JAMES ASTILL THE END OF BRITAIN?
l i f e
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t i m e s .
SALIM KHAN ON SALMAN KHAN
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INSIDE the POWER OF shah
2 1 J U LY 2 0 14 / R S 4 0
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Arun Jaitley’s Budget of Understatement
HOW THE FINANCE MINISTER SCRIPTED HIS FIRST BUDGET
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Volume 6 Issue 28 For the week 15—21 July 2014 Total No. of pages 64 + Covers
cover photo Ashish Sharma
Utkarsh Jain
Friends, let’s re-elect the Congress and NCP, make them richer and put the final nail in the coffin of Maharashtra state (‘Grant Maratha’, 14 July 2014). Get ready for five more years of covert exploitation on all fronts, including road tolls collected by private operators and exorbitant sums charged by builders for the houses they sell. And all these people are in business because of their ruling party leanings. Can you believe that the To add insult to injury, so-called agriculturalists in power have managed people in power to get only 18 per cent of make irresponsible land irrigated, which is statements about below national average? ‘taking a piss to fill the It appears the irrigation dams’ and then make a scam unearthed a while show of repentance ago in Maharashtra must be much larger than estimated, with dams built in wrong locations by politically connected contractors. To add insult to injury, people in power make irresponsible statements about ‘taking a piss to fill the dams’ and then make a show of repentance. It’s a shame. letter of the week Strength of a Lion
being a strongman is absolutely fine, but being the ‘lion’ in one’s party and government doesn’t give one the right to curb the freedom of others (‘What Kind of Strongman Does India Need?’, 9 June 2014). May Narendra Modi grow as strong as possible, to defend us ‘sensibly’ on world stages and firm up our democracy. And along with all this, may he be given a sense of tolerance, understanding and acceptance of others, regardless of which community they belong to, how they fare economically or where they stand in the social hierarchy. Akshat
Not All Reforms Work
this is a poorly researched article (‘Educating Smriti Irani’, 7 July 2014). It fails to discuss why the Delhi University’s four-year undergraduate programme (FYUP) was criticised in the 2 open
first place—not simply because Vice Chancellor Dinesh Singh pushed through ‘reforms’ without consultation. FYUP was also criticised because it introduced, in the name of reforms, a course that is substandard in its content, encourages mediocrity and plagiarism in the name of project research, and pretends to offer choices when in fact it is even more restrictive than the old courses were. It is good riddance that it has been scrapped. Not all reforms are uniformly good. Even more so when the said ‘reforms’, instead of adding value, serve to damage and destroy. swati
Loss of Human Values
this article moved me (‘The Fever in Muzaffarpur’, 30 June 2014). While the doctors and nurses are doing a commendable job, it saddens me to read how our children live and die due to poverty. How could the
driver charge Rs 2,200 of the father of a dying child? We seem to have lost our human values. We need all round development to ensure that the next generation of Indians do not have to go through such pain. And last but not the least, we should never allow the Congress party to come back to power as we suffer today because of its misrule and corruption. Dhurv
Reservation Required
this is a biased piece on reservation for the Maratha community given by the Maharashtra government (‘Grant Maratha’, 14 July 2014). Most of the rural Maratha community is living in wretched poverty while the rich class of the community uses them merely for electoral gains and exercising power in sugar cooperatives. In the villages, most 2-acre land-holding farmers are neglected by the rich Marathas in cities. The state government’s decision will help in giving opportunities to deserving young people who are unemployed. Krishna Pachegonker
Wrong Pick
why is a picture from 3 idiots taken as the opening photo of this article, ‘In Defence of Seriously Bad Cinema’ (14 July 2014)? 3 idiots was certainly a decent entertainer and a huge hit—it does not deserve to head an article about truly terrible films like Humshakal and other Sajid Khan duds. Open could have used a picture of the atrocious Rascals. Lals
21 july 2014
small world in the eye of the storm A still from the upcoming Marathi film Lai Bhari
Can a Phrase Be Someone’s Private Property? right to words
Filmmakers are increasingly getting into legal wrangles over movie titles
T h e m a k e r s of an upcoming Marathi film, Lai Bhari (‘Very Good’), starring Bollywood actor Riteish Deshmukh with a guest appearance by Salman Khan, face an unusual problem. The founders of a Marathi social network site, Laibhari. com, have filed a court case saying that the title belongs to them. ‘Lal bhari’ is a popular Marathi phrase, and on 3 July, the Bombay High Court dismissed the petition and stated that phrases cannot be owned by anyone. ‘Trademark in21 july 2014
fringement claims cannot be allowed to still the tongue of an entire populace, even in the slightest,’ noted the court. Earlier this year, the makers of an upcoming Bollywood film, Action Jackson, were asked by Warner Bros not to use the title since it had made a Hollywood film of the same name in 1988 and registered it as a trademark. The Hindi film’s director is Prabhudeva, who had to tweak the title of his last film from ‘Rambo Rajkumar’ to R… Rajkumar, as ‘Rambo’ was a registered
trademark. Last year, rumour had it that a filmto be titled ‘Aman Ki Asha’ became Total Siyappa because the former term was a newspaper’s own. Stating that the title of Action Jackson will not be altered, Naishaidh Mankad, compliance officer and company secretary of Baba Films, which is co-producing the movie, says, “How can someone claim to own a film title? That way, James Cameron’s Avatar couldn’t have been called that since there’s also a Hindi film with that title.”
Mahesh Bhagnari, a lawyer who specialises in intellectual property law, explains, “Often firms become overzealous to ensure that there is no dilution of their hold over trademarked or copyrighted property.” Laibhari. com’s founders have appealed against the court decision. “If we allow this film,” says Sanyog Shelar, a co-founder of the site, “our hold over this phrase [will get weakened]. We warned them earlier, but they refused to listen.” n Lhendup G Bhutia
open www.openthemagazine.com 3
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contents
10
hurried man’s guide
Bullet trains in India
open essay
The end of Britain?
21
locomotif
opinion
One + One=A bigger one
16
person of the week pope francis
cover story
Change without noise
26 finance minister
Master of detail
Right act
The Apologetic Shepherd By facing up to the issue of sexual abuse by priests, Pope Francis reinforces his reputation for sincerity Lhendup G Bhutia
“T
he scene where Peter sees Jesus emerge after a terrible interrogation… Peter whose eyes meet the gaze of Jesus and weeps… This scene comes to my mind as I look at you, and think of so many men and women, boys and girls. I feel the gaze of Jesus and I ask for the grace to weep, the grace for the Church to weep and make reparation for her sons and daughters who betrayed their mission, who abused innocent persons.” Thus begins Pope Francis’ address to a group of six victims of sexual abuse by priests. The full text is touching in how earnest he is in facing up to an issue that has dogged the Catholic Church for decades. To the victims who came to his residence at the Vatican last Monday, the Pope spoke of the pain he felt at their faith being betrayed. He listed the effects of such abuse, including addictions, difficult relationships and even suicides. He accepted the church’s responsibility and said the deaths weighed on his conscience. Successive Popes have ignored or tried to stifle allegations of child sex abuse by priests. John Paul II, a towering Pope in recent times with a 26-year reign, was accused of being in denial of the problem and refusing to take measures to address it. That Pope Francis should not follow the tested path is no surprise. His approach has been refreshingly different across a variety of issues that the papacy has traditionally been rigid on. 4 open
upon governments to look at legitimate redistribution of wealth. On the prickly issue of recognising homosexuality, he surprised the world by publicly stating that he was no one to judge gaydom. But facing up to the issue of child sex abuse in the Church is something that has also been thrust on him. The outrage that repeated child sex abuse cases by priests had left the Church defensive for some time. There have been a number of court cases and, in recent times, the world media has consistently highlighted franco origlia/Getty Images the issue. The Vatican would have had to own up to it sooner or later. Pope Francis has even invited criticism for holding such a meeting so long after he took over the papacy. But his gesture was accompanied by grace and will assist in rebuilding the reputation of the Church on issues of child abuse. The Pope spoke without any fine print and begged forgiveness of the victims. He ended his address with hope, continuing the parable that he had begun with: “Jesus comes forth from an unjust trial, from a cruel interrogation and he looks in the eyes of Peter, and Peter weeps. We ask that he look at us and that we allow ourselves to be looked upon and to weep and that he give us the grace to be ashamed, so that, like Peter, forty days later, we can reply: ‘You know that I love you’; and hear him say: ‘Go back and feed my sheep’—and I would add—‘let no wolf enter the sheepfold’.” n
Much of it has to do with his not being part of the same pool from which popes have usually been appointed. As a CNN article noted soon after his election: ‘He’s the first Latin American pontiff; the first Jesuit; the first Francis— and the first non-European in 1,272 years.’ He is also of a frugal and ascetic nature and even charged with being a pseudo-Communist because of his concern for the poor. In May this year, in a speech at the United Nations, he called
21 july 2014
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PROFILE
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The great Indian nurse
The executioner’s song
Salim Khan on his son Salman
c cinema
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arts
Alia: The sassy one
Amar Kanwar’s conversation with history
■
ankar op dhl e a d e r
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b jp
f o r promising a supply of Bihari
brides to Haryana men for the forthcoming state polls We have heard all sorts of poll promises, from dole-outs of laptops to wheat, but an offering of wives has to be a first. The credit for this idea goes to OP Dhankar, a BJP leader from Haryana who lost from Rohtak constituency in the just concluded General Election. He was addressing a
63
A curious case of inertia
gathering of farmers recently in Narwana, Haryana, when he revealed how he learnt on his campaign that villagers were getting brides from Bihar and other places. Haryana’s sex ratio is 879 women to 1,000 men, and a shortage of brides for young men is a serious problem. Dhankar, who is president of the BJP’S National Kisan Morcha, went on to add that Bihar’s BJP leader Sushil Modi was a good friend of his and that he had told villagers that would ensure a supply of Bihari brides who would be compatible matches and will not be picked up from just about anywhere. Besides being a bizarre election sop, the very idea that he propounds turns women into commodities for the fulfillment of demand. Any sensible politician would be trying to address female infanticide and foeticide, which have led Haryana to this pass, instead of promoting bride trafficking. The BJP, however, insists that Dhankar was misquoted. n
When it was in opposition, the BJP wanted the Henderson Brooks report on the 1962 Indo-China war to be made public. Attaining power seems to have changed its mind reseal
“What are they trying to hide by making the war report ‘classified’? We have a right to know what went wrong. We lost the war because of Nehru”
—Then BJP spokesman Ravi Shankar Prasad, quoted by Hindustan Times, 18 March
turn
on able Pers n o s a e r n U ek of the We
NOT PEOPLE LIKE US
‘This is a Top Secret document and has not been declassified so far. Further, the release of this report... would not be in national interest’
—Defence Minister Arun Jaitley, in a written reply in the Rajya Sabha, 8 July
around
The Supreme Court Slams Sharia Courts that will positively impact the lives of more than 160 million Muslims in the country. The Supreme Court took a step in the right direction when it said that Sharia courts run by clerics have no legal sanctity and that their fatwas are not binding on anyone. ‘Religion cannot be allowed to be merciless to the victim. Faith cannot be used as [a] dehumanising force. Fatwas touching upon the rights of an individual at the instance of rank strangers may cause irreparable damage and therefore, would be absolutely
It is a verdict
21 july 2014
uncalled for. It shall be in violation of basic human rights. It cannot be used to punish[the] innocent,’ stated a bench of Justices CK Prasad and Pinaki Chandra Ghose. The bench also called upon bodies such as Dar-ul Qaza, Dar-ul-Iftaa and Dar-ul-Uloom Deoband to refrainfrom giving verdicts or issuing fatwas against a person on the basis of complaints by strangers. The court said Islamic judges can only pronounce rulings when individuals submit voluntarily to their decisions; fatwas are not legally enforceable. n open www.openthemagazine.com 5
angle
A Hurried Man’s Guide
On the Contrary
to Bullet Trains in India India’s Railway Minister DV Sadananda Gowda, while presenting the Union Rail Budget, announced a plan of introducing bullet trains. These high-speed trains are expected to connect major metros and growth centres in the country, with the first such service to be launched on the Mumbai-Ahmedabad route. Currently, the fastest train between the two cities is the Shatabdi Express. It takes around seven hours to cover this journey of 534 km. According to media reports, a bullet train will cover this distance in two hours, running at high speeds peaking at 320 kmph. It will not have more than five station stops. The location in Ahmedabad hasn’t yet been finalised, but its station in Mumbai will most probably be loA public-private cated in the commercial partnership is district of Bandra Kurla favoured for the Complex. project and Rs 100 crore will be set aside to develop its infrastructure
jtb/uig/Getty Images
Other services of such trains include the DelhiAgra, Delhi-Chandigarh, Mysore-BangaloreChennai, Mumbai-Goa and Hyderabad-Secunderabad routes. The Rail Ministry says it favours a public-private partnership for the project and will set aside Rs 100 crore to develop the infrastructure needed for these trains.
need for speed A bullet train flashes past in Japan
The promise of a high-speed network was made by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his General Election campaign. He had spoken of his dream of a ‘diamond quadrilateral’ of bullet trains linking India’s four major cities of Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and Chennai. Earlier this month, in a test ride to upgrade the country’s creaky rail network, a DelhiAgra train set a new national speed record by hitting 160 kmph, 10 kmph faster than the previous record. The train did the 200 km stretch between the two cities in about 90 minutes. But the proposed bullet trains will be in an entirely new class altogether. n
To Catch a Crooked Shadow Merits of listening to an unrepentant politician caught in a sting M a d h ava n ku t t y P i l l a i
T
here is a manual some-
where on how politicians should react when caught red handed. If it is in a sting operation, then he should be giving straight-faced explanations of how his face has been copy-pasted in the clip. Or how the clip itself is real but has been edited to make him look guilty. If it is, however, a mere audio clip, then said politician really does not have to put up much of a defence. All he has to do is deny its being his voice and then wait for a day or two for news channels to rush for a more delicious story. Without a face (or even a hand) caught on camera, the sting is already half lost. All of which goes to make the behaviour of Janata Dal-Secular leader HD Kumaraswamy extremely curious. An audio tape has surfaced of his demanding Rs 20 crore to swing a Karnataka MLC seat for a party member. In the clip, he helplessly points to his own MLAs who demand Rs 1 crore to cast a vote. And the rationale he cites is that they have taken loans to fight the election and need to recover it. What makes the episode interesting is Kumaraswamy’s reaction after the tape was made public. Instead of opting for silence or denial, he claims that he was just explaining painful political realities. And that since this is something that all parties do, there is no point in singling him out. He was also ready to debate it in the Karnataka Assembly and outside. It is natural to feel disgusted by such blatant give-and-take for a public office. For example, Karnataka Chief Minister K Siddaramaiah has said that it is no defence to say everyone is doing it, and, using rather poetic language, added that a cat might drink milk with its eyes closed but that doesn’t mean the world will not see it. But whereas he might be right about the cat, that everyone is doing it is
actually quite a good defence. Corruption is dangerous for the corrupt when it is abnormal, otherwise it is just an entitlement like the conveyance allowance in your salary. And the proof of how normal it is can be seen in Kumaraswamy remaining unperturbed and untouched despite his public confession. And, more importantly, no one is really taking him up on his offer to debate it. Kumaraswamy states an obvious truth that goes back to the time when democracy took root in India. A half-decent leader delivers It is naive to the money he makes to his be shocked party funds; at one man getting caught more enterprising ones add talking about some of it to bribes. But it is their personal fortune, which definitely an opportunity if again goes to he is willing to retain him in power. It is naive discuss it, to be shocked at and wise to one man getting caught talking debate it about it. But it is definitely an opportunity if he is willing to discuss it and wise to accept this offer and debate it. But it won’t happen because that also means a potential moral hazard—as if recognising it will give it legitimacy. We also saw this thought process when the economist Kaushik Basu made the perfectly reasonable point that if people who give bribes are not penalised then corruption will come down. But the implication of that—letting a wrongdoer go free—was somewhat unpalatable. There is, however, a price to such wilful blindness: when it is normal to be rotten, then eventually nothing good will flourish. n 21 july 2014
business
Smoke Signals in a Seller’s Market vasily fadosenko/reuters
tobacco twirled with global flavours for a change. It began excise-vexise and tax-wax, paanwaala with Greek and Turkish packs, wisdom has only one item of but it unveiled its big head-turner certainty year after year: a hike in only this summer. excise duty on—don’t hold your Ah, yes, its Brazilian blend! breath—cigarettes. And sure enough, ‘Honeydew Smooth®’ says the India’s Union Budget for 2014-15 has done its bit, and then some! pack, as always, four words that What piques my interest as an need not even be spoken aloud observer, however, is the response of for patrons to do Pavlov proud. ITC Ltd, the company that markets Flip it open, and out slips a almost every big brand of smokes in message with India. ITC appears to have rather few its foil: In an arena listeners for its old argument against ‘Explore a where action is ‘a discriminatory regulatory regime new world of rare, ITC may [for] cigarettes’, as its latest annual flavour. A yet have the report puts it. Meanwhile, it has blend created Subtle Mover’s diversified itself admirably over the with fine advantage years. It now sells snacks and staples, Brazilian cookies and confectionery and skirts tobaccos to give you an unand shampoo with élan enough to matched Honeydew Smooth® rattle MNC rivals. As a business, its smoking experience.’ aim has a clear focus: unstubbability. Package inserts seldom get Yet, for most of its money, ITC still slicker than that. And it’s proof depends on cigarettes, a market that ITC has not been too lazy in a where its customer must shell out seller’s market so utterly more and more every now and again. unfamiliar with product By the tenets of Marketing 101, if innovation that buyers see price anyone is asked to pay more, he or she hikes as acts of extortion. ought to be offered more as well. So why hasn’t Gold Flake brazilian twist What Gold Flake has given its gratification game Smoking may be a habit, the nub of fanned out across the market its gratification open to Freudian with its new blend? After all, analysis, the gratified customer almost ‘Brazil’ is all the buzz nowadays, having So what does a company like ITC do? captive, but so what? More is more. Except Well, late last year, it had something of a gone down so emphatically in an epic that upping nicotine, tar or any of that game of soccer. What’s more, the brand brainwave. After giving Gold Flake ugly sludge is out of the question. And has a flavour proposition that’s about as smokers a mid-fiscal price shock, it came filter technology isn’t getting any better. out with a ‘limited edition’ of the brand, its heady as it gets. n ARE SH SHIRALI In matters of
Sales in 2013-14 Rs 46,712 crore
Tobacco Major
Pre-Tax profits in 2013-14 Rs 13,004 crore
Despite diversification, cigarettes account for a huge chunk of ITC Ltd’s sales and profits
7% 11%
“On the Brics Development Bank, all parties have extensive consensus on the issue. Of course, there are a few differences and different viewpoints on technical issues...”
