Your Workplace Is A Battleground
ACTION SPEAKS LOUDER OPIRG TORONTO’S FIELD MANUAL FOR THOSE WHO’VE HAD ENOUGH WINTER 2013
“The history of progress is written in the blood of men and women who have dared to espouse an unpopular cause” - Emma Goldman
IN THIS ISSUE: Tar Sands and Line 9 Resistance • Fighting an anti-choice government • Collective Bargaining and Union Busting • The Politics of Neutrality • And More....
ADD IT UP
Number of Israelis killed by fire from Gaza between January 1st, 2012 and November 11, 2012: 1 Number of Palestinians killed by Israeli fire during the same period: 78 Number of Palestinians killed during Israel’s Operation “Pillar of Cloud” in 2012 (as of November 21, 2012): 158 Number of Israeli citizens killed during Operation “Pillar of Cloud” in 2012 (as of November 21, 2012): 3 Number of Palestinian children killed during the operation: 30 Number of Palestinian people killed in Israel’s Operation “Cast Lead” in 2008/2009: 1,166 Number of these that were civilians: 740 Number of Israelis killed during Operation “Cast Lead”: 13 Number of these that were civilians: 3 Approximate number of Palestinian refugees in the world: 5 million Number of these Palestinian refugees that live in refugee camps: 1.4 million Number of people seeking to claim refugee status in Canada in 2011: 24,900 Total number of people detained on immigration holding and/or security certificates since Prime Minister Stephen Harper came into power: Over 72,000 Total persons detained on immigration holding and/or security certificates, 2010-2011: 8, 838 Percentage of those under immigration or security holding detained in prisons from 2010-2011: 35 % Number of prisoners in federal prisons in Canada, as of July 2012: 15, 097 Number of those prisoners who entered the federal prison system in the last two years: Over 1,000 Percentages of those who entered the prison system in the past two years who were from the Prairie region of Canada: 52 Percentage of those new prisoners from the Prairie region who were Aboriginal: 43 Percentage of total prisoners in prisons in the Prairies who are Aboriginal: 80 Percentage of prison inmates in Canada who have not completed high school: 70 Percentage of offenders who entered federal prisons in Canada who are identified as having had employment needs before going to prison, as of 2007: 75 Cost of holding a federal prisoner per year in Canada: $ 147,000 Number of individuals on Ontario Works, otherwise known as Welfare, as of June 2012: 477, 339 (3.6 percent of the population) Lowest monthly rate for someone receiving welfare in 2012, in dollars: 599 Percentage of welfare recipients in 2012 who are single parents with children: 75 Number of individuals on the Ontario Disability Support Program (ODSP), as of June 2012: 415, 338 (3.1 percent of the population) Percentage of new applicants to ODSP from 2009-2010 who suffer from a mental illness: 60 Percentage of recipients of ODSP who have a physical disability: 43 Cost of running the Community start up and maintenance benefit emergency funding for individuals on social assistance per year, in millions: 67 Number of Ontarians on social assistance who access the emergency funding through community start-up benefit per month, to avoid eviction, flee domestic violence, buy furniture, etc: 16,000 Amount individuals can receive from the community start-up benefit, in dollars: 799 Amount families can receive from the community start-up benefit, in dollars: 1,500 Date that the Provincial government plans to cut the Community start-up and maintenance benefit: January 1, 2013 Proposed cut to the City of Toronto’s Shelter, Support & Housing in the 2013 city budget, in millions: 128 Cut to the City of Toronto’s Shelter, Support & Housing in the 2012 city budget, in millions: 137 Percentage of money cut for city investments in housing and homelessness over the past two years: 33 Average rental cost for a two bedroom apartment in Toronto, in dollars: 1, 123 Sources: Economist, United Nations, Wikipedia, Public Appointments Secretariat, Government of Canada, BDS movement.net, No One is Illegal Toronto, Toronto Star, Income Security Advocacy Centre, Wellesley Institute, CBC news, Public Safety Canada, Pound Magazine, United Nations Relief and Works Agency, Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Settlement.org
THEN BREAK IT DOWN
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TABLE OF MALCONTENTS
ACTION SPEAKS LOUDER
WINTER 2013 actionspeaksloudertoronto@gmail.com
OPIRG-Toronto Board
OPIRG-Toronto 101-563 Spadina Cres. Toronto, Ontario M5S 2J7
OPIRG-Toronto Staff
PRODUCTION ASL Collective
Michael Waglay
EDITORIAL COLLECTIVE Shatha Al-Husseini Lindsay Hart Benjamin Kapron Abrah McKeen Ramona Sansait Daniel Vandervoort
Norma Jean Neal
CONTRIBUTORS Anonymous Elizabeth Carvalho Baolinh Dang Lindsay Hart Norma Jean Neal Benjamin Kapron Jamie McGuire Alisa Triest MIchael Waglay
Benjamin Kapron
DESIGN ASL Collective
Anonymous Jaime McGuire
Alisa Triest & Elizabeth Carvalho
The “Right” Kind of Campus
2
Violent Intentions
3
The Tar Sands Becomes Our Problem: Environmental Justice and Line 9 Resistance
4
An Impending Crisis: The Fight for Community Start Up
5
Reproductive Rights and the Fight for Access
6
At the Bargaining Table: Union Struggle in the face of Austerity
8
The Myth of Neutrality in the Palestine-Israel Conflict
10
Mental Illness Awareness: Missing the Point?
12
Action Group Updates
14
Resources
16
COVER ART ASL Collective
Action Speaks Louder is the biannual newsletter of the Ontario Public Interest Research Group at the University of Toronto. We publish articles about social and environmental justice advocacy and activism, with specific focus on issues that affect members of the campus community.
LAYOUT ASL Collective Printed at Thistle Printing, Toronto, ON by Union Labour Produced by OPIRG Staff, proud members of CUPE 1281
If you want to work on a radical publication, write to us: opirg.toronto@gmail.com. The newsletter committee will begin meeting in late May to start work on our Fall 2013 edition. If you would rather just write for us, submit a pitch! The submission deadline for the fall 2013 issue is Friday, May 31, 2013 Write about campaigns you’re involved in, or your thoughts on any political or social justice issue. To send us a short pitch, please e-mail actionspeaksloudertoronto@gmail.com. Look for our fall 2013 issue on campus in September! If you just want to meet and talk with some like-minded people, write to opirg.toronto@gmail.com, or drop by the office: Room 101, 563 Spadina Cres (just north of College).
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THE “RIGHT” KIND OF WINTER 2013
CAMPUS
Greetings from the 2012-2013 OPIRG-Toronto Board of Directors
M
any of us know that the educational ideals espoused by our university are a lie. The university campus should be a place where all students have an equal opportunity to exercise their freedom of speech and freedom of thought in an academically free and open environment. In reality, some viewpoints are privileged over others and not all ideas, particularly those critical of the existing political-economic system, can be brought forward and judged on their accuracy, relevance and merit. This institution, like so many others, is dominated by those on the right, who seek to maintain the oppressive rule of the predominantly white, male, corporate elite. The past several months have done all too much to show us the reality of our university. Back in September, the Ontario Public Interest Research Group (OPIRG) and University of Toronto Student’s Union (UTSU) were criticized when rap duo Test Their Logik sang “Fuck the maple leaf, I’ll never fly that fucking flag again” as part of DisOrientation Week’s Social Justice Fair. Left out of the backlash was consideration of the broader context of the song’s message. “Turtle Island” is a song about Canada’s mistreatment of the indigenous peoples of Turtle Island (North America) and addresses topics such as land theft, the residential school system and environmental destruction. The offending lyrics attempt to show the anger and frustration that many people feel towards the Canadian state, as it continues to wield neo-colonial tools in perpetuating a system of white-settler privilege on land stolen from indigenous people. The racist policies and programs once overtly used, still continue to this day, yet are largely ignored or dismissed in mainstream discourses about Canada. Since the university’s purported aim is to promote academic freedom, it seems like a natural place for criticism of such practices to occur. Instead, some students have attempted to shut down any meaningful discussion, using the argument that there’s “no place for anti-Canadian rhetoric on campus.”1 At the same time, free speech is defended when it is being used to spread hate. When Men’s Issues Awareness at the University of Toronto (MIAUT) brought Warren Farrell to speak, a man who has written that “before we began calling this date rape and date fraud, we called it exciting”2 and other statements delegitimizing sexual assault, students rightly organized to shut down the event. The response from the university was not to help us keep this rape apologist’s hate off our campus, but to call city police, who violently attacked the student protestors. Since this event, multiple men’s rights websites have tracked and targeted a number of the women involved in the protest. These women are now being threatened and harassed. Instead of taking any meaningful action, the provost released a statement downplaying the 1 http://thevarsity.ca/2012/09/28/no-place-for-anti-canadian-rhetoric-oncampus/ 2 Farrell, Warren. The Myth of Male Power: Simon & Schuster, 1993.
