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Reflection with an eye on the future CuauhtĂŠmoc CĂĄrdenas does not pull punches when he discusses the current state of the Left and his new book offers a rewarding look at a truly historical figure : 8, 22
Congress’ best intentions appear to have been scuttled : POLITICS 6
The CFE earns kudos from CalderĂłn, but are they deserved? : ECONOMY & FINANCE 16
Team Mexico wins in Chepo’s debut yet 2014 is still far away : LIFE & LEISURE 28
Protests take shape in Guadalajara after violence spikes : SECURITY 32
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LETTERS
Iconic political figure still has much to say I met Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas in 1989, when I was a law
student sent to Mexico City to interview politicians for a case study that would be used at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Public Policy. When I interviewed him for Mexico Weekly on Jan. 28, I was shocked that he remembered that conversation over 20 years ago.
Oscar McKelligan PRESIDENT
Ana Maria Salazar
VICE PRESIDENT & EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Tom Buckley
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Carlos Martínez Cruz MANAGING EDITOR
Fernando Ortiz LEGAL ADVISER
Cecilia Garza V ADMINISTRATION
Iker Amaya
Nothing about Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas should surprise us. He is a legend in Mexican politics and that is why we chose him for this week’s cover. He could have been overshadowed by his father Lázaro Cárdenas, one of Mexico’s best-loved presidents. But when you read Cuauhtémoc’s new autobiography, “Sobre mis Pasos,” you get a real sense that you are talking with a man who played a fundamental role in Mexico’s democratic transition. Reading Kelly Garrett’s book review is a must. If you want to understand our recent history, you have to read “Sobre Mis Pasos.” Although many would think that this three-time presidential candidate is out of the loop on Mexican politics, they’d be wrong, so wrong. During the interview, it became quite clear that he plans to play a role in the future of the Mexican Left. In fact, based on public comments made afterward, he may be in a position to help unite a divided PRD, a party he founded 22 years ago. Will he run for president for a fourth time? With Cuauhtémoc you never know. If you want to see an excerpt of our interview with “Ingeniero Cárdenas” go to www.mexicotoday.com.mx Also in this edition we examine the Guerrero and Baja California Sur elections, both featuring peaceful processes but confusing results. We also look at the recently begun congressional session. Among the issues identified as a priority for legislative debate are labor reform and the national security bill. But party politics – especially electoral politics – often have a habit of hindering good faith negotiations. In our Business & Finance section, we examine the performance of the Federal Electricity Commission since it was given greater responsibility after President Calderón forcibly shuttered the Luz y Fuerza del Centro operation. Our security section looks at the violence linked to organized crime that has expanded to other cities and how the public is responding. How bad will it get? These are the kind of stories that we know are important to you and we will follow them upcoming editions. Once again, welcome to Mexico Weekly. Ana Maria Salazar Executive Director anamaria.salazar@mexicotoday.com.mx @MEXICOTODAY_MX
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Elections favor party switchers
The first two gubernatorial elections of the year produced potentially confusing outcomes as the victories went to politicians who had built solid reputations in parties that had ‘rejected’ them : 10
JURISPRUDENCE
Cassez ruling criticized by French as ‘deplorable’
An appeals court upheld the conviction of a French woman, Florence Cassez, whose imprisonment for kidnapping has caused friction between the two countries. The court said prosecutors had proved Cassez guilty in three kidnappings in 2005 and her 60-year sentence would stand. The French government summoned Mexico’s ambassador for talks.
Q&A
PARTIES
STATE OF MEXICO GOV. IN SPOTLIGHT
Gov. Enrique Peña Nieto discussed the death of his first wife in an interview with Univision Thursday. Mónica Petrelini, then 44, died of cardiorespiratory failure in January 2007. Press reports have called it “suspicious.”
CREEL CALLS FOR PLATFORM TALKS
Sen. Santiago Creel criticized party leader Gustavo Madero who said the PAN boasts 10 presidential candidates. Creel, who aims to contend in 2012, said “we aren’t putting together a soccer team.”
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"5
NOTIMEX PHOTO/NICOLAS TAVIRA
www.mexicotoday.com.mx/information/politics
POLITICS
CONGRESS
A House divided The early days of the new legislative session were marred by political and physical sparring on the floor of the Chamber of Deputies
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AP PHOTO/MIGUEL TOVAR
M
ost political observers predicted motion to take an 11-day vacation in midthe Spring congressional ses- April to observe Holy Week. sion would provide little in the way of real progress. The 2011 and 2012 SHOW OF UNITY election calendar would generate parti- In late January, as the opening of the Spring san antagonism. session approached, lawmakers were evBut in January, lawmakers from all par- er-present, talking frequently to print and ties talked optimistically about approving electronic media and offering glowing exseveral reform bills pending from the pre- pectations for legislative triumphs. vious session. Labor reform, judicial reThe topics mentioned by party caucus form, anti-monopoly legislation and fiscal leaders even overlapped, suggesting there reform were all touted as areas where prog- was consensus for passage of bills. Support ress was imminent. for labor reform and the anIn late January, party cauti-monopoly law was voiced cuses produced ambitious by the PRI and the PAN. All We see agendas and productive talkthree major parties declared ing points and party leaders very positive their backing of the Nationspoke positively about reach- conditions al Security Law reform that ing across aisles to get some for progress specified when military perwork done. sonnel could be tried in civBut a funny thing hap- ... legislative il courts. pened before the first gav- priorities “We see very positive conel sounded. The PRI fought dovetail with ditions for progress,” said the among itself and two minor PAN’s No. 2 in the Chamber state elections stirred the pot ours. of Deputies, Carlos Alberto of partisan resentment. On Carlos Alberto Pérez Pérez, on Jan. 31. “Their statthe first session of the Cham- PAN deputy ed legislative priorities doveber of Deputies, three Labor tail with ours and we are eaParty deputies decided defaming the pres- ger to discuss the PRI’s proposal for comident was more important than doing the prehensive fiscal reform.” people’s business and the Speaker thought On Feb. 2, party leaders from both housit wiser to end the session prematurely to es of Congress met to set an agenda for the prevent a donnybrook. 13-week session and staged a joint press Roll call had barely been taken and al- conference afterward. The smiling group ready it now seems that political coopera- said each faction was committed to quicktion is an impossibility. Actually, there was ly addressing pending legislation. one thing legislators were able to quickly “We’ve moved forward considerably agree upon. On Thursday, without any de- with the PRI, the PRD and the federal govbate, the Chamber of Deputies approved a ernment to prepare final debate on labor
Lawmakers have many items on the docket but the Spring session got off to a testy start and progress will likely be quite difficult.
reform,” said PAN Chamber leader Josefina Vázquez Mota. PAN Senate leader José González Morfín said his party was engaged in talks with the PRI and the Interior Secretariat to reform immigration laws. PRI VS. PRI
Despite this promising show of unity, the cracks in the façade had already become visible. Surprisingly, the damage was prompted by an inter-party conflict. In mid-January, Senate president Manlio Fabio Beltrones announced with much fanfare that he would submit a comprehensive fiscal reform bill. The proposal included lowering the value-added tax by 4 points (from 16 percent to 12 percent) but taxing formerly exempt products – specifically medicines and most foodstuffs – at 12 percent too. No sooner had Beltrones confidently explained the rationale for the proposal that fellow PRIista Francisco Rojas, the party’s caucus leader in the Chamber, announced the bill would never see the light of day in the lower house.
Party leaders scurried into the shadows to avoid taking sides, while PRI senators sought ways to encourage Rojas et al to at least consider debating the proposal. This week the Senate announced plans to hold fiscal reform hearings and Sen. Francisco Labastida defended the bill, saying he and Beltrones had spent a year and a half studying the issue. In the Chamber, PRD deputies were stunned when Sen. Carlos Navarrete encouraged them to support debate on the bill. “His position should be seen as strictly personal and not a party mandate,” Deputy Agustín Guerrero told Milenio. “The PRD position in the Chamber is that we will never support legislation that is proposed as an electoral calculation.” It now seems virtually certain that Beltrones – a man with well-known presidential aspirations – will see a pet project scuttled by a lack of support within his own party. WHEN PUSH COMES TO SHOVE
As the internal PRI squabbles continued and pundits speculated that Rojas was
blocking Beltrones for political reasons and not ideological or fiscal reasons, Congress formally began its new session on Feb. 3. In the Chamber of Deputies, all prior talk of working together to do the people’s business went up in flames in a matter of minutes. As the session was just getting under way, three Labor Party deputies strode to the podium and unfurled a banner featuring an unflattering photo of President Calderón. The banner read: “Would you allow a drunkard to drive your car? Of course not. Why are we letting one drive the country then?” The deputies refused to remove the banner despite repeated calls from Speaker Jorge Carlos Ramírez Marín (of the PRI) to step down off the dais. PANistas went ballistic and a brawl almost ensued while members of other parties sought to convince the offending deputies that they were violating the new Chamber Conduct Rules that had just been passed in December. The PAN delegation walked out of the building and the lack of a quorum forced cancelation of the session. Later, Deputy
Gonzalo Fernández Noroña explained that the Labor Party had risked disrupting the session “because we weren’t going to conduct any business today anyway.” However, an angry Ramírez Marín later pointed out that the agenda for the day had featured 53 items, including three bills that were scheduled for debate. Nonplussed, Fernández Noroña and the PT repeated their stunt in the very next session, on Feb. 8. This time the banner was draped over seats in the PT’s designated section on the Chamber floor. But after several scuffles, the PT folded up the banner and the session continued. The next day, the Employers Confederation held a press conference in which members bitterly criticized the legislature for hurting the nation’s economic recovery by failing to do their jobs. Legislators responded the following day during the next scheduled session by voting themselves an 11-day Easter holiday. All things considered, that might prove to be good news for Mexico. TOM BUCKLEY / MEXICO WEEKLY
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LEFT BEHIND?
PHOTO COURTESY OF EDITORIAL AGUILAR
uauhtémoc Cárdenas has been taking a close look at the party he founded more than two decades ago, and he doesn’t like what he sees. It’s not just the major electoral disappointments that have been piling up since the PRD’s narrow loss in the 2006 presidential race. Endemic structural dysfunction and internal tribalism threaten to render Mexico’s only major party of the left irrelevant sooner rather than later. “The party is fractured,” Cárdenas said. “If that doesn’t change, it’s only going to reduce its [electoral] possibilities.” In fact, said the man still portrayed as the “moral leader” of the PRD, the party is close to essentially forfeiting its chances in the 2012 national elections. “If there isn’t some very important, very intense, organizational work done before the election, there’s no use even having a candidate,” he said in a recent interview with Mexico Weekly. Cárdenas, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo and others started the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) in 1989 to continue and formalize the coalition under which he had run for president in 1988. That presidential bid failed, probably owing to what is now widely accepted as ruling party fraud, but it ushered in a new political era in which parties from the left (PRD) and right (PAN) now had legitimate shots at defeating the PRI, or each other, for elected offices. Born as it was of a coalition, the PRD was a big-tent party from the outset, bringing together a political population that included social and pro-democracy activists, labor advocates, former guerrillas, veteran communists, dedicated progressives, traditional U.S.-style political liberals and career PRI members disillusioned with the official party’s shift to the right under President Miguel de la Madrid (1982-88) and Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-94).
22 YEARS LATER, three-time presidential candidate Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas fears for the future of the Democratic Revolution Party BY: KELLY ARTHUR GARRETT/MEXICO WEEKLY
Cárdenas and founding members of the PRD gather in Los Angeles in November 1989.