2 .4%
infographic by anup banerjee
62.2%
77% 8.4%
17.4%
6.9% 6.4% 0.2% Cigarettes
8 open
Paper & packaging
Agri business
Hotels
Vice Foreign Minister of China, expressing confidence in the institution of such a bank—seen as an alternative to the World Bank—as the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa prepare for a mid-July summit in the Brazilian city of Fortaleza
li baodong,
Other FMCGs
1.1%
Financial investments
Source: ITC annual Report 2013-14
i nn ovat io n
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INNOCEAN-001/12
lo co m ot i f
S PRASANNARAJAN
M
One+One=A Bigger One
uch has been built on the legend
of how Amit Shah’s Sancho Panza made the picaresque of Narendra Modi’s Don Quixote an event to remember in the political life of India. The pair, prior to the May verdict, was a subject of constant scrutiny by moral harrumphers and the secular militia that prowled the shadow lanes of our opinion bazaar. In the demonology sustained by their constituency, the two Gujaratis were far from being adventurers playing out the romance of storming Lutyens’ fortress; they were creatures with horns and fangs, or they were such chilly soul suckers as JK Rowling’s Dementors. In their book of scares, all the waters of the Sabarmati could not have washed away the blood on their hands; they were the darkest artists of realpolitik, and their secrets carried within them the sorrows and horrors of Indian democracy. Modi and his squire did not have an easy passage to the mind of India. Everything changed on 16 May, except the alchemy of their relationship. On Election Day, Modi became a byword for vindication— and validation. As a ten-year campaign for India, scripted and choreographed by one man’s will to win, came to a close, the new iconography of power was a celebration of singularity. Still, we did not miss the squire, a figure of quiet solidity, looming over the battlefield. The way Shah won Uttar Pradesh was a piece of first-rate political strategy, very modern and methodical in its execution. There was a professional flair to it. He is perhaps India’s most evolved political strategist, and that air of inscrutability adds to the aura of the man—and to the caricature. I got a glimpse of his mind when I met him for the first time on the eve of the last assembly election Modi won in Gujarat. It was late in the evening in Ahmedabad, and Shah, who can make an argument with such forceful logic, was less than bitter even as he recounted his own suffering through a bizarre trial and incarceration. He was not a quitter; he was enjoying the freedom of being the fighter once again. Journalists love numbers, and politicians exaggerate them— or underestimate them. But Shah was bang on; his mathematics matched the result. Every situation in politics for him was a war, to be won by the mind. And his was the one most trusted by the master.
10 open
Now that Shah is where he ought to be, we are in for a break from, among other things, the twin-tower theory in politics. So far, BJP has had three varieties of presidents. There was the president as mass leader who could run a chariot through Hindu nationalist resentment via the vandalised sites of civilisation and flea markets of mythology; LK Advani walked the most for the cause, and unfortunately, he kept walking even as the ground beneath his feet vanished. Then there was the president as apparatchik, lesser than the party, and neither its face nor voice; one such veteran employed many alliterative soundbites with little effect. The third variety was an improvement on the second, but he was far from being a face that could launch a pan-Indian campaign. The heartland warhorse was incompatible with the ideas and attitudes of the 21st century India. While in wilderness for ten years, BJP didn’t have a leader—until Modi happened. After a very long time, we have a Prime Minister who is also the prime mover of Indian politics. The leader of the Government is the leader of the nation as well. With Shah as the party boss, a rare symmetry has been achieved between the party and the Government. This makes a lot of difference—for the better. In BJP’s first phase of power, the diarchy was more than a matter of perception; the hardcore Hindu nationalist, in spite of having struggled the most to make BJP a party of governance, was condemned to live as an eternal number two to Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the nationalist with a human face, the Dubçek of Hindu nationalism, who did not have to try so hard—or talk without a pause—to be on top. The twin towers did not make BJP a better party—or a cohesive one either. Even in UPA, the party and the government were like the church and the state, and it was the former (10 Janpath) that reigned supreme. In the end, the Government killed the party. Travel back further and you will find how the power of the party defines—or shapes—leadership. Indira Gandhi had to outwit the wily old men of the Syndicate to declare her political adulthood. Of course, the party, the leader, and the ruler would all merge into one oversized cult in Congress. Now with Shah in the party headquarters and Modi in South Block, there is harmony between the organisation and the Government. The Modi imperium is all about the power of one, and it is the sum of two men with a shared passion. n 21 july 2014
open essay
By JAMES ASTILL
the gallery collection/corbis
The End of Britain?
An impending referendum in Scotland could bring about the end of a 307-year-old union—and the most successful nation state in history
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21 july 2014
O
n a drizzly evening last month,
I joined a crowd of mild-mannered, good-humoured Scots at a church in Kirkcaldy, on the east coast of Scotland. A simple place of worship, with a great stained glass window above the altar, it was once the family shop of Gordon Brown, the former British prime minister and son of a Church of James Astill Scotland minister. There was a bagpiper playing ‘Amazing Grace’ at the church is the Political doorway. It felt like a gentile, provincial Editor and the cultural gathering, not an insurgency; Bagehot but that is what this was. columnist of The crowd had come to hear Tariq Ali, The Economist. the Lahore-born Trotskyite and, in the He is the author words the Rolling Stones allegedly of The Great penned for him, a ‘street fighting man’. Tamasha: Cricket, One of a clutch of foreign lefties—Ali is Corruption and British, but not Scottish—supporting the Turbulent the campaign for Scottish indepenRise of Modern dence, he had come to tell them why. India Once extricated from the neo-liberal British state, Ali argued, Scotland would be a more democratic, fairer and more prosperous place. He was hazy on the details of the reindustrialisation he envisaged for Scotland; but that is an advantage when making the economic case for its separation from the 307-year-old United Kingdom. His audience was rapt, nodding at every point. Ali has not won many of his myriad causes, but he might, just conceivably, win this one. On 18 September, Scotland will hold a referendum on whether to leave the United Kingdom. Most opinion polls suggest that, by a margin of roughly 59-41, they will decide not to. Yet, there are reasons to fear that the numbers
understate support for the separatist ‘Yes Scotland’ campaign, including unusually wide disagreement among the pollsters, one or two of whom predict a much closer contest. There is also uncertainty over the effect of what is likely to be the biggest turnout in any British vote of recent times. That will include many disaffected Scots, from the tough public-housing estates of Glasgow and Edinburgh, who have recently not bothered to vote. Having little love of the status quo, they are most likely to vote ‘Yes’ to secession. It is hard to exaggerate how momentous a ‘Yes’ vote would be—for Scotland, Britain and beyond. The five million residents of Scotland would have launched themselves on a most risky experiment. For there is little agreement on how the UK would be broken up or on how an independent Scotland would organise its affairs—including the small matters of what currency it would use, what central bank would guarantee it; or even whether it could join the European Union or NATO, as the leader of the separatists, Alex Salmond, says it would. Its finances would also be a worry; an independent Scotland would have a large, though declining, North Sea oil industry—and one of the idlest, sickliest and most welfare-addicted populations in Europe. Scots consume roughly 15 per cent more public spending per head than the British average. Perhaps more significantly, the reputational damage for what would be left of Britain would be immense. How could it—a declining, medium-sized European power—presume to exert influence in the world if it could not even keep itself intact? How could Britain persuade other countries to bend to its will if it could not persuade the Scots to remain part of it? No doubt, many would appreciate the schadenfreude—Britain’s history of imperialism, exceptional achievement and intrusive or interventionist foreign policy has inspired plenty of justified resentment and envy. Yet the end of the United Kingdom—the most successful marriage of nations in history—would be a discom-
Albert Philip Van Der Werf/dpa/corbis
loyal appeal Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II makes her way by royal carriage for her State Opening of Parliament Speech in London on 4 June 2014
LET MY PEOPLE GO A pro-independence campaigner in Edinburgh, Scotland, on 21 September 2013
jeff j mitchell/getty images
fiting precedent for many countries. In the rich, somewhat jaded West, it would inspire other separatists—in Catalonia and the Basque region of Spain, for example—and generally highlight the dangers of neglected, disaffected voters, of whom there are millions in Europe.
I
n even more fissiparous places—and India is one—a
Scottish split might be even more foreboding. Indeed, listening to Ali in that church in Kirkcaldy, I half-smiled to recall the last time I had discussed Scottish independence with a Lahori. While jawing about Pakistan’s troubles in Baluchistan, with its Seraikis, and in the north-west, I mentioned to my friend Najam Sethi, the journalist and polymath, that if Scotland’s nationalist urge was any clue, Pakistan would have a job to stick together. “Scotland breakaway from Britain?!” he said, as a look of amazement, then mischievous delight, and finally horror crossed his face in rapid sequence. “Then we’re buggered!” Why is this happening? The answer is not straight forward and, again, contains lessons that are relevant far beyond Scotland. Scottish nationalism has a long history. On 24 June, Scots, some waving the blue-and-white Scottish Saltire, others no doubt waving swords and smeared in woad, celebrated the 700th anniversary of the Battle of Bannockburn, when their forebears under Robert the Bruce defeated a much bigger English army. Yet modern Scottish nationalism is of a much different and more recent generation. It emerged as a political creed only in the 1960s, as Britain was retreating from the last of its colonies. This was no coincidence. Scotland’s place in the union had long been justified and burnished by Scottish feats of empirebuilding—especially in India. Through their early prominence in the East India Company and colonial civil service, Scots were enormously influential on the Subcontinent. In the late 18th century, almost half the writers of the Company were Scots; at least 20 of Calcutta’s biggest 19th century merchant houses were in Scottish hands. Between 1885 and 1939, a third of 14 open
Britain’s colonial Governors-General were Scots. James Wilson, founder of The Economist, was just such a Scottish adventurer. A hat-maker from Hawick, in the Scottish border region, he was sent to rebuild India’s financial system after the 1857 Mutiny, and died in Kolkata, where he was buried (but not in the city’s Scottish Cemetery, where lie the remains of at least 1,500 of his compatriots). Wilson’s grave was recently rescued from obscurity by CP Bhatia, an assistant commissioner of income tax, while he was researching a book on the Indian tax code. It is no wonder Scots felt the end of empire. It left them fewer opportunities to shine. And as the British institutions that had sustained the empire—the army, the colonial service and so forth—proceeded to shrink, so did Scots’ feelings of British identity. Asked for their nationality, in 1970, 39 per cent of Scots said they were British; by 2013, that had fallen to 23 per cent. The retreat from empire and subsequent rise in Scottish national identity is the essential context for the rise of Scottish nationalism. Yet it was more obviously fuelled by socialism. Britain’s post-war industrial malaise also hit Scotland hard. Its economy was based on ship-building, textiles and other industries, some of which had been dependent on imperial trade. As they declined, left-wing unions battled to save them, and the former empire-builders developed a new national story: the pioneering Scots were now bruised, working-class and socialist. This reinforced what was already a discernible polarisation of British politics, whereby the post-industrial north voted for the Labour Party and the prosperous south of England for the Conservatives. And from this grew the new nationalist creed, which is that, to simplify, Scots are different from the English because they are more left-wing, and that Scottish independence is necessary to give them the socialist government they crave.