seriousness of the attacks, blatantly lying about what the administration has done and continuing to support MIAUT and their right to spread misogynistic discourse.3 How did the university campus become a place where hateful discourse becomes acceptable, technologies are funded without foresight into the destruction they cause, and persons responsible for human rights abuses become embodied as philanthropists for the very crimes they endorse? For those students, staff and faculty striving for social and environmental justice, we must recognize that on campus we are a minority and we face not only a host of attacks from right- wing factions, but a politically liberal, privileged student body all too happy to live with the status quo. This realization should not end our fight, rather it should inform it. If we want to change the world, we need to continue to challenge problematic ideas and the hate they promote. We also need to recognize that we are in the belly of the beast and in order to succeed, we’ll need to work together, across movements. Building connections between social and environmental justice movements has been a primary goal of the Ontario Public Interest Research Group (OPIRG), throughout its 30 years of action on the University of Toronto campus. This mission was re-affirmed by OPIRG York and OPIRG Toronto’s Rebuilding Bridges conference this past November. Over a weekend, student and other activists from across the city came together to share stories, learn from each other’s victories and failures, and build ties, in the hopes of strengthening all of our movements. OPIRG’s work does not stop there. We also help to coordinate the efforts of a variety of social justice and art collectives. This year, we are facilitating 15 autonomous action groups, organizing on issues ranging from climate justice to queer justice, Palestinian solidarity to revolutionary politics, all challenging the mainstream discourse of the university. We further support the activities of students and other members of the wider Toronto community with Tools for Change, a workshop series focused on building skills helpful for organizing. If you’re interested in getting involved, stop by our office. We’re always looking for allies and volunteers. And whether you’re on campus or not, if you’re interested in social and environmental justice, we’ll see you in the struggle.
In Solidarity,
Ben, Daniel, Jordan, Maxine, Ramona, Shatha, Simone 3 http://www.provost.utoronto.ca/office/Provostial_Statements/Provost_s_ Statement_on_Recent_Controversial_Events_on_Campus__December_2012_.htm
VIOLENT
INTENTIONS
OPIRG Staff Editorial
T
he university campus has always been a site of political activity and struggle, where generations of young people are first radicalized, be it through organizing campaigns on socially progressive causes or encountering radical theory in the classroom. Indeed, the 1960s and early 1970s were decades which saw an upsurge of radical campus activism, ranging from protests against the American war in Vietnam, occupations of the offices of the university administration, support for national liberation struggles and the growth of the civil rights movement in the US. Identity politics and struggles for equality were central in social movements at this time, including struggles for gay rights and women’s liberation. It is fitting that during these decades of social ferment and upheaval, the Free Speech Movement emerged at the University of California at Berkeley and pushed for the democratization of the campus and society as a whole. In an ironic reversal of this spirit of struggle, right-wing activists have been, for at least the last decade, coopting the language and tactics traditionally associated with socially progressive forces. In 2010, the U.S Tea Party movement claimed to organize at the grassroots level, and orchestrated mass protests through local, decentralized initiatives, strategies typically associated with their more radical counterparts. More recently, postering campaigns have begun on university campuses and even in some neighborhoods across Southern Ontario by a reactionary and misogynist group under the front name of “Men’s Issues Awareness Campaign”. This group uses the language of equality and claims to be combating discrimination against men, in order to recruit more naïve student members to their political agenda, and are spearheaded by an organization called the Canadian Association for Equality (CAFÉ). Yeah, we’ll give you a second to let that name sink in. CAFÉ cites consciousness-raising and popular education as part of their work on Men’s Issues Awareness, and discusses such priorities as father’s rights, domestic abuse and sexual assault against men. The group relies heavily on ‘facts’ and ‘statistics’, citing the percentage of male high school dropouts, and the high number of men committing suicide and on the surface, their work may seem misguided, but harmless nonetheless. This, too, is part of their strategy, and we must take the presence of this group on the University of Toronto campus very seriously. Neither the Tea Party or the Men’s rights movements present a serious rejection or challenge to the existing capitalist power structure on the basis of progressive social demands, demands which would further historical progress. In fact, these movements are outlets for a declassed segment of the petty bourgeoisie to express their frustration over what they perceive as their ‘lost privileges’. In an era following hard fought battles to have racism, sexism and other forms of oppression addressed in the workplace, in education and in law, many of those who historically benefit from this system now feel disenfranchised. With the deep cuts to social ser
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vices and the imposition of harsh austerity measures, we tend to see a large increase in anti-immigrant sentiment, racism and a growth in numbers for white supremacist organizations. And while many would suggest these groups are unable to identify the root of their problems, miss their target and end up scapegoating groups those that do face actual discrimination, in reality those leading these movements see the anger of mostly poor, white men as the perfect catalyst for reigniting hatred against various marginalized groups. On November 16, 2012, students and community members protested a public event entitled “The Myth of Male Power”, organized by the “Men’s Issues Awareness Society” at the University of Toronto. Protestors tried to shut down the event by blocking the entrances. Cops were, of course, called in and they violently defended—by brutalizing the protestors—the rights of this men’s rights group to hold their event. In the aftermath, University of Toronto’s Vice-President and Provost, Cheryl Misak, issued a statement that declared “the disruption of this event by protesters a threat to free speech.” Ah, the sacred cow of free speech… Without going down the rabbit hole of the free speech vs. hate speech debate, a debate that remains firmly anchored in liberalism, we wonder how “the Left” ought to respond in this type of political climate? Appeals to charter rights and the famous freedoms—i.e. freedom of expression, of assembly, etc.—are toothless in an era where an undemocratic freedom prevails and democracy is the practice of casting a ballot every few years. In fact, these civil liberties have been eroding since September 11, with the security regime ushered in following 9-11. Today, the Free Speech movement and the expansion of freedom of speech and expression may only strengthen the ability of right wing groups to spread what many of us would consider hate speech. Bill C-304, passed this year, resulted in increased freedom of speech on the internet, and the loss of hate crimes protection through the Canadian human rights commission. In the time following the November 16th confrontation, women who protested the Men’s Rights group have been targeted, publicly slandered on the internet and intimidated by members of the Men’s Issues University of Toronto chapter. The University administration has responded with the need to maintain respectful dialogue, neglecting the seriousness of the women’s accusations. The worsening economic and social conditions in the present context provide fertile ground for the growth of reactionary and far-right activism. For the forces on “the Left” to be able to combat these trends, it will need to abandon the tired and by now useless appeal to rights, rights which don’t really protect you if your interests are in conflict with those of the established order. To be a force capable of resistance, “the Left” or at least that section of it that is serious about social transformation, will need to break out of certain boundaries, including legal boundaries that neutralize real resistance. If the brutal treatment of protestors at the Men’s Issues’ event by both Toronto and campus police and the subsequent statement released by administration are any indication, the University is unwilling to confront the issue of sexism and the targeting of female students on this campus. We, women and allies who recognize this Men’s rights group for what it is: a machine for propagating hatred and violence against women, must be ready to confront these events and their rhetoric. It’s time to take matters into our own hands.