The diversity worked in the party’s favor in the 1990s, when it began to capture significant blocs in Congress, some governorships and, with Cárdenas himself as the mayoral candidate, both the executive and legislative leadership of the Federal District. But in recent years, internal squabbles have cost the party a significant percentage of seats in Congress, as well as its hold on states it formerly controlled. They have also severely damaged its image. That squabbling, Cárdenas is convinced, is not about policy differences, but personal ambition. “Yes, there are some differences in the political positions and declarations of the group leaders inside the party,” he said. “But they’re giving priority to their personal interests instead of to the party and the nation.”
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HEADING IN WRONG DIRECTION
Cárdenas made his comments before the Feb. 6 state elections in Baja California Sur, but what happened there validated his criticisms. Internal divisions in the state organization prompted many key figures to bolt the party, and the PRD ended up losing control of the state government, and most of the municipalities, that it had won handily six years earlier. In that sense, the PRD is moving in reverse, constricting its reach instead of expanding it. That’s a serious concern to Cárdenas, because there are still large chunks of the Republic where the PRD has very little presence. “You have to consider that in the last federal election in 2009, votes for the PRD were very, very low in about two-thirds of
the states,” he said. “You have to give the party a presence in these states, you have to make it grow.” That’s not happening inside the PRD. What’s happening instead is a hyper-strategic trend toward finding ways to win that have little to do with convincing voters that the party’s platform is worth voting for. One such strategy is simply picking off a would-be candidate from the party you’re trying to defeat and make him your own. The PRD held on to the Guerrero governorship on Jan. 28 by doing precisely that – recruiting longtime PRIista Ángel Aguirre as its candidate after he’d been denied the PRI nomination. Aguirre won easily. Another strategy is to run in an alliance with another party – not with a minor party of similar political persuasion, as the PRD
has done with Labor Party and Convergencia, but with its major ideological rival, the PAN. This unlikely romance is favored for the key July State of Mexico election by party leader Jesús Ortega, but opposed by the probable PRD candidate, Alejandro Encinas, as well as 2006 presidential candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Cárdenas was the victim of a similar ad hoc strategy in his presidential bid of 2000, when many of his would-be supporters thought it wiser to throw their vote to the PAN’s Vicente Fox to increase the odds of ousting the PRI from its seven-decadelong grasp on the presidency. The strategy worked, in that Fox won, but Cárdenas says many must now regret the ploy. “That kind of voting has its place in politics,” he said. “But I think in this case that those who expected a real change because of an alternation in the head of state didn’t get what they were hoping for.” Not surprisingly, Cárdenas isn’t happy with the PRD’s Guerrero strategy or the proposed coalition for the State of Mexico. “The party should be reorganizing its base around the country and coming up with a proposal that’s better for the nation,” he said. “If you don’t have a good proposal to present to the people, what’s the use of running a candidate?” OPPOSED TO ‘SELLING OUT’
As for the notion of a PRD-PAN alliance, Cárdenas voiced similar concerns as the political scientist and television editorialist José Antonio Crespo, who pointed out recently that a candidate elected to represent two ideologically opposed parties is essentially accountable to nothing and nobody. “It’s like handing him a blank check,” Crespo said. Cárdenas also opposes the idea on practical grounds. Such a coalition would not only be a capitulation to what the political author and commentator Sergio Aguayo calls “resultism,” it would also in all likelihood be selling out too cheaply. “What proportion of the power would the PRD share?” he asked rhetorically. “Would the PRD really be participating in the important decisions?” Cárdenas admits to being “disappointed” with the state of his PRD today, and has said as much in a steady flow of interviews that he has granted as part of a promotion blitz for his recently released memoir “Sobre mis pasos.”
Depending on how each individual publication or media outlet chose to phrase its questions and handle his comments, his prognosis for the party’s future has ranged from problematic to hopeless. TRYING TO REMAIN HOPEFUL
During his interview with Mexico Weekly, which he conducted in nearly perfect English, he struck a cautiously optimistic tone, with an emphasis on the word “cautiously.” “I’m hoping the kinds of statements I’m making will serve to change things and make them aware that what they’re doing is not the right thing for the party and not right for Mexico’s progressive sectors,” he said. “I’d like to think that they will realize what the real priorities of a party like the PRD should be at this moment.” And those priorities are? “Strengthen the citizen base, offer a clear proposal for the nation, and set an example for personal conduct.” Can this happen in time for 2012? “I think it can happen,” Cárdenas answered. “I want to be optimistic. But they [the party leaders] will have to make some heroic decisions and leave their personal interests behind.” And if they don’t? “I would expect that after the election there will be a taking of stock by the leaders of the party, so it can resurrect itself and become what the PRD can be and has to be.” Cárdenas added that his main concern is that the PRD’s woes could mean that Mexico will have to move forward “with no progressive alternative that is attractive to the people.” So if all else fails, would he consider starting a new party of the left? “I think that’s a task for others,” said Cárdenas, 76. But then he added, “If necessary I could participate.”
NOTIMEX PHOTO/PEDRO SANCHEZ
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SUBSECTION POLITICS FRONT PAGE
Cárdenas formally presented his book on Feb. 9 in Mexico City : LIFE & LEISURE 22
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POLITICS
ELECTIONS
ELECTIONS
Guerrero ready to move past election spats
PRD trounced in BCS but official vote count just getting started
cost the PAN its registration in the state. The conservative party garnered only 16,272 votes, just 1.34 percent of the total ballots cast, barely superseding the minimum requirement to maintain registration. Local PANistas were angered by the decision and some were confused as they went into the voting booth, especially since Parra had stridently attacked both Aguirre and Añorve on the campaign trail, El Universal reported. His campaign coordinator Enrique Castro Soto explained that the party failed to fully explain to party members how they should vote and this resulted in many ballots being inadvertently annulled by uninformed voters. “Many of us simply abstained from voting,” said businessman Max Tejeda.
Official vote counting for the Baja California Sur gubernatorial race begins on Feb. 13, but the PRD has already conceded defeat and the PRI says it will challenge the outcome if PAN candidate Marcos Covarrubias is declared the winner. The PRD has ruled the northern state for 12 years, but finished a disappointing third in early returns after the Feb. 6 vote. PRD president Jesús Ortega was rather blasé. “Let’s not be melodramatic,” he said. “We lost one election and in the grand course of events we’ll win some and we’ll lose some.” Other prominent PRD politicians did not take the apparent loss so easily. Dolores Padierna accused Ortega of sacrificing Baja California Sur in exchange for PAN support in the July 3 elections. Ortega and the PAN leadership dismissed the allegations outright. “Everything about this election was above board,” said Alfredo Zamora García, the local PAN president. “I don’t know what [national PAN president] Gustavo Madero and Jesús Ortega might have discussed, but voter turnout was very high here so it would have been impossible to manipulate an outcome.” The PAN is poised to become the top party in the state Congress, while the PRD was punished badly. The PRD held 14 seats in the outgoing Congress and is likely to retain only three in the new Congress. The PAN leaped from one seat to nine seats. Ortega said the electorate simply voted for a change. “Voters obviously did not approve of the job done by Gov. [Narciso] Agúndez and decided to punish the party.” Although Covarrubias ran on the PAN ticket, he was a member of the PRD until November and is expected to feature a pluralistic Cabinet, including PRDistas.
TOM BUCKLEY / MEXICO WEEKLY
MEXICO WEEKLY
NOTIMEX PHOTO/ALEJANDRINO GONZALEZ
As the PRI insists it will pursue legal challenges with the state’s Electoral Tribunal, the victor is set to work with a defeated rival
Now the one-time interim governor faces the ironic challenge of working closely with his biggest rival, Añorve, who intends to return to his office as mayor of the state’s biggest city. Ángel Aguirre’s victory in the Guerrero guAguirre insists he will have no problems bernatorial election was validated by elec- working with Añorve, his second cousin, tion authorities on Feb. 6, but the story in and Añorve says he will not strive to make that southwestern state is far from over. things difficult for the new governor. HowLosing candidate Manuel Añorve in- ever, the PAN is leading a movement to petends to return to his post as mayor of tition the state Congress to block Añorve Acapulco, but there is a growing grass- from returning to office. The goal is to comroots movement to prevent him from doing pile 1 million petitions to deliver to Conso. His backers say they intend to contest gress to demonstrate that the electorate the vote count in over 1,000 voting booths disapproves of Añorve, though state law across the state. suggests the lifting of the leave of absence The national leadership of the PRI has is just a formality. been trying to reverse the spin on a variety Still, Añorve’s announced intention to of stories about how the forend his leave of absence sugmer ruling party has lost two gests he will not personally This is a elections in a row while the muddle Aguirre’s transition curious case of the PAN can- victory for by challenging the results of didate and his decision to bow an aggrieved the election. out has received some exami“I am a man who knows people who nation as well. how to put the interests of the people above personal interdesired a STRANGE BEDFELLOWS Aguirre said. “I am sure government ests,” If Aguirre’s triumph holds that our focus will be on what up against PRI challenges, that would is best for Guerrero.” he will be sworn in as gover- work for nor on April 1. Upon receivPOISED TO FIGHT ON everyone. ing the certificate authenState PRI leader Efrén Leyva ticating his victory, Aguirre Ángel Aguirre is not so sanguine. announced he would em- Gov.-elect of Guerrero “We will not back down phasize dialogue and harmoand we will demand that each ny while promising to take steps to end im- vote be respected,” he said on Feb. 6. “We punity in the impoverished and violence- intend to ask the Election Tribunal to exprone state. amine the results at 1,000 or more voting “We won cleanly by a decisive margin,” booths. Our team of lawyers is compiling a he said. “But this is not a triumph of one list of irregularities and violations to subgroup over another. This is a victory for mit to the court.” an aggrieved people that desired a governThere were 4,886 voting booths in opment that would work for everyone. So I say eration on Election Day. without pretense, the entire state has won.” Leyva told reporters that a principal
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POLITICS
Aguirre shows supporters the certificate authenticating his victory in the Jan. 30 election.
focus of his complaint will be the actions of Mexico City Mayor Marcelo Ebrard who he accuses of using public resources to support Aguirre’s campaign. Leyva also alleged that the PRD was paying voters 500 pesos on election day to cast their ballots for Aguirre. “We simply want the courts to make sure the outcome is clean and fair,” he said. But at the national level, the PRI has stepped out of the spotlight, licking its wounds and downplaying the results. Party president Beatriz Paredes and president-elect Humberto Moreira were embarrassed by Añorve’s ill-advised election night decision to declare victory before the official vote count had begun (he lost by 160,000 votes). On Feb. 7, Paredes told reporters that losing in a state that is controlled by another party is not a loss. Moreira’s supporters
have emphasized that the two losses in quick succession don’t count against his record because he doesn’t formally succeed Paredes until March. But of course, this ignores the fact that Moreira actively campaigned in both Guerrero and Baja California Sur. In addition, State of Mexico Gov. Enrique Peña Nieto has distanced himself from the results even though he campaigned for Añorve on more than one occasion and then proclaimed the week before the election that the PRI would sweep to victory. On the other hand, the PAN barely survived in the state after its gubernatorial candidate stepped down only five days before Election Day. The decision by Marcos Efrén Parra – who is banking on getting an administrative post in the Aguirre government – nearly
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POLITICS
PUBLIC WORKS
PUBLIC TRANSPORT
POLITICS
MEXICO WEEKLY PHOTOS/BRONSON PETTITT
Supervía project will carry on despite public protests
Riders wait to board the new Metrobús line at the Etiopía terminal. The route runs parallel to 12 Metro stations.