T
he discovery of North Sea oil, in the late 60s and early
70s, provided more converts to this cause. It provided Scots with another grievance—‘It’s Scotland’s oil!’ proclaimed the Scottish National Party—and a compelling reason to think they 21 july 2014
could go it alone as a nation. This led to a campaign for home rule which, by the 1990s, when Tony Blair was plotting to bring Labour back from the wilderness, had become cacophonous. A devolution referendum was held in 1997, at which Scots voted overwhelmingly to have their own parliament, which was duly convened, under Labour steerage. Most English thought that would be the end of the matter; only around 20 per cent of Scots wanted full independence. Yet the English underestimated the political skills of the Scottish National Party’s leader, Alex Salmond. A chubby-cheeked, twinkly-eyed lover of the turf with a reputation for ruthlessness, Mr Salmond is arguably Britain’s most effective politician. As Labour’s grip on Scotland weakened—in particular, because of Scottish opposition to Blair’s war in Iraq—Salmond capitalised. The SNP formed a coalition government in Scotland in 2007, and, after running a halfway decent administration, recorded a stunning victory over its hapless Labour main rival in 2011. Having formed a government of his own in Scotland, Mr Salmond was able to demand the looming independence referendum. He has added sophistication to the separatist case, too. It is not only about oil revenues and hating the English. In fact, Mr Salmond has downplayed Scots’ centuries-old resentment of their southern neighbour. He describes a vision of a future Scotland that is more nimble economically, like the Scandinavian countries that it would resemble in size, more socially democratic, and which would enjoy excellent relations with its neighbours. Mr Salmond is a big fan of the European Union, as are all Scots compared to the Eurosceptic English. He even promises better relations between Scots and the “plain folk” of England once the imperial yoke of the British state has been lifted from their shoulders. This conciliatory, not to say visionary, message has sanitised the separatist cause. It has made it possible for delicate, middle-class Scots, wary of rabble rousers, to describe themselves as secessionists, though not nationalists. There are, nonetheless, a few problems with Mr Salmond’s vision for Scotland. The most obvious concerns the ‘Yes’ campaign’s economic plans, which are full of holes. The separatists stand accused of seriously overstating Scotland’s future oil revenues—to roughly double that of independent estimates. There is, contrary to Mr Salmond’s claims, little prospect of Scotland squirreling away oil money for the future as Norway does. It would barely cover the Scottish state’s current costs; and these will rise—by 3 per cent a year, the SNP admits—as the oil industry declines. There are other economic uncertainties: in particular, concerning the currency. Given the problems in the Eurozone, Mr Salmond wants Scotland to retain the pound—with the Bank of England, ironically, as its lender of last resort. No chance, say the leaders of every mainstream British political party: in the event of a banking crisis, that could put the rest of Britain—
the state Scots had elected to forsake—on the hook for Scottish debts. Unionist politicians have spent most of their time attacking the idea of an independent Scotland on this basis. They claim Mr Salmond is trying to sell the Scots a ‘pup’, that they should expect to be £1,200 per capita worse off in an independent Scotland. And this is a powerful argument. Yet the uncomfortably close unionist lead in the polls suggests its shortcoming. The truth is that even Scots who buy the economic case for the union resent the insinuation that Scots are terminally dependent on England for assistance. What is missing is not, as the unionist campaigners seem to think, a clinching pocket-book case for Britain; but a more imaginative, even emotional, one. This should not be so hard to make—because Mr Salmond’s characterisation of modern British identity is a travesty. Far from being an outworn shibboleth, laden with the institutional tatters of empire, Britishness rises above the more exclusionary national identities of Britain’s constituent parts. That is why ethnic minorities—including over three million Brits of South Asian extraction in England and Wales— are more likely to call themselves ‘British’ than ‘English’ or ‘Welsh’. I have met many British Indians, even British Punjabis; I have never met an English Indian or English Punjabi. To be British is to have the freedom not to choose between multiple identities—and to be free of the more strident nationalism that is rising in England and that also underlies Mr Salmond’s conciliatory rhetoric. It is to be part of a country with an interesting, sometimes glorious past; and which, though diminished in relative terms, remains rich, diverse, and tolerant. So why are Scotland’s unionist politicians finding Britain so hard to argue for? The big, historic forces behind Scottish nationalism, deindustrialisation, political polarisation and so forth are only part of the answer. The more worrying part is the failure of British politicians to make a compelling socio-economic case for Britain’s future—and not only in Scotland. The result is a growing disillusionment with the established order, right across the UK, which English Eurosceptics are tapping, just as Mr Salmond is. In all likelihood, the Scottish leader will still fail to break up the union, this time. But Scottish nationalism will not die in the event of a narrow ‘No’ vote. And in other disaffected parts of Britain too, including Wales and northern England, growing regional disparities of wealth and political allegiance are weakening British democracy; almost every election, the turnout falls. As they grapple for solutions to these structural problem, in a venerable but rather tired democracy, British politicians need to remember what it is to be liberal, visionary and bold. Or they must accept the old slur, which Mr Salmond has revived, that Britain has lost an empire and not yet found a role. n
The retreat from empire and subsequent rise in Scottish national identity is the essential context for the rise of Scottish nationalism. Yet it was more obviously fuelled by socialism
21 july 2014
open www.openthemagazine.com 15
Budget
the rightACT Arun Jaitley’s maiden budget lays the foundation for growth on the wreckage left behind by his predecessor Dhiraj Nayyar
4.1 %
The target of fiscal deficit is I have decided to accept this target as
manish swarup/ap
indeed daunting. Difficult as it may appear, a challenge. One fails only when one stops trying�
Budget
O
n a scale of one to ten, how would you rate tion, from his UPA predecessor. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley’s first budget? The most pressing challenge for the Government in its It’s the favourite question of every television task to revive growth and manage inflation is to stop livanchor, the one every expert knows will be ing beyond its means. Because when the Government asked upfront. Unfortunately, both the ques- overspends, it fuels excess demand, inflation, forces intion and the answers are devoid of any real meaning. How terest rates up and deters productive private sector indo you judge a Union Budget? After all, good or bad is rel- vestment, destroying the foundations of a prosperous ative to some prior expectation. economy. P Chidambaram recognised that reality and If Jaitley’s maiden effort is judged by the massive man- strived to reduce the fiscal deficit in the last two years of date his Government received—the biggest in three dec- the UPA Government’s term. It makes eminent sense for ades for any single political party—it must be rated as a Jaitley to follow tight fiscal targets. His promise to bring disappointment. If it is judged against Manmohan Singh’s the Centre’s fiscal deficit down in a calibrated manner to 1991 performance—in the context of a similar economic a respectable 3 per cent of GDP by 2016-17 is unexceptioncrisis—it is hardly radical. If you judge it on style, Jaitley’s able. But he has signalled an important deviation from two-hour performance gave Pranab Mukherjee a run Chidambaram’s deficit reduction strategy. Government expenditure is classified under two heads: for his money on the boredom quotient; even the dour Manmohan Singh was more succinct, and added flour- Plan and Non-Plan expenditure. The latter consists of the ishes of poetry and literature, whether by quoting Iqbal unproductive expenditure of the Government, most on subsidies, wages and salaor Victor Hugo. ries and interest payments And yet, despite its raveendran/afp on debt. The former comlength, its plentiful trivia— prises the more productive some derisively call it the investment expenditure of ‘Rs 100 crore Budget’, givthe Government, on infraen the number of schemes structure for example. launched with that amount Unlike Chidambaram, of funding, and its apparent who made big cuts in lack of radicalism, Jaitley’s Plan expenditure to meet Budget gets the job at hand his targets, Jaitley has givdone, and that job is to put en Plan expenditure a filthe economy back on a path lip, raising it by a quantum of high growth and low inof 26.9 per cent, from an acflation. It is the Budget of tual amount of around Rs an efficient workman, of 4.5 lakh crore in 2013-14 to a Government which bean estimate of around Rs lieves that reform will come 5.75 lakh crore in 2014-15. in stages rather than with In the process, he was able a big bang. It is a process to double the allocation for more than a single event. the building of highways In all fairness, Jaitley laid to Rs 50,000 crore, among out the boundaries of exother investments. Jaitey pectation at the start of his speech when he said that this is sending a signal—his was just the “beginning”. Government is commitIn the end, the Budget was ted to reducing the defa mix of the good and the icit but not at the cost of nlike the UPA, which cut Plan vague. The NDA’s eventuboosting infrastructure expenditure to meet its targets, al success will depend on spending, so crucial to rehow the vague translates viving investment and Modi’s Government has given it a growth. The NDA has also to reality. avoided the temptation of Consider the unambigufillip, signalling a commitment to large populist schemes; ously good work. Jaitley has Chidambaram was alworked on building a solid reduce the fiscal deficit but not at ways hampered by the fact foundation, and contrary to the cost of infrastructure that his Government was some criticism of ‘continuipushing the Food Security ty’, he has made important departures, in the right direcBill even as he was cutting
U
18 open
21 july 2014
the deficit. Jaitley may be derided for the large number of Rs 100 crore schemes, but think of the damaging consequences for the country’s fiscal health if each were allocated thousands of crores. There is, of course, a corollary challenge. The Government will need to cut its non-plan expenditure to meet its medium-term targets. The obvious place for cuts is subsidies— fuel, food and fertiliser. In a radical Budget, Jaitley would have made big cuts in at least fuel and fertiliser subsidies. But the Government prefers a more cautious approach and has left the specifics vague for now. The announcement of an Expenditure Management Commission—which will be submit a report within the next eight months on how to get this done—was necessary to give credibility to Jaitley’s arithmetic. Of course, there will come a time when Jaitley and Modi will have to bite the bullet on controlling runaway subsidies. They cannot afford to let the recommendations of this Commission gather dust. That would be vintage UPA. But for now, Jaitley has won investor confidence on managing the fisc. The second major departure that Jaitley has made from the UPA era is in the domain of taxation. The Finance Minister had no real room for big-ticket measures: to cut tax rates for example, or to announce the introduction of the GST, which still needs consensus among state governments. But he has moved decisively to signal to investors that his Government will end the harassment of business by using the sword of taxation (the ‘tax terrorism’ of the UPA). The Finance Minister stopped short of repealing the infamous retrospective tax amendment (a la Vodafone) of the UPA. He even stated that the Government had the sovereign right to enact such amendments. But he assured investors that his Government would not enact any further retrospective amendments and that all the cases pending under the UPA’s retrospective amendment will be dealt with by a high-level committee. He also promised to make the tax system less adversarial—marked by less litigation and more settlements—and promised to introduce more dedicated legal benches to dispose of tax disputes faster. These steps are more significant than they may sound. An estimated Rs 4.82 lakh crore (almost 6 per cent of GDP) is locked out of use because of litigation, company liquidation matters and untraceable taxpayers. For good measure, and so that the middle-class doesn’t feel trumped by an exclusive focus on investors, Jaitley raised the income tax exemption level by Rs 50,000. It is nowhere near as radical as lowering tax rates, but it is a small ‘thank you’ note to the middle-class for the ruling party’s resounding election win—it is, in other words, entirely affordable populism.
T
he one area in which Jaitley was perhaps over-cautious was the domain of foreign direct investment (FDI). Of course, raising the FDI limits in two important sectors, defence and insurance, from 26 to 49 per cent are
21 july 2014
ashish sharma
J
aitley laid out the boundaries of expectation when he said that this was just the “beginning”. In the end, the Budget was a mix of the good and the vague. The NDA’s eventual success will depend on how the vague translates to reality
important signals. Still, the Finance Minister could have opted for an increase in limit to 51 or 74 per cent, thereby ending the entirely unnecessary insistence on Indian ownership and Indian management. In defence, most of India’s requirements are imported from foreign owned, based and managed suppliers. Realistically, no foreign defence manufacturer is going to enter India as a minority shareholder without management control of a joint venture. To attract top-quality investors, a minimum of 51 per cent FDI ought to have been allowed. Even in insurance, there is a case for allowing foreign firms majority control. That’s the only way to attract big investors to pour big money into India. Given that Indian firms, particularly public sector companies, already have a strong presence in the sector, there is no case for affording them protection from competition. All that a protectionist policy has achieved is a grossly unopen www.openthemagazine.com 19
Budget indranil mukherjee/afp
reformers once upon a time Manmohan Singh with Palaniappan Chidambaram in Mumbai on 4 June 2005 at the bicentennial celebrations of the State Bank of India
der-penetrated market for insurance in India. Obviously, overcoming the bogey of foreign control is still a challenge for any Government in India. The second area where Jaitley might have been aggressive was in financial sector reform. Some of his announcements were good, like asking public sector banks to divest their shareholding to raise equity capital rather than have the Government pump in money from its limited resources. But some of his other statements on the sector fall in the category of ‘vague’. Jaitley echoed the Economic Survey when he spoke of the need to implement some recommendations of the Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission (FSLRC) and to set up a monetary policy framework for the RBI to operate with. However, he sidestepped which of the FSLRC’s recommendations are being actively considered for implementation. Not all these are controversial. Most of them would involve battling vested interests within the system—such as existing regulators and the RBI. As of now, Indian borrowers, whether investors or consumers, pay exorbitantly high interest rates compared with the rest of the world. That is because the Indian regulatory system has opted for a ‘safety first’ strategy. The FSLRC recommendations aim to replace that mindset with an emphasis on competition and lighter regulation. If India has to grow at 8 per cent plus levels, investors and consumers need access to cheap finance do20 open
mestically. The days when plentiful cheap finance was available from global markets are unlikely to return any time soon. The setting up of a monetary policy framework is a seemingly technical and academic exercise. Yet, it is crucial if the Government wants to bring inflation down to a manageable level. At the moment, the RBI does not have a clear mandate: whether to target inflation or growth, or the exchange rate, or all three at the same time. The Government must evolve a framework where it gives the RBI a clear objective and then gives it full autonomy to achieve it. Ideally, the objective should be low and stable inflation because high inflation kills purchasing power, depreciates the rupee and creates investor uncertainty. Jaitley has promised a framework but given no timeline for it. The other major pressure point on inflation comes from the agriculture sector and food. The Finance Minister made a mention of restructuring the highly inefficient Food Corporation of India. That was a good start. He announced a new irrigation scheme but allocated only Rs 1,000 crore for it. Estimates suggest that at least Rs 50,000 crore would be needed to irrigate all of India’s rain-fed areas. Jaitley gave no assurances on allowing a greater role for the free market in agriculture, something the Economic Survey—released just a day earlier— has recommended. The track record of the NDA Government on managing food prices over the last six weeks has been troublesome. It has resorted to old-style price controls under antiquated laws like the Essential Commodites Act. Those have counter-productive effects—they dissuade farmers from producing these commodities, further reducing supply and fuelling inflation. Farmers need to be freed of price and quantity interventions just as industry was in 1991. That is the only way to ensure good prices for both farmers and consumers.
T
here is little doubt that Narendra Modi and Arun
Jaitley inherited a terrible economic legacy from their predecessors. So did Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh 23 years ago. Rao and Singh initiated structural reforms of the economy with a big-bang budget. They had no choice. India was on the verge of bankruptcy. The economic situation in 2014 isn’t quite that bad, but it is more than apparent that only radical structural reforms can take India onto a trajectory of 8 per cent plus growth. Eventually, Modi and Jaitley will need to liberalise land, labour and financial markets. Those will be tough decisions and they need not be made in a Budget. For now, Jaitley has done the spadework. Tougher decisions lie ahead. The success or failure of this Government will not be judged by a single Budget, but by its performance over five years. That may be a long time in politics, but it is a very short time in economics. n 21 july 2014
Budget
comment
PR Ramesh
Change without Noise A Budget that captures the spirit of Modi’s modernisation
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he rent-a-quote pundits of television studios on the
budget day were unimpressed as his document of change did not contain the hysteria associated with the exercise in the past, but the discerning conceded that Arun Jaitley’s maiden budget pointed to the direction that the Indian economy would take under Narendra Modi’s leadership. The aspirational class will not be chained, entrepreneurs will not be fettered, the investor will not be treated with suspicion and those wanting self employment will be provided with opportunities. In his Budget speech, Jaitley acknowledged that the patience of the average citizen was running out. “The country is in no mood to suffer unemployment, inadequate basic amenities, lack of infrastructure and apathetic governance,” he admitted in the preamble of his speech. As Jaitley pointed out, the economic situation is grim: a two-year spell of less than 5 per cent growth, low investor confidence, signs of a failing monsoon, and high prices. The choices are few. The policy drift cannot be allowed to carry on and the country just cannot afford to convert the exchequer into a candy-dispensing machine to please powerful interest groups. Instead the focus was on how to rise to the expectations of a middle-class that wants to make it big in the professional world. US President Barack Obama recently acknowledged the strength of the rising middle-class in countries such as India, which he said is now competing with Americans themselves, besides making Indian leaders bolder in seeking more say in global forums. The middle-class in India constitutes close to 20 per cent of the country’s population, and is expected to touch 250 million by next year, according to projections by McKinsey. The middle-class, a constituency that stood by Modi, has been looking for a rise in tax exemption limits in the face of high inflation, and Jaitley has met their expectations in this Budget for fiscal 2014-15. The new Government prides itself in self-belief, and the Budget has announced incentives to promote self employment. Among them is a plan to prompt start-up companies through the creation of the Rs 10,000 crore fund for providing equity, quasi equity, soft loans and other risk capital for firms
21 july 2014
set up by entrepreneurs. “More people will be able to stand on their feet and will create an entrepreneur mission in the country,” Jaitley said after the presentation of the Budget. The answer to their woes at this juncture is not a Polandstyle big-bang budget, or shock therapy, but a document that addresses structural issues. In this department, Jaitley has a lot to offer. The emphasis on infrastructure is certain to produce the desired results, as the new Budget allows banks to raise long-term funds for infrastructure without pre-emption—no SLR (banks’ mandatory investment in government bonds), no CRR (chunk of deposits banks need to keep with the Reserve Bank of India), no priority-sector requirement. Surely, the coming days could see funding for the National Highway Authority of India go up substantially. The Budget also recognises PPPs as the primary source of funds and management. Not many would contest the claim that if the plan succeeds, there would be rapid urbanisation and upgradation of urban and rural facilities. The institution of an Expenditure Commission—it will be asked to give its interim report before the end of this fiscal—is expected to devise ways to prune non-merit subsidies. In his speech, Jaitley has promised to overhaul the subsidy regime in India’s food and petroleum sectors. The decision to allow greater FDI participation in the insurance and defence sectors as well as steps to end ‘tax terror’ will be welcomed by investors who had turned jittery after the imposition of retrospective tax on Britain’s Vodafone by the UPA Government. Jaitley has said that the NDA Government would set up a high-level committee to review tax claims. Unlike previous governments, where coalition pressures were more a norm than an exception, the Modi regime has sufficient elbow room to act on its promises. Recall that the Insurance Bill was being held up because of pressures within the Government. On policy issues, the previous Prime Minister had to engage in negotiations with allies who were not open to compromise. The allies were out to win, usually at any cost, even if their positions went against the larger public good. In the new Government, Modi’s wish is the NDA command. This Budget is an expression of that wish. n open www.openthemagazine.com 21
Budget
Less Bang more stuff If the first Budget after a strong mandate is one for big ideas and agenda setting, how does Jaitley’s 2014 Budget compare with Pranab Mukherjee’s 2009 one?
