part of the building’s facade with merchandise.

LEVEL

Functional/ Social

FORM

The sense of ownership that the shop owner holds is in fact very strong, which could be a reason for his use of space. He is also aware of the prominence of the location of his shop, like most of other shopkeepers, he is well aware of the appropriation that he is carrying out, because he clearly stated that the municipality sometimes try to control the situation.

Medium

Added elements are semi-fixed elements, that are usually put out during the day, and kept back inside the shop later at night, thus it is not permanent.

99

Functional

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Figure 80, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

100

290119-19 SITTING

Figure 81, sitting on pots in the public space attached to Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

In fact, this is a very minimal act of appropriation, that is only documented through observing the different street furniture and elements in the space. Although there are designated benches for sitting, many users sit on the tree-pots instead, the case was documented to understand the reason behind this from a user perspective.

 

Figure 82, trimming the trees, a situation without users (Author, 2019).

101

I

0

5

10m

Figure 83, plan of Al-Hakim’s public space facing Al Mu’izz street (Author, 2019).

II Do you live in Mu’izz?

No, I am only visiting

Do you think it is allowed to sit anywhere in this area?

Yes of course.. It is just sitting

Do you like this area in front of the mosque?

A lot, it is good for sitting in this nice weather Why are you sitting on the pot not on the benches?

I am not sure, maybe it is more comfortable here

Figure 84, illustration showing the scope of the appropriation (Author, 2019)

102

III

According to the interview, the reason behind sitting on the tree-pot rather than the benches, is that it is located in a better situation in space than the benches. It is directly facing the street, so the user is more engaged with the urban situation, overseeing the passers-by.

DIMENSION

Use

He is only changing the way the tree pot could be used, but not changing its physical appearance by any mean.

Low

Elements that are added to space are non. The act only includes the user himself and his activity of sitting.

LEVEL

FORM

This user is using the space according to his own preference, while sitting alone, while not engaging in any social activity, declares that it is a functional act of appropriation.

Functional

103

290119-21 FOOD-STAND ON THE SIDEWALK

Figure 85, A small shop in Mu’izz street, food-stand on the sidewalk (Author, 2019)

On one of the narrowest parts of the curb or sidewalk in Mu’izz street, a small shop that sells food for breakfast is expanding into the outside. As elaborated in the photograph, the cart that is pulled outside, perfectly fits the shop itself when put back inside, which makes it clear how the mechanism of this act occurs. This shop also has no signs that elaborate what it sells, which is also another motive for the seller to put it outside, to advertise for his business of selling breakfast.

104

I

0

2.5

5m

Figure 86, A plan showing the food-stand with the sidewalk and street (Author, 2019).

II Do you live in Mu’izz?

No, nearby though, but this has been my shop for long time Do you know your neighboring shops?

Of course, everyone around my shop Do you think that you belong to this area?

Yes, i have been here since forever Is it OK to leave the cart o the sidewalk Yes it is only on the sidewalk, and I remove It at night when I close

What happens with the municipality, do they try to stop you?

Sometimes They come and remove it, but usually I now beforehand and remove it before they arrive What would happen if they completely banned you from selling outside of the shop?

I can also sell from the inside, but it is more convenient to be out, since the shop is very small, and people might not know that i sell food, as there is no sign

0

Figure 87, illustration of the food-stand in relation to the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

0

5 105

III

LEVEL

FORM

DIMENSION

The shopkeeper explained how the situation of selling on the outside of the shop. While it is more convenient for him to be outside, rather in his small shop, it is also better for his running business, as his small cart can be perceived as his sign, or advertising method, as he does not put on a sign for his shop.

Functional

The shop owner has expanded his shop in order to serve his business, that was clearly his only motive for appropriation.

Space

While it might seem minimal, what the shop owner does changes the physical matter of space, from a sidewalk that could serve walking, it becomes part of his small shop.

Medium

The food cart is considered to be semi-fixed feature element, as it stays out during the morning hours, and back inside when the shop is closed, so the sidewalk is affected only during work hours.

106

Functional

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Figure 88, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

107

290119-38 SELLING FRUITS

Figure 89, Fruits and vegetables on the sidewalk of Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

The photograph shows that the sidewalk is the only usable space by this vendor. Although after looking closer, it is clear how this shop runs like most of the shops in Mu’izz, it is a very small space, that might not be enough for running a business like this. There are different kinds of added furniture that are used as stands for the fruits.