Mexico City unveils third line of Metrobús The new 17-km line, built to reduce pollution and commuting times from the State of Mexico to central Mexico City, has its kinks Head north on the capital’s newest line of the Metrobús and you’ll quickly realize how the air quality looks, smells and tastes different. The northern part of Mexico City and the surrounding regions of the State of Mexico are home to concentrated industrial and shipping sites, and this area has some of the most severe problems of traffic congestion in the metropolitan zone. In fact, air pollution, acid rain levels and visibility in this area are among the worst in the valley, according to the capital’s Atmospheric Monitoring System. But the city government hopes to reduce headaches caused by pollution and traffic with Line 3 of the Metrobús, which began operating on Tuesday. The Bus Rapid Transit system aims to reduce pollution
by discouraging people from using their cars and by removing about 430 ancient, rickety microbuses from circulating the avenues that thousands of commuters use each day. With low-emissions technology, the 54 articulated units quietly whizzing along the 17-kilometer route will prevent about 20,000 tons of carbon dioxide from entering the atmosphere each year, according to the city government (GDF) . STILL SOME WORK TO DO
City Hall also says the stretch from Tlanepantla in the State of Mexico to Mexico City’s Narvarte neighborhood south of downtown reduces commuting times by 40 percent, to about 55 minutes. In addition, about 120,000 passengers
12!MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
will use some or all of Line 3’s 32 stations each day, densely placed along the Eje 1, Balderas, Guerrero and Vallejo avenues. Unlike the other Metrobús routes, every station on Line 3 has free bathrooms, security cameras and facilities for people with disabilities. The 5-peso fare includes transfers to the 81 stations on lines 1 and 2. “The new Metrobús improves the flow of traffic in this area,” said Rubén González, an office worker who was boarding at the Tenayuca terminal. “I would say, though, that the route signage to La Raza and Etiopía is confusing – it isn’t clear where one gets on and off.” Despite Line 3’s benefits, the city government admits the Metrobús still has some kinks to work out. About 220 transit officers were directing traffic on Line 3 this week. Their mission: to accustom drivers to avenues where
The Mexico City government appears unwilling to budge from its decision to build a bypass to the Santa Fe district, despite opposition from the Human Rights Commission (CDHDF), nearby residents, activists and urban experts. The Supervía, a 5.4-kilometer system of tunnels, bridges and highways, is a project the southwestern part of Mexico City has needed for 17 years, Mayor Marcelo Ebrard said on Feb. 10. He claims it is the only means to solve connectivity problems, W Radio reported. “There is no other way to make the connection … if the Supervía isn’t finished, [250,000] people will continue to lose 2.5 hours of their day getting to the western part of the city,” Ebrard said. Mexico City would also lose its edge as the most competitive region in the country, as businesses would be more attracted to
the State of Mexico, Ebrard said. About 100 artists, intellectuals and musicians – including José Emilio Pacheco, Margo Glantz, Barbara Jacobs and Vicente Rojo – signed a petition earlier this week, calling on Ebrard to adhere to the non-binding recommendation made by the CDHDF, which calls for the suspension of the project until a public discussion is held. About 33,000 Santa Fe residents and visitors signed another petition this week, this one in favor of the Supervía. The petition insists that “for no reason should the project be suspended” but due to drastic environmental impact “mitigation measures should be taken seriously,” Notimex reported. The CDHDF non-binding recommendation to suspend the project, the petition said, is “partial, excessive and missing proper legal foundation.” BRONSON PETTITT / MEXICO WEEKLY
The 17-kilometer route has 32 stations and spans from the Narvarte neighborhood in the central part of the capital to Tlanepantla in the State of Mexico.
the lanes changed directions. Some intersections, such as the Hidalgo, Reforma and Balderas confluence downtown, are considered among the busiest in the capital: a Metro station, microbuses, trolleybuses, cars, cyclists, pedestrians (including the hundreds of San Judas Tadeo followers who flock to the San Hipólito Church on the 28th of each month) and now the Metrobús all converge here, but the GDF says it will make adjustments to prevent accidents. For their part, drivers complain that it is illegal to make left turns across Metrobús lanes. Instead, they must find sidestreets that run perpendicular to the BRT route.
Residents say this brings in traffic to streets that never had much of it, and businesses say the Metrobús reduces accessibility. TRANSPARENCY LACKING
Some of these problems could have been avoided if the city would have held more consultations with residents, said Gerardo Moncada, coordinator of the Efficient Transportation office at the consumer rights group El Poder del Consumidor. In late December, hundreds of riot police entered the Narvarte neighborhood to secure construction of parking lanes and a turn-around access for Metrobús units. Residents had held a blockade for nearly
three weeks, complaining that the city gave short notice on the project and public consultation was insufficient. Moncada said that when the government does not provide enough information on public projects, they can backfire. “It leaves one with the sensation that transportation projects are always negative,” he said. Since the GDF plans to build up to four more lines by the end of Mayor Ebrard’s term in 2012 (no longer the 10 lines promised earlier in his administration), public consultation and transparency are even more important, Moncada said. BRONSON PETTITT / MEXICO WEEKLY
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"13
JUSTICE
: fact : back : next BACK
FACT
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JOSE PAZOS
Lozano: Encinas is ineligible
Reasons for firing popular journalist remain unspecified
The controversial firing of journalist Carmen Aristegui has received international coverage while the owners of the radio station have indicated they will further explain their decision “in the coming days.” In Mexico, the firing has been examined overwhelmingly as a question of freedom of expression while in U.S. newspapers the issue has included an even-handed discussion of journalistic responsibility. Aristegui, an internationally renowned broadcaster who was honored by Columbia University with its Maria Moors Cabot Prize in 2008, declared in a Wednesday press conference that President Calderón pressured the radio station into firing her. She offered no evidence for the claim. Aristegui also said “that limited competition and a haphazard system of granting licenses left Mexico with a few major broadcasters that are vulnerable to political decisions and official pressure,” the Los Angeles Times reported. The MVS radio station originally said Aristegui violated the code of ethics she agreed to by “reporting rumors as news.” No specifics were offered in the statement but as the controversy continues to simmer, the Vargas family released a statement saying they will present more details about their decision and Aristegui’s version of events.
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Labor Secretary Javier Lozano insists Alejandro Encinas is ineligible to run for governor of the State of Mexico. In an opinion piece published in El Universal, Lozano explained that a cursory examination of election laws in Mexico City and the State of Mexico make it apparent that Encinas does not meet eligibility requirements. Encinas served as Mexico City mayor in 2005-2006, a job that specifies that official residence be maintained in the capital. He left office on Nov. 30, 2006. State of Mexico law requires a non-native candidate for governor to have maintained an official residence in the state for at least five years prior to declaring his candidacy. Lozano insists that would mean Encinas – assuming he has an “official residence” in the State of Mexico – would not be eligible until Nov. 30, 2011. The election is July 3. NEXT
Ebrard defends alliances
In a speech at a conference at the Universidad Iberoamericana on Feb. 10, Mayor Marcelo Ebrard defended political alliances between parties from the right and the left, arguing they are a way to defeat the PRI. “Political coalitions are here to stay; not necessarily of the kind we are currently seeing as there could be others, but without them you cannot reach a majority in local or federal Congress to govern,” said Ebrard, El Universal reported. Referring to PRD-PAN alliances in Puebla, Oaxaca and Sinaloa, Ebrard claimed “such alliances should have a well-defined governing program.” When a student said political alliances confuse voters, Ebrard said “the message is very clear: We want a change. This is not just one party, it’s a regime.”
Senate selects Pardo Rebolledo to fill vacancy at Supreme Court Almost four-and-a-half months after the death of José de Jesús Gudiño Pelayo, the Senate has finally filled the vacancy on the Supreme Court justice. On Feb. 10, with 97 votes in favor (out of a total of 128), Jorge Mario Pardo Rebolledo, 50, was appointed Supreme Court justice for a 15-year term. The other two candidates, Jorge Higuera Corona and Alberto Pérez Dayán received 12 and four votes, respectively. This was the second time Pardo Rebolledo was nominated for a seat on the Supreme Court. Back in 2009, he lost out to current Justice Luis María Aguilar. In a press conference after his appointment, Pardo Rebolledo, who was born in the coastal state of Veracruz, said, “I reaffirm my commitment to per- Pardo Rebolledo is form the duties of the new justice. this post with the vocation, dedication and responsibility that the people of Mexico require.” He also denied reports that suggested he has a close relationship with former Sen. Diego Fernández de Cevallos and other prominent lawyers inside the PAN. Newspapers reported Fernández de Cevallos and former Interior Secretary Fernando Gómez Mont were lobbying aggressively on his behalf. “It is absolutely false,” he said. “I maintain that my appointment to the Supreme Court is due exclusively to my judiciary career. I have no ties, no commitments with anyone else other than with seeing that justice is done.” CARLOS MARTÍNEZ CRUZ / MEXICO WEEKLY
www.mexicotoday.com.mx/information/briefs
14!MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
NOTIMEX PHOTO
BRIEFS
POLITICS
Taking aim at Top Five
Tourism Secretary Gloria Guevara wants to make Mexico an elite tourist destination : 19
CURRENCY
Cordero describes plan to protect peso from outflow
Finance Secretary Ernesto Cordero said policymakers may increase the amount of dollar options they auction monthly to soften the impact on the peso if there is a sudden outflow of capital. Mexico won’t follow other emerging market countries in adopting currency controls or intervening in the market no matter how much the currency advances, Cordero said.
INVESTMENT
COMMODITIES
BANORTE LOOKING TO U.S. MARKET
Grupo Banorte is looking to expand its presence in the U.S. market, especially via new acquisitions in regions that feature large Hispanic populations. The financial institution is also looking at cross-border real estate.
CORN CROP DOWN DUE TO COLD SNAP
The severe decline in corn production in three northern states hit hard by freezing temperatures this winter has prompted calls for the federal government to take action to prevent speculation and hoarding.
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"15
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JAVIER LIRA OTERO
www.mexicotoday.com.mx/information/economy
ECONOMY &FINANCE
ELECTRICITY
body in Mexico with the technical capacity or information to monitor costs incurred by CFE – this is likely why some legislators have accused the state-operated company of lacking transparency. “Let’s make an effort to clarify the issue of [CFE] tariffs because this is a really sensitive issue,” said PRI Deputy César Augusto Santiago during a Sept. 10 session in the Chamber. Santiago claimed he and other legislators had sent more than 30 official requests for information to CFE on the issue without receiving a single response. He also accused the electricity company of excesses and corruption.