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he blue book of politics has it that when a party wins a big political mandate, the best time to aim big on the economic front is its first year. That is when it has the luxury of time to test and implement big, transformational ideas without an electoral report card in mind. More so, for a government that swept in on the promise of change, governance and strong leadership, as this one did. In 2014, it is Arun Jaitley who, as Finance Minister of the BJP-led Government, stands beneath that glow of victory and expectations. Five years ago, it was Pranab Mukherjee who stood in that place, his Congress-led Government having been re-elected for a second term, free of the Left now. There are many more parallels between 2014 and 2009. The economy was faltering, the Government’s finances were in disarray and Indians at large were feeling the crush. So, presented with a generous hand, did they aim big? And did they make the most of their opportunity? Politicians and leaders are always big on statements of intent, as Mukherjee showed in 2009 and Jaitley now. It’s the implementation that is difficult. Mukherjee read out a manifesto of change. Some things happened, some did not happen the way they should have, and some were non-starters. As for Jaitley, his time starts now, notably on these 10 facets of the economy: 22 open
Recharging Growth A slowing economy formed the backdrop to both budgets. While Mukherjee approached it as a blip and took 9% growth to be a given, Jaitley seems more circumspect about the work, time and resources to be put in. If Mukherjee made government spending his engine, Jaitley is banking on private sector investments to return to 7-8% growth
GDP growth (%) Projections Pranab
9.0
Jaitley
7-8
Actuals 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14
6.7
4.5 5.0
6.7
9.3 8.6 8.9
Source: Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation 21 july 2014
Setting The Agenda
Pranab His prime minister called it a mandate for “continuity, stability and prosperity”. And Mukherjee set it all: 9% growth, 12 million jobs a year, halve poverty in five years, 4% agriculture growth...At the end of five years, the UPA missed most targets, notably of growth and jobs
Jaitley Even Jaitley’s maiden budget is big on statements of intent. “India unhesitatingly desires to grow,” he began, and proceeded to sprinkle his speech with how he saw that happening: rebuilding corporate confidence, reviving manufacturing and infrastructure, urban renewal and smart cities, public-private partnerships, industrial corridors…
Building Infrastructure A thrust area for both. Mukherjee wanted to lift investment in infrastructure to 9% GDP by 2014. Investments did increase, but it got entangled in red tape. While he did not quantify the extent of increase desired and only outlined broad thrust areas, Jaitley emphasised strengthening the PPP framework and easier lending
Infrastructure investment as % of GDP Projections Pranab
Jaitley
9.0*
N.A Actuals
7.3 6.8
2008-09 2009-10 2010-11
7.3
2011-12 2012-13
N.A
8.3
Source: Planning Commission
Managing finances Mukherjee felt that circumstances demanded the Government loosen its purse-strings and believed the ensuing growth would help pull it back. Jaitley has resisted that temptation. He is looking to lower the deficit with higher tax collections, which will be contingent on growth. He hasn’t tinkered much on the spending front, be it with subsidies or social schemes
Fiscal deficit as % of GDP Projections Pranab
Winning The Market Jaitley did not bowl the market over, which was heavy with expectations and was looking for more specifics on more things than his speech outlined—for example, reversal of retrospective tax amendments. Yet, it did not receive the unequivocal thumbs-down that Mukherjee received in 2009
Jaitley
3.0* 3.0**
Jaitley
Actuals
30000
2.5
open
25,514
10-Jul-14 high
25,920
Pranab
6-Jul-09
low
25,117
close
25,373
25000
Gain/Loss
14,962 15000
high
15,098
low
13,959
close
14,043
Gain/Loss
6.5
2007-08 2008-09 2009-10 2010-11 2011-12 2012-13 2013-14 2014-15 #
open
6.0
5.7 8 4. .2 5 6 4. 1 4.
21 july 2014
* The earlier outlined target, in the words of Mukherjee, “as soon as possible” ** By 2016 -17 # Projected
-0.55%
20000
10000
-6.1%
Source: Bombay Stock Exchange website open www.openthemagazine.com 23
Big ideas Pranab Tax reforms
UIDAI
Rights regime
Promised a new framework for direct taxes “within the next 45 days” and the introduction of the goods and service tax (GST) by 1 April 2010. Both are yet to happen
Unique Identification Authority of India was set up to allot a unique identity number to eventually every Indian and use it to improve delivery of public services. Met targets
UPA-I adopted a rights-based regime: a citizen could demand rights—like information and employment—from the state. UPA-II carried it forward with education and food
Jaitley Investor trust
Urbanisation
Private sector
Be it on tax claims or transfer pricing, be it on business clearances or FDI limits, this Government is extending its hand to win back companies and investor trust
Smart cities, urban renewal, more roads, low-cost housing, 24x7 power, municipalities pooling funding risk, Jaitley wants to provide a better standard of living to all Indians
The focus is on facilitating investment by the private sector by way of tax incentives, access to cheaper funds, ease of doing business and partnerships with the public sector
Building New Assets
Capital expenditure as a % of total expenditure
This was particularly crucial for Mukherjee, who had made the Government the pivot of economic revival. That meant investing to create assets that would pay back in time. Jaitley has not made this a priority. He is instead focusing on facilitating investment by private and state-run firms, and letting the state fill in when needed, as with urban metro projects
22.9
13.1
11.8
2004-05
2005-06
2006-07
16.6
10.2
11.0
13.1
12.2
11.7
12.0
12.6
2007-08
2008-09
2009-10
2010-11
2011-12
2012-13
2013-14
2014-15 *
* Projected | Source: Ministry of Finance
Pushing Social Schemes
Reducing Poverty Mukherjee’s approach was based on government handouts. Jaitley’s approach banks on a revival of the economy, greater job creation and urban migration. Compared to Mukherjee, the Government has a smaller role to play and the private sector, a larger. For example, corporate spending on slum areas now qualify for mandatory CSR spend
People under poverty 50 40 30
Rural
Mukherjee’s approach was to make the Government transfer more to the poor via rights-based entitlements and social schemes. Jaitley has not expanded this approach. Neither has he cut back, notably on the rural employment scheme and food security. But he wants efficiency in these
Spending on National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) Outlay Pranab
Urban
Projections
41.8 25.7
25.7
Actual expenditure 27,250 37,905 39,377 38,035 25,075
2008-09
20 10
39,100
2009-10 2010-11
13.7 2004-05
Jaitley
34,000
2011-12
2011-12
2012-13
Figures in per cent | Source: Planning Commission based on Tendulkar Method
Figures in Rs cr | Source: Ministry of Rural Development
24 open
Actual
NA
Mukherjee notably achieved 4% agricultural growth and also oversaw a massive expansion in farm credit. Jaitley is looking to maintain that growth and is aiming for an even larger expansion in credit provided by banks. His focus in this Budget is on the support structure—research, the supply chain and pricing power
Target
28 0 28 ,000 7,1 4 32 9 5,0 0 38 0 4 37 ,51 5,0 4 0 46 0 8 47 ,29 5,0 1 51 00 1,0 29 80 0, 00 0
Nurturing Agriculture
2008-09 2009-10
2010-11
2011-12
2014-15
Figures in Rs crore Source: Ministry of Agriculture 21 july 2014
In a Manner of Speaking
At 16,473 words, Arun Jaitley’s Budget 2014 speech was 40 per cent longer than Pranab Mukherjee’s 2009 one. There was a bit of election hangover in Jaitley’s speech, as the word clouds of their respective speeches show. Jaitley used the word development 49 times, while Mukherjee used it 26 times. At the same time, Jaitley’s Budget didn’t force bitter pills into the mouths of taxpayers. Jaitley used the word tax 53 times, whereas Mukherjee used it 91 times. Jaitley mentioned the word cities 17 times, underscoring his Prime Minister’s vision of smart cities, and Mukherjee not once. Contrary to what many expected, there were no big-bang announcements in this Budget. But there were a lot of small initiatives. Consider the phrase set up Jaitley used it 34 times, Mukherjee 9. Government , of course, continues to remain prominent today, as it did five years ago.
Budget
Master of detail How the Finance Minister drafted his first budget and his own indispensability to the Modi agenda Ullekh Np photographs by ashish sharma
U
nion Finance Minister Arun Jaitley longs for his boisterous and laughter-filled morning walks—which were less walks and more of rusk, biscuits and tea over which he held court at Delhi’s sprawling Lodhi Gardens. The daily visit to the 15th century garden had been an inviolable habit for him, unless he was out of station, and until he joined the Narendra Modi Government in which he also holds the additional portfolios of Defence and Corporate Affairs. For someone who has the gift of the gab, this highly sociable Punjabi has no time these days for long conversations with friends. Even those buddies who often used to feel overfed on his chats now miss those evenings. The most networked lawyer-politician in the national capital can’t even squeeze in brief visits to big fat Delhi weddings. The 61-year-old Shri Ram College of Commerce alumnus and former president of the Delhi University Students Union had been working overtime ever since he became a Cabinet minister in late May, especially to carefully draft what was destined to be the most crucial announcement of the new Government’s intent: the Union Budget, a blueprint of sorts for a coalition that was voted to power by an aspiring middleclass with a mandate to reboot an economy lassoed by the crass populism of the past decade. Expectations of Jaitley, the savviest face of the Modi Government, were huge. Which explains why despite losing the Lok Sabha election from Amritsar to Captain Amarinder Singh of the Congress, Jaitley has had many things going in his favour. As Finance Minister, says a BJP leader close to Modi, he was “the obvious choice”. Jaitley was seen as the ideal leader to helm the Finance Ministry at a time when industry confidence was very low and the middle-class was angry over spiralling prices. Notes the BJP leader: “The advantages he has were many: he knew 26 open
very well most industrialists through his legal practice; then, among the middle classes, he has a moderniser’s image; within the Sangh, too, he is considered an insider or someone from the stable; and someone who is capable of negotiating the numerous political landmines in the BJP.” The Bull’s Eye
Drafting the Union Budget—which is aimed at meeting the aspirations of India’s middle-class rather than doling out entitlements—didn’t just mean cancelling annual holidays in Europe, where he loves going on cruises. It required hard work and constant interactions and consultations with colleagues, including the Prime Minister and bureaucrats. Unlike the UPA budgets of the past that 21 july 2014
Mr fiscal prudence Arun Jaitley, the man entrusted with the job of containing runaway expenses
Budget had the stamp of Palaniappan Chidambaram and Pranab Mukherjee—which involved rather little communication with Manmohan Singh—this one, the first by the Modi Government, which came to power on the promise of a radical shift from the populist UPA’s 10-year rule, required constant parleys among the Prime Minister, Finance Minister, and other senior government officials. According to senior Finance Ministry official, five such two-hour-plus-long sessions were held over the past few weeks at Race Course Road, the residence of Prime Minister Modi. For his part, Jaitley chaired several other brainstorming sessions in the spacious anteroom of his South Block Defence Ministry office, confabulating with ministers who hold financial portfolios such as Minister of State for Commerce & Industry Nirmala Sitharaman, Power Minister Piyush Goyal and Petroleum Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. Jaitley typically spends the first half of the day in his North Block office of the Finance Ministry and the second in South Block. Cohesive Team
The team that slogged over this Budget that is geared towards a radical shift was led by Finance Secretary Arvind Mayaram and Revenue Secretary Shaktikanta Das. While Mayaram, a 1978 batch Rajasthan cadre IAS officer, is wide-
T
he team that slogged over this Budget geared towards a radical shift was led by Finance Secretary Arvind Mayaram and Revenue Secretary Shaktikanta Das, who recently replaced Rajiv Takru
ly respected for his good track record, Das, a 1980 batch Tamil Nadu cadre officer, is quite unlike his irascible predecessor Rajiv Takru, whom Jaitley recently ejected. A former chief executive of Prasar Bharti, Takru was a favourite of the previous UPA regime and had incurred the displeasure of bureaucrats in the Finances Services wing for being ‘rigid’ in handling cases in the banking sector—such as the bad-loans crisis of the public-sector United Bank. Das was previously Fertiliser Secretary. Jaitley fell back on Das’ efficiency and expertise when he launched initial efforts to track black money stashed away in Swiss banks. Another key member in Team Jaitley is Expenditure Secretary Ratan P Watal, whose job entailed ‘rationalising’ populist schemes such as MGNREGA, managing unpaid bills of the UPA Government, and suggesting ways to 28 open
decide on the quantum of expenditure. A Finance Ministry official tells Open that the Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council Chairman C Rangarajan, Nirmala Sitharaman, various officials in the economic affairs, banking, and disinvestment departments and others also worked closely with Jaitley’s core team. Ila Patnaik, a professor at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy, handled the preparation of the Economic Survey. “Several rounds of meetings had been held among them, unlike on previous occasions when the Prime Minister and his team mostly got to know nothing about the Budget,” he adds. According to a person close to the matter, Jaitley, who has friends across the political spectrum, even consulted his predecessor Chidambaram and former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh over the Budget. 21 july 2014
PICTURE OF COHESION Arun Jaitley and Nirmala Sitharaman with officials on 9 July
Ultimate Networker
A lawyer-politician not very enamoured of Jaitley has words of praise for the minister’s networking skills. “If there are 500 members in Delhi’s power circle,” he says, “Jaitley knows 490 of them.” Born to a lawyer-father who had migrated to Delhi from Lahore and a mother who is a native of Amritsar, Jaitley, who studied at St Xavier’s School, Delhi, has always had a knack for striking up friendships. The home of his father MK Jaitley in Naraina, where Jaitley lived as a Delhi University student, was an adda for student activists of the time, remembers a former colleague. “It continued to be one even after he became a BJP leader in the 1990s, a time when Modi and he shared good rapport,” says a Delhi-based BJP leader. It was at this home that the police came knocking in the 21 july 2014
wee hours of 26 June of 1975, the day Prime Minister Indira Gandhi imposed her Emergency on the country (within weeks of a court annulling her election as an MP from Rae Bareli). When the police came calling, Jaitley’s father got into an argument outside the gate of his house, questioning them about the nature of the offence his son had allegedly committed. Jaitley remembers that the police just had instructions to arrest him, and did not know under which provision he was to be picked up. While his mother Ratan Prabha watched with shock, Jaitley fled through the backdoor—only to be arrested a few days later on the University campus where he had organised a protest against the Emergency. By then, senior opposition leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan, Morarji Desai, Chaudhary Charan Singh, AB Vajpayee, LK Advani and various open www.openthemagazine.com 29
Budget india today group
THE BLESSINGS OF ELDERS Arun Jaitley, Uma Bharti, LK Advani and AB Vajpayee on 7 November 2011
others across the country had been arrested. Jaitley was taken to the Timarpur police station near the Delhi University campus before he was detained for 19 months under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act in Delhi’s Tihar jail and Haryana’s Ambala jail. Jaitley went on to resume law studies after he was freed because the ABVP had decided against joining the Janata Party government of 1977. A member of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), he chose to stay away from parliamentary politics, returning only in 1991 after he fell under the spell of LK Advani; the same year, he was named a member of the BJP’s National Executive. He has been a member of the Rajya Sabha since 2000, and has held several ministerial posts: he was Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting, and later Commerce and Law minister in the Vajpayee Government. From the late 1970s to the late 1980s, he rose to become one of India’s most highly celebrated advocates. As a Supreme Court lawyer, Jaitley went on to cultivate numerous friendships among corporate leaders—to the extent that he is friends with many of them on a first-name basis. He was also associated closely with the late Ramnath Goenka of the Indian Express and several BJP leaders. When VP Singh became Prime Minister in 1989, he was named 30 open
J
aitley’s intellectual stamina and personal commitment make him stand head-and-shoulders above many politicians. He is articulate and his advocacy is powerful, and his research and study of the subjects is thorough and his method of inquiry is multi-faceted
additional solicitor general. Aged 36 then, he was one of the youngest lawyers to hold the post. Chitra Subramaniam, the award-winning journalist known for Bofors investigations, knew Jaitley as a young lawyer who handled the government inquiry of the defence scandal that rocked the Rajiv Gandhi Government. She notes that Jaitley combines intelligence, wit, speed, 21 july 2014
curiosity and solutions in a way that is rare. “I have seen him read documents and come up with an analysis quickly… I have had the privilege of working with him in some three specific instances—Bofors, trade and WTO and tobacco control (as the NDA’s Commerce minister). His intellectual stamina and personal commitment to a cause he believes is something that makes him stand head-andshoulders above many politicians, not least because he is articulate and his advocacy is powerful, but also because his research and study of the subjects is thorough and his method of inquiry is multi-faceted,” says Subramaniam, now head of the news portal, The News Minute. Complementing Modi
By the late 1990s, Jaitley had risen rapidly and emerged as a key strategist for the BJP, overseeing several state election victories from Bihar to Gujarat. His relationship with Modi, who had been banished from Gujarat then, was very good, both being close associates of Advani. “That they are from the same age group also helped. Another reason why they got along well was that Modi was a grassroots leader and Jaitley a metro-oriented leader. Both could share notes,” says a BJP leader. Jaitley, incidentally, was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat. Jaitley’s ties with Modi strengthened after the latter returned to Gujarat and came under pressure from both within and outside the party to step down as the state’s Chief Minister following the 2002 riots. “It is true that Jaitley has been his principal backer in Delhi since then. It is remarkable that there is no peer group rivalry between them so far because of the nature of their roles. A mass leader always wants an erudite guide, who in this case also happens to be a troubleshooter,” the BJP leader adds. Besides waging a war on his detractors within the party, Jaitley also went on to advise Modi on numerous cases against him in the aftermath of the Gujarat violence. Jaitley was at the forefront of a campaign in a BJP National Council meet of 2002 for Modi’s continuance as CM of Gujarat. He was also instrumental in pitching Modi’s name for Prime Minister after the 2012 Gujarat Assembly polls, when the BJP won 115 of the 182 seats and Modi did a hat-trick. Though there were murmurs of opposition from some BJP leaders—including Sushma Swaraj and others—Jaitley and other met the RSS top brass to convince them that Modi alone could bring together a disparate BJP and breathe new life into the organisation by energising cadres. Jaitley also managed to persuade the sulking patriarch Advani to the cause, and the latter finally gave his nod to Modi being appointed the BJP’s chief election campaigner. Skills Galore