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THE TAR SANDS BECOMES OUR PROBLEM: Michael Waglay
I
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE AND LINE 9 RESISTANCE
n 2010, the United States experienced one of its worst oil spills. Approximately 3 million litres of corrosive Tar Sands oil from Alberta gushed out of Enbridge’s Line 6B and sank to the bottom of the Kalamazoo River in Michigan. The carcinogenic chemicals required to dilute Tar Sands oil for transport evaporated into the air, poisoning the surrounding wildlife and people near Marshall, Michigan. Even though Enbridge was aware of over 15,000 defects in the aged pipeline prior to the spill, they have been exempted from taking responsibility for their crimes. In fact, Enbridge is replacing Line 6B and increasing the pipeline’s capacity for pumping dangerous Tar Sands oil. If we do not resist and effectively stop Enbridge’s plan to pump Tar Sands oil through the aging Line 9, which runs from Sarnia to Montréal via Toronto, then the above story could describe any of the communities in the path of the pipeline, including our own. The drinking water and air of millions in Southern Ontario and Québec is threatened by a spill. The Tar Sands project is one of the fastest growing contributors in the world to climate change and this expansion is made possible by getting the oil to market through pipelines like Line 9. While anyone should resist as a matter of simple individual self-defence, all resisters have to remember that the effects of environmental disasters are the most threatening to people who are oppressed. This awareness is at the heart of the global environmental justice movement. The environmental justice movement names the imbalances in power that force subordinate social groups to suffer more and die sooner from environmental causes than those who are part of dominant social groups. Overwhelmingly, marginalized people are forced to live within industrially contaminated or destroyed land-bases; this constitutes environmental discrimination. When this environmental discrimination is on the basis of race, then it is environmental racism. Members of marginalized groups are also much more likely to be in poorer health, and to be deprived of the basic means
to maintain their physical and mental health. So, when a spill occurs, it is predictable that groups who are already in poor health will suffer the highest amount of illnesses and deaths (or poisonings and murders, depending on who you ask). The environmental justice movement aims to end these imbalances of power that lead to oppression in its many forms. For these reasons, the movement’s priority allegiance is to those front-line affected communities, who bare the brunt of environmental catastrophes because of colonialism, racism, classism and other oppressions that happen on institutional and societal levels. Instead of imposing a view on what should be pursued by a community, environmental justice activists emphasize that affected communities should determine what is right for them and what actions to take. In the case of Native resisters, whose territories are occupied by settlers like myself, they have been resisting colonialism and the destruction of their lands since contact, and in many cases they know what it means to live sustainably. For these moral as well as strategic reasons it is imperative that environmentalists prioritize support for Native communities. Building solidarity and being an ally to Native people means that environmental justice activists have to be open to accepting Native leadership and respecting their wishes. The analysis and practice of environmental justice applies to the mounting resistance to Enbridge Line 9. Within Toronto, the pipeline cuts across some of the poorest and most racialized neighbourhoods of the city including Rexdale, Jane & Finch and Agincourt. If a spill were to occur in these neighbourhoods, the carcinogens used to make the Tar Sands flow would evaporate into the community’s air while the soils and waters in the area would be contaminated with raw Tar Sands oil. Beyond Toronto, Line 9 also affects 18 First Nations across southern Ontario. These communities would experience the least of the economic benefits of the Line 9 project (which are questionable anyways), while experiencing the most risks, without being properly consulted about the project. CONTINUED ON PAGE 11 >>
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AN IMPENDING CRISIS: THE FIGHT FOR COMMUNITY START UP
Norma Jean Neal
P
oor people in this province are under attack. In Toronto, the 2013 city budget will slash $128 million for the Shelter, Housing and Support fund, on top of a 33% total reduction in city investments in housing and homelessness over the past two years. Just this past year, anti-poverty activists fought against the closure of the Schoolhouse, the only harm-reduction based shelter in Toronto. Over the past 18 months the Ontario government ran a Social Assistance Review, under the guise of assessing how best to offer the social assistance program to people. However, following this review we have only seen the continued erosion of the social safety net, with limits placed on the availability of the Special Diet Benefit, which provides additional money for food for people with medical issues who are on social assistance, and the proposed cut to the Community Start-Up and Maintenance Benefit (CSUMB). The Government of Ontario plans to eliminate the CSUMB as of January 1st, 2013 for people who receive social assistance, either in the form of Ontario Works (welfare) or the Ontario Disability Support Program. This benefit is about $800 for a single person and approximately $1500 for a family with children. Recipients of social assistance are entitled to this benefit once every two years to offset the costs of moving or to provide funds in emergency situations. For women in financial need, it has saved them from homelessness, abuse and domestic violence, and has helped many of them find housing following hospitalization or prison. The CSUMB is depended on to help re-establish stability in the lives of people who have faced exceptional and/or traumatic situations. It’s also used to replace belongings from infestation, fire and theft, or to pay for the minimal necessities of a new home. A person can apply for it through their social service worker, indicating their reason for needing it, and if approved, the worker cuts them a cheque. Unfortunately, the government has already reduced the eligibility for the special diet allowance by eliminating money for health conditions such as anaemia and liver failure and
requiring individuals with Anorexia Nervosa and/or HIV/AIDS to lose 15 % of their body weight before they can access funds for more nutritious foods and/or supplements to get better. The transportation allowance has also been cut for many people work-
ing in volunteer positions, despite many people taking these volunteer placements to gain skills and experience for future employment. Our city’s shelters are being closed and shelter beds are becoming fewer, all in the interest of saving the city money. The Community Start-Up money has been depended on by Ontario’s most vulnerable people, especially women living in precarious situations, for their very survival. Without it, many women will be left to choose between remaining in abusive relationships or living on the streets. There will be no money for them to pay last month’s rent or to move into better living conditions. If a person or family is housed and bed bugs move in, without the CSUMB there will be no money to replace infested, ruined belongings. If this cut goes through, is the government suggesting people live with bed bugs? What are a government’s priorities, when they cut a benefit that costs $67 million a year, which saves countless women’s lives by enabling them to escape domestic violence? With the special diet cut they’re already telling men, women and children to eat less. Without adequate housing for low income people, our cities’ sidewalks will quickly be filled with the resulting crisis in homelessness. Without volunteer transportation money, there is little hope of escaping poverty through gaining valuable skills. It brings the character of our government into serious question when they insist that the poor, disabled and disadvantaged become thriftier in order to reduce the effects of the government deficit, a crisis that we did not cause and we certainly do not intend to pay for. This cut will not be pushed through quietly. The Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP), a direct-action community group made up of poor and working class people, has rallied to fight this proposed cut. Applications for the Community CONTINUED ON PAGE 7 >>
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REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AND
THE FIGHT FOR ACCESS T
his fall, Conservative Member of Parliament Maurice Vellacott (Saskatoon-Wanuskewin) nominated Linda Gibbons and Mary Wagner for the Queen’s Diamond Jubilee Medal. This award is meant to honour Canadians who have made a “significant contribution to a particular province, territory, region or community within Canada, or an achievement abroad that brings credit to Canada...”1. What were the ‘significant contributions’of these individuals? They are two prominent anti-choice campaigners currently in jail for their direct roles in the intimidation and harassment of staff and patients at abortion clinics; they have repeatedly and flagrantly violated court injunctions that attempt to protect clinics and patients and show no inclination in changing their tactics. Minister Vellacott has been extremely forthcoming about his motives with regard to these nominations. His parliamentary website released a message entitled: “INTENDED AS EDIFICATION AND ENCOURAGEMENT FOR OTHERS”, detailing his rationale for nominating Wagner and Gibbons for the award, and he shares his correspondence with Wagner’s mother publicly: “... I particularly choke up when I read those words, ‘I long for the day when Canada once again recognizes the sanctity of human life. Then the babies will be safe and my daughter can come home.’ […]I thought of all the ‘daughters who can’t come home’ because they were aborted in the womb... I wondered if others too might be encouraged if I released it to a broader audience, such as my Parliamentary Pro-Life Caucus mates and/or my Conservative caucus colleagues...” 2 1 http://www.gg.ca, “Queen’s Diamond Jubilee Medal”. 2 http://www.mauricevellacott.com/Newsroom/October%2031,%20 2012%20-%20Correspondence%20with%20mother%20of%20 imprisoned%20Diamond%20Jubilee%20recipient,%20Mary%20 Wagner.pdf