PAYMENTS MADE BY CFE FOR ENERGY According to a report by the Chamber of Deputies, from 2000 to 2009 CFE spent an annual average of $2.5 billion to buy energy from private companies. 7 15 7 15 8 16 6 20 8 19 11 32 15 30 16 28 9 37 14 32 16 30 7 41 17 31 15 33 9 40 8 41 12 42
Amount paid up to 2009 Amount to be paid by 2041
CORRUPTION AND EXCESSES
55
12 19
88
66
27
73
26
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JAVIER LIRA OTERO
Saltillo Hermosillo Campeche Chihuahua III Naco-Nogales Mexicali Monterrey III Mérida III Río Bravo III Río Bravo II Tuxpan II Valladolid III Bajío Altamira II Río Bravo IV Tuxpan V La Laguna II Baja California III Norte II Tuxpan III, IV Tamazunchale Altamira III, IV Altamira V Guadalajara I Norte II CC Noreste
83 92
115
121
128
Source: El Universal/Chamber of Deputies
Power failure? Is the Federal Electricity Commission really more efficient now than Luz y Fuerza was before President Calderón closed it down in 2009? Just before 11 p.m. on Oct. 10, 2009 – while most people were still celebrating Mexico’s qualification to the 2010 World Cup – around 500 federal police officers discreetly surrounded a power facility in Mexico City. Less than 30 minutes later, the officers had seized control (without too much resistance) of one of the most emblematic public companies in the country: Luz y Fuerza del Centro. In a nationally televised address less than 24 hours later, President Calderón said he decided to disband the stateowned company due to spiraling financial losses and a deadlock in talks with its 43,000 unionized workers. He also proudly announced that the Federal Electricity
Commission (CFE) – another state-controlled company – would take over Luz y Fuerza’s operations in supplying electricity to Mexico City and the surrounding region. And just last month, Reuters reported that in a speech to electricity workers, Calderón boasted that less than three months after CFE took over Luz y Fuerza’s operations, electricity service in Mexico City had already improved. NOT A ‘WORLD-CLASS’ COMPANY
Despite Calderón’s optimistic pronouncements, recent studies suggest CFE is not much more efficient than Luz y Fuerza. For instance, even though in some respects CFE is considered the largest utility
16"MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
company in Latin America, figures from the World Bank reveal that when its productivity is compared with other electricity companies in the region, Mexico’s public electricity company ranks in the mid 30s out of a total of 81. It is not surprising, then, that a report by the Chamber of Deputies shows the amount of electricity generated by CFE dwindled from 191.4 gigawatt hours (Gwh) in 2000 to 157 Gwh in 2009. In comparison, private companies generated 93 Gwh more in 2009 than in 2000. In fact, in 2009 alone, CFE spent 268 billion pesos ($22.2 billion) to buy electricity from private companies, and by 2041, that amount will reach 1.6 trillion pesos ($131 billion), in real terms. Indeed, CFE – just like Luz y Fuerza – operates under an incentive scheme that discourages the search for better quality
In the fall of 2009, Calderón ordered CFE to take over Luz y Fuerza’s operations.
or cost-reduction, says Eduardo Mar- Chamber suggest that CFE is not in a tínez Chombo, a researcher at El Colegio much better state than Luz y Fuerza. de México who wrote in 2008 an in-depth study about Mexico’s state-owned electric- NOT SO DIFFERENT ity companies. According to the Chamber’s report, from “In principle, there is no direct relation- 2001 to 2009 CFE received – in the form of ship between the operating costs of state- subsidies – 562 billion pesos ($46.6 billion), owned electricity companies and the reve- that is, more than seven times the 2010 Sonue they generate from energy sales,” wrote cial Development Secretariat budget. Martínez Chombo. In fact, Mexico’s electricity industry On top of that, under the current records the biggest losses among OECD scheme, the difference becountries. Bizarrely enough, tween operating costs and figures from the InternaThe sales revenue is covered tional Energy Agency show by the federal government corruption that since the beginning of through so-called “transfers,” allegations the decade, mean electricity which, according to Martínez prices in Mexico have surChombo, implicitly create a are just a passed those of the United scheme contrary to the effi- taste of the States. By 2008, electricity cient use of resources. Actual- unaccepprices in Mexico were genly, that was how Luz y Fuerza erally 18 percent higher than del Centro managed to amass tably poor in the U.S. a debt of more than 23.1 bil- performance And although the Filion pesos ($1.9 billion), acnance Secretariat is legally of the CFE. cording to an audit commisresponsible for setting elecsioned by the Chamber. tricity rates across the counCésar Augusto Santiago Figures compiled by the PRI deputy try, there is no independent
“
”
Indeed – as in most state-controlled companies in Mexico – the salaries and compensations of CFE workers are well above those in the private sector. Figures compiled by Martínez Chombo from the Social Security Institute (IMSS) show the electricity sector has the highest average wages in the country’s industrial sector. Actually, an examination of the latest CFE collective bargaining agreements reveal that compensations for transportation, meals and rent accounted for 77.8 percent of its payroll tab. But perhaps more worrisome is that the median monthly wage – including compensation – of an active CFE worker is approximately 27,645 pesos ($2,276), while the median monthly wage of a retiree is 28,016 pesos ($2,332), that is, 1.01 times the monthly wage, in pesos, of an active worker. The electricity company has also been marred by highly publicized corruption scandals. On Oct. 4, 2009, the former director of operations at CFE, Néstor Félix Moreno Díaz, was fired after the Houston Chronicle reported he had participated in alleged acts of corruption in a case involving the swiss company ABB. “The corruption allegations are just a taste of the unacceptably poor performance of the CFE,” wrote Santiago in a letter sent to other deputies. But beyond the usual political pointscoring, a closer examination at CFE’s balance sheet and performance begs the question of whether President Calderón should have used the Federal Electricity Commission as a symbol of what modern public companies can achieve. CARLOS MARTÍNEZ CRUZ / MEXICO WEEKLY
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"17
AVIATION
TOURISM
Tourism secretary boldly pushes Sectur
After being grounded for six months, the airline is poised to reach for the skies once more
DEAL FORGED
Over the past six months PC Capital, a Mexican private equity firm appointed under the Mexican bankruptcy procedure, has been busy negotiating a restructuring plan. According to a Mexicana statement dated Jan. 24, the restructuring is “advancing favorably,” the requisite number of creditors, 50 percent by value, are on board, PC Capital has amassed a group of investors to capitalize the company and Tenedora K has agreed to sell its shares in Nuevo Grupo Aeronáutico to the investors. The statement also confirmed that agreements had been reached with pilot and flight attendant unions. “We have 39 pilots, 80 airhostesses and 846 maintenance technicians. All of them are
D NOTIMEX PHOTO/CARLOS PEREDA
After six months of intense, on-again offagain wrangling with creditors, potential investors and unions, Mexicana has announced its imminent return to the skies. On Aug. 2, 2010, Compañía Mexicana de Aviación filed for bankruptcy protection in the U.S. and Mexico, claiming a debt of $1 billion. Such colossal debts have been attributed to the company’s equally colossal payroll. Mexicana pilots reputedly earned 49 percent more than their equivalents at U.S. carriers, while flight attendants enjoyed a 32 percent differential. According to a Mexicana press statement from Aug. 3, 2010, the impact of the global economic crisis, the swine flu outbreak in 2009, and the “current structure of labor costs are making it impossible for the company to continue.” When trouble hit in August, Tenedora K bought 95 percent of Nuevo Grupo Aeronáutico for a token amount and attempted to capitalize the company with investment from private equity fund Advent International. However, the failure to agree to a salary reduction program with the pilots and flight attendants closed the door on attempts to keep the company running. Nuevo Grupo Aeronáutico, the parent company that operates Mexicana, MexicanaLink and MexicanaClick, grounded all flights and suspended its operations on Aug. 28, 2010.
ECONOMY &FINANCE
Mexicana ground crew members staged a protest in August 2010 but have since come to terms.
Mexicana is preparing to take off again recertified to commence operations in the coming days. Mexicana will re-launch with seven airplanes, which will rise up to 40 during the second half of the year. Initially our operations will cover Los Angeles, Chicago, San Antonio, Miami, Havana and, within Mexico, Guadalajara, Monterrey, Cancún, Oaxaca, Tuxtla Gutiérrez and Veracruz.” The press statement also confirmed Mexicana’s commitment to honor tickets bought prior to the grounding of its operations. The method for applying for replacement tickets has not yet been confirmed. It’s not just the passengers or Mexicana’s creditors who are hotly anticipating
18"MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
the return of Mexico’s once largest airline. Business owners in Mexico City’s airport have spent the last six months watching their profits drop off the side of a cliff.
TRICKLE-DOWN TROUBLES
Prior to the grounding of Mexicana flights, shops in the airport’s Terminal One enjoyed an almost constant stream of potential customers. However, according to taco franchise owner Gabriel Pando “foot fall in the terminal has dropped by 60 percent since last August.” “Many of the shops have had to close down, particularly duty free shops and restaurants and roughly 7,000 employees
have been made redundant. We originally had nine employees, now we have five.” Inmobiliaria Fumisa, S.A. de C.V, the company in charge of renting commercial space in the terminal was “not initially open to reducing rents” said Pando. However, a recent agreement has provided a backdated 10-percent rent reduction to all businesses that have paid their rent in full, said Pando. Asked if he was optimistic about the return of the airline and its attendant passengers, Pando said: “I think the situation will improve little by little but it will take a long time to return to August 2010 levels of business. Given that the airline will begin with only a small number of routes, our customer base will be smaller than it used to be.” Mexicana once dominated 40 percent of the Mexican market but during its sixmonth sabbatical, Aeroméxico and lowcost airlines such as Interjet have taken over its routes and assumed a larger market share. Mexicana’s return to operations is set to be small scale. It remains to be seen whether the airline has lost too much ground over the past six months to regain its supremacy in the market. REBECCA CONAN / MEXICO WEEKLY
espite increasingly prominent Mexican unit. Sabre manages software headlines about violence and for travel websites used by hotels, airmurder, President Calderón is lines and rental agencies, and handles 71 not afraid to promote tourism in Mexi- percent of Mexican hotel, airline and car co. Speaking at the inauguration of the rental reservations, according to BloomNational Tourism Convention on Jan. berg News. 25, Calderón bluntly declared that secuLately, Guevara has been aggressively rity concerns do not affect tourists. promoting Mexico in Europe and Sectur “99.99 percent of tourist have com- has projected that Mexico will receive 26 pletely enjoyable visits,” he said, adding million tourists in 2011. Sectur says this that, “We are preparing a new worldwide figure would deposit $15.4 billion in the publicity campaign to highlight the nat- economy. ural beauty and tourist attractions that The hopeful projection is based on the abound in our country.” recovering global economy and an amOfficial figures for the industry do bitious promotional campaign that tarindeed indicate that Calderón is not gets the United States and Canada, while whitewashing reality. Despite high-pro- boosting an advertising presence in Eufile U.S. media coverage of violence here, rope, Asia and South America. the Tourism Secretariat (SecAlready this year, Sectur) reported last month that retary Guevara has travthe number of U.S. visitors eled to Spain – where she atarriving to Mexico by air intended the Madrid Internacreased to 5,907,528 people tional Tourism Fair – and in 2010. That is a 9.7 percent France. In Paris, she met with increase over 2009, a year France Airways CEO Laurent plagued by the global ecoMagnin. On Feb. 3, Guevara nomic crisis, the swine-flu announced that France was epidemic and publicity surincreasing tourism-related rounding narco-violence. investment in Mexico featurTourism still represents ing 22 new projects. She also Mexico’s third-largest source said she expects that tourism of foreign exchange (behind from France will increase by oil and remittances from em- Gloria Guevara took 20 percent thanks to the proigrants in the U.S.) and ac- over in March 2010. motional campaign. counts for 9 percent of GDP. Spearheading the camThe sector also provides 2.5 million jobs paign is the fact that 2011 has been desand another 2.5 million jobs are indirect- ignated “The Year of Mexico in France,” ly linked to tourism. But Gloria Guevara and activities throughout the year are inis not sitting on this success. tended to strengthen trade and cultural relations between both nations. Mexico AMBITIOUS CAMPAIGN has been invited by the French governGuevara, 43, was named tourism secre- ment to stage a variety of promotional tary on March 10, 2010, and she seems activities, showcasing the diversity and well suited for the job. richness of its cultural and economic life She has master’s degrees in marketing before the French public. from the Universidad Anáhuac in MexiSectur also inked a deal with the co City and business administration from World Tourism Organization whose goal Northwestern University in Evanston, is to make Mexico a Top 5 world destinaIllinois. Before moving to Sectur, Gue- tion for tourists. vara was CEO of Sabre Holdings Corp.’s TOM BUCKLEY / MEXICO WEEKLY NOTIMEX PHOTO/JUAN CARLOS ROJAS
ECONOMY &FINANCE
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"19
ECONOMY &FINANCE
BRIEFS ENERGY
PHOTO COURTESY OF GREENPEACE
IBERDROLA INVESTMENT
Incidents of illegal logging have increased by over 40 percent in the past 10 years.