Political pundits, meanwhile, aver that looking for a No 2 in a cabinet headed by a ‘very powerful person’ makes no sense. However, it is no secret that Jaitley enjoys 21 july 2014
Modi’s trust more than any other senior Cabinet colleague. Besides, Jaitley has the last word on key issues that come up in the Cabinet. And Modi himself asks for his intervention in crucial matters, a person close to the matter says. Jaitley, unlike many other senior ministers, also mentors younger ministers such as Sitharaman, Pradhan, Ravi Shankar Prasad and Piyush Goyal. A senior BJP leader notes that his style is like that of the ABVP senior incharge. “Since most others were his juniors in the student organisation, you don’t hear of a turf war here. The big plus is that he shares a very good relationship with Modi,” he says. More importantly, Jaitley has endeared himself to India’s middle-class. “There are more reasons for this. He will never do anything that angers the aspiring millions of the country. He could be stern in his speeches, but he is not hateful,” notes a party activist. “We have seen this in Parliament. He has risen to the challenge of the Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha many times over with the ease and grace of a conductor of an opera who knows what to highlight when and where to remain silent,” says Subramaniam. Notably, even his political rivals and detractors are known to rush to him for legal counsel in times of trouble. Jaitley is a 21st century leader known for his perfect
A
nother key member in Team Jaitley is Expenditure Secretary Ratan P Watal, whose job entailed ‘rationalising’ populist schemes such as MGNREGA, managing unpaid bills of the UPA Government, and suggesting ways to determine the quantum of expenditure
pause, snappy soundbites and grand delivery, making him one of the most suitable leaders for the electronic media. Again, he belongs to a generation that knew old Hindi songs by heart, ate street food with no sense of foreboding, and had protested against Indira Gandhi’s Emergency on the streets. No wonder, then, that the top-notch lawyer-politician, a connoisseur of the good things in life, has his ear firmly to the ground when it comes to sensing middle-class aspirations. By Thursday noon, it seemed the man had been finetuning the first draft of India’s modernisation all these years. His time has come. India’s too. n open www.openthemagazine.com 31
raul irani
profile
The
Woman in White
The Indian nurse stands by the side of the wretched and the remote, from Saudi Arabia to Senegal. With the world’s attention on the 46 nurses who returned home last week,India’s Nightingales continue to fly to foreign shores, writes Rajni George
L The Malayalee Nurse Steadfast protector, noble vassal, human footnote. She finds her way to the headlines at the unlikeliest times. She is brought up with the idea of leaving home
ook to the side of the frame and you’ll see
her: white coat, white cap, curls escaping the brim, a trace of Cuticura powder misting it all. The Malayalee nurse: steadfast protector, noble vassal, human footnote. She finds her way to the headlines at the unlikeliest times. ‘AAP has the highest respect for Malayali nurses’ we heard earlier this year, in response to the kind of derogatory remarks she is often subjected to; nurse jokes are a common subset of this. ‘Her family told police that she was not happy as she had been transferred from ICU to general ward in the hospital,’ says Mathrubumi, a popular Malayalam newspaper, of a suicide, as if this were a natural fallout. And last week, she was in all the newspapers and constantly on television as India rose to bring her back from Iraq. She is brought up with the idea of leaving little villages and towns in Kottayam for the big city, or adopted homes in Delhi and Kochi for foreign salaries; her parents are aspirational yet helplessly lower middle-class; she will stay single long enough to earn enough to send the requisite re-
mittances, but marry quickly once she decides to, having planned more meticulously than the bride whose parents are paying for the wedding. “One peculiarity was their interest in buying gold,” says Dr Mathew Antony, a Malayalee doctor who worked in the Middle East for 15 years. “They were frantic about making as much money as possible in the shortest period. Most were young and unmarried, and during their stay, they tried to marry boys in nearby countries and then land jobs in a country where they could be together. They were able to tolerate very difficult working conditions, unaccustomed-to food, difficult patients; they could cope with it all.” There are whispers of steadily accumulated wealth; stories of nurses who own prime property in Kerala and pay for expensive surgical operations (albeit after decades of work). There is even the odd nurse who goes abroad despite a certain amount of personal wealth purely because working conditions are better there, or wants the experience of living in another country. But for the large part, nurses who go abroad have little open www.openthemagazine.com 33
raul irani
Relentless Caregivers Nurses on a typical working day go about their daily chores in a patient’s ward at Indraprastha Apollo hospital in New Delhi
choice; they are the ones leaving three month-old babies behind to be raised by their grandparents, like the women we spoke to in Dubai years ago, sending their earnings home like all the other migrant workers there. They live away from family and in closely-knit communities formed anew, yearning for home. Once in a while, a crisis like the one in Iraq shakes them, and makes them question the foundation of their lives away from their homeland. Thirty-year-old Smitha Surendran was working as a nurse in Delhi for five years before she went to Iraq four months ago, looking for the better life immigrants always assume is waiting. Originally from Thuruthikkad village in Kerala’s Kottayam district, which sends many young women like her out into the world to make their living as the Great Indian Nurse, she was hoping for better treat34 open
ment for her cancer-stricken father and asthmatic stepmother. They occupy a shack-like house on abandoned government land, unable to continue work as farm labourers; living largely at the mercy of neighbours. Last Saturday, Surendran returned, like 45 others, without a single rupee in hand; via Mosul, on to the Kurdish town of Erbil and at last to Bombay, freed by Iraqi insurgents as the world watched. “I have always been unlucky in life,” she says. Surendran earned a BSc in Nursing in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, taking an educational loan of Rs 1.15 lakh. In 2009, she found a position at a Delhi clinic as nursing assistant, at a monthly salary of Rs 3,500. By the time she moved to Iraq in February 2014, four jobs later, she was earning Rs 12,000 per month. This was much less than the Rs 40,000 the new land promised, a prom-
ise for which she paid Rs 2 lakh in visa costs. However, like others, she has not received a single dinar for the last four months, in the wake of the conflict. Meanwhile, though, her educational loan had grown to Rs 1.60 lakh, despite paying interest for three years. “If the threat that the Tikrit Hospital would be bombed was not there, I would have loved to stay there. Do not blame me, I did not have any other option,” says Surendran. “I was even ready to relocate elsewhere in Iraq, rather than returning. But finally, when the issue escalated to a choice between death and life, I decided to fly back.”
A
lready, UAE-based businessman
BR Shetty has advertised an offer for the 46: placements in his hospitals and clinics across the Gulf, Bhutan, Nepal 21 july 2014
21 july 2014
an agent demands Rs 20 lakh.” Sometimes, a country with lower fees to be paid may be a better option for a nurse looking for a foreign job, even if it is a less desirable or relatively unsafe place. Political parties and trade unions supported the UNA with an agitation it launched in 2012, covered by Open (‘India’s Own Jasmin Revolution’, 4 February 2012) at the time as they issued notices to hospitals asking for minimum wages (Rs 15,000 per month), an end to the ‘bond’ system that forced nurses to serve under threat of losing large sums of money, health insurance and eight-hour duty limits. In other cities across India, strikes and protests have been reported for years. Kerala nurses have migrated to countries like Liberia, Senegal, Norway and Italy, apart from the US and Middle East countries, says Sha—and continue to do so.
W
hat explains the ubiquity of the Indian Nurse? Where does the legend of her prowess as caregiver come from? “Last year, a team from USA visited us to trace the history of nursing movement in Kerala. They told us that Malayalee nurses are very caring. They
show little hesitation in ‘touching’ people. They are not reluctant even in handling body fluids, despite the exposure to health hazards,” says Sha. There is a kind of nurse who stays in India to profit from their skills. “I wanted to learn cardiac nursing,” says 28-yearold Anu Susan Varghese, a Malayalee who grew up in Bahrain and returned to India to study at Apollo Hospitals Group’s training facility and then work at its hospital, in a reverse migration that is not uncommon with plum placements like this one. “There is no difference here and abroad; there are patients from around the world there and here. Apollo Hospital has brought the world to us.” Varghese’s mother is a nurse; her colleague, 28-year-old Smitha Chacko, had grandmothers and aunts who were all nurses, and is one of the other 90 odd Malayalee nurses who make up a large part of Apollo’s staff. In this calling, many nurses spread out across three or more generations, passing on their nursing cap to the next in line. “My picture was clear from the outset,” says Chacko, who grew up in Bangalore and has worked for five years at Apollo. “But money being a focus
From the Archives Reporting to their matron, Indian nurses receive their orders of the day in the Middle East, in 1942 ap
and India. Guess which part of the world they will probably choose? “The Iraq incident will have no [repercussions] on international migration. In fact, it will enhance the emigration prospects in safe countries in the Gulf as well as Europe. Most of the nurses’ experiences are good and it provides them with both social and economic mobility. Migration failures, such as the 46 nurses from Iraq, are very few in this profession,” says S Irudaya Rajan, Chair Professor at the Centre for Development Studies’ International Migration unit and author of six migration surveys conducted in Kerala. “There is no scope of increase in internal migration until the wages offered in other states of India improve drastically, which is not likely to happen.” According to World Bank data, India receives the most remittances: $69.8 billion in 2012, followed by China at $66.3 billion; India had 11.4 million emigrants and counting that year. Half of these migrants have over 10 years of education, according to Rajan’s study; among them, lots and lots of nurses. An International Labour Organisation report last year puts a sixth of the 640,078 nurses who emigrated from India as originating from Kerala. Records of the Indian Nursing Council, an autonomous body under the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, are quoted as showing 2 million nurses registered in the country, of whom 1.8 million are from Kerala (up from about two-thirds of the total in 2012). Roughly, around 375,000 nurses work in Kerala, while the rest have gone abroad. “Do you know that there are nurses still working in Iraq who are not ready to come back? They are worried about huge education loans and other financial liabilities,” says Jasmin Sha, president of the United Nurses Association (UNA), an association of registered nurses in Kerala. “The scale of pay here was in the range of Rs 1,500 to Rs 3,500 even for those who have been in the profession for seven to ten years. I know nurses working for Rs 5,000 over a period of 15 to 20 years. There has been little intervention [by] the Government to regulate and control recruiting agencies. They are making huge profits by literally robbing us. For recruitment to the Ministry of Health in Kuwait,
ragesh vasudevan
Sister Act Nurses Sona and Veena (L-R) flanked by their mother and father after returning home—in Ettumanoor, Kottayam District, Kerala—from Iraq
is history, everything [now is] about the kind of exposure you get.” Her narrative, full of upbeat remarks on worklife (“We rock, everywhere!”), comes naturally to someone who has made it in a part of the private sector that can be rewarding long-term, as also less gruelling; these nurses say they work not more than eight to ten hours daily and are upholders of a public image the private hospital can afford to maintain. Yet, even these privileged nurses have their reservations. “Most nurses go for Saudi [Arabia] and places like that, I don’t know if they have as much freedom and dignity as we have here. But especially here in Delhi, people don’t understand. They think we are just caregivers, housekeeping [staff],” says 26-year-old Apollo nurse Lavina D’Souza, from Goa. “One patient asked my colleague, ‘Either you’re the last child or your parents had lots of children so you are in this field?’ But it is changing. We feel very proud to work in this field; 24 hours, the patient is in our hands. At the first call, we are the responders.” These nurses have the luxury of choice, 36 open
which is ultimately what immigrants crave, whether they stay or leave. “The velvet touch—it pays to use it,” says Varghese, of successful nursing; adding: “There is a saying in Kerala: ‘Malayalees are born to fly’.”
“S
ince the beginning, we were not
allowed to go out. We were staying inside the hospital, had food from the hospital canteen. Life was smooth till the end of May. The war started in early June. We often heard bomb explosions and were thoroughly scared. On 28 June, there was a huge explosion right in front of the casualty [wing]. Thereafter, the hospital was taken over by ‘them’,” says Veena Joseph, a 24-year-old nurse who, along with her twin Sona, has just returned from Iraq. The young women had little access to information, other than hearsay; Veena still doesn’t appear to know who ‘them’ refers to and what they want. Veena and Sona come from Ettumanoor, a large town in Kerala’s Kottayam district that is a big supplier of nurses. Their father is a
lorry driver. They worked at a teaching hospital in Tikrit, the epicentre of the current crisis in Iraq, where they migrated ten months ago, following elder sister Dona, who had been working at a hospital in Alsamawah, around 300 km away from Tikrit, for two years. Dona is not home yet, but is trying to return as soon as possible; none of them wishes to return, though they faced no ill treatment. None, that is, except the fear of death. “We had no idea where we had been heading—life or death,” says Veena. All some nurses need is a reason to stay. After Surendran’s penniless return from Iraq made its way onto television, offers of help are coming in for her (in addition to Shetty’s, which was meant for all 46). The CPM district committee gave her Rs 3 lakh, and Kerala’s finance minister KM Mani visited her house. She hopes his assurance of a government job is made good. Efforts are on to identify a five-cent parcel of land for a house. At last, she may not need to look for yet another way out. n With inputs from Shahina KK in Kerala 21 july 2014
a rt s
mindspace That ring of love
63
o p e n s pa c e
Deepika Padukone Ranbir Kapoor Kareena Kapoor
62
n p lu
Bobby Jasoos The fault in our stars
61 cinema reviews
Nikon D810 Dior VIII Montaigne, steel and mother-of-pearl Ecovacs Winbot
60
tech & style
The evolution of feathers Cool facts about southpaws How bugs spurred our brains
50
science
Salim on Salman Khan Alia Bhatt: a profile
46
cinema
The Hangwoman by KR Meera The international list
books
The work of Amar Kanwar
42 64
namas Bhojani/India Today Group
the prodigal actor Salim Khan on a superstar son who is not as wayward as made out to be 50
arts
Remembrance of Things to Come Stretching from Partition through recent violence against women, the work of Amar Kanwar is a constant conversation with history. The reclusive artist explains why RAJNI GEORGE
I
n a dark room in Saket’s Kiran Nadar Museum of Art, eight square stools sit at the centre of eight interwoven narratives which spin out for just over half an hour: “Were there no prophecies hidden in your dilemmas?”; “Why were the attackers not scared?”; “Kill us, rape us, flesh us”, they say. Men and women are quiet as voices from Bangladesh in 1971, Partition, Khairlanji, Manipur and Nagaland’s Mokokchung murmur, then cut to focus on a legendary Manipuri antirape protest outside an Assam Rifles camp and the huge, rending wail of the Draupadi figure at its centre. Watching artist Amar Kanwar’s work is like reading a short story by Alice Munro; many stories emerge from within the framework of one larger story. And so, his video installation Lightning Testimonies, in the capital for the first time this year (and on till September end), collates a history of conflict and sexual violence in the Indian Subcontinent. Kanwar, who won the Leonore Annenberg Prize for Art and Social Change last month, has directed and produced over 40 films. He has also received the Edvard Munch Award for Contemporary Art, a Golden Gate Award at the San Francisco International Film Festival and a Golden Conch at the Mumbai International Film Festival, while quietly creating a serious body of work around the dynamics of power and resistance. Based in Delhi yet low profile, he does not give many interviews and is wary of being photographed with his work. “When I made Lightning Testimonies in 2007, I also made a version I could easily, with not much expense, show to any kind of audience in an education42 open
al context, and a Hindi version as well. I wanted to be able to show the content of this work on the day it got made rather than wait for ideal installation conditions,” says Kanwar. He showed the work at Documenta 12 in Kassel, Germany that year and repeatedly around the world, afterwards; currently, parallel shows run in the US at the Art Institute of Chicago and St Louis’ Kemper Museum. Kanwar once remarked that “the act of remembering is an act of moving forward in time”; he seems to do exactly this, over and over. Thus, the term ‘current’ belies his oeuvre; his films are eerily timely whenever they are viewed. “There is an indirect connection to Nirbhaya in the Bangladesh section of the film, where the women who were sexually attacked in 1971 were officially called ‘Veerangana’; at that time, of course, the attack on Nirbhaya had not happened, but this title has been conceived by the State, similarly,” he says. “One should think about why a government feels the need to give a glorified title to a victim of sexual violence; why one particular woman, why not another one, why make a monument out of this particular woman? And on one level Veerangana could mean ‘brave heroine’, but on another it also means ‘the woman along the side of the brave’.” The installation, edited by Sameera Jain and shot by Ranjan Palit, shows that it is possible, even necessary, to watch and hear all these stories. “I felt that perhaps seeing this in simultaneity, in multiple projections, would be a completely different way of understanding this issue,” says Kanwar, who used eight different soundtracks which were carefully planned to come togeth-
er. “If you see all the projections simultaneously, Hindu-Muslim, MuslimSikh, all the frameworks start getting mixed up. ‘This was religious violence’, ‘That was a moment of insanity’— these justifications keep on coming up. Someone will say, ‘If you don’t punish them enough, it will happen’; ‘In times of extreme religious conflict, these things happen’, and so on. But when you see the installation it becomes apparent that all this violence does not conform to most of these justifications. None of the explanations that are being offered to you really work.” Manipuri actress Heisnam Sabitri performed the controversial play Draupadi (wherein she disrobes and confronts an Indian soldier) after several years for Lightning Testimonies and becomes its solo narrator at the end, for ten minutes; the artist absents himself even more than he usually does, here. Yet, he is powerfully present.