Minister Vellacott is clear about his anti-choice stance. His request for permission to release the correspondence to his Conservative caucus colleagues busts the myth, perpetuated through mainstream media, that Prime Minister Stephen Harper has no desire to re-open the debate on abortion. Members of his caucus have not only openly feted anti-choice activists, they also continue to attempt to take the law back to pre1988 standards. Currently, most provinces and territories cover the costs of abortions at hospitals or clinics, not including for-profit clinics, as they charge separate fees. Coverage often depends on how many weeks into the pregnancy a person is. In Nunavut one cannot be over 12 weeks pregnant to be eligible for full coverage, while in Ontario it is 24 weeks. Some provinces, such as Saskatchewan, provide services in hospitals and in some cases will pay for patients to travel to one of two clinics in Alberta. The provinces of PEI and New Brunswick both lack access that is comparable to the rest of the country. PEI currently has no hospital or clinic that can provide abortion services and will only pay for out-of-province abortions (performed at a hospital) with a doctor’s referral. New Brunswick has abortion services available in province, but only covers the costs of abortion performed at hospitals if the patient has the permission of two physicians. In Canada, sexual and reproductive health services (contraception, abortion, testing etc.) would seem widely accessible, as they are both legal and free under government health care. However, access is not freely and equally available to all. In addition to the experience of those living in PEI, those who live in remote communities often have to travel to larger urban centres for these services (having to pay their own travel costs). Refugees and refugee claimants, who had been covered by the Interim Federal Health Plan (IFHP) may no longer be able to access these services without costs incurred, after the federal government slashed funding to the program on June 30th, 2012. The current state of access is a result of hard fought activism that sought to provide services and to decriminalize abortion. In 1869, the Canadian government criminalized abortion and it was not until 1969 that the government repealed this measure, decriminalizing some abortions – particularly those that were determined to be necessary for maternal health. Activists like Dr. Henry Morgentaler fought restrictive access by providing abortions to those who required them (regardless of whether they were deemed medically necessary or not). Morgentaler faced police raids, jail time and over twenty years of legal wrangling before the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in 1988 that Canada’s abortion laws were unconstitutional on the basis that criminalizing access contravenes women’s Charter rights, particularly the rights to “...life, liberty and security of the person...”. The Conservative party has actively fought this ruling since the decision came down. First, in 1989, Conservatives introduced Bill C-43 as a direct attempt to recriminalize abortion by imposing criminal charges against doctors who provided abortions in cases that were not seen to be necessary for maternal health. This measure was meant to limit access to abortion, making it mandatory for those seeking
the procedure to obtain the consent of a physician. It was the physician’s job to determine that the procedure was necessary on the basis of the individual’s “physical, mental or psychological health” 1. What many people do not realize is that the year after it was introduced, this Bill was passed in the House of Commons and was only thrown out by Senate decision in 1991. In June of 1990, a twenty year old Toronto woman died as a result of a botched abortion that she tried to perform on herself at home. While not conclusive, there was speculation at the time that Yvonne J. died believing that abortion was illegal. This was likely a result of misunderstanding the legal manoeuvring that had been taking place after the recent Supreme Court ruling and Bill C-43. It’s been over twenty years since Yvonne’s death, but this scenario is still plausible today. Since the 1988 Supreme Court decision that decriminalized abortion, there has been no law on the books with regard to the issue. While this decision has meant broader access, it also means that this is a tenuous situation. Our right to access has been under attack through various Parliamentary manoeuvres by anti-choice MPs. From 1993 to 2006, the Liberal party ruled the country with a federal majority and debate on abortion within Parliament was largely silent. When the Conservative party regained control of Parliament in 2006, Bills opposing abortion resumed with a vengeance. Some key examples include: Bill C-338 (2006) which attempted to criminalize abortion after 20 weeks, Bill C-484 (2007) which claimed that aborted fetuses could be determined to be “victims of violence”, and Bill C-53 (2008), which claimed that decriminalized abortion compromised the rights of health care workers. Furthermore, this past year Motion 312 (2012) attempted to re-open the abortion debate by proposing that a study be conducted in order to determine when life begins as per the criminal code. These have all been thinly veiled attempts to restrict or remove access and must be seen as a very real threat to abortion providers and those who believe in freedom of choice. The federal government has already had some success at threatening access to abortion. For example, in 2011 the government cut funding (via the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)) to Planned Parenthood International, an organization that delivers sexual and reproductive health services in over 172 countries. This was described by the government as a means of focusing on their definition of ‘maternal health’, which to them is defined as maternal care that does not include abortion. This cut was a result of the active participation of an anti-choice lobby, as affirmed by Conservative Saskatchewan MP Brad Trost, and should be of grave concern to pro-choice organizers.2 CIDA cut funding from programs that offered services like abortion by focusing funding to countries where abortion is illegal, which we should recognize for what it is: a sneaky way of cutting funding for abortion services. 1 National Abortion Federation, ‘History of Abortion in Canada’ 2 http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/story/2011/09/22/pol-plannedparenthood-funding.html
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In our present political climate, it is crucial that people understand that the current state of abortion access is not longstanding and is subject to both political pressure and ideological conservatism. If we remain complacent about issues like the cuts to the Interim Federal Health Plan and the serious debates about reproductive freedom in Parliament, we are not only abandoning our collective responsibility to communities in need, we are also abdicating our responsibility to fight to maintain and, in fact, increase access to services. That we have access does not guarantee that we will continue to do so, and our current state of access still has much room for improvement. The author of this article has chosen to remain anonymous. For a listing of abortion clinics across Canada, go to www.canadiansforchoice.ca.
COMMUNITY START UP CONTINUED FROM PAGE 5
Start-Up Benefit have been gathered from many living with nothing and who were unaware of this benefit in the first place. These applications have been presented to city officials, and many applicants are still waiting to hear if they’ve been approved for the benefit or not. We have rallied and marched to City Hall and government offices with this grievance and have been joined by many organizations throughout the city and province. In one week during December 2012, OCAP helped to organize over 32 actions across Ontario, including a rally outside Minister of Community and Social Services John Milloy’s office in Kitchener, who is responsible for administering the Community start-up benefit and a sleep-in outside Liberal MPP Glen Murray’s office, who is currently running for the Liberal party leadership in January and whose office resides in Toronto’s Downtown East, one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Canada. A coalition comprised of women and transgendered-identified people and organizations have also organized demonstrations highlighting how this cut will affect women who experience domestic violence. Violence against women will become a crisis when there is no avenue for women to flee. Despite this, pleas to save the benefit sent by this coalition to the office of Laurel Broten, Minister of Provincial Parliament and Minister Responsible for Women’s Issues, who is supposed to act as an advocate for women and children who experience violence, have gone unanswered. The Minister of Community and Social Services, John Milloy, has insisted the cut will go though, arguing that when responsibility for the benefit is offloaded onto municipalities, nothing will change. Poor people know this isn’t true, and that accessing the benefit at the municipal level will be even more difficult than it already is. Our government must retract the proposal to cut the Community Start-Up Benefit and raise the pitiful rates that OW and ODSP currently dole out. It is the only logical and humane action possible. Norma Jean Neal is an organizer with the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty.