Deforestation a concern but gov’t has trouble enforcing the law According to the United Nations report “Status of the World’s Forests,” Mexico has lost 195,000 hectares of forest over the last decade. Sergio Madrid, director of the Mexican Civic Council for Sustainable Forestry, said that the forestry sector is facing an enormous crisis that includes “economic losses and a reduction in the creation of employment. Deforestation is causing an increase in the price of wood products and, according to the latest estimations, the illegal wood market is worth over 4 billion pesos per year.” According to the Federal Attorney for
Environmental Protection, offenses committed against the nation’s forests have risen by 40.2 percent in 10 years. The government organization has had difficulty investigating the crimes due to alleged intimidation from illegal loggers and one government inspector was murdered in 2003 while trying to investigate illegal logging. According to a Greenpeace statement, “as long as the government does not take the problem of deforestation seriously and establish policies to combat it, attacks against those trying to protect the forests will continue.”
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
CORDERO HAS CAUTIOUS EYE ON PUBLIC DEBT ISSUES Finance Secretary Ernesto Cordero called on state and local governments to be cautious about public debt as a safety measure, while at the same time asserting that it is not a serious problem at present. “We aren’t talking about a potential time bomb here,” Cordero said. “But public officials must be prudent.” Cordero said that the practice of issuing debt has been careless at times and the overall debt for states and municipalities is now about 63 percent of federal outlays to state and local governments. “Unfortunately, the practice of accruing debt has not been based on the principle
that future revenues will cover the debt,” he said. “Instead, it is simply used to acquire funds that are needed in the shortterm without fully considering the future consequences.” While the finance secretary indicated it was best to be alert to the debt situation now, since it will likely “imply sacrifices for some local governments, perhaps even some local tax hikes,” he was not alarmed. “But let’s be clear, it does not rise to crisis levels such as we faced with the pension crisis that was addressed by IMSS reforms and the elimination of the Central Power and Light,” Cordero said.
20!MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
At the Davos World Economic Forum in January, Spanish energy group Iberdrola announced an investment in Mexico of $365 million. The investment will be used to construct an electricity co-generation plant in Salamanca, Guanajuato, and a 20-megawatt wind farm in Oaxaca. The project in Guanajuato was awarded following an international tender in 2010 and will generate 500 jobs once construction begins later this year. Construction of the wind farm in Oaxaca is expected to generate more than 500 jobs and, according to the company, will “contribute to economic growth in the area and promote the incorporation of regional providers who worked on a similar project two years ago.” Iberdrola president Ignacio Galán confirmed his promise to promote sustainable development in Mexico and to consolidate the country’s position as a suitable target for further investment. Iberdrola is a world leader in wind power and already has 106 MW of installed wind capacity in Mexico. It owns two operational windfarms in Oaxaca and is constructing a third in the state.
ENVIRONMENT
GREEN ROOFS ON RISE As part of Mexico City’s “Green Plan,” city residents are being encouraged to convert their roofs into green oases. Under the plan, which began Jan. 1, residents who install green roofs are eligible for a 25-percent reduction in property taxes. Rather than using common roofing materials such as tiles or concrete, the green roof system uses plants embedded in a waterproofing membrane. The environmental benefits include the mitigation of urban heat island effects, lowering the levels of carbon dioxide in the air, improvement of building insulation and absorption of rainwater that would otherwise run off into the drainage system. Eli Neri Carrasco, director of Green Roof Systems of Mexico said, “a green roof is a long-term investment. [They] cost $150 per square meter but ... come with a 10-year guarantee.” According to the Environment Secretariat, 58 households have installed a green roof this year.
www.mexicotoday.com.mx/information/lifeleisure
life& leisure
MEXICO WEEKLY PHOTO/FRANCISCO CANDIDO
Porfirian Pleasure Architecture: Visual elegance ... and mail service too : 24 ON SCREEN
ON STAGE
Border Bound
A Nobel Act
Cineteca Nacional, the nation’s top site for showcasing homegrown and international films, has opened a venue in Tijuana, its first outside Mexico City.
Mario Vargas Llosa, he of the 2010 Nobel Prize for Literature, will act in his own adaptation of “The 1001 Nights” at Bellas Artes on March 5 and 6.
“The U.S.,
like every country, is not homogenous.” Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas
CULTURE
DANCE
ART
Oui and Sí
Young Swans
Hold Still
“Discover the Other Mexico,” a year-long tribute to Mexican culture featuring hundreds of events across France, kicked off formally on Feb. 3.
“Ópera Prima en Movimiento,” a TV search for dancers, is accepting apps. Resident foreigners are eligible. (www. canal22.org.mx/ operaprima).
Still life photography by 18 young finalists in a year-long competition is on display through March 5 at the Anglo Mexican Foundation at Antonio Caso 127.
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"21
life& leisure
BOOKS
PHOTOS COURTESY OF EDITORIAL AGUILAR
A Case of Conviction Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas is seen by some as the man who triggered the nation’s democratic opening. How well do we really know him? “Sobre mis pasos” By Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas (Aguilar 2010) 614 pages Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas begins his memoir just as we’d expect him to: with the account of an admired public servant who breaks with the ruling party to wage his own campaign for the presidency. His goals: a democratic opening and a reversal of the incumbent administration’s rightward drift from revolutionary ideals. The election results released by the official party were widely doubted, but the ruling PRI quickly quashed the ensuing protests and continued its grip on power under the unspectacular Adolfo Ruiz Cortines (1952-1958). The maverick candidate was not named Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas. The author’s historic run for the presidency would come 36 years later. It was Miguel Henríquez, a political friend of Cuauhtémoc’s father, the revered Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas, who served as president from 1934 to 1940. Cuauhtémoc, a teenage engineering student at the time, had sympathy for the Henríquez candidacy, but did not participate in the campaign. (His political activism would take off in 1954 when, like most of Latin America, he was horrified at Eisenhower’s gutting of theGood Neighbor Policy via a military coup in Guatemala.) Still, his brief synopsis of the 1952 election sets the tone for the 600-page guided tour of modern Mexican political history that follows. It locates the author’s 1988 campaign in a broader historical context; his may have been the most consequential challenge to PRI authoritarianism, but it wasn’t the first. More important, in my view, is how the episode serves to introduce the implacable, almost astonishing, personal integrity of Cárdenas père and fils.
Lázaro Cárdenas had vowed to stay uninvolved in electoral politics once out of office, a precedent mostly honored by his successors until recently. Henríquez, misreading the former president’s character, assumed the policy was flexible. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas writes, “I think that General Henríquez, who before becoming a candidate and then throughout the campaign had been meeting on different occasions with my father — who had reiterated to him his unalterable decision not to participate in matters of electoral politics — firmly believed that in the end, if things weren’t going well for him, my father would intervene and fix things in his favor.” The elder Cárdenas did no such thing, and the relationship between the two generals cooled. From cover to cover, Cuauhtémoc is consistently, sometimes frustratingly, unsentimental in matters political and personal. But his deep regard for his father is omnipresent, and it’s clear that he inherited more from him than a last name that guaranteed he would be taken seriously as a political player. Lázaro was Cuauhtémoc’s political inspiration, instilling a steel-willed commitment to citizen participation, social equality and an activist government that intervenes on behalf of the marginalized — in short, the outlook of the left. He was also his moral model, and the bequeathed integrity, respect for the law and insistence on dignified behavior present themselves on virtually every page of “Sobre mis pasos” like margin notes. Of course, if you want to come off as ethically beyond reproach, it helps to write your own biography, with you and only you deciding, a la Bob Seger, what to leave in and what to leave out. But Cárdenas has earned his moral credentials over more than half a century, often under the most
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1988: Months after Election Day, Cárdenas rallied his supporters in Mexico City’s Zócalo.
1988: The campaign created a coalition of
1957: Lázaro Cárdenas, left, was Cuauhtémoc’s
left-of-center forces, the future PRD.
political and moral inspiration.