Figure 90, A closer look, showing the shop (Author, 2019).

This photograph showing the relation between the merchandise and the shop’s space. The inside is being used for storing, while the outside is the display and dealing with customers area.

108

I

0

2.5

5m

Figure 91, A plan showing the goods on the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

II Do you live in Mu’izz?

Nearby, but I’ve been selling in this shop since 52 years ago, it is also my home

What if you cannot use the sidewalk to sell?

It would much harder, my shop is small but with more organization it will work

Do you know your neighbors, or the other shopkeepers?

All of them, very well

How do you know when the municipality people are coming?

People who pass by sometimes tell me, or shops that sell in the beginning of the street

Are you free to use the sidewalk in front of your shop?

Yes, the problem is when the municipality arrive, they sometimes make me remove the fruits, but then I can put inside my shop. It is OK, also i can put it back out when they leave

Are you sometimes afraid that something could be stolen?

My aunt is selling vegetables right across, she keeps an eye

0

Figure 92, illustration of the sidewalk appropriated (Author, 2019).

109

III

According to the interview conducted with the shopkeeper, it was elaborated how his sense of ownership is extremely strong, and that he has been there for a very long time. He was also clear on how he is aware of his appropriation, by explaining the mechanism of the municipality’s control and his ways of avoiding them. Although his appropriation seems inevitable and crucial for his business, he declared that if he was totally banned from displaying outside, he would still be able to run the shop from the inside, with some organization.

DIMENSION

Space

This act of appropriation changes the space itself, not only how it is used, by shifting the use of the sidewalk.

Medium

The shopkeeper adds stands for his goods, that he puts back inside during the night, so those added elements are semi-fixed.

LEVEL

FORM

The shopkeeper is only selling outside for to sell his good, which only makes sense for him as his shop is very small, and it is more convenient for the buyers and himself to be outside.

Functional

110

290119-43 BLOCKING STREET VENDORS

Figure 93, A shop blocking its storefront (Author, 2019).

Gohar Al Kaed street in Mu’izz, is a souq or market area for clothes, the space left for passersby is very narrow, and the street in general seems to be operating only for that purpose, and it is completely natural for shops to take over it. While in some part of the street, there is a jewelry shop that only operates inside the shop, but what is noteworthy is the steel structure that is built in front of the shop, in order to block street vendors or other neighboring shops from displaying on the jewelry store front, as an ‘anti-appropriation technique’, that also is an act of appropriation.

111

I

0

Figure 94, a plan of the street with the shop’s appropriation (Author, 2019).

2.5

5m

II Has this shop always been here?

For a very long time, yes

Is this allowed? To put such a structure on the street?

We have permission

What is the metal thing that is put in front of the shop outside?

It is a barrier, to give the shop some space, and for people to see the shop clearly while passing through.

It also prevents the vendors from displaying on the area in front of the shop

How did apply for a permit?

The owner knows the procedures better than i do. He is not here though

0

0

5

Figure 95, illustration of the shop blockers (Author, 2019).

112

III

DIMENSION

Functional

The motive behind constructing such barrier is directly related to the functional dimension, that serves the purpose of protecting the shop.

FORM

Space

This is a strong appropriation of space physically, by adding built structure in front of the store.

LEVEL

It was elaborated how this steel structure is a barrier that serves the jewelry shop, protecting it and preventing other vendors from blocking the store front. The process of construction and its legitimacy has not been cleared out, as the shop owner was not on site

High

As the added element or structure is Fixed, the level of this act of appropriation is High.

113

Functional

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Figure 96, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

114

290119-55 SITTING OUTSIDE

Figure 97, a small shop for paper trading (Author, 2019).

Although this shop owner has carried out a very minimal act of appropriation, which is only adding a chair in front of his store to sit while on his breaks, an interview was conducted with him, in order to get another perspective from a user that almost carries out no appropriation.

The main reason for interviewing this user was to understand his perspective and opinion about the situation, rather than his own appropriation that is seemingly minimal compared to the surrounding shops.

II How long have you been here, in paper trading business?