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AT THE BARGAINING TABLE
UNION STRUGGLE IN THE FACE OF AUSTERITY
Jaime McGuire
O
ntario Public Service Employees Unions (OPSEU), Local 518, sisters at Elizabeth Fry Toronto recently concluded 19 months of collective bargaining. Elizabeth Fry Toronto is a social justice agency that has worked with women in conflict with the law since 1952. It is a chapter of the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies (CAEFS). Considered an expert opinion on women in conflict with the law, CAEFS deals with issues of human rights infringements and advocates for prisoner rights in Canada. Individual chapters, such as ours, provide a variety of services including transitional housing, counselling, and programming to women who are, have been, or are at risk of being in conflict with the law. We are the only social service agency in Toronto with a specific mandate to provide programs and services for and about women in conflict with the law, making us a unique and essential community service. Despite this, like many social service agencies we continue to be underfunded, especially because public and private funds are more likely to go to services geared towards men. As a result, much of our workforce is comprised of casual and contract workers, whose work is precarious. In this context, our struggle was unique. Our small all-female membership stood in solidarity with our casual and contract sisters, as our employer attempted to bust the union by eroding the rights of these workers. Our priorities were to maintain the rights of casual and contract workers, to introduce union representation during harassment and discrimination complaints, and to ensure equal pay for equal work, regardless of job status. This bargaining round was our second since unionizing in 2009. Conflict stemmed from our employer’s attempt to impose austerity measures on our workplace. Austerity measures are official actions taken by the government to reduce spending, and are characterized as strict, rigid, and punitive. Austerity is also an attitude, a mentality, and a practice. We see the impact of austerity in our communities, particularly in the
cuts to social services and assistance programs, coupled with an increase in punitive criminal justice policies. Workers in this sector feel the impact of austerity through heavier caseloads, longer hours, and lower wages. As union work strengthens the voices of workers and promotes the progression of labour rights, even employers who identify as politically progressive may resist strong unions, as unions threaten the distribution of power, compromises control, and require transparency and accountability Stalling tactics delayed the process, resulting in 19 months without a new contract, and concluding just hours before a strike deadline. Our employer consistently refused to meet with us face-to-face or provide us with meaningful answers. They attempted to influence the membership through rhetoric and scare tactics, which included circulating emails regarding the provincial wage freeze legislation, closing the residence when the membership rejected their first offer, and an increased focus on staff monitoring. Our employer, including the Board of Directors, has yet to provide a reasonable answer to its employees about why they refused to cooperate with the union. It was simply a bargaining strategy aimed at creating unrest and fear in its employees. We are beginning to speculate there is a strategy amongst the management of Elizabeth Fry Societies across Canada, as our struggles are similar to those of other Elizabeth Fry Societies. In July 2012 workers at Elizabeth Fry Society of Mainland Nova Scotia went on strike; in June 2012 Elizabeth Fry Society of Hamilton faced a lockout; and our sisters in Ottawa are currently fighting an uphill battle to negotiate their first collective agreement. This bargaining round marked a precedent at Elizabeth Fry Toronto. Our employer’s stall tactics and lack of overall cooperation ignited the passion within a stagnant membership. Motivated by our employer’s unwillingness to negotiate in good faith and engage in a meaningful process, we stood strong and unwavering in our demand for a fair and equitable workplace.
Our membership ratified an agreement that included: union representation during discrimination and harassment complaints, enshrinement of casual and contract rights, and a 1 percent wage increase for each of the remaining 4 years of the contract. We also won permanent status for any contract worker who has worked for a year (and is not filling a leave of absence), making them eligible to receive benefits. Additionally, we achieved a very small wage increase for residential counsellors, who operate, supervise, and secure a residence that provides transitional housing for women being released from both the provincial and federal correctional systems. Their job is often viewed as entry level and is undervalued as a result. Lastly, we won a small signing bonus and a monetary payout to each employee, which the bargaining team insisted be equalized throughout the membership. Given the climate for collective bargaining, these were huge achievements for our union. Going into the bargaining process our expectations were high. Permanent members were willing to forgo demands that would only benefit themselves in order to achieve gains for more vulnerable members. These demands included benefits and sick leave for contract staff, equal pay for both residential and outreach counsellors, and a meaningful wage increase (the only increase since unionization was a pay equity adjustment in 2009). Our membership quickly realized that this round of bargaining could not be just about gaining such benefits for our precarious workers. Our employer was in fact attempting to remove these workers entirely from the collective agreement. Since casual and contract workers make up 60% of our workforce, removing them from the collective agreement would mean a weakening of our union membership. This was an attempt to bust our union through “divide and conquer,” and would result in further marginalizing our most vulnerable workers. The union not only had to fight to keep these
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“In this difficult political climate, even agencies that claim to foster themselves on concepts of social justice, anti-oppression, advocacy and equality, prove to be resisting the very institutions that have historically protected our work.” workers’ rights protected, but also to maintain their status as unionized members. How could a “feminist”, women-centered, social justice agency such as Elizabeth Fry Toronto be so willing to oppress its workers? Why would such an agency not share values of representation, reduction in precarious work, and equal pay for equal work? In this difficult political climate, even agencies that claim to foster themselves on concepts of social justice, anti-oppression, advocacy, and equality, prove to be resisting the very institutions that have historically protected our work. For a predominately female sector such as social work, the need for unions is even more present, as we are the very workers who are marginalized as a result of the societal undervaluation of our work. There is an expectation that the management of such agencies will have their workers’ rights in mind. Unfortunately this is not the case, as the agencies are forced to play in a political arena that is more about money than people. Unions play a much larger role than fighting for economic gains. They lessen the power imbalance between management and labour, and create a space for workers to organize, mobilize, and fight in solidarity. In a climate of austerity and anti-union employers, unions have to be stronger than ever. Increasingly the government is interfering with workers’ rights to unionize and collectively bargain, and instituting austerity measures such as wage freezes and back-to-work legislations. For example, the Ontario Elementary and Secondary School Teachers Association is currently on a work-to-rule campaign in response to Liberal legislation that prevents collective bargaining. Workers need to stand in solidarity, understand the value of being unionized, and keep their membership strong during these times of austerity, as the state of unions in Canada is currently under attack and workers must fight to claim their space back. Jaime McGuire, Bargaining Team member at Elizabeth Fry Toronto, has been a counsellor there for 3 years, and works in the Healing from Abuse Program. She is a strong Union activist and currently holds the positions of Unit Steward, Bargaining Chair, and Treasurer for OPSEU Local 518. The editors for this article were Bargaining Team members Lorraine McKellar and Hildah Namu, and our OPSEU Staff Representative Bernard King, whose support helped us through this very difficult bargaining round. We are all committed to social justice and labour rights. We are women, standing up for women!