V
iewers have written to Kanwar and shared stories; he has watched them watch. The work is a record, a piece of time set down; yet it also has a life of its own. “I learnt a lot about how people remember. For instance, when you are dealing with extreme pain or trauma, sometimes people do not disclose what happened, may not talk about something for 20 years and at a certain time they suddenly talk and often make a pact of confidentiality, insisting on the protection of their identity,” says Kanwar. “Subsequently there are disclosures, and identities are again camouflaged, and so a narrative can end up travelling across generations, cultures and geographies.” 21 July 2014
courtesy kochi muziris biennale
MASTER OF memorials Amar Kanwar sees the act of remembering as an “act of moving forward in time�
raul irani
SPEAKING AT THE SAME TIME Visitors to the Kiran Nadar Museum of Art in Saket, Delhi, watch as eight tales come together to tell Kanwar’s story
Indeed, narratives seem to leak into each other, story bleeding into story; in the film, a beautifully bare bed lies in the rain, then fades to mountains— then reappears on another screen. Kanwar studied history at Delhi University and film at Jamia Millia Islamia before first finding an audience with Earth as Witness (1994), about the Tibetan struggle. Then came a trilogy: A Season Outside (1997), around military pageantry at the Wagah border; To Remember (2003), about the Gujarat massacres; and A Season of Prophecy (2002), around caste and cultural differences. His most recent project, The Torn First Pages (2004-08), shows a Burmese book dealer imprisoned for sedition. A Love Story (2010), a lyrical five-minute film set in black-and-white against a Delhi landfill, is one of the only ones he feels he is done adding to. Most of the films are also short, or shorter than is usual. “I think there is always a massive opportunity in a short film,” says Kanwar. “Sometimes what you can say and do in a short film you can’t do in a longer film. A short film can give you a certain 44 open
“I felt that perhaps seeing this in simultaneity, in multiple projections, would be a completely different way of understanding this issue” Amar Kanwar insight that would perhaps get lost in the complexity of a longer film.” While making Lightning Testimonies, Kanwar collected objects, including a shawl one screen displays as it is woven, and memorial items which ordinarily might have made it into the work itself. The Sovereign Forest, for example, an ongoing research project exploring the impact of mining in Odisha, began in 2010 and created an epic installation involving film (including A Love Story), texts, seeds. Visitors are invited to contribute to this cumulative library of ‘evidence’, conjured variously around the world and permanently housed in Bhubaneswar, Odisha. When it was shown in 2012 at the inaugural Kochi Muziris Biennale in Kerala (Kanwar is expected to return there this December), local farmers and bureaucrats gathered to discuss the rural world it examines—the kind of interplay Kanwar encourages, in his endlessly accretive idiom. “When you move a show from place to place, it changes and can become quite different. The Sovereign Forest was in its largest form in Yorkshire. The in-
stallation keeps growing, and by the time this exhibition happened, there were 150 or 160 photographs, texts, etcetera, that had been added,” says Kanwar. “There was an 18th century organ in a chapel in Yorkshire Sculpture Park that was being dismantled, and so we used its old and very beautiful local wood and made several Listening Benches. I wrote a few more chapters in The Counting Sisters and other Stories (a hand-sewn collection of stories written by Kanwar) and recorded them and placed soundtracks inside The Listening Benches (the artist’s first sculptural objects for the outdoors). So in a way the stories continued out of the printed book and into the outdoors through the benches, orally.” The artist works on three or four projects simultaneously, with collaborators. “I’m trying to make a film about the fluidity between fact and fiction, between truth and deception,” he says. “Socially and politically, there is a strong churning taking place, there are many things, many changes happening in the Subcontinent that are very powerful and disturbing.” n 21 July 2014
Books The Executioner’s Song A dark, masterful satire plays on death and the media, bringing one of Kerala’s strongest voices to English via Calcutta Shahnaz Habib
The Hangwoman
By KR Meera Translated by J Devika Hamish Hamilton | pp 448 | Rs 599
T
he image that stays long after finishing KR Meera’s The
Hangwoman, days after its intricate plot has coalesced into a memory puddle of morbid scenes and fables, is of a young woman’s fingers twisting her dupatta. It is a tentative act, something to do with your hands when you don’t know where to put them. But this particular young woman is not being tentative. She is fashioning a noose. The floral prints and psychedelic colours of her dupatta are looping into a hangwoman’s tool. Her fingers are skilled and her arms are strong, she not only knows how to knot the noose but also how to throw it around a neck. The hangwoman’s own journey is similar to that of the dupatta, that everyday symbol of feminine modesty. When the story begins, Chetna Mullick is a dutiful daughter, washing her disabled brother’s clothes in their ramshackle home next to the funeral ghats. The men in her family have been in the business of executing death sentences for generations and the family is eagerly awaiting the next hanging. But when her 88-year-old father bargains with the government and demands that his daughter be given his job and a wily, fast-talking television reporter manufactures a news story out of this, Chetna finds herself catapulted into a frenzy of publicity. Meera, one of the strongest voices in contemporary Malayalam literature, has won awards for her fiction as well as screenwriting. Her short story collection Yellow is the Colour of Longing (2011) was translated into English, and has written 11 other books. But the earliest recognition of her writing was an award for her investigative series on Kerala’s women laborers. Even as her writing career shape-shifts, and her words move from newspapers to fiction to television, Meera continues to be drawn to investigating women. There is immense playfulness, albeit of the dark kind, in the way Meera portrays Chetna’s metamorphosis. As we wait for the hanging, Chetna grows into her own powers. She delves eagerly into the stories of her ancestors, the hangmen who perfected the art and craft of killing by rope. She learns about ropes, about the vertebrae of the neck, about 46 open
tHE SATIRIST KR Meera chronicles a family of executioners in The Hangwoman
testing the weight of the body. She becomes enamoured of death. She becomes media-savvy. After a contract for exclusive access is signed with CNC television, Chetna sits day after day in front of a television camera to be interviewed by Sanjeev Kumar Mitra, the ambitious reporter who makes a celebrity out of her. The noose is in the news, and in turn, the news becomes a noose. The television camera follows her to the jail where she goes to receive her appointment order and to inspect the big iron box in which ‘ropes that were a century old lay coiled like enormous black cobras preparing to lay eggs’. The TRP ratings go through the roof, and the reporter wants to marry Chetna. The edges of this satire are knife-sharp. Meera plays with the reader’s anticipation masterfully while also forcing us to recognise how hollow such victories are. One day Chetna refuses to go to the television studio, asking her father to go instead. He persuades her: ‘I am old. They want young people. And besides, you are the symbol of women’s strength and self-respect, for India and the whole world.’ He was flushed with emotion. ‘I can’t do it,’ I said. ‘I’ll give you one tight slap, mind you! Talking back to me, eh? Just see what happens when we hear women talk back around here—’ He raised his hand to hit me. Scared, I jumped out of the way.
The grimness that hangs over the novel deepens in the second half and Meera turns the entire city into a haunted house. It was with surprise that we read in her acknowledgements that she has never lived in Calcutta
But Meera’s genius is not just in manipulating the irony of the hangwoman’s power for predictable laughs and thrills. She takes the novel to a trickier, darker place. We all know not to trust power and publicity. But what about love? When Sanjeev Kumar Mitra and Chetna romance in the murky, decaying streets, the narrative of the novel twists inward. The more the narrator takes us into her confidence, the less we understand her. This interior world of secret intentions and unrequited desires is as treacherous as the world of TRP ratings and SMS polls. And the city wraps around hangwoman and reporter with its mysteries; a rickshaw puller pedalling the lovers through a monsoon night turns out to be the heir of Tipu Sultan, ancestors start to emerge from the shadows. This is where the novel begins to falter. The Chetna of the first half of the story is a complicated woman, whose fierceness is tempered by insecurities and longings. In the second half, however, Chetna appears more like an all-knowing oracle. The story drags here, interrupting itself with other stories as Chetna remembers her ancestors and pieces together her own family history and how it intersected with the history of Calcutta, from Atmaram Mullick who put to death hundreds of British soldiers, as the chief executioner of Nawab Mir Qasim, to Ramnatha Grddha Mullick, a poet and musi21 july 2014
cian who placed the noose around the neck of the woman he loved. In itself, these mini-histories are fascinating and wellresearched, but they are woven into the main story with utter recklessness. They dangle precariously from the thread of Chetna’s story. Eventually, the narrator simply turns into a vehicle for these memories. Perhaps this is the pitfall of reading in one sitting a novel first published in serial form, over 52 weeks. The story takes on a loopiness, a repetitive quality which might be forgiven by a reader taking in one chapter once a week—but not by one who can skip pages. When the narrative recovers sufficiently to twist out a new dilemma, gasping its way to the end, the resolution which would have seemed bold a 100 pages ago, ends up tasting melodramatic. Yet, even this second half of the novel is extremely atmospheric. The grimness that hangs over the novel deepens here and Meera turns the entire city into a haunted house. With surprise, we read in her acknowledgements that she has never lived in Calcutta. During her research, she learned about its women: ‘Within decaying tombs in the ancient cemetery of History were the women who had revolted inside and outside their homes, the women who had dreamed of new worlds, the women whose tresses continued to grow long and longer even when their skulls had crumbled to dust.’ This story passed through multiple filters before it appeared in its English incarnation. Translator J Devika has captured the way Malayalam strings together metaphors, describing an object or moment or mood using multiple images. But there are places where the wheels of translation squeak aloud. For instance, when Chetna’s father takes her to visit the gallows for the first time, she looks at the lever that will shift the platform on which the condemned man stands.
‘The iron rod which had borne the touch of my ancestors for many, many centuries. They had made sure that their mission continued through centuries—whenever one retired and proceeded towards death, he would dedicate to the world another soul who would continue to carry out justice. And here I was, finally, deputed to continue that mission. And what a mission, I sorrowed.’ The word ‘sorrowed’ brings us up short at the end of that brooding moment. Almost too literal, too scrupulous, the word, though grammatically blameless, tosses the gravitas of the moment into the air. What does ‘sorrowed’ do that ‘grieved’ or ‘mourned’ does not? The iron lever is rusty, Chetna finds when she pulls it to practice. It does not budge. The moment passes, for the narrator and the reader. n Shahnaz Habib writes for The New Yorker’s ‘Briefly Noted’ open www.openthemagazine.com 47
Books From Britain’s music scene of the 90s to China’s Cultural Revolution to the publishing worlds of New York and London, a treat of drama and comedy rajni george
The International List
funny critS creamingly ic and columnist follows her pithy
Caitlin
Moran
2011 feminist primer, How to Be a Woman, with her novel How to Build a Girl (Ebury, 352 pp). Her narrator Johanna, growing up fat and on benefits in a shambolic Wolverhampton council house mysteriously bereft of mirrors, has one ambition when we first meet, at 14: ‘Anyone could have sex when they’re sixteen. Try doing it when you’re fourteen, hang out only with your brothers and wear your mum’s bra.’ Reinventing herself as Dolly Wilde, by 16 she drops out of school and is smoking, drinking and sexcapading with rockstars in London. Halfway through, she finally gets her first kiss: ‘[I]t was the first time anyone had ever not kissed to the left or to the right of me—but gone right into the centre, as men and women do.’ It sparks an epidemic. Dolly drinks up life, building herself anew with eyeliner, top hat and a filthy mouth. For, she is now a much feared music critic at D&Me, writing only snarky reviews after one early rave about soulmate John Kite, fellow class warrior and renegade. Many concerts, moshpits and one giant penis later—the latter inciting a hilarious after-party featuring a bout of cystitis and a Withnail and I codeine moment—Dolly has been schooled. She must find her own way, even as she worries about her impoverished family. Behind the background score of masturbation and ambition is a young woman with lovely lines like: ‘All my siblings were sliding out of the doors, like butter across a hot pan’—even as she describes watching herself come, reflected on a CD. The narrator never lets up, at her most vulnerable. And when she oversteps, she is surefooted, stretching breakfast 48 open
table family comedy to a glimpse of your ex-rocker dad’s balls as he parades in your old dressing gown. Moran, with her half a million Twitter followers, is that kind of wicked genius. But the shouty tweet-ese makes for a lingering slightness, heightened by the slightly irksome ‘build a girl’ conceit, which channels self-help spinoffs. As a novel, this Buddha of Suburbia for working-class women falters. But wonderfully, knowing it is more fun and honest than anything you may read this year.
Caitlin Moran
T
axi driver Wang Jun is one of the many living an ordinary life in Beijing ahead of the 2008 Olympics, animated by the intimate conversations of his passengers and anchored by his wife Lida and daughter Echo in The Incarnations (Transworld, 384 pp). But an anonymous figure, the Watcher, is here to remind him they have known each other over a thousand years, in many other lives: ‘[T]o have lived six times, but to know only your latest incarnation, is to know only one-sixth of who you are. To be only one-sixth alive.’ In letters, this intimate grows closer, telling him of these other lives, taking him back to the Tang Dynasty, the Opium War and the Mongol invasion; to the age of the Red Guard and the ravages of the Cultural Revolution. For, this is a story about the relentlessness of memory—even in a nation keen to forget its past and focus on the future—and of history. Some men and women may live the same mistake over and over, and never leave the cycle. Nicely positioned against this recalling is contemporary China, as alive and vital as stereotypes about its anodyne culture. The story of a spirit-bride is mixed with contemporary young China; phrases like ‘da feiji’ (beating the aeroplane, or masturbating) are smoothly mixed in with the quaint tone of the Watcher. This is an outsider’s tale with a native’s love of the old days. The author, susan barker , who grew up in east London and now lives in Shenzhen, gives us contemporary China in its sombre reality; less colourless than the stereotype, but perhaps drawing too much colour from its past. Not since Jung Chang’s Wild Swans has there been such a visceral retelling of the old days. We need more stories like this from the People’s Republic. kenjack/demotix/corbis
t’s the tale Iwant you will to
Joanna Rakoff
“I
f you want a lifetime of temporary alliances with peers who will glory in your every failure, write novels.” Meet the residents of the roiling literary world of JK Rowling’s latest murder mystery. Rowling’s turn as Robert Galbraith has been enjoyed and criticised, as the Harry Potter creator changed genre and continued to sell. Now, she dials up the drama in a publishing murder mystery that naughtily places the players of her champion industry in grave peril: detective Cormoran Strike returns in The Silkworm (Hachette India, 464 pp). The chain-smoking agent with the hacking cough, the literary party laced with gossip and scandal, the groupies hovering around snotty writers; Galbraith/ Rowling 21 july 2014
read even if you didn’t work your first job in publishing, riding in and out of Brooklyn. In My Salinger Year (Bloomsbury, 272pp), one of the most enjoyable memoirs to come out of the Madison Avenue offices of the American literary world, Joanna Rakoff pays tribute to good old-fashioned publishing. In this peerlessly decadent world full of pedal-driven dictaphones, whisky minks and smokey, wood-panelled offices, the agents of the greats sustain a world where letters to JD Salinger arrive regularly and are answered, dutifully. The narrator, gauche young Joanna, is awed by her proximity to Fitzgerald and Thomas but recognises, after one troubled weekend wherein she reads all of his oeuvre, that Salinger is
has this milieu in ripe focus. It all centres around Bombyx Mori (literally ‘silkworm’), a creepy book foretelling the brutal disembowelment of its author, Owen Quine. This Jacobean crime seems to originate in bad publishing etiquette: Crossfire is sent a manuscript Roper Chard was meant to see exclusively, setting off the mother of all industry upheavals. When a publisher bemoans the future, saying we need more readers, not writers, the humour turns black indeed. For the eccentric, cape-wearing author—of the “so-bad-he’s good category”—is offed. A decaying outlier inciting old-fashioned chaos in a new-fangled world, Quine is surrounded by seven plates and cutlery as staged corpse: a revenge feast. All terribly dire if it weren’t for our hero. Given to anguish over a mercurial ex, hog-
the outlier of a rarefied world. In it, ‘those names on the spine represented something else, something else that leads people to speak in hushed voices, something that I’d previously thought had absolutely nothing to do with books and literature: money’. The old ways may have to go, she sees. A likeable heroine, Joanna is vulnerable in this ambitious world she has managed to succeed in. Yet, the reader is anxious on her behalf. Not least because of her love life, made up of a shadowy ex and mean aspiring writer Don, who pens cheesy-sounding male fantasy narratives but acts superior. Perhaps most direly, he finds them a house so awfully bohemian they have to keep the oven on to keep warm! This is perhaps the least compelling aspect— why can’t she just leave? —of what is otherwise a crisp, elegant memoir.