Since 55 years, it is technically my whole life How do you use the area in front of your shop?

I sit out there on my breaks, sometimes i sit on the other side with my neighboring shopkeeper What do you think of all the shops in the neighborhood that use the sidewalk and streets to put out their merchandise?

It is completely chaotic, and out of control, i think they are ruining Mu’izz Why don’t the municipality stop this?

Well, this is an issue, shopkeepers and owners know how to deal with the municipality, also usually they know before they arrive, so they quickly remove everything.

Figure 98, illustration of the shop and the shopkeeper (Author, 2019).

115

III

DIMENSION

A chair that is added in front of the shop, only for him to sit and rest in the fresh air.

Space

Adding a chair on the setback of the street is considered appropriation of space, as space physically has changed.

Low

The chair is put back inside the shop when it is closed, so it is semi-fixed feature element.

LEVEL

Functional

FORM

It was perceived from this shop owner, that he has a negative notion on how the dynamics of the shops in Mu’izz in general run, and their appropriation of space, he has explained the process of the municipality trying to impose some control, and how shopkeepers know their ways around it. He stated that it would be better for more control to imposed, as shops are ruining the streets of Mu’izz by taking over them.

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Functional

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Figure 99, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

117

290119-67 DISPLAYING ON STREET CORNER

Figure 100, A street corner with an extension of a shop (Author, 2019).

This store is located in Mu’izz neighborhood, on a cornered street, it has a prominent location, as it faces a bigger part of the sidewalk than most of the shops do. Although there are lots of goods displayed outside of the store, it is not completely blocking the sidewalk for passers-by, it still leaves some empty space.

 

118

I

0

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5m

Figure 101, plan of the street corner (Author, 2019).

II Do you live here?

No, i only work here

Does someone try to stop you from putting things outside?

Sometimes the municipality, but we deal with them

Do you know the other shopkeepers around you?

Yes, all of them

Are you afraid that people steal your merchandise when you’re inside the shop?

I go out every now and then, I sit more outside than inside. However, I am not worried, it just doesn’t happen here.

Are you free to put the merchandise on the sidewalk?

Yes, I have a big corner of the sidewalk. It is a good location

Figure 102, illustration of the shop in relation to the sidewalk (Author, 2019).

119

III

DIMENSION

Space

LEVEL

Functional

FORM

According to the interview, it was stated how smooth it is to carry out such act, since the control conducted by the municipality is not high, they are almost free to use the sidewalk. The shopkeeper also stated that theft is not common in Mu’izz, that is also why displaying outside the shop makes sense.

Medium

The only reason for this act of appropriation is to display goods, and advertise for the shop.

This part of the sidewalk is changed physically while the goods are put on it.

While the goods are only temporarily put out there, they are considered semifixed feature elements. Thus, it is medium level of appropriation

120

030318-72 SELLING NEWSPAPER

Figure 103, A furnished newspaper stand, with shade (Author, 2018).

This newspaper stand is located on the main street of Mu’izz, showing an old lady using the bench which is an existing urban furniture, while using additional fixtures. She has integrated a chair, a table for display, and an umbrella for shading her spot, for selling newspaper.

Figure 104, newspaper table tied to light-post later (Author, 2019).

Figure 105, the space without the newspaper lady (Author, 2018).

As shown in the photographs, while the newspaper seller is not operating, she attaches her table to a light post in the street, with a metal chain, in order for it not to get stolen.

121

I

Figure 106, plan of the area where the lady occupies (Author, 2019).

0

2.5

5m

II Do you live in Mu’izz?

Yes Have you been selling newspaper here for a long time?

Yes, very long Would you say that you are satisfied with this space, is it suitable for your needs?

Yes, although I have to adjust it every morning, I have become used to it, its location is suitable for my business

But how do the police react to the furniture that you have added?

It is becoming easier by time, they know me very well here, I have been here for so long Do you just leave the chair, the table, and the umbrella here at the end of the day?

I only leave the table, but i attach it to that post, with a metal chain.. So it won’t be stolen at night

Figure 107, illustration showing the temporary and permanent fixtures in the space (Author, 2018).

122

III

DIMENSION

This act is purely functional, as she transforms the space into a small store for selling newspaper.