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THE MYTH OF NEUTRALITY
IN THE PALESTINE-ISRAEL CONFLICT Benjamin Kapron
B
ack in November, Israel waged Operation “Pillar of Cloud” against Gaza, seven days of relentless bombing by one of the world’s largest militaries against a largely unarmed civilian population. Seven days during which 158 Palestinians were massacred, with the Israeli government claiming they were acting in self-defence, despite the fact that Israel initiated this round of violence by bombing Gazan official, Ahmed Jabari, on November 14.1 Seven days of disgusting violations of human rights in the occupied territory of Gaza, which was still trying to rebuild from even worse attacks just four years ago. Seven days of horror that our campus responded to with silence. This silence was not out of the ordinary. It is the campus’ standard response to a majority of ‘political’ issues—especially the conflict in Palestine/Israel. With the situation often described as a religious or ethnic conflict, and our student body including many Jews, Muslims, Arabs, and a multitude of others, we say that we would alienate students if we chose a side, and instead, we must remain neutral. But this neutrality is a long-standing myth. The University of Toronto and its students are already deeply implicated in this conflict. By refusing to cut ties with the oppressive Israeli state, the university continues to side with them. We are complicit in this normalization of injustice, under the guise of neutrality, under the pretence of promoting dialogue between two equal sides. The situation in Palestine/Israel is not a conflict between two equal sides fighting over land, nor a religious or ethnic conflict between Jews and Muslims or Arabs. It is a colonial project that began when the indigenous Palestinian population was forcefully expelled from its land in 1948, to make way for European and North American Jewish settlers, part of the Zionist movement’s goal of creating a Jewish-only state in 1 http://www.pchrgaza.org/portal/en/index.php?option=com_conten t&view=article&id=9052:1&catid=145:in-focus ; http://www.cbc.ca/ news/canada/story/2012/11/15/israel-gaza-hamas-netanyahu.html
Palestine. Through ethnic cleansing, occupation, demolition, and colonization, the Zionist Israeli state has fragmented the Palestinian nation, and now, a Jewish settler minority population rules over a majority Palestinian population, privileging themselves, while forcing the Palestinians to live in deplorable conditions. When the white South African minority ruled over the black majority with a similar disregard for life they called it apartheid, the Afrikaans word for separation. The crime of apartheid was subsequently defined in a 1973 United Nations convention and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. These documents make it clear that the situation in Palestine can rightfully be described as Israeli apartheid, and even as the Israeli state rebukes such an analogy, they willingly describe their own policies with the Hebrew term for separation and apartheid: hafrada. Claiming neutrality in this conflict simply maintains support for the status quo (i.e. Israeli colonialism) under the pretence of claiming to have not chosen a side. Even before the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, the Canadian state gave wholehearted support for the Zionist settler project. With Britain set to give up its imperial control of Palestine in the 1940s, Canadian government officials, including Ivan Rand and former Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson, brought the “Canadian plan” to the United Nations, which gave more than half of the Palestinian territory to a Jewish-state, even though Jewish settlers made up only a third of the Palestinian population and indigenous Palestinians lived in what would become Jewish land.2 This support for Israel continues to go unquestioned today, with the Canadian government standing with Israel throughout “Pillar of Cloud” and being one of only nine countries to vote against recognizing a Palestinian state at the United Nations, going so far as to recall our ambassador to the UN when the vote did not go our way.3 On an institutional level, while we claim neutrality on campus, the University of Toronto invests money in Northrop Grumman ($1,135,000) and Lockheed Martin (< $1,000,000).4 These companies provide the aircraft, missiles, and other military hardware that Israel uses against Palestinian civilians in its apartheid project, during these murderous flare-ups, but also in attacks that happen so regularly that they go unnoticed by mainstream media. Gazans live in what is often described as an open-air prison, cut off from the outside world. Medical supplies and construction materials need to be smuggled in, often just to rebuild what was destroyed in the latest attacks. By investing in Hewlett-Packard, our university supports the Israeli navy that blocks these materials from entering Gaza, and maintains the hundreds of checkpoints that make up the 2 Yves Engler, Canada and Israel: Building Apartheid 3 http://www.international.gc.ca/media/aff/newscommuniques/2012/11/14a.aspx?lang=eng&view=d; http://www. ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4313633,00.html; http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/story/2012/11/29/f-vp-hall-canadaisrael.html 4 As of March 31, 2012. Exact amount for investments under $1,000,000 are undisclosed. http://www.utam.utoronto.ca/Assets/UTAM+Digital+Assets/UTAM/ UTAM+Digital+Assets/reports/US+Q1+2012.pdf
oppressive security apparatus used to divide the West Bank.5 The money going into these companies comes from our university’s income, thus, the student body is financing these deals in part through our tuition fees. To claim neutrality is to ignore the existing deals the university has with companies that support the Israeli apartheid regime, and the partnerships we have with Israeli institutions that help maintain this colonial project. It is impossible for the university and its students to be neutral in the Palestine/Israel conflict given these ties to the Israeli state, but this does not mean there are no choices that we can make. We can end our complicity in Israel’s crimes, and instead work for justice in Palestine, but this requires active disengagement, not passivity. In 2005, over 170 civil society organizations in Palestine asked for such disengagement, calling for people of conscience all over the world to participate in the campaign of Boycotts, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). This would require stopping our personal spending that supports Israel (boycott), cutting our institutional funding of complicit companies (divestment) and restricting our government’s economic relations with Israel (sanctions), until Israel ends its colonization of Arab lands, recognizes the rights of Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality, and respects the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homeland. Using these tactics to end our ties to the colonial Israeli regime, we would help to move away from temporary ceasefires and instead move towards justice for the indigenous people of Palestine and a lasting peace. In early December, our campus took its first steps towards divestment, with the Annual General Meeting of the Graduate Students Union voting 97% in favour of a motion calling on the University of Toronto to divest from companies complicit in Israel’s violations of international law. While a great victory, a lot of work needs to be done before we actually divest. With the Governing Council, the university’s highest decision making body, in the hands of the corporate elite, we will need a concerted effort from students in order to force the administration to divest. The discomfort some students may feel towards these actions must not prevent us from working to achieve these goals; it is nothing compared to the tragedy that the Palestinians have faced for the past 65 years, or even the hardships faced by Palestinian students today, who attend a school that works to deny them their land. It is futile to claim neutrality if we are serious about ending Israeli apartheid. Neutrality is a tactic used to obscure the reality that the University of Toronto, and many other institutions in Canada, support the oppression and colonization of Palestinians. Neutrality is on the side of the oppressor and the colonizer. If we seek justice, we need to side with the Palestinian people, and end our complicity in Israeli apartheid. 5 Less than $1,000,000 as of March 31, 2012, therefore, amount is undisclosed. http://www.utam.utoronto.ca/Assets/ UTAM+Digital+Assets/UTAM/UTAM+Digital+Assets/reports/ US+Q1+2012.pdf
Benjamin Kapron is an activist with Students Against Israeli Apartheid (SAIA) – UofT. If you’re interested in working towards BDS on campus, get in touch with SAIA at saia@masses.tao.ca.
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TAR SANDS
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The effects of Tar Sands on First Nations and poor communities at ground zero in Alberta is even more severe and widespread: the project violates scores of treaties as well as territories that are still sovereign from Canada, the meat of wild animals once relied on for food are now highly contaminated, and there has been a 30 percent rise in general cancer rates from 1995-2006. Despite these front-line communities being under severe attack, they are producing an incredible amount of resistance. It is not their sole responsibility to stop the oil companies. Those who are not directly affected should offer their support. Environmental justice activists also have to acknowledge, however, that “affected community” includes those who experience privilege, especially in the case of Line 9. Not only does Line 9 run through privileged neighborhoods in Toronto such as Willowdale, any spill on a river that feeds into Lake Ontario will poison the drinking water of many communities. Furthermore, in the words of renowned climate scientist James Hansen, if the Tar Sands are allowed to expand, it is “game over for the climate”, potentially wiping out humans and all other species. In order to successfully defeat Line 9, environmental justice activists should heed the advice of Art Steritt, leader of a coalition of BC Coastal First Nations who are successfully opposing the Northern Gateway pipeline. Steritt suggested to a room full of environmentalists at OPIRG’s Rebuilding Bridges Conference in November that the fight against Enbridge has to be made personal. Without abandoning our commitments to those most affected, we have to emphatically say “Not In Our Back Yard,” and resist like we mean it. Michael Waglay is a food and environmental justice activist. He is active with the Rising Tide Toronto, which is recruiting. He is interested in bringing together the “build the alternatives” and “stop the destruction” wings of the environmental movement.
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MENTAL ILLNESS AWARENESS: MISSING THE POINT?