ging biscuits and lots of creosotecoloured tea, Strike is a loveable, grumbling ogre. Openly annoyed with his friend’s bratty kids and admitting to using a young woman for work, he limps into our hearts (Strike is a disabled soldier). Rowling has grown into her own as Galbraith, if clunky at times; some of Strike’s interplay with winsome assistant Robin feels trite, some of the evil too evil, the hermaphrodite theme too overplayed. Ultimately, the plot loses its focus. But the excellent jibes at publishing and patient detailing fill out its sails. Full of pub crawls at Ye Olde Cheshire Cheese and slick interrogations at the Groucho Club, here is a cosy London murder mystery. n
This is the first of a monthly roundup of the best of international publishing open www.openthemagazine.com 49
“At the back of our minds is always for his future...What’s in store for
CINEMA
I
n our culture, or at least the culture I come from, fathers don’t praise
their children openly. There’s a sense of pride when somebody else says good things about them. So, if you are expecting to hear something flattering about Salman, let me warn that you’ve come to the wrong person. I’m not the sort of Dad to say, ‘My son is a genius.’ In fact, in Salman’s generation, I often say that it was Govinda who was the most versatile talent. In the past I’ve gone to the extent of criticising Salman in public. Whenever I’ve felt something was wrong, I’ve raised an objection. If his behaviour was suspect, I’ve said so. Fortunately—or unfortunately—I’ve been Salman’s role model. A father is his son’s first hero. He is an important influence, especially in the son’s personal development, his habits and social behaviour. Salman used to hear tales of my Indore days, how I rode a motorcycle, wore clothes, walked and talked. In his twenties, Salman was exactly like me. At that age, I lived an adventurous life, full of thrill and excitement. When you are young, you’re wild and reckless. Not that we harmed others. Salman, in some ways, was living my life. I have remained in touch with all the women in my life—we never parted on a bitter note and some of them are grandmothers today. Salman, too, is still on good terms with the women he loved. Things between them may not have worked out, maybe due to [the prevailing] circumstances or something else, but Salman has never spoken a word in public against them. These days, we find every second couple washing their dirty linen in pub-
apoorva guptay
this looming fear Salman?” Salim Khan on his son Salman as told to Shaikh Ayaz
not-s0-doting father Salim Khan has “fortunately or unfortunately” been Salman’s role model
lic after a messy breakup. That’s why I’ve also been a little forgiving towards him. We’ve made the same mistakes and paid the price for it. As far as his emotional or love life goes, all of us have given him complete liberty to sort it out himself. In our family, it seems the concept of love marriage is more popular than arranged marriage. I got married twice—thankfully to women I love. Arbaaz married for love, so did Sohail and Alvira, and now, my youngest daughter, Arpita too, is getting married to the man she loves. I can’t choose a wife for Salman. He’ll have to choose [his own], because he has to live with her. When you want to get married, what is it you look for in a woman? That she’ll be a homemaker, who’ll bear children, look after them, prepare breakfast for them, make them go to school and do several other things. A man wants a woman who’ll be a good mother to his children. And, being a mother is a full-time job. A career woman won’t do that. She can’t do it. Even if she tries hard, she cannot assume the job of a homemaker, because she hasn’t trained herself to do so. Actresses like Rajshree and Kajol quit at their peak to raise a family. Some of the girls here want to get married only once their careers are over. The biggest contradiction in Salman’s life is that those he gets involved with are not prepared to do all this.
I’
m one of those unfortunate people
who were brought up by servants. My mother died when I was about nine, and my father, when I was 14. My father grew close to me those four-five years after my mother’s death. Since I was the youngest in the family, he took me along wherever he went. I remember how scared we were of our father. So I’d decided that when I become one myself, I’m going to be the kind of father whom the kids aren’t afraid to approach. I wanted them to talk freely and joke around with me. But there has to be a line they can’t cross. When I was working, I didn’t have time for them. Naturally, they all—including Salman—grew close to their
52 open
namas Bhojani/India Today Group
mother. He can confide in her about his girlfriends and breakups. With me, he’s a bit reserved. In time, I did get close to the children, but only after they had all grown up. I’m like a friend to them now. I drink with Salman, just as I do with my other kids. Though he’s given up smoking, he never lit a cigarette in front of me out of respect. I still don’t drink in front of my elder brother. Love is rooted in respect. If you don’t respect somebody, you can’t possibly love that person. With respect comes responsibility. If somebody looks up to you, you’ve got to make sure not to go down in their eyes. To set an example, you have to avoid certain temptations. You can’t come home drunk and create a ruckus and make a fool of yourself. The children are watching you. I have conducted myself carefully and gracefully, even more so after the kids became adults.
When I decided to marry Helen, it wasn’t like I was disillusioned by my marriage with Salma or something. It was just an emotional accident that I met Helen, liked her and married her. Anybody who says he’s not interested in a beautiful, good-looking woman is either lying or there’s something physically wrong with him. Initially, there was turbulence at home. It was only natural. But we realised we have this situation on hand and we dealt with it maturely. I didn’t want to do anything that would embarrass my children or do something that would make others taunt them, ‘Look, what a disgraceful thing your Dad did!’
I’
m 78 now. After I’m gone, Salman is prepared to take over the family’s responsibilities. All the siblings have already given him that position 21 july 2014
‘‘
In his twenties, Salman was exactly like me. At that age, I lived an adventurous life full of thrill and excitement... Not that we harmed others. Salman, in some ways, was living my life Salim Khan
like father, like son Salman with his father Salim Khan in 1990
subconsciously. He has acted courageously in crisis and proved that he can lead from the front. He has always been sensitive. Even as a child, he never gave us a tough time. He was good at whatever he did, especially cycling and swimming. He had a lot of energy. By the end of the day, muh khol ke kaheen bhi so jaata thha (he’d fall asleep open-mouthed anywhere). Afterwards, we used to lift him to his bed. It’s no secret that he paints—and dare I say, he’s good at it. I hear he’s also a good singer. He’s sung a song for Kick. I won’t say that he’s Mohammed Rafi, but if he continues to work on his voice, it might come in handy at a fire brigade drill! A saying goes, ‘You can’t learn swimming without jumping into the water.’ Obviously, you can’t learn to swim in your bedroom, unless, of course, your bedroom has a pool. I was one of those 21 july 2014
fathers who threw his children into water. I wanted them all, especially Salman, being the eldest, to grow up on their own. In my time, I’ve seen a lot of fathers in the film industry who were very protective of their children—to the extent that they were also controlling their careers. They used to hear scripts, discuss money and other things on behalf of their sons. When Salman entered the industry, I was accused of ‘managing’ his career. That’s not true. In fact, I even refused to sit for script narrations of his films. If I can claim to know a thing or two about anything, it’s got to be scriptwriting. Right from the beginning, Salman was encouraged to take his own decisions. Like all of us, he made mistakes, took some wrong steps, but has learnt from those. There’s a difference between climbing and growing. Climbing is instant, whereas the process of growth is slow.
Salman has grown, not climbed, into this position. It has been slow going... Compared to the other Khans, Aamir and Shah Rukh, his track record has been somewhat inconsistent. Though all the Khans are highly appreciated and command huge fan followings, Salman is loved. That’s the difference between him and the other Khans. There’s an extra something that he has. Honestly, I don’t know what that ‘extra something’ is. Maybe people find him kind-hearted. Or, it could be his simplicity. He has no ambition to own a fancy bungalow or building. He still lives in the same flat, just below mine. You should see how small that flat is. Half of it is a gym. There’s not even proper space for a wardrobe. Some years ago, we bought him a duplex-terrace apartment at Carter Road. I called him to say, “Now, you’ve got a house that befits your status as a star. Tell me when you wish to move there.” He wondered whether his mother and I will join him. When we refused, saying that we’re too comfortable in this house, he was upset and said he won’t go either. We had to sell that property eventually. That’s how he is. He loves us, but also enjoys his private space and stays alone on the farm in Panvel for days on end.
A
s an actor, Salman is an original. He’s doesn’t copy anybody. Some actors have made a career out of copying Dilip Kumar or Dev Anand. But Salman doesn’t remind me of any star who has come before him. He is free of any influence. Post-Dabangg, he has enjoyed great box-office success. But where there are hits, there are also misses. Jai Ho didn’t do as well as expected. When I saw it, I thought the music was weak and that could go against the film. I was proved right. But hits and flops don’t excite us anymore. Even before Salman became a star, this house had seen a dozen super-hits: Sholay, Don, Deewaar, Trishul, Shakti, you name it. We’ve been too long in the game to know that. In cricket parlance, we’ve played on all kinds of pitches—flat wickets, bouncy wickets, so on and so forth. open www.openthemagazine.com 53
Vijayanand Gupta/HT/Getty Images
‘As a family, we may make for a happy picture’ Salman Khan with (L-R) his sister Alvira, mother Salma, father Salim and other sister Arpita at the family’s Bandra residence in Mumbai
There was a time when he did films for emotional reasons—to bail out friends or support people who’ve been with him in his difficult times. He didn’t take up films for reasons that most actors usually do, like the script, character, director and the studio. He has given breaks to a number of people, be it producers, music directors or lyricists. But when those films started flopping, he realised their survival also depends on his own survival. That’s when he reassessed his career and decided to take things more seriously. He’s big on philanthropy. And he does it purely on his own strength. Do you think the funding is coming from the sky? It’s his personal money, and he earns it whichever way he can, whether it is through films, appearances or endorsements. He cuts a ribbon and the proceeds go to [his charity] Being Human. The hit-and-run accident, the blackbuck poaching case—these are not criminal offences. These were mistakes. For him, it’s a double-edged sword. If he is punished, people say he’s being made an example of. If he is set free, the argument goes that he bought 54 open
his freedom [through] his celebrity status and powerful connections. But only we know how much we’ve suffered. As a family, we may make for a happy picture, but at the back of our minds is always this looming fear for his future, ‘What’s in store for Salman?’
I
n 2002, we went to s ee him at Thane
central jail, where he was lodged in a ten-by-six room, which he shared with hardened criminals. He slept on a dhurry. The only thing in the room was a pot for water. It was painful to see him in that condition. Here’s a man who lived life on his own terms! I’m never short of words, but that day, I couldn’t bring myself to say anything. I told my wife not to cry in his presence and to put up a brave front. Finally, when he came, I couldn’t bear to see him. I left quietly. Salman afterwards told his mother, “Don’t bring Dad next time.” That night, I sat by the window with a drink. Suddenly, my eyes turned moist and tears started flowing. In our culture, fathers don’t express [emotion]. There’s always a communication gap
between fathers and sons. There’s no question that life is a great teacher. The jail experience brought about a big change in him, and a realisation that life without freedom is nothing. He now recognises the value of a free life. Fortunately, what has kept us going is our sense of humour. We never take ourselves too seriously, and, as far as possible, laugh away our worries. Recently, a lady came to meet us and was introduced to all our children. She looked at everyone, especially Salman and said, “Your kids are quite handsome.” Sohail quickly pointed at me, “Thanks to Vicky Donor!” Salman has his own special brand of humour. At a private function once, the photographer asked us to come together for a group shot. Salman said, “We are a joint family that joins only for a group photo. Otherwise, we are like frogs—drag one into the frame and somebody else goes missing. By the end, there’ll be no one!” We all burst out laughing. n Shaikh Ayaz is a Mumbai-based film journalist 21 july 2014
ian gavan/getty images
Cinema
That Sassy Girl Just three films old, Alia Bhatt is the new rage in Bollywood. Is she more than the daddy’s daughter? Divya Unny
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wo days before her first film Student of the Year went on the floors, Alia Bhatt had a minor panic attack. She pulled on a pair of jeans, stepped into her car, and drove to her father’s office in Khar, Mumbai. Mahesh Bhatt recalls Alia’s exact words that afternoon. “What if you found out you do not have the talent to get what you have always wanted the most?” she had asked. Bhatt did not have a success formula for his 18-year-old daughter that day. All he said to her was that the first sign of a good actor is butterflies in one’s belly. “She stood in a roomful of people and spoke her fears out that day,” says the father, “It takes courage to do that.” Today, two years, three films and countless belly-butterfly moments later, Alia is on her way to joining the league of actors who’ve had to handle the perks and perils of success very early in life. At 21, she is already being hailed as tomorrow’s superstar. She has age on her side, an acting graph that’s gaining a shape of its own, and above all, an effervescence that’s quite unique to her. Alia, the current darling of fashionistas, displays no fear of competition. Few others can fill her spot, she seems to sense, and this is her biggest strength. Comparisons with Kareena Kapoor are more than welcome, but she’s too comfortable in her skin to emulate anyone. She likes to speak her mind, and if she sounds naïve at times, she doesn’t try to hide it. “I don’t feel too different from any other girl my age. Maybe I’ve discovered what I really want to do a lot earlier than many others, that’s all,” says Alia, taking a bite of her grilled chicken and brown rice. It’s Day 22 of the promotional exercise of her latest film, Humpty Sharma Ki Dulhaniya, and she
21 July 2014
has probably had a lot of interview lunches. “I’ve travelled to 12 cities in the past 10 days. It’s exhausting, but it’s one of the most important processes of making a film. Varun [Dhawan] and I are new faces,” she reasons, “We aren’t Shah Rukh or Salman Khan whose films people would watch even without promotion.” Dressed in blue jeans and boots, her choice of get-up reflects a part of her that stands out the most—her unaffectedness. She has no entourage, no flunky waiting to answer her phone calls. “Yes, Varun, I’ll be there in two minutes,” she says to her co-star who can’t seem to stop calling on her mobile. “I like to do my own thing,” she says, “What’s the point of having a thousand people around to help you? It’s just more confusing.” With three back-to-back hits in her kitty, the pressure to deliver is a lot more on her than on Varun Dhawan, and she considers it a compliment. “If people expect better from me every time there’s a new film, there must be something right I’m doing.” Plus, what makes this one special is that it’s an out-and-out love story. “I am not clichéd, but I am quite a heartthrob,” she says, “If real love happens, I would put love over work any day, and people who say they don’t have time for love are lying.” Alia leads a life that’s a lot busier than that of a typical 21-year-old. “I get to see her just for two minutes during her morning coffee. I learn about her love life through the papers,” says mother Soni Razdan, who misses the time she used to spend with her. “I think it’s been the toughest on Mum. She really misses me because I’m working most of the time. But it’s no big deal. I take my time out to party too!” says Alia unapologetically.
“With Alia, our entire household was very certain that she was going to be an actor from the very beginning. In fact, she was alarmingly clear about what she wanted to do ever since she was very young,” says father Mahesh Bhatt. Both parents fondly remember the cautiously choreographed dance shows Alia would put up for her maternal grandparents every weekend as a kid. “She’s a performer, always was,” says her mother. Few know that Alia’s first brush with the camera wasn’t Karan Johar’s student drama, but Sangharsh (1999),
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Dad told me, ‘Alia your tone’s becoming monotonous, graph it.’ Which is why I hate being cautious with my words... It’s so boring” Alia Bhatt
written by her father. She was six years old then, and played a young Preity Zinta. “She led a very normal, non-filmi childhood. In fact, the very first time she came onto a film set was when we were shooting Sangharsh,” says Bhatt. It lasted just a few hours, but it made her want to spend the rest of her life under the arclights. “Alia once dropped by on the sets of Jism to say ‘Hi’ to me on her way to school. We were shooting a sequence with John and Bipasha at a restaurant near home. I still remember the look on her face that day. It was alopen www.openthemagazine.com 57
‘‘
I am not clichéd, but I am a heartthrob. If real love happens, I would put love over work, and people who say they don’t have time for love are lying”
Alia Bhatt
years too early, but who would let go of an opportunity that big? I may not have gone to drama school, but I’m getting on-set experience with directors and that is very valuable,” she says. ‘Thanks for not helping me at all,’ she wrote on the first autograph she ever signed after her debut success. It was for Dad. “That was an unforgettable moment for me,” says Bhatt, “Pooja got a spectacular debut in Daddy, but the difference is that Pooja was a reluctant actress and Alia isn’t. I don’t think Student… really challenged her emotional quotient, but it was the induction she needed into films.”