Space

This act has changed the space physically, by adding furniture and fixtures to the existing urban furniture.

LEVEL

Functional

FORM

This case is especially interesting as the lady has been using the public space with an extra layer of her own to appropriate. It is in fact a very simple act that is very direct to a certain need which is selling newspapers. She also seemed not to have troubles with the municipality, as she stated that she has been there for a long period, so it is almost like she owns this part of the sidewalk.

High

The matter of placing her additional fixtures (table, chair, etc..) Alone is perceived as medium level of appropriation. But in fact, the level of this act is high level of appropriation, as she chains the table into the light-post, that is permanently placed there. Thus, the table is Fixed feature element.

123

Social

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Figure 108, Collection of Photographs that represent cases of appropriation in Mu’izz (Author, 2018).

124

290119-77 SITTING, EATING, AND WATCHING

Figure 109, in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

This group of three are sitting in front of Al Hakim mosque in Mu’izz street, on the edge of a setback of a lower part in the space, they are all sitting facing the street, the activities they are carrying out are sitting, eating, and people-watching. They are sitting on a rather small edge closer to the ground than the designated benches for sitting.

 

Figure 110, in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

125

I

0

5

10m

Figure 111, plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque (Author, 2019).

II Do you live here?

No Do you like this spot?

Yes, very much. Full of activities to watch while sitting

What do you think would happen if some of those activities were not allowed?

It will be boring, nothing to look at while sitting

Do you think everyone here is free to use space as they please?

Yes, it seems like it, there are lots of activities going on all the time, people riding bikes, skating, playing football, or eating like us

Figure 112, illustration showing the users and their activity (Author, 2019).

126

III

DIMENSION

Choosing to sit on the curb rather than the benches, was clearly for social motives, that are, people-watching, and sitting together as a group.

Use

Nothing about the space has changed physically, it is only the form of use that has changed about the space.

Low

This case of appropriation is low, because the users have not added any elements into it, the only elements are the users themselves.

LEVEL

Social

FORM

It was cleared out by this group that the selection of the area of sitting was rather to sit closer to the street, and to the food-cart that they obtained their sandwiches from. It is clear that this spot is more convenient for people-watching as well, than the benches that are located further away from the street.

127

10.4 DISCUSSION - MU’IZZ There are very few public spaces in Mu’izz. They are often located around Mu’izz street, which is the longitudinal spine to the medieval town, and is also the most commercial part. Mu’izz street also holds the most prominent historical monuments and buildings. The most prominent acts of appropriation on the street are carried out by shops, by lurking out into the pavements and sometimes even the street itself. The other kind of appropriation that is observed there is very low, most of which people sit on the steps of some mosques and other historic buildings, or their fences.

10.4.1 SOCIAL BOND AND SENSE OF BELONGING The social bond in Mu’izz is very strong, it was noted that almost all the shop owners there know their neighbors, one of those reasons could be that the interaction is frequent, also that they have been there for a long time.

Social appropriation only takes place in public spaces that are located in front of historic monuments and mosques, as those spaces are spacious and comfortable enough for people to sit.

There is almost no theft in Mu’izz, according to the conducted interviews, that is also a motive for shopkeepers and owners to display outside, it makes the process of appropriation is very smooth and comfortable.

10.4.2 METHOD OF SPACE CONTROL The state of formal control in Mu’izz is extremely weak, even though the police and authority’s presence is high and obvious. It is very clear in Mu’izz how the police are not controlling the shops, since they are lurking towards the street and taking over the sidewalks fully. However, according to interviews, when the municipality personnel arrive on site, shopkeepers and street vendors quickly remove their merchandise from the street into their shops, and put it back out when they leave, specially restaurants and cafes that spread their tables and chairs outside of their shops.

According to interviews conducted with some shopkeepers in Mu’izz, it was noted that shops acquire a high degree of freedom when it comes to appropriation, there are also lots of street vendors around the area, that have also quoted that when the municipality arrives, they manage to disappear and come back after the visit.