Alisa Triest & Elizabeth Carvalho
M
ental Illness Awareness (MIA) Week, an annual national campaign currently coordinated by the Canadian Alliance on Mental Illness and Mental Health, ran from September 30 to October 6, 2012. However, mental illness/mental health awareness initiatives often fail to stay confined to one week per year, particularly on post-secondary campuses. As consumer/survivors of the psychiatric system, self-identified Mad student activists who work to reclaim the word ‘Mad’ from the negative ways it has been used against us, and members of various Mad communities in Toronto, we’d like to explain why mental illness awareness misses the point. Mental illness awareness fails to have any direct positive impact on people labelled with mental health concerns because it reinforces deficit-based illness identities and does nothing to shift the social context people live in. If the point is to improve our living conditions and quality of life, below are all the different ways MIA fails to accomplish this.
Medicalizing and professionalizing ‘mental health’ fails to acknowledge alternatives Mental illness awareness campaigns usually involve activities like ‘Mental Health 101’ where participants are taught about the ‘signs’ and ‘symptoms’ of ‘mental illness’ and encouraged to support people in accessing services such as doctors and medication. This approach limits the ways we are persuaded and aided to respond to distress by professionalizing ‘interventions’ and deskilling us from supporting each other. It privileges a biomedical perspective on madness and excludes alternatives, including those originated and advanced by Mad and consumer/survivor communities It overlooks an opportunity to promote peer support groups (where peers are those with lived experience of mental health/psychiatric systems)
friendships, communities, and activism. It also misses a chance to celebrate Mad Pride, a way of life and being with each other that respects different ways of living and experiencing the world instead of medicalizing them and aims to document and showcase our history, knowledge, strengths, strategies, creativity, curiosity, passion, and perspectives. The emphasis of mental illness awareness on mainstream treatment also naïvely suggests that effective, accessible, and desired professional services and supports exist – which is frequently not the case. System involvement is not always voluntary and can cause harm.
Individualizing and problematizing difference fails to acknowledge social context and build community Mental illness awareness works to intensify the monitoring of ourselves and others in ways that make us more wary of ‘risk’, difference, and distress and more alert to some definition of ‘normalcy’ that frequently excludes Mad people and other marginalized groups. This definition exerts pressure on us to individually change and modify our thoughts, feelings, and actions – or at least the external performance of them – in order to better fit in and avoid the judgement of our perceived difference. MIA frequently fails to reflect how discrimination, isolation, poverty, and violence can cause distress. It minimizes the importance of income, housing, employment, citizenship, safety, and rights to our quality of life. MIA ignores the necessity of identifying and challenging racism, colonialism, capitalism, classism, hetero/sexism, cisgenderism, ableism, and mentalism/san(e)ism, this last one being an often unacknowledged form of discrimination that is based on constructions of sanity/madness and negative attitudes and actions towards those labelled as ‘mentally ill’.
MIA neglects to realize that Mad people have a culture and community and are members of an equity-seeking group. We are part of the disability movement advocating for rights protection, advocacy, self-determination, choice, better services and access to the support that we want and need. MIA does not assist those newly perceived as having a mental health concern in connecting with their communities of peers, with the consumer/survivor social movement, or with advocacy groups working to attain and protect our rights. Rather than build community, MIA acts to increase perceived and/or experienced social difference and construct some differences as negative.
Focusing on ‘stigma’ and economic burden fails to address discrimination and advocate rights MIA campaigns say they like to work on ‘stigma-busting’ – but what is stigma? Who is responsible for it? How do we challenge it? Why aren’t we talking about discrimination like we do in relation to other social categories of difference and identity – and the legal consequences of discriminatory actions? Attempting to reduce ‘stigma’ so that people with perceived or self-identified mental health concerns will access services, may paradoxically lead to increasing discrimination and ‘stigma’ – particularly against those who choose not to seek socially acceptable medical treatment1. Perceptions of unpredictability, dangerousness, poor responsiveness to treatment, or fundamental difference increase when ‘mental illness’ is seen as an unchanging, permanent, biological state of disorder or disease. These perceptions contribute to the ongoing criminalization, imprisonment, and state surveillance of Mad people through legislation such as the Mental Health Act and Community Treatment Orders. MIA week often tells us how damaging ‘mental illness’ is to our economy. Cost assessments of ‘mental illness’ and healthcare services are misleading. Suggesting that people with psychiatric disabilities are expensive furthers an argument that we are a burden and worth-less. It says the only contributions of value are related to paid labour and reinforces a capitalist vision of ‘productive’ citizenry. It obscures how people with psychiatric disabilities experience significant discrimination in obtaining and retaining employment and how many workplaces fail to foster accommodating environments where we can thrive. Discrimination against people labelled with psychiatric disabilities is also very expensive and a burden on society, as is policing normalcy or enforcing unwanted interventions. With the recent release of the Ontario Human Rights Commission’s (OHRC) report on human rights and mental health/addictions, hopefully we can finally move from ‘stomping out stigma’ to ending discrimination and advocating rights. Post-secondary campuses must create ‘awareness’ about the rights of students with psychiatric and other dis 1 Canadian Health Services Research Foundation. (2012). Myth: Reframing Mental Illness as a ‘Brain Disease’ Reduces Stigma. Retrieved from: www.chsrf.ca/PublicationsAndResources/Mythbusters/ArticleView/12-06-04/a078ceca4a41-4d14-82b5-b60f5a8bb991.aspx.
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abilities, such as the right to environments free from discrimination, legally-entitled accommodations, and confidentiality. The OHRC identifies how criminal background checks may pose a problem for students who have interacted with police for mental health reasons and require a vulnerable sector screening for a field placement or co-op position. Education and/or employment gaps on a resume or school record due to time off for disability reasons can also present a barrier for students seeking acceptance into post-secondary programs. The OHRC recognizes how we need to address the societal factors that create the conditions for discrimination and exclusion such as poverty and discrimination on the basis of other interrelated identities or social categories of difference1.
Create alternatives to mental illness awareness There are other ways of supporting people who are perceived as different and/or who experience distress to discover who they are and communities where they can belong. Mad communities are actively organizing around alternatives. Join us! Subscribe to the Consumer/Survivor Information Bulletin! The Bulletin is a free newsletter mailed or emailed to you twice a month with events, activities, news, and issues relevant to our lives as Mad Torontonians. Anyone can sign up and submit items. Check out www.csinfo.ca. Celebrate with us this July at Mad Pride Toronto 2013 (and throughout the year wherever you happen to be!), an annual arts, culture, and heritage festival organized by Mad people. See www.madprideto.com for further info. If you are a Mad student, consider connecting with the Mad Students Society, a peer support and advocacy group that meets monthly and maintains an active email discussion listserv. Visit www.madstudentsociety.com. 1 Ontario Human Rights Commission. (2012). Minds That Matter: Report on the Consultation on Human Rights, Mental Health and Addictions. Retrieved from: www. ohrc.on.ca/en/minds-matter-report-consultation-human-rights-mentalhealth-and-addictions.
Alisa and Elizabeth can be reached at two.really.crazy.ladies@gmail.com. They are busy working, learning, laughing, loving, hanging out, and going nuts in the GTA (and occasionally Calgary)!