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most like she knew this is what she wanted to do.” Many would think it’s easy to dream the superstar dream if your father has been one of the most prolific filmmakers of his time. But being the daughter of Mahesh Bhatt had its own challenges. Unlike stepsister Pooja, who was launched by her father in Daddy (1989), Alia did not have the luxury of her Dad’s creative vision. Bhatt had quit directing films in 1999 and so Alia had to find her own way. “When Karan came to my mother with Student of the Year, I was a little confused because I was still studying,” she says, “But it was too big an opportunity to let go. I finished my exams and started training for the film.” Though the film was a hit, Alia was labelled ‘a girl who’d hit films before she hit puberty’. Her age was the butt of many jokes, not to mention her lack of general knowledge (telecast on Koffee with Karan). “Yes, I may have debuted two 58 open
nlike her father, Alia did not
need sharp words to silence her critics. Her second film was a choice bold enough to do the job. Having pranced around in a dangerously skimpy school uniform, Alia transformed herself into a dishevelled wanderer. “She came with no training, hence no judgement, and that became her biggest strength,” says director Imtiaz Ali, who wasn’t really sure if Alia was the right choice to play Veera in his film Highway. “One day during the shoot, I saw her interacting with the locals in Kashmir,” he adds, “I thought she could never be one of them, but slowly I discovered the nomad in her. She’d proven me wrong.” It was a tough role. “The beauty of the film was the fact that I was so new and confused. I did not know what the hell I was doing,” Alia confesses. “Highway brought people like Shabana Azmi to my doorstep raving about her performance,” adds Bhatt. The more Alia started to discover herself as an actor, the more her relationship with her father deepened. During her growing up years, as she says, he would make ‘special appearances’ in her life, but they’re really getting to know each other now. “I was more or less a single parent for the longest time, till Alia and Shaheen (her sister) grew up because Mahesh was too busy with work,” says Razdan, “He never really took an interest in their lives when they were kids.” “My father… would come to school and be completely confused about
what standard I was in,” recalls Alia of his appearances during her parentteacher meetings. Bhatt doesn’t have a defence. Nor does he have any regrets. And he feels she has begun to see life from his vantage point as well. “This morning, she was listening to songs from my films. I feel like she understands cinema like Arth and Saaransh more today. She cries every time she watches Zakhm. She now knows what it is like to be me; to have uncertainty as a constant shadow... I’ve been out there in this business for 40 years. I’ve survived many upheavals, and today my daughter happens to be walking beside me. We connect on a far deeper level today, but not so much as father-daughter. She listens to my opinion, but more as a filmmaker.” Alia appreciates how her dad never treated her as a child. “He’d always have grown-up conversations with me. He’d make me listen to a song and ask for my opinion.” If there’s one thing he’s taught her, it is to be brutally honest with her words and choices. “I come from a family where if you are pretentious, you’d be told you are pretentious,” she says, “Dad told me, ‘Alia your tone’s becoming monotonous, graph it.’ Which is why I hate being cautious with my words. I see so many of my contemporaries delivering the same answers to the same questions every day. It’s boring!” They do have disagreements, but that does not impact their choices. “I’m dying to do a Rohit Shetty film,” she says. “I think she’s capable of a lot more than what this industry has to offer,” he counters. “I always tell Alia that productive careers don’t happen by chance. You have to have the ability to reinvent yourself and reconstruct your persona. Only he who has that appetite for the unknown can court uncertainty,” says Bhatt. “He’s unique. His films have 500 Mahesh Bhatts in them and that’s what I love about them,” says Alia. There is, of course, the question of their working together. Will they? “I may write a movie for her,” says Bhatt, “I would be lucky if she’s part of something that I do.” n 21 July 2014
right figure Around 90 per cent of the world’s population is right-handed. Various manual tasks in everyday life require the use of one’s right hand or are optimised for right-handers
The Evolution of Feathers Plumage did not emerge to help birds fly, but to either attract mates or stay warm
Cool Facts about Southpaws
melinda podor/getty images
science
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eathers, we have come to believe, evolved in birds to help them fly. That the distinctive outer covering or plumage found on modern birds is so well adapted for flight that they must have evolved for this very purpose. However, a new study claims that this is incorrect. According to its research, published in the journal Nature, feathers first appeared in birds’ ancestors for other purposes. Feathers first emerged either to attract mates or for insulation, and it was only later that they were used to fly. This discovery was made by palaeontologists of Ludwig-MaximiliansUniversitaet (LMU) in Munich while studying a new specimen of Archaeopteryx—a flightless ravensized bird from the age of dinosaurs that is considered to be the ancestor of the modern bird. Archaeopteryx represents a transitional form between reptiles and birds. It had primitive traits like teeth, a long bony tail and the absence of a bony, keeled sternum where flight muscles attach. This particular specimen, discovered in Bavaria in 2011, is about 150 million years old, and unlike previous specimens, had a
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fully-preserved tail. Fossils of only 10 more such specimens have so far been discovered. When the researchers began studying the fossils, they discovered that it had what scientists call ‘pennaceous’ feathers, long-shafted ones which help birds fly, on its wings. These feathers, the researchers claim, were asymmetrically shaped and overlapped in such a way as to make them aerodynamic. However, the researchers discovered pennaceous feathers on several other parts of its body, including its hind legs, indicating that feathers did not evolve specifically for flight. The researchers write in the journal, ‘An analysis of the phylogenetic distribution of pennaceous feathers on the tail, hindlimb and arms of advanced maniraptorans and basal avialans strongly indicates that these structures evolved in a functional context other than flight, most probably in relation to display.’ They add, ‘This indicates that the origin of flight in avians was more complex than previously thought and might have involved several convergent achievements of aerial abilities.’ n
A study in Cotex suggests that men born in the northern hemisphere in November, December or January are more likely to be left-handed than those born during the rest of the year. “Presumably, the relative darkness during the period November to January is not directly connected to this birth seasonality of handedness. We assume that the relative brightness during the period May to July... is its distal cause,” the researchers say. Testosterone delays the maturation of the left brain hemisphere, which is dominant among righthanders, during embryonic development. The hormone level of the mother and external factors may affect intrauterine testosterone levels. More daylight may increase these levels, making a seasonality effect plausible. n
How Bugs Spurred Our Brains
A new study suggests that it may well have been bugs that helped build our brains. Based on a five-year study of capuchin monkeys in Costa Rica, the research provides support for an evolutionary theory that links the development of sensorimotor skills, such as increased manual dexterity and tool use, to creative challenges of foraging for insects and other food that is buried or hard to get. While it’s hard to decipher the extent of seasonal dietary variations from fossil records, stable isotope analyses indicate seasonal diet variation for at least one South African hominin, Paranthropus robustus. Other research suggests that early human diets may have included a range of extractable foods such as termites, plant roots and tubers. n
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neutral density filter An ND filter can be used on a sunny day to slow things to create a sense of movement, but it’s more effective around dawn or dusk, when it can turn an already-slow exposure into one several seconds long, enabling you, for example, to turn a surging tide into a gentle mist
tech&style
Dior w VIII Montaigne, Steel and Mother-ofPearl
Nikon D810 A full-frame D-SLR for cinematographers and multimedia photographers gagandeep Singh Sapra Price: yet to be announced
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he D810 replaces both the
800 and the 800E that Nikon launched two years back and which shook up the world of full frame photography. Though at first glance it just looks like a revision of its previous avatar, the D810 has some specs tweaked that make it ideal for shooting high definition videos and full frame photography. The 810 will be available in India by the end of July 2014. Both the previous avatars and the 810 share 36.3 megapixels resolution specs, but Nikon has removed the Anti Alias Filter, thus assuring you of higher picture sharpness, though you may see a bit of moiré here and there. The D810 runs the latest ExSpeed processor from Nikon, allowing it to shoot 5 frames per second at full frame, compared to 4 in the last generation, and 7 frames per second in the DX mode. The processor also allows unlimited continual shooting, which was limited to 100 frames in the 800 and 800E. The sensor natively has a low ISO of 64, which can be lowered to ISO 32, let21 july 2014
ting you click long exposure shots without ND filters, and on the higher end it can go up to ISO 12,800 or ISO 51,200 in expanded mode, giving you a low-light monster that can capture images literally in no light. The D810 also features a new LCD. Though it remains a 3.2-inch screen, it has an increased sharpness with 1,299k dots. Improved scene recognition handles contrasting light easily, and its group AF capability ensures that shots are better focused. For videographers, there is some good news: now you can save your videos on the SD card/CF card in the camera even while you watch the movie over HDMI connected displays. The 810 can shoot full high definition 1080/60p movies with stereo sound. For shooting with slow shutter speeds, an electronic first-curtain shutter and a redesigned sequencer/ mirror balancer reduces vibrations to give you some great imagery. The D810 is an enviable buy, but if you have the D800 or D800E, this may not really be the model you want to upgrade to. n
Price on request
WorldTempus presents the Dior VIII Montaigne Steel and Mother-of-Pearl—a ‘jewel’ timepiece with a 25 mm diameter on a steel bracelet/alligator strap, or a day timepiece in its 32 mm or 36 mm all-steel version, embellished or not with a single hem of diamonds on the white mother-of-pearl dial. The 25 mm and 32 mm models house quartz movements powering the hours and minutes; the 36 mm models are driven by an automatic movement displaying the hours, minutes and seconds. These watches are water resistant up to 50 metres. n
Ecovacs Winbot
Rs 39,999
Stick the Ecovacs Winbot on the window and watch it clean glass panes with ease. It uses extremely soft material at its edges and antislip pads to ensure it does not end up scratching the glass. The Cleaning Pads are easily removable and washable, and you can even replace them. A remote unit allows you to control the robot. With an ambient noise of 55 decibels, you do hear it work, but not in an intrusive way. And with its powerful suction capability, it not only wipes the window clean, but also collects all the dust, giving you shining glass to look through, or just let the light in. n Gagandeep Singh Sapra is The Big Geek at System3. He can be reached at gadgets@openmedianetwork.in
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CINEMA
queen of disguises For Bobby Jasoos, Vidya Balan had disguised herself as a beggar outside a railway station for one of its scenes. So realistic was her semblance to a beggar that a woman is believed to have yelled at her for begging after giving her some money
Bobby Jasoos Despite nailing its sociocultural context, this mildly entertaining film is uneventful ajit duara
o n scr een
current
The Fault in our Stars Director Josh Boone cast Willem Dafoe, Shailene Woodley,
Ansel Elgort
Score ★★★★★
lan, Ali faza Cast Vidya ba ak th pa iya pr su mar shaikh Director sa
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here is a flatness to this movie that is disappointing. Though nothing is inherently wrong with the concept or story, it never takes off. Like an aircraft on the runway trying to generate enough thrust to lift itself into the air, the film goes from episode to episode describing the exploits of a private detective called Bilqis Ahmed, aka Bobby, but is never able to lift you into the space of cinematic fiction. However cleverly Bobby (Vidya Balan) is able to switch the disguises she needs to conduct her investigative work in Hyderabad, the actress fails to create a character you believe in, empathise with and who holds you right through a movie centered on her, as did Kangana Ranaut in Queen, where she played Rani, the daughter of a halwai from Delhi. There is a similar attempt here to place Bobby in the socio-cultural context of a middle-class family: here, a conservative Muslim one living in an old part of Hyderabad. But she just can’t carry it off. 62 open
You drift through Bobby’s hectic schedule as a ‘jasoos’ (detective) and note her big break when she gets a mysterious assignment from a very rich man called Anees Khan (Kiran Kumar) who asks her to locate two girls, and then a young man. This client wants anonymity, and though thrilled by the wads of cash as pay, Bobby gets suspicious of his motives. The best thing about the film is Hyderabad, and the city becomes the most interesting character in Bobby Jasoos. Like with Paris and the Eiffel Tower, the Charminar is omnipresent in the film, while we traverse the city’s muhallahs and galis in search of missing people with identifiable birthmarks. And we follow Bobby while she drags her mother and sisters from one eatery to another to taste its biryani in the elusive search for the exact Hyderabadi variant of that traditional rice dish that will crack her case. This film is an easy watch and equally easy to forget. n
While John Green, author of The Fault in our Stars, clearly references Shakespeare to ask questions about whether destiny or self-will guides our lives, the philosophical issue he seeks to highlight doesn’t come through too clearly in this film adaptation. Made just two years after his novel was published, it has been ‘Hollywoodised’. It makes one wonder if the writer had written it with eventual picturisation in mind. Revolving around a young girl and a boy who meet at a cancer patients’ support group and gradually fall in love, it is about the couple struggling with the literary concept of romantic love as immortal. This idea contradicts their personal experiences as cancer survivors, confronted as they are by their own mortality at every medical check up. It is when Hazel (Shailene Woodley) and Augustus (Ansel Elgort) decide to meet an American writer in Amsterdam called Peter van Houten (Willem Dafoe), to find out what happens ‘after’ the abrupt ending of his novel, that they reluctantly comprehend that free will is a romantic and philosophical notion that has very little to do with their lives. A sad film, but one that somehow escapes the maudlin thanks to excellent performances by its lead actors. n AD
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Not People Like Us
R aj e e v M asa n d
A New Star on the Horizon
From the look of it, Deepika Padukone might have competition for the Number One position. Barely four films old in the business, and Alia Bhatt is fast emerging the next best alternative for filmmakers who can’t work with Deepika, or those that don’t want to. You’re probably wondering which director or producer wouldn’t want to cast Bollywood’s most successful leading lady. The answer is: those seeking to create a fresh casting coup. Like Deepika’s Yeh Jawaani Hai Deewani director and close friend Ayan Mukherjee, apparently. The story doing the rounds is that Ayan doesn’t want to pair Deepika opposite Ranbir Kapoor again for his next film, and particularly so since the actors would have also appeared together in Imtiaz Ali’s next, which will likely wrap up before Ayan even begins working on his own project. Insiders are saying Ayan has zeroed in on Alia to play his female lead, and turns out he has his leading man’s blessing. Ranbir has famously been a strong proponent of Alia’s talent since he watched an early cut of Highway, and is reportedly excited about working with her. What that could mean for Karan Johar’s next directorial venture is uncertain, given that Alia’s name was being tossed around for that film, which is also expected to star Ranbir. But before any of these films take off, the 2 States star will begin filming Queen director Vikas Bahl’s Shaandar opposite Shahid Kapoor. None of this is meant to imply that Deepika is out of work or anything. Far from it. DP’s got her hands full between Shoojit Sircar’s Piku, Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s Bajirao Mastani, Imtiaz’s RK-starrer, and at least one Excel Productions film. But it is clear that just when it seemed as if Deepika had no competition—Kangana Ranaut and Vidya Balan couldn’t keep the momentum of their careers going—here comes an actress who could keep her on her toes for a bit.
A Curious Case of Inertia
Whatever happened to the Kareena Kapoor of such films as Chameli, Omkara, and Jab We Met... ? Who switched her with this blockbuster-hungry hack that we’re stuck with? The abundantly gifted and once-fearless star has openly admitted she has nothing left to prove in terms of her 21 july 2014
talent, and now only wants to be a part of commercial successes. That explains such questionable choices as Golmaal 3, Bodyguard and Ra.One. Recently Kareena turned down Kahaani director Sujoy Ghosh’s Durga Rani Singh, a female-driven drama, and Shaitaan director Bejoy Nambiar’s next with Amitabh Bachchan and Farhan Akhtar, which Vidhu Vinod Chopra will produce. Instead she reportedly expressed interest when they were considering her for the lazily-titled Akshay Kumar starrer Singh Is Bling. As it turns out, the makers wanted to go ‘younger’, so they dropped the idea of casting Kareena and have apparently cast Heropanti’s Kriti Sannon in her place. But Kareena has insulated herself with another potential blockbuster that she is slated to appear in next—the big Independence Day release Singham Returns. The second installment of Chennai Express director Rohit Shetty’s cop-drama franchise, Singham Part Deux once again stars Ajay Devgn in the lead, and is still filming in Hyderabad even as its release date approaches fast. Unit members have revealed that Kareena’s presence in the film is limited to a clutch of songs and handful of scenes, even as Ajay does all the heavy lifting.
An Uneasy Habit to Break
It appears that another Bollywood romance has hit the rocks. A sometime-actor and producer never hid his feelings for this smoking-hot model-turned-actress, flirting with her openly on Twitter, and taking cozy holidays together at sun kissed beach resorts. The lady in question, famous for her bohemian lifestyle, might have finally found a reason to call India home… God knows her film career wasn’t exactly soaring! But friends of the couple reveal that their relationship is more or less over. They continue to be good friends, but that may be the extent of it. And unlike popular perceptions, it wasn’t the actress who was wary of committing to something more long-term, but the actor-producer, who is reportedly in no mood to settle down just yet—despite being well in his forties. n Rajeev Masand is entertainment editor and film critic at CNN-IBN open www.openthemagazine.com 63
open space
That Ring of Love
by r au l i r a n i
It was a wrong number he dialled that hooked up Gaurav with Mohini for life. Gaurav, 29, who works in the banking sector, recalls, ‘’Once I was trying to call up a colleague and by mistake dialled Mohini, whose number is almost the same as my friend’s.” So, he jokes, “Our friendship started on a false ring.” Mohini, 31, a victim of an acid attack in 2005, and who is still undergoing treatment for the injury, says, “It was actually a very big decision for me, therefore it took almost four years to say ‘yes’ for marriage.” Though Gaurav’s parents disapproved of the match, Mohini’s parents gave the couple their blessings.
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