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10.4.3 AWARENESS OF APPROPRIATION Shopkeepers are well aware of the modifications and adjustments that are done in space by them, specially shopkeepers that do not carry out any sort of appropriation. While it is accepted by most shopkeepers that display outside their shops on the sidewalk, it is not the same with other shopkeepers who do not do so, they have a negative notion towards it, and stated that more control should be applied in Mu’izz to stop this phenomena that might have ruined the neighborhood, and made Mu’izz only a commercial quarter, rather than an ordinary mixed use neighborhood.

10.4.4 PROMINENT URBAN FUNCTION Commercial use is taking over Mu’izz, particularly Mu’izz street. This phenomenon leaves no space for other users to appropriate space, there is not much room left. All appropriation that is carried out is strictly for profitable motives and commercial ones.

Although Mu’izz is a strong example of giving the user complete freedom to act in space, it becomes almost a chaos that is not very convenient for an everyday user.

If some control has to be conducted on Mu’izz, it could be better and will give more room to other users to act in space, and appropriate it according to their preferences and needs.

Some of the shops in Mu’izz do not have signs that elaborate the kind of business that they carry out, specially small business like food shops, and vegetables sellers. The reason why they use the sidewalk in front of their shops is also to make it clear for passers-by.

Appropriation in Mu’izz is mostly, if not completely carried out for commercial and functional purposes, that are led by shop owners. It is very clear how shops do not leave space for the public user to use or appropriate space.

10.4.5 MATERIALITY Materiality of space is very diverse in the neighborhood of Mu’izz, while Mu’izz street itself is highly maintained by the municipality, as it was part of a restoration project that was carried out by the Aga Khan foundation, that contained the street, and some historical buildings. While other parts of the town are completely deteriorated and not well-kept of. This shows how in the spine of Mu’izz, people sometimes sit on the fences of historic buildings and mosques, even on the steps of some buildings. This specially is very clear in front of Al-Hakim mosque, that people sit on the granite tree pots, instead of the benches, in order to have a better view of the street.

Mu’izz street is paved with stones, that are very rough, and they are strictly used for people walking or some cars that are permitted to enter the town. Although there is a sidewalk on both sides of the street, it is almost non-existent because of shops that display their merchandise on it.

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10.4.5 POTENTIAL AND OUTCOME OF APPROPRIATION IN MU’IZZ Mu’izz does not withhold a lot of public spaces. There are spaces that are located in front of monuments or mosques, that are usually used for seating, while others act as buffer spaces, that are mainly taken over in the neighborhood by cafes and restaurants, in order to serve outside. Other spaces that were documented are the streets, and the sidewalk, as they accounted for most of the observed and documented cases of appropriation.

Most of the appropriation acts in Medieval Cairo are of space appropriation, that are carried out by shopkeepers and owners, a vast portion of the documented situations, where in fact, done to suit and cater for a commercial purpose, varying from displaying goods outside shops, street vendors, and kiosks. Those acts include physical alteration of space and adjustment.

Mu’izz is in general is not a highly controlled neighborhood, although some parts of it are very well maintained, specially Mu’izz street. However, this lack of control is only projected on the commercial use of the area, as shown previously through the case study. On the other hand, this lack of control is not projected on the normal user or visitor, as there is not much space left for appropriation.

During the case study of Mu’izz, cases of appropriation that show visual aspects were not found. Although there are graphical presentations that are carried out by shopkeepers in order to advertise for their merchandise, there were no other graphical presentations or visual appropriation carried out for a motive other than a commercial one.

Appropriation of use is also present in Mu’izz, but in a very weak manner, it revolves mainly about ordinary visitors to the neighborhood or tourists, who carry out very minimal changes to the space, in the way it could be used, such as sitting on building steps, parts of the curbs, or children playing football in empty courts. Although in some spaces, there are designated benches, many users tend to choose other ways of sitting, according to the interviews, it is mostly reasoned by a better location towards the street, and for more comfortable situations.

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DISCUSSION

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Although both Cairo’s Mu’izz and Raval of Barcelona are medieval towns, that were constructed on similar basis, they have different urban realities and functions. The strongest similarity is the urban fabric and structure, as well as the urban pattern, which is the main reason for selecting them as case study areas. However, during investigation in both areas, it was discovered that in Mu’izz almost all of the prominent urban functions take place in the city’s spine, which is Al-Mu’izz street, which is a longitudinal spine that cuts through the center, holding a lot of monumental buildings and museums, shops, and a small number of public spaces. Hence, most of the appropriation cases documented in this research, take place around this spine. On the other hand, cases in Barcelona were documented from scattered public spaces around the area of Raval.