trying of circumstances when most mortals might consider just going with whatever works. Even his political adversaries don’t question his integrity, especially now that they assume he can no longer threaten them politically. (Cárdenas will turn 77 this year, and in truth he neither looks, talks or acts too old for anything.) His steadfast conviction informs many of the countless, chronologically compiled episodes that serve as the book’s infrastructure. One of my favorites, for its cinematic imagery, is a ceremony organized in 1971 by President Echeverría at the Monument
to the Revolution to mark the first anniversary of the death of Gen. Cárdenas, and, simultaneously, the 26th anniversary of the death of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. The latter, who served as president (1924-1928) and founded the National Revolutionary Party (the future PRI), had passed away on the same date 25 years earlier. The dual memorial was awkward for the Cárdenas family. In the 1930s, the two generals had become the bitterest of political enemies after Calles, who had developed an alarming fascination with fascist ideology, attempted to continue his
strongman rule from behind the throne after President Cárdenas, his former protégé, took office. Though the rift was political and not personal, Calles’ daughter approached Cuauhtémoc before the ceremony, concerned that whoever spoke for the Cárdenas “side” might speak ill of her father. She needn’t have worried; the Cárdenas sense of decorum would never have permitted such a thing. What he did do, however, was use his allotted time at the ceremony to present a political document that his father had prepared for the 60th anniversary of the Revolution the year before, but had not lived to deliver. He doesn’t tell us how long it took to read it, but an abridged version of it fills 16 pages in an appendix of the book. Now you and I may suspect that subjecting the gathering to a lengthy oral recitation of a political document was an unfriendly act, but that’s the difference between us and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas. To him it was a fitting tribute to his father and his nation. The high drama that day came when the government speaker, as feared, announced that with the passing of the two former presidents — on the same date, no less — their differences had been erased from history. This got President Echeverría to his feet, which meant that everyone else present also rose to applaud. But the Cárdenas contingent refused to join what was essentially an attempt to celebrate away the issue of authoritarianism in Mexico. So we’re left
with the image of the 36-year-old Cárdenas, along with his sister and his widowed mother, seated on the dais, somber-faced, while the president, his Cabinet members, and other high officials are standing around them, applauding. “I could feel the tension,” Cárdenas writes, “as though all or at least most eyes were fixed on those of us who remained seated.” I describe this event at some length because it’s typical of what’s most valuable about “Sobre mis pasos” — the abundance of episodes, often otherwise run-of-themill in the life of a politician, that serve to reveal the character and motivation of a remarkable public figure. Yes, the book does live up to its difficult-to-translate title, following the footsteps of the author through his political career that included youthful activism, a brief stint as a federal senator, a position in the López Portillo administration, the governorship of Michoacán, the doomed but earthshaking presidential bid of 1988, the founding of the PRD, two more runs for the presidency in 1994 and 2000, and service as the Federal District’s first elected head of government. And yes, there’s backstage insight and there’s detail. I promise you’ll learn more about the planning and execution of public engineering projects than you ever thought you would. The book moves forward in unembellished, matter-of-fact Spanish that highlights the man’s conviction but not his passion. Cárdenas is more comfortable telling us what he thinks than how he feels. If Mr. Spock were to write his memories of life aboard the Enterprise, it might read something like “Sobre mis pasos.” But in the end, it’s Cardenas’ extraordinary conviction that the reader remembers. Shortly after Election Day 1988, with the Cárdenas camp and most of the nation convinced the election had been stolen from him, Cárdenas was called to a meeting with the PRI’s Carlos Salinas de Gortari, who would be sworn in as president later that year. “What do you want?” asked Salinas, who was holding the cards. “What I want,” Cárdenas replied, “is for this election to be cleaned up.” Assuming perhaps that Cárdenas was missing what the conversation was about, Salinas kept giving him chances to name his terms, repeatedly asking him what he wanted. Each time he got the same answer: Clean up this election. Cárdenas understood only too well what the conversation was really about. KELLY ARTHUR GARRETT/MEXICO WEEKLY
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"23
life& leisure
ARCHITECTURE
: At The Museums
From the Porfiriato: The Postal Palace was
H
olding its own among the spectacular sites of Mexico City’s Historic Center is a grandiose palace of marble floors, arresting bronze stairways and Gothic, Baroque, Plateresque and Art Deco design. It’s an architectural gem that’s sometimes overlooked, perhaps because it’s neither a fine arts museum, a converted colonial-era mansion or a historic church. It’s the post office. The Palacio de Correos de México, or the Postal Palace of Mexico City, boasts intricate facades and captivating interiors, plus a first-floor postal exhibition and a fourthfloor Naval History Museum. Visitors can opt for a guided tour or simply stroll through the monumental building, which offers a tranquil alternative to the area’s touristheavy attractions. Construction on the palace began in 1902 as a response to increasing demands on the postal service, a system in Mexico that dates back to pre-Hispanic times, when teams of Aztec “painani,” or messengers, would run up to 500 kilometers a day to orally deliver battle news to emperors. After the Spanish conquest, New Spain’s first Correo Mayor, or Main Post Office, opened in Mexico City in 1581 to serve the viceroyalty, exclusively. By 1766, maritime and land routes converged into a nationwide mail monopoly, and the government absorbed the private service in 1817. Postage stamps first came into use in Mexico in 1856, and in the early 1900s, authorities finally abandoned the punishment of 100 lashings and jail time for opening or tampering with mail. Most of the service’s modernization, however, took place under President Porfirio Díaz, who in 1901 converted what had been part of the Transportation Secretariat into its own government agency. The Palacio de Correos de México was envisioned to house all the post offices under one magnificent roof. With the
MEXICO WEEKLY PHOTOS/FRANCISCO CANDIDO
inaugurated in 1907 by President Díaz.
An overlooked gem: Marble floors, bronze stairways and a rich mix of influences
Going Postal demolition of a hospital on the site run by the Franciscan Third Order, Mexican military engineer Gonzalo Garita y Frontera and Italian architect Adamo Boari (an early designer of the nearby Palacio de Bellas Artes) began to build. Thick concrete blocks sturdied by steel beams gave the palace its lasting foundation, which unlike many of the neighboring buildings has neither sunk nor swayed in the unstable topsoil over the decades. Enormous windows, stained glass domes and double-height
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The best place to send a postcard or mail a letter in Mexico City is also an architectural marvel that houses two fine little museums.
ceilings filled the interior with natural light. President Díaz formally inaugurated the postal palace in 1907. On the outside, delicate details carved in the porous chiluca stone and snarling brass dragons frame an arching pair of twoton doors. Interior architecture includes a large ironwork canopy, bronze window frames and a stately elevator, all imported from Florence, Italy, plus a combination of influences from the Italian Renaissance and Elizabethan Gothic periods and Moorish,
Century-old vending machines: Stamps from
Mocheval at the Franz Mayer Artisan designer-weavers organized in the group Mujeres Mayas de Jovel, Chiapas worked with artist Carmen Rion to create new garments from traditional techniques that make up the exhibit “Paisaje Mocheval: Diseño, Moda y Tradición” that will run through March 6 at the Museo Franz Mayer, Hidalgo 45, between Metros Bellas Artes and Hidalgo in the Historic Center. Open daily except Mondays from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. Admission is 45 pesos, free on Tuesdays. (5518-2266) Abel Quezada at the City Museum Until his death in 1991, the drawer and painter (he shunned the cartoonist label) provided witty, principled commentary on the Mexican social and political scene on a neardaily basis. Much of it is in “historieta” form (paneled sketches supported by text), but this generous exhibit also features his paintings, New Yorker covers, political cartoons and the first-ever full public
viewing of his famous murals commemorating the 1938 oil expropriation. Quezada’s work is at once light-hearted and telling, and viewing the exhibit feels like visiting an old friend who always has something original to say about what’s going on around us. At the Museo de la Ciudad de México, Pino Suárez 30 between Metros Pino Suárez and Zócalo, through April 2011. Daily except Mondays from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. Admission is 22 pesos, free on Wednesdays. (5522-4775)
9th International Watercolor Biennial Yes, there’s a watercolor museum in Mexico City. It’s in a converted mansion at Salvador Novo 88 in Coyoacán, and it bears the name of its creator, the great Cuernavacaborn watercolorist Alfredo Guati Rojo (1918-2003). Ending Sunday (Feb. 13) is an exhibition of 200 works from more than 23 countries. If you can’t make it by Sunday, the museum´s permanent collection of watercolors
is well worth the visit. The Museo Nacional de la Acuarela Alfredo Guati Rojo is open daily from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. Admission is free. (5554-1801)
Sacred Hearts at the Museo Soumaya If it’s February there must be a heart-themed exhibit out there somewhere. “Corazón Sagrado” at the original Museo Soumaya (a second site is opening up at the new Plaza Carso in Polanco) displays more than 100 pieces featuring the Sacred Heart allegory both inside and outside Christian tradition. Most of the pieces — including oil paintings, silver pieces, books, engravings, reliquaries and cabinets — are typically either the work of anonymous masters or equally anonymous popular artisans. The Soumaya is located in the Plaza Loreto at Altamirano 46 in San Ángel and is open daily except Tuesdays from 10:30 a.m. to 6:30 pm., with extended hours to 8:30 p.m. on Fridays and Saturdays. Admission is free. (5616-3731)
the 1910 Revolution centennial are still displayed.
Art Nouveau and Art Deco designs. The building underwent a renovation in the 1950s to link it to the adjacent Banco de México,thecentralbank.Itsbronzerailswere paintedblack,theelevatorwasshutdownand weathered marble floors were kept intact. Some of the changes left it vulnerable to stress and there was damage caused by the 1985 earthquake. In the late 1990s, however, Mexican architect Juan Urquiaga helped restore the venerated palace to its original construction
design and splendor. The postal museum today dutifully details through artifacts and archives the history of Mexico’s mail.In the first-floor display, a colorful mosaic by artist Pablo Magaña González pieces together more than 34,200 stamps issued from 1890 to 1934. A red lacquered mailbox purchased by Emperor Maximilian is on display, one of four that he shipped to Mexico from Budapest, Hungary. Two-meter high vending machines still display stamps marking the
centennial of Mexico’s 1810 independence from Spain. The main entrance to the palace is on Tacuba 1, near the corner of the Eje Central (Lázaro Cardenas) in the Centro Histórico, just east of the Palacio de Bellas Artes. Museum hours are Monday to Friday from 9 a.m. to 7 p.m. and weekends from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. There is no admission charge. MARIA GALLUCI
Maria Gallucci is a freelance writer in New York.
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"25
life& leisure
FILM IN REVIEW
PHOTO COURTESY OF QUALITY FILMS
More Bread and Wine?
“Marcelino Pan y Vino” places two 5-year-old boys in very different adult worlds. Neither makes it to 6.
In 1952 Spain, a former Phalange collaborationist named José María Sánchez Silva left his job as a journalist in the service of the Franco regime to dedicate himself to fiction. It was a superb career choice. Almost immediately, “Marcelino Pan y Vino,” his take on a centuries-old tale of a foundling raised by cloistered monks, turned into a bestselling favorite, earning him Spain’s national literary award and eventually the 1968 Hans Christian Andersen Prize for his body of work. To this day, Sánchez Silva is the only author working in the Spanish language who has been honored with that premier international award for children’s literature. While the book was a success by any measure, the ensuing movie version was something more than that — an era-defining cultural phenomenon, if you will. Never mind that the era being defined was dark with political repression, artistic sclerosis and the mass exiling of Spain’s best and brightest. Despite the stifling atmosphere of Franco’s Spain — or perhaps because of it — audiences adored this filmed miracle play and they flocked to see it.
PHOTO COURTESY OF QUALITY FILMS
The Mexican remake of a Spanish children’s classic asks for an assertion of belief along with the usual suspension of disbelief. Does it work?
Mark Hernández plays the 2010 Marcelino ...
... while Pablito Calvo was the original in 1955.
The result was that the young and notso-young of Spain had taken to heart the experience of a lovable 5-year-old who is blissfully content in his confined world as long as he can absorb the lessons of his father figures, converse with Jesus from time to time, and in the end go with him. It’s hard to imagine Franco not being pleased with the promotion of this docile way of looking
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at things. Now in film (he co-wrote the screenplay for imported Hungarian director Ladislao Vajda), as before in journalism, Sánchez Silva was still doing the generalísimo’s bidding. The popularity of “Marcelino” spread well beyond Spain. Every Spanish-speaking nation seemed to embrace it, none more so than Mexico. Mention the film to anyone born before You Tube and you’re likely to get a dreamy “Oh, I loved that movie when I was a kid ...” It’s an Easter season television staple, right alongside “The Robe” and “Ben Hur.” To know “Marcelino Pan y Vino” is to know Mexico a little better. So what to make, then, of the recently released remake 55 years after the Spanish original, this time financed, filmed and set in Mexico? Director José Luis Gutiérrez Arias, whose previous output ran more to the violent-thriller genre in such films as “Todos los días son tuyos” and “Abril y mayo,” took on the challenging (some would say thankless) task of revisiting a family classic. The question isn’t so much how well did he do as ... why did he do it? The short answer is that Mexican investors were confident enough to put up the money for it. The notion of a cheap knockoff was ruled out early; it was to be a quality film. There was certainly plenty of room for artistic improvement over the dated original, with its 50s-era lack of subtlety and
overabundance of pious bloat. And moving the action to revolutionary Mexico (instead of the aftermath of the Napoleonic occupation of Spain) looked like a sure crowd pleaser. There’s a lot there to tempt a director eager to try his hand at family cinema, as Gutiérrez Arias says he was. Most of his tweaks are in fact improvements on the original, starting with the setting. Marcelino’s happy home among the jolly band of Franciscans was endangered in the 1955 version by a malicious politician, a stock figure if there ever was one. In Gutiérrez Arias’ telling, the threat comes from the Revolution itself — that is, from human violence — embodied in a griefderanged revolutionary who demands, absurdly, that the friars replace his fallen son by giving him Marcelino. But this dad’s mad, not bad. There are no bad guys in this movie, just a world of general evil outside the monastery walls. And one unbearably adorable 5-yearold boy. Marcelino spends the first half of the movie in an edenic existence, naming the animals he finds as he wanders the trashless Michoacán countryside of 1912 (almost too beautifully filmed by Ignacio Prieto; you’d swear this was the prettiest revolution ever). Only after an unfortunate encounter with a snake do unpleasant events interfere with Marcelino’s paradise of innocence, including the death of the wise and kindly eldest friar (there’s always one of those, isn’t there?) and the revolutionary’s son. The boy, killed in a skirmish with federal troops, was Marcelino’s friend and alter ego; we even confuse the two at first, since his mother (played by the wonderful Teresa Ruiz, whose performance is so free of the kid-pic conventions of the rest of the cast that she seems to have blown in from another movie) gives birth right about the same time that Marcelino is abandoned outside the monastery door. In the original, Marcelino’s friend is imaginary, like Jimmy Stewart’s rabbit. Here he’s real, living the life Marcelino can’t, footloose in the dangerous man-made world. His death is a heartbreaking tragedy; Marcelino’s is a heartwarming miracle. Or that’s what we’re expected to think, at any rate. Which brings us back to the wisdom of remaking this particular movie at this particular time. There’s something disturbingly anachronistic about the way “Marcelino” sets itself so firmly in a fundamentalist Christian world view,
: On screen Café Tacvba
The original version of “Marcelino” was a cultural triumph of Franco’s Spain.