Since Mu’izz spine is crammed with shops that outnumber any monumental buildings and public spaces, appropriation of space takes place almost solely for commercial functions. On the other hand, Raval is a decentralized neighborhood, with urban functions are spread all over, housing more diverse forms of appropriation that are scattered through the medieval town, those cases of appropriations are carried out for several purposes varying from commercial, to visual, to social forms, as elaborated in the case studies chapter.

The discussion compares aspects that have been shown to have the strongest effect on user activity and space appropriation, that are the social bond between inhabitants, space control, and spatial quality of public spaces.

11.1 SOCIAL BOND The contrast between the two neighborhoods in the aspect of the social bond is immense.

While in Raval, it was very clear according to all of the interview, that the social bond between users is extremely weak. Some interviewees expressed how they have been living in the same building for years, and not knowing their neighbors on any personal level. The social structure, however, in Mu’izz is quite the opposite, shopkeepers, and dwellers are in very close relation with their neighbors, and in some cases, even when the bond is not very strong, it is a given, that they at least, know, who the other person is. Whether it is a shopkeeper, or an inhabitant of Mu’izz.

11.2 METHOD OF SPACE CONTROL In both case study areas, users did not complain of being controlled while using space, whether this control was imposed by police or municipality personnel. Specially users who are involved in any kind of activity except for commercial ones. Although that status of control affects users’ behavior and their appropriation to space, it did not emphasize on the different behavior of both areas’ users. However, what emphasized on that contrast, between appropriation acts, was on whom is that control imposed.

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In Raval, very strict guidelines and rules are imposed on commercial vendors, varying from shops, tobacco kiosks, or restaurants and cafes. Shopkeepers have to follow those rules, that deny them from displaying merchandise on the sidewalk, without permits, that are usually hard to obtain. While for cafes and restaurants, a clear outline is provided by the municipality, that implies were and when should seating be put outside the shops.

Those guidelines are not imposed on commercial vendors in Mu’izz, most of the shops, cafes and restaurants display on the outside, whether the curbs, or part of void spaces, without permits nor outlines. That results in a completely free and random structure of a mixture between merchandise and goods, and seating on the streets of the Islamic town.

Accessibility appeared to be a very dominant parameter of space control, especially regarding the monumental buildings. Although in Raval, public buildings that contain a certain function, e.g. library of Catalonia, are free of entry charge, and fully accessible by everyone, for the courtyard area of the complex. While in Mu’izz, those buildings, such as mosques and madrasas (schools), that also contain inner courtyards, are not completely accessible by everyone, since their entrances are either charged, or enclosed by a gate with security personnel, even if the entry is free of charge. This changes the position of spaces, by detaching them from the public realm, So, even if Raval and Mu’izz have some public spaces that are similar in terms of spatial configuration, qualities, and scales, they have a vast difference regarding how the spaces are being used by the public, as a result of control.

There is a wider spectrum which the matter of space control can be looked through, that is the urban policy, which is a very contrasting aspect between Raval and Mu’izz. As discussed beforehand, Raval as a whole has undergone an immense governmental intervention that was based on integrating cultural buildings into the neighborhood, while others have been transformed in function, for instance, Biblioteca de Catalunya, that was once a hospital. Such libraries, university campuses, and museums, that were newly constructed, have introduced public spaces to the neighborhood of Raval with their inner courtyards, or their facing empty spaces. While on the level of the street life, those urban policies are imposed in terms of securing, and maintaining the neighborhood. On the other hand, Mu’izz has also faced a similar process, but only in it’s spine, which is Al Mu’izz street, that only focused on beautifying the street and maintaining it, thus resulting in different outcomes to Raval’s, by being focused only in the neighborhood’s center.

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11.3 MATERIALITY AND SPATIAL QUALITY The aspect of materiality in Raval’s public spaces, by imposing difference in the dynamic of the space usage, for instance, some spaces were more suitable for activities that include skating, such as MACBA. As well as sitting, while others were completely empty of people, due to uncomfortable flooring materials, one of those spaces is the large yard in front of Filmoteca in Raval. Moreover, the same was also observed in Mu’izz; as Mu’izz street, which is the main space, is treated differently from the rest of the Islamic city, as it went through a renovation process under the supervision and funding from the Aga khan foundation, included in this process are the monuments public spaces along the spine. While the rest of the Mu’izz, remains the same.