with no wiggle room for metaphor or analogy. We’re required to accept a literal interpretation of Christian lore for the movie to make any sense. When the order comes from the diocese that Marcelino will stay in the custody of the friars and eventually take his own vows, we’re not meant to think about how different things were a hundred years ago, when a child could be blithely consigned to a lifetime of cloistered celibacy. We’re supposed to be genuinely pleased at this best of all possible outcomes. Gutiérrez Arias, aware of the difference, has insisted in interviews that he has not assembled a pro-Church tract, nor even a movie about religion. “It’s the story of a little boy who talks with God,” he has said. “That’s all.” That would have been nice. And indeed, little Marcelino’s chats with Jesus (as he brings him the bread and wine of the movie’s title) are deftly handled — pleasant, low-key and mercifully without celestial effects. Unfortunately, that’s not the case with the final ascension scene, which looks like it was put together by an over-caffeinated computer-graphics dweeb on mescaline. The climax effectively sabotages — not with a whimper but a hallelujah — a 95-minute effort to achieve some degree of respectable understatement. Which is unfortunate, since the ultimate success of the film comes down to how well the audience has been primed to accept the ascension — in other words, how willing they are to see the death of an innocent 5-year-old as a good thing. Presumably, many have experienced it as moving, as so many did a half century ago. Others no doubt find it ridiculous, but won’t want to seem so churlish as to say so. Neither outcome is encouraging. KELLY ARTHUR GARRETT/MEXICO WEEKLY
It’s the final weekend of Mexico City’s “FICCMexico” film festival, and there’s still time to catch one of the premiere events, the screening of “Seguir Siendo,” a full-length musical documentary on Café Tacvba, the internationally beloved Mexican pop rock group. It will be shown outside on the Zócalo at 7 p.m. on Sunday, Feb. 13. At the same site and time you can see 80 minutes of fan animation festival on Friday, Feb. 11, and on Saturday, Feb. 12, “The Mermaid’s Secret,” by the great Japanese animated film director Hayao Miyazaki.
Pre-Screening the Nominees Now that there’s 10 of them, catching all the candidates for Best Picture is a scramble, especially outside the films’ country of origin. Most of the nominees are or will be viewable in Mexico before Feb. 27. Here’s your guide: “Black Swan” After a week of limited release, it is now in general release in the major metropolitan areas as “El cisne negro.” “The Fighter” As “El peleador,” it was scheduled to go into general release
on Feb. 11. “Inception” As “El origen,” this one has come and gone. Buy it or rent it. “The Kids Are All Right” Billed as “Los niños están bien,” or “Los chicos están bien,” it was part of the recent international festival at the Cineteca. It isn’t scheduled to return until March 11. “The King’s Speech” Scheduled for general release on Feb. 18 as “El discurso del rey.” “127 Hours” Scheduled for general release on Feb. 25.. “The Social Network” “Red social” has been screening daily at 2:30 and 7 at Cinemanía. Now it’s in wide release. “Toy Story 3” Has come and gone. Buy it or rent it. “True Grit” Went into general release on Feb. 4 as “Temple de acero.” “Winter’s Bone” There seem to be no plans to show this in Mexico soon. KEEP IN MIND . . . “In general release” means the film is playing at one or more of the major chains, which are Cinemark (www.cinemark.com), Cinemex (www.cinemex. com.mx), Cinépolis (www.cinepolis.com.mx) and Lumiere (www. cinemaslumiere.com). Cinemanía (www. macondocine.com/ cinemania) is an art film house in Plaza Loreto in the San Ángel area of Mexico City. The Cineteca Nacional (www.cinetecanacional. net) is the governmentsponsored international film complex in the South of Mexico City near Metro Coyoacán. Remember, screening times and dates can change quickly and unexpectedly, so check ahead.
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life& leisure
SPORTS
THE MERCILESS MEDIA
Up next for El Tri are Paraguay (No. 24) on March 26 and Venezuela (No. 63) on March 29. These are little more than warm-up matches ahead of the first real test for the new coach. The first official matches will take place in June as Mexico participates in the Gold Cup in the United States. This tournament will determine the Concacaf champion and the winner will get a berth in the 2013 Confederatons Cup in Brazil. Chepo knows he might face some criticism after games leading up to the Gold Cup as Mexico’s notorious sporting press
Facing the enemy: Chepo can expect to have
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JORGE ÁRCIGA
plenty of testy exchanges with the press.
Rapt attention: Coach de la Torre talks to his charges on his first day on the job.
THE CHOPPING BLOCK
The pressure will be enormous and there is no guarantee Chepo will fulfill his fouryear contract. Only one coach since Bora Milutinovic in the 1980s has completed a World Cup cycle for which he was hired. And Bora had the good fortune of not having to qualify for the 1986 tournament. As host, Mexico had an automatic invite. Since then César Luis Menotti, Manuel Lapuente, Milutinovic (again), Enrique Meza, Hugo Sánchez and even Sven-Goran Eriksson have been fired for Team Mexico flops. Only Ricardo Lavolpe successfully kept his job during an entire qualifying campaign, guiding Mexico to the 2006 Cup in Germany. Chepo must win the Gold Cup this summer to avoid getting a pink slip. He should benefit from overseeing an Under-22 squad at the prestigious Copa América in Argentina. This should give him an opportunity to watch promising youngsters who could win spots on the 2014 roster.
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NOTIMEX PHOTO/GUILLERMO GRANADOS
The “Chepo” de la Torre era got off to a wining start on Wednesday. The coincidental “Chicharito” era that was supposed to drive “Chepo” and Mexican soccer to new heights … well, not so much. For the first time since 2003, El Tri kicked off a new year with a victory and the fact that it was the first game on the bench for José Manuel de la Torre made it all the more sweeter. Even if the performance was “deficient,” as Chepo confessed to reporters afterward. Mexico – ranked No. 27 in the world – was expected to defeat Bosnia-Herzegovina (No. 42), especially since the best Bosnian player was unable to travel to the United States due to a visa problem. But even without Manchester City star Edin Szeko, Bosnia had a freer-flowing attack and forced repeated saves from Mexican keeper Jesús Corona. Fortunately, Corona proved up to the task. If not for two mistakes by the European side, El Tri might not have put one in the win column for Chepo.
is ruthless when it comes to El Tri. But if the “tricolor” fail to lift the Concacaf trophy, he’ll surely hear calls for his head. Javier Aguirre was (rightfully) crucified for the team’s World Cup performance in South Africa 2010 and he resigned (was shown the door) shortly after setting foot back on Mexican soil. Chepo had led his Toluca Diablos to a league title before the World Cup started and, after a four-month search for a new coach, he was invited to take the reins. He knows his top priority is to qualify Team Mexico for the 2014 World Cup, but each game – actually each roster decision from now on – will be analyzed and dissected. The public is a demanding audience and Mexicans live and die over their beloved national team. But the press is never satisfied and winning is never enough. The team must win beautifully.
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JORGE ÁRCIGA
Team Mexico’s new coach José Manuel de la Torre is under the microscope as El Tri takes aim at qualifying for the World Cup
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JORGE ÁRCIGA
Destination Brazil 2014
Getting in shape: Players do wind sprints during Chepo’s first training camp in early February.
A new start: El Tri will see lots of new faces as Chepo begins to prepare a team for Brazil 2014.
World Cup qualifying will begin in earnest next year but changes to the Concacaf qualifying format could significantly reduce the difficulty since El Tri might not have to play bitter rival Team USA at all. So if Chepo survives his first six months on the job, he could have a veritable honeymoon period to fully install his system and tactical approach into the mindset of his players.
FIRST IMPRESSIONS
Wednesday’s game in Atlanta featured a ragged performance by El Tri and “Chicharito” in particular was awful. The Manchester United star missed two clear scoring chances, flubbed a penalty kick and too often ignored teammates, preferring to dribble into trouble and lose the ball. Playing a lone striker role in a reconfigured 4-2-3-1 line-up, Chicharito
disappointed. One sports scribe warned that Hernández could become a headache if not taken to the woodshed by Chepo. “He believed the clippings and played as if he thought ‘I am the team’ … although he is without doubt the best player on the team, if he doesn’t lose his attitude, he will become a prima donna and not a contributor,” wrote La Afición columnist Carlos Contreras Legaspi.
Chepo declined to criticize individual players after the game, but he freely admitted to a deficient performance by El Tri. “It is important to start off with a win, but it would be more reassuring if we showed good form,” he told reporters in his post-game interview. “When you win and play badly, there is a disquieting sense that we came up short.” “Even though we readily saw that there is a great deal to work on, we are somewhat satisfied with the win.” Chepo’s first task will be to better educate his squad to his tactical ideas. Normally preferring a 4-4-1-1 approach, de la Torre had to improvise after his long-time Toluca field general Sinha was forced to miss the game due to injury. Additionally, Sinha is already 34 and it is imperative that Chepo find a younger version of the playmaker to fill the spot behind the striker. Giovani dos Santos could eventually provide the creative impetus, though he would seem to fit better in the 4-2-3-1. Beyond that, Chepo must also identify faster, stronger candidates for midfield holding roles and get better play from wingers and wing defenders. Crisper passing and smoother interaction should come as the team becomes familiar with Chepo’s system. Goalie Jesús Corona and central defenders Francisco Rodríguez and Héctor Moreno were solid against Bosnia and 32-year-old Carlos Salcido was more than reliable. Chicharito and dos Santos will get plenty of chances to shine, as will winger Pablo Barrera. But beyond that, Chepo should be given plenty of leeway to experiment. The question is … will the media be sufficiently patient? TOM BUCKLEY / MEXICO WEEKLY
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"29
r&r
: what : when : where
FRIDAY 11
SATURDAY 12
JUAN SORIANO
NATIONAL SYMPHONY
An exhibition of 37 drawings and 41 sculptures by the late master opens to the public at the Cenart Arts Library Gallery at Rio Churubusco and Calzada de Tlalpan. Runs through April 29. 9 a.m. to 7 p.m. Monday through Friday.
Carlos Miguel Prieto (pictured) conducts works by Revueltas (“Cuauhnáhuac”) and Shostakovich (“Piano Concert No. 2”), featuring pianist Jorge Luis Prats. 8 p.m. at Bellas Artes. Also Sunday Feb. 13 at 12:15 p.m.