Most of the spaces in Raval that withhold a strong dynamic of appropriation were spaces that are part of prominent buildings, such as cultural venues, libraries, or university buildings. This gives those spaces a distinct spatial configuration, as instead of being out on the street, they become enclosed spaces. While in Mu’izz, most of the public spaces that are used, are facing prominent monumental buildings, but not actually part of those buildings, they are autonomous spaces, that are overlooking the spine of the medieval town.

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CONCLUSION

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Although the culture of flexibility and appropriation that is very prominent in the street life of Cairo was thought to maximize appropriation in public spaces, the result of the thesis case studies’ showed quite the opposite, when looking into the public realm and its users, in fact, Raval withholds a more complex and diverse dynamic of appropriation, which can develop a learning tool for understanding user behavior and designing public spaces. It consequently became crucial to ask, what are the aspects that are present in Raval’s public spaces, that generate appropriation? And what can be learned from those spaces, in order to increase user appropriation in public spaces?

The main results that have been produced by the investigation carried out through this research are:

12.1 Raval’s dynamics of appropriation is more complex and diverse within the public realm

than in Mu’izz, although the social bond is much weaker in Raval, which opposes the initiall hypothesis, stating that the social bond has a strong positive effect on space appropriation.

This proves that anonymity and individuality within the public realm, can in fact, generate a higher level of user appropriation.

12.2

A positive dimension to space control has emerged, that results in a secure, maintained, and regulated public spaces, as seen in Raval after the process of domestication that it faced, by the imposition of new effective urban policies.

12.3 Public spaces that have a high level and complex dynamics of appropriation, are

spaces that pre-existed for the sake of other functions, and were not initially designed as public spaces, they are mostly spaces that result from the physical formation of buildings, and are free of designed elements and street furniture, which explains that spatial quality solely has an effect on user activity and appropriation in public space.

In order to understand the drivers and generators of appropriation, It is important to conclude and reflect thoroughly on these three results that have showed the strongest effect on appropriation dynamics in this thesis.

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12.1 SOCIAL BOND VS. ANONYMITY While Raval showed numerous cases of appropriation, although it is cleared that the social bond between its neighbors is extremely weak, it is concluded that this lack of social bond resulted in a higher level of individualism and anonymity, that favors freedom of action for individuals over collective or social control, while in Mu’izz, this strong social bond has caused a weaker dynamic of user activity and freedom, by imposing strong social norms and traditions, that resulted in less space appropriation within the public realm.

Social bond might be a result of a cultural difference between both case study areas, social bond is an intangible aspect, that does not need to change in order to have better performance of public spaces. However, it is crucial to understand how it has a vast impact on the dynamics of space, and the users’ behavior in them.

12.2 URBAN POLICY The mechanism of space control and urban policies have the potential of functioning in favor of space appropriation, by providing users with freedom of space usage, in regulated, secured, and maintained spaces.

The imposition of control on commercial parties in Raval, resulted in a positive dynamics of space, by leaving accessible space for public usage, that accepts and provide room for users’ appropriation. While the lack of this control in Mu’izz, affected the dynamics negatively, by leaving very little space for public usage and appropriation, and providing more space for commercial vendors to take over.

A higher level of space control are the urban policies, that in the case of Raval, have been introduced through the process of re-inventing the neighborhood, and including it within the fabric of the rest of Barcelona. Those strong urban policies have been shown to allow the public user to be free and at ease while using public space, thus allowing for appropriation, while at the same time, limiting commercial venues such as shops and cafes, by strict guidelines that allow appropriation only in a controlled manner.

Accessibility has also been revealed to be a dominant parameter of space control that affects space appropriation and its dynamics, by allowing free access to some cultural and monumental buildings, the inner spaces of those buildings become part of the public realm, introducing more public spaces within the neighborhood, spaces that are enclosed, protected, and maintained, as discovered in Raval.

It is possible to produce positive outcomes from a top-down approach, by introducing strong urban policies that focuses on the interest of the public user, with the aim of providing more public spaces, that are of quality, accessible, and appropriable.

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12.3 SPATIAL QUALITY The spatial quality of public spaces is the main factor that affects its users’ activities and engagement with the space itself and other users, and is more effective than design in the sense of elements and urban furniture. Reassuring the hypothesis of the thesis; that design is not a primal factor that dictates user behavior. In fact, according to the research findings, the needs of the public user from space are minimal and raw, to an extent that it provides them with a certain level of comfort, and protection.

Appropriation mostly takes place in spaces that architects have not designed primarily as public spaces, that could be resulting from buildings form and organization. In fact all of the spaces documented in Raval, that contained a strong dynamic of appropriation, were spaces that lacked design, in terms of elements and urban furniture, and in some cases they were completely free of design, by being vast and empty spaces within the fabric of the neighborhood.

Public spaces in Raval are enclosed, attached to public buildings within the neighborhood bound, those spaces are usually not facing a street, in many cases they are wide courtyards of buildings, e.g. Library of Catalonia, which was originally a hospital. Those kind of spaces, that are engulfed and protected showed a more complex dynamic of urban function and space appropriation, than public spaces that are open towards the streets. On the contrary, most of the documented spaces in Mu’izz were facing the street, and not included within buildings.

Figure 25, plan of the area in front of MACBA (Author, 2018).

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Figure 69, Plan of the area in front of Al-Hakim mosque in Mu’izz (Author, 2019).

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Figure 39, Plan of the courtyard (Author, 2019).

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Figure 73, plan of the street (Author, 2019).

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In fact, Mu’izz contains some spaces that are enclosed and of similar form and scales to the ones documented in Raval. However, those spaces are courtyards of mosques and madrasas (schools) that are not part of the public realm, as they are not free of entry charge. While in Raval, monumental buildings are still functioning, thus, their inner spaces are considered part of the public realm of the neighborhood.

Hypothetically speaking, re-using some of the monumental buildings in Mu’izz, and integrating them within the public realm, will have an effect on the dynamic of appropriation, and user interaction with space. More prominent public spaces can be introduced, with room for appropriation and reformation, which is needed in order to produce more performative public spaces.

Figure 113, Master plan of al-Qahira (Warner, N. 2005). Edited by Author (2019)

Spatial qualities that aid in generating appropriation in public space are enclosure, by being part of a public building, or engulfed inside of them, as courtyards. The quality of those buildings is also a variable, by influencing the activities that take place in the public space.

While accessibility is crucial by integrating those spaces within the public realm of the neighborhood, and allowing flow of users through those spaces, having the adequate scale and proportion, that allows users to take part in different activities without interfering in each other’s privacy.

The level of user satisfaction with space comes from their ability to appropriate, reform, and adjust space according to their needs and preferences. Which stresses on the fact, that empty spaces, with an adequate spatial qualities, allow users to engage more freely, by not being guided or limited by design.

The topic of spatial qualities of public space and its relation to users’ activity and appropriation should be further studied, in order to extract more precise qualities that when present in public space, a higher level and diversity of user appropriation is present.

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The main hypothesis of the research is that user activity has a strong effect on the design intention and that its success is dependent on people’s involvement and appropriation, and that design is not a primal factor which dictates user behavior. However, the research results have shown that, this relation goes beyond the impact of one entity on the other.

Public space design has to offer certain conditions, in order for users to have an impact on space, and its intention. And be able to appropriate. Those conditions can be drivers of appropriation.

Planning public space for the neighborhood should be concerned with a planning process that provides those conditions, that can encourage, drive and stimulate appropriation. Not only focusing on the traditional design methods, which is often used, which is more concerned by shaping spaces and placing elements.

The thesis has reached three of those driving conditions, that are: Social dynamics and its effect on the freedom of users. Urban policies and their positive impact on the public user. And spatial qualities, which is a primal factor that is especially our tool as architects.

The outcome of this research is only a start, this topic should be further developed, as there will be more aspects or driving conditions to emerge, some of them, we as architects will be able to tackle using our tools, and some will be useful to understand and keep in consideration throughout the planning process. After understanding that the success of public space is dependent on user’s inclusion and intervention.

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