LUIS MIGUEL
ÓPERA PRIMA
FIRE KISSES
BOLERO KING
The many-Grammied and megagrossing Mexican pop idol kicks off his three-week occupation of the Auditorio Nacional (Thursdays through Sundays until March 6, with a special Feb. 14 performance) at 8:30 p.m. Best seats: 2,707 pesos.
The five winners of Canal 22’s 2010 reality show-style competition for young opera singers perform with the Orquesta Sinfónica Juvenil Carlos Chávez at Bellas Artes at 7 p.m. Tickets from 120 to 400 pesos.
The inimitable Astrid Hadad — songstress, stage artist, spectacle and satirist — stages her unique take on Valentine’s Day at El Bataclán de la Bodega in the Condesa. 10 p.m. Reservations and more info at (55) 5525-2473 or (55) 5511-7390.
Carlos Cuevas will sing his signature boleros — and maybe a little José Alfredo Jiménez — in an 8:30 p.m. Valentinethemed concert at El Lunario, in the Auditorio Nacional complex. With a guest appearance by Imelda Miller.
BALLET FOLKLÓRICO
FRENK/ URRUSTI
The must-see-atleast-once stage spectacular of Mexican dance, forever identified with its late creator Amalia Hernández, returns to Bellas Artes after a holiday run elsewhere. 9:30 a.m. and 8:30 p.m. Sundays (also Wednesdays at 8:30 p.m.).
Pianist María Teresa Frenk teams with flautist Rafael Urrusti in a pleasant Sunday afternoon recital at the Museo José Luis Cuevas at La Academia 13, three blocks east of the Zócalo. 1:30 p.m. Admission free.
SUNDAY 13
CAMILA
TRACES
BEETHOVEN
TWO FOR ONE
The soft rock trio, featuring Mario Domm (who produced Thalía and Paulina Rubio), reprise their hit “Dejarte de Amar” tour with a one-nighter at the Palacio de los Deportes. 8:30 p.m. Tickets: 200 to 1,000 pesos.
Final day for this high-energy stage circus from the world-conquering Canadian troupe of “urban acrobats” known as 7 Fingers. 5 p.m. at the Teatro Metropolitan ((55) 5510-1035). Also Friday, Feb. 11 at 9 p.m. and Saturday, Feb. 12 at 5 p.m. and 9 p.m.
Ramón Shade (pictured) conducts the Camerata de Coahuila and pianist Alejandra Vela in an all-Beethoven program including the second symphony and the second piano concerto. 6 p.m. in the Sala Nezahualcóyotl ((55) 5622-7113) on the UNAM campus.
The National Opera Company presents José Pablo Moncayo’s “La Mulata de Córdoba” (with libretto by the great 20th-century poet Xavier Villaurrutia) and Manuel de Falla’s “La Vida Breve.” At 5 p.m. at Bellas Artes. Also Feb. 15, 20 and 22. Tickets 120 to 400 pesos.
30!MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
www.mexicotoday.com.mx/information/security
NOTIMEX PHOTO/LUIS FERNANDO MORENO
A public message Residents of Guadalajara staged a protest march in reaction to rising narco-violence. Local students were instrumental in organizing the demonstrations, relying on social media : 32 WAR ON DRUGS
Angry Espinosa hits out at comments by U.S. official
Foreign Affairs Secretary Patricia Espinosa said remarks by a top U.S. Army official were “totally unacceptable” and do not reflect the strong bilateral cooperation. Espinosa was referring to statements that compared Mexico’s drug war to an “insurgency” and suggested that the U.S. might send troops to Mexico to attack organized crime from taking over the government.
MILITARY
JUSTICE
COMMEMORATING AIR FORCE DAY
ZHENLI MIGHT SOON BE BACK IN MEXICO
Mexico’s armed forces are built to keep the peace, President Calderón affirmed Thursday. “They do not invade and they aren’t to blame for the violence that is affecting the nation,” Calderón said.
A U.S. judge approved businessman Zhenli Ye Gon’s extradition to Mexico, where he faces drug charges. U.S. authorities accused Zhenli of smuggling methamphetamine into the country, but they dropped the charges.
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"31
VIOLENCE
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JUAN CARLOS PEREZ
Enough is enough
SECURITY
Congress looks at regulating private security operations
Federal police were called in by Monterrey
The Guadalajara protesters carried banners
Civic groups organized public protests against the recent wave of violence in Guadalajara.
authorities after violent car thefts increased.
saying “Enough! Not one murder more.”
point blame at the government, including protests in Monterrey and Reynosa, have links to organized crime. The newspaper Reforma even claimed that cartels were giving $500 to students to march in the protests. As of Feb. 10, the U.S. Consulate in Guadalajara still recommended U.S. nationals to avoid the road to the airport, especially at night, but, for now, the violence seems to have receded. Cervantes and Arroyo are still in custody, and Gov. González said that the state has no intention of bowing to the demands of organized crime.
major setbacks. One of the group’s major leaders, Gerardo “El Toques” Santana Murillo, was killed in December 2010. Later that same month, the Army arrested Fernando “El Comandante Lobo” López Flores, and, in January, 10 additional alleged members of the group were arrested. But La Resistencia has not been silent after their attacks on Feb. 2. On Feb. 9, seven “narcomantas,” or banners, around Guadalajara accused the authorities in the city of cooperating with other criminal organizations.
Some political scholars, such as international relations expert Patrick Corcoran, wonder if that means that the small cartel may eventually be forced to “adopt a less confrontational stance toward Mexican authorities than we see from the largest organizations today.” Endowed with less cash, less geographic reach, and consequently less influence among government officials, the smaller bands would present a diminished threat to Mexico’s governing institutions,” Corcoran wrote in an essay on organized crime.
Sweeping reforms to the federal law regarding private security firms in Mexico were approved by Congress on Feb. 8. The new law forces more transparency from the companies, which, the law states, “have grown exponentially” in recent years. In particular, the updated law is meant to view lists of tactics and equipment that the private security businesses use. That means the security companies need to report telecommunications equipment, vehicles, supplies besides uniforms and any weapons that they have. Not only will they need to submit a statement explaining the need for the equipment and the quantity of it, in some cases they may have to present the equipment itself for approval. Another aspect of the updated law insists that private security cannot supplant or supersede government organizations in investigations. The new requirements in the law are aimed mostly at companies that use surveillance equipment to track their clients in the event of kidnappings. As much of that equipment is very modern, the law in many cases did not cover those sorts of situations. At a Feb. 8 session, 403 deputies voted in favor of the changes and none voted against. There was also a separate vote on specific changes to wordings in Article 25 of the law. While four voted against those specific changes, the changes still passed. According to the Public Safety Secretariat (SSP), in 2009 there were approximately 670 private security companies operating legally in Mexico, but the newspaper El Universal estimated that there could be as many as 10,000 private security companies operating without proper licensing in the country.
ZACH LINDSEY / MEXICO WEEKLY
ZACH LINDSEY / MEXICO WEEKLY
Investigators examine the scene in Escobedo, Nuevo León, where six bodies were dumped.
32"MEXICOWEEKLY : Friday February 11, 2011
LA RESISTENCIA
La Resistencia was formed after the capture of Óscar Orlando “El Lobo” Nava Valencia, a former bigwig within the Milenio Cartel, primarily concentrated in western Mexico. La Resistencia initially formed as a splinter group of Milenio, allying itself closely with La Familia de Michoacán. At first, the death of Ignacio “Nacho” Coronel of the Sinaloa Cartel in July 2010 seemed to create a power vacuum that La Resistencia could fill. But since then, the cartel has suffered
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JUAN CARLOS PEREZ
NOTIMEX PHOTO/LUIS FERNANDO MORENO
Over 400 people took part in the protest march
A federal trooper guards a Monterrey police
in Guadalajara, many summoned by Twitter.
vehicle that crashed during a recent shootout.
NOTIMEX PHOTO/LUIS FERNANDO MORENO
O
n Feb. 1, seven roads in Guadalajara were blocked off, mostly in the downtown area and on routes to the airport. Jalisco Gov. Emilio González Márquez said the attacks were retaliation for the arrest of two members of the relatively new organized crime group “La Resistencia.” Julio César Cervantes Hernández, 28, born in Mexico City, and Bernardo Arroyo Moreno, 30, of Michoacán, were arrested earlier in the day, and the violence began almost immediately. But reactions to the violence didn’t take long to manifest, either. By Feb. 3, the Jesuit university ITESO and the Archdiocese of Guadalajara had created a structure for the protest, summoned youth via social networking sites such as Facebook, and gathered more than 600 people to march through the same areas that, two days earlier, were blocked off by burning cars. A video of the protest can be found on YouTube. In a public message to organized crime groups, Guadalajara Cardinal Juan Sandoval Íñiguez begged organized crime groups to “at least let people who have no ties to organized crime live in peace, so that [the cartels] don’t have innocent blood staining [their] hands.” “We don’t want to live in fear,” Sandoval said. Sandoval’s diocese is known for outspokenness, especially on the Internet, and it even publishes an online periodical where religious journalist Roberto O’Farrill Corona writes about Mexico’s desire for an end to widespread violence. A collective of artists, called Arte Urgente, also formed recently in response to the violence. Arte Urgente’s protest was smaller, but, by Feb. 4, they had about 20 group members at La Normal Bridge in the Zona Rosa painting banners, drawing caricatures and creating a large orange cross that declared “No more blood. No more deaths.” There have been other protests against the violence in Mexico. Most often, they are located along the border, such as a February 2010 protest in Ciudad Juárez. But the Mexican government claims that at least some of the protests that
NOTIMEX PHOTO/JUAN CARLOS PEREZ
The first protest in Guadalajara came only two days after major violence in the Jalisco capital
LEGISLATION
NOTIMEX PHOTO/LUIS FERNANDO MORENO
SECURITY
Friday February 11, 2011 : MEXICOWEEKLY"33
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Will CuĂŠ tackle regime change in Oaxaca?
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Can Lozano ride labor peace to Los Pinos?
Reflection with an eye on the future
The youthful labor secreta ry insists he’s a team player first and foremost, but his credent ials shepherds the labor reform might be tough to beat if he bill through Congress : 18
CuauhtĂŠmoc CĂĄrdenas does not pull punches when he discusses the current state of the Left and his new book offers a rewarding look at a truly historical figure : 8, 22
Congress’ best intentions appear to have been scuttled : POLITICS 6
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( ' ,%ĹŽ,/&#(!ĹŽ )/& ĹŽ" &*ĹŽ ' 2ĹŽ ./,(ĹŽ)(ĹŽ)#&ĹŽ-*#!). : ECONOMY & FINANCE 16
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/."),#.# -ĹŽ #-'#--ĹŽ ĹŽ " ,! -ĹŽ) ĹŽ 0),#.#-' #(ĹŽ ,/!ĹŽ1 , : SECURITY 30
The CFE earns kudos from CalderĂłn, but are they deserved? : ECONOMY & FINANCE 16
Team Mexico wins in Chepo’s debut yet 2014 is still far away : LIFE & LEISURE 28
Protests take shape in Guadalajara after violence spikes : SECURITY 32 Fierce Guerrero campaign pushes BCS into shadows : POLITICS 6
Fundamentals augur growth in the Bolsa : ECONOMY & FINANCE 20
New Mexico City museum confronts the evil of genocide : LIFE & LEISURE 22
Tamaulipas governor and mayors commit to follow CalderĂłn : SECURITY 32
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