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WHEREACTIONTHE ACTION IS GROUP UPDATES
Action Groups are at the heart of OPIRG’s work. They are volunteer collectives that organize autonomously for social and environmenal justice. Here are updates on what some of the action groups have been working on, and a listing of all 15 action groups for the 2012-2013 academic year. If you are interested in forming your own OPIRG-Toronto action group, we accept new applications in the summer. Please get in touch with us at opirg.toronto@gmail.com
ART FOR JUSTICE
Art for Justice participated in OPIRG-Toronto’s Disorientation week by tabling at the Social Justice Fair at the beginning of 20122013 school year on the St. George campus, U of T. Participants at this fair were encouraged to engage in radical art-making using linoleum block printing and paper marbling techniques. Art for Justice also presented a workshop on rebel video making during Rebuilding Bridges Conference on November 17, 2012. In this workshop, “Final Cut: Revolution”, video making skills and resources were shared, and participants engaged in a debate around many aspects of rebel video making. This workshop has been planned as an introduction to a series of video making workshops that will be starting in January. If you are interested in getting involved in the Art for Justice action group, please email art444justice@gmail.com
BARRIERE LAKE SOLIDARITY TORONTO
BLS Toronto is an organizing collective that provides direct support to the community of the Algonquins of Barriere Lake. This small community of 450 people is located three hours north of Ottawa, in Quebec. They live on a 59-acre reserve in the midst of the Parc La Verendrye wildlife reserve, though their entire traditional territory spans 17,000 square kilometers of the Upper Ottawa watershed. Barriere Lake’s political struggle is focused on obtaining implementation for a natural resource agreement signed in 1991 between the Algonquins, Quebec, and Canada that would give them a decisive say over the management of their lands. In collaboration with Indigenous Peoples Solidarity Movement Ottawa and BLS Montreal, BLS Toronto supports the Algonquins of Barriere Lake through fundraising, educational events, direct action, media work, political campaigning, and by building a strong base of support for Indigenous activism. Visit www.barrierelakesolidarity.org or e-mail us at barrierelakesolidarity@gmail.com.
DISABILITY ACTION MOVEMENT NOW
DAMN is a direct action group of disabled people, those affected by ableism, and our supporters. We believe that accessibility is about more than adding ramps – it means ensuring that there is room for everyone in our struggles. We strive to foster cross-disability alliances to build campaigns around disability issues, including poverty, immigration, racism, homophobia, transphobia, incarceration, and institutionalization. DAMN critically analyzes all institutions -
including academic institutions – and examines how they limit accessibility by instituting economic barriers, physical barriers, and social isolation. DAMN challenges how activism itself can be inaccessible. To get involved, contact damn2025@gmail.com.
FILIPINO CANADIAN YOUTH ALLIANCE
UKPC/FCYA-ON (Filipino Canadian Youth Alliance/Ugnayan ng Kabataang Pilipino sa Canada—Ontario) is a progressive youth and student’s organization that is committed to educating, organizing and mobilizing Filipino Canadian youth as a transformative and dynamic force that will nurture the new path towards the Filipino Canadian community’s just and genuine settlement and integration in Canadian society. We move to address our issues towards our community’s empowerment and genuine development through community mobilizations, research projects, public policy engagement, art and cultural productions and more. Contact us at ukpc-on@magkaisacentre.org.
JUST RIGHTS RADIO
Just Rights Radio is a new show broadcasting on CIUT 89.5fm every Saturday morning at 8:00am. We are committed to bringing issues of social justice to the forefront of ongoing and topical conversations in a way that highlights the work of those social actors that are most connected and invested. Our mission is to inform our listeners on issues of equity, add depth to mainstream conversations, and promote a social justice agenda by drawing connections between broader social issues and local contexts. JRR will also be hosting a series of workshops on topics such as the use of equitable language, media literacy, audio editing, and interviewing skills.
LATIN AMERICAN & CARIBBEAN SOLIDARITY NETWORK
The Latin American and Caribbean Solidarity Network (LACSN), is a non-profit, autonomous, democratic organization that coordinates and supports the work of 13 local organizations. The goal of these organizations is to carry out community based work that leads to long term societal and economic change in our communities. Our Network confronts and proposes alternatives to the social, environmental and economic model proposed by neo-liberalism. We focus on challenging the capitalist paradigm. LACSN bases its work on the following principles: anti-imperialism, economic and environmental justice, defence of the environment and a rejection of discriminatory practices.
MINING INJUSTICE SOLIDARITY NETWORK
In October, Mining Injustice Solidarity Network had two film screenings. In collaboration with Cinema Politica, we screened the film “Hole Story.”, and we also co-presented the film “Cerro Rico, Tierra Rica” during the Planet in Focus Film Festival. Through these events, our aim was to spark discussion and debate around mining. We have also been doing outreach, including tabling during OPIRG’s Disorientation and leafleting at events, such as Marketa Evans’ lecture at Schulich at York University. We also launched an online campaign, rallying artist support in critique of Yamana Gold. Finally, we’ve been engaging in meetings with Members of Parliament around issues of corporate impunity.
PLATYPUS TORONTO
The Platypus Affliated Society organizes reading groups, public fora, research and journalism focused on problems and task inherited from the “Old” (1920s-30s), “New” (1960s-70s) and post-political (1980s-90s) Left for the possibilities of emancipatory politics today. It strives to bring together in debate different perspectives on the Left for the purpose of open political inquiry for all students and members of the University of Toronto community, inclusive of all races, ethic backgrounds, sexual orientations, gender identities and class status.
QUEERCORE TORONTO
QueerC.O.R.E (Queer Collective Of Radical Earthlings) hosted Queeriot this past August in Toronto, a convergence of radical anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist queer people. For OPIRG’s Rebuilding Bridges conference in November, we organized a panel on the radical queer history of Toronto, and we are currently putting together a queer anti-valentine’s day cover band show for February 9th called “It’s ok, we can still be friends”. These cover band shows prioritize giving space to people pushed out of the mainstream punk music scene, including queer/trans indigenous people and people of colour, women and disabled folks. To get involved please contact queerriotto@gmail.com
R3: ROOTS, RHYTHMS, RESISTANCE
After spending a busy 2012, hosting events like the lal CD Release, a Toronto Rape Crisis Centre Fundraiser and most recently, a community dinner at Unit 2 with Saqib Keval, R3 is taking a moment to pause, reflect and regroup. In the new year, expect news about an installation/dinner supported by a generous grant from the Toronto Arts Council in May and the Red Caravan Tour, going to cities and towns all over Ontario, featuring lal, Amai Kuda, Sonny B and Brixia Bloodbeard in the spring. If you feel so inclined, donate to our Indie Gogo campaign to cover tour costs - www. indiegogo.com/redcaravan
REVOLUTIONARY STUDENT MOVEMENT
In Dec 2012, RSM participated in a conference of revolutionary students and youth. We conducted an analysis of the Quebec student strike, as well as a survey of the general state of student and youth inactivity in the rest of Canada. Recognizing the limitations of student unions in pushing for the revolutionary change, RSM is trying to establish independent, revolutionary student and youth collectives (or RSMs) in as many Toronto high schools, colleges and universities as possible. The first purpose of these RSMs is to educate, propagandize, and ultimately, build for a student and youth walk-out on May 1st, 2013. The second purpose of the RSMs is to connect with wider peoples’ struggles. This necessarily includes Native peoples’
ACTION SPEAKS LOUDER
W INTER 2013 15
struggles and the struggles of those masses in India, Nepal, Afghanistan, and others waging peoples’ wars against imperialism. Lastly, the RSMs are also in charge of handing out a bi-weekly publication in proletarian neighbourhoods. To get involved, please e-mail revolutionarystudentsto@gmail.com, add us on Facebook at Prac-Rsm To, or Twitter @PracRsmTo
RISING TIDE TORONTO
Rising Tide Toronto has been mobilizing against the Line 9 reversal, which would bring tar sands through Ontario. RTT also organized a solidarity action with the Unist’ot’en who recently evicted pipeline surveyors from their territory, and continues to stand in solidarity with communities resisting environmental injustice on Turtle Island. Get in touch with us at risingtidetoronto@gmail. com
STUDENTS AGAINST ISRAELI APARTHEID
Students Against Israeli Aparthied (SAIA) is a non-hierarchal organization committed to supporting Palestinian Civil Soceity’s call for Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) until Israel ends its occupation and colonization of Arab lands, dismantles the wall, gives full and equal rights to Arab-Palestinians within Israel and respects the right of return for all Palestinian refugees. SAIA continues to challenge the University of Toronto’s complicity with Israeli violations of international law, and therfore, demands that the university divests its stocks in Northrop Grumman, Hewlett Packard and Lockheed Martin, three companies that are implicated in war crimes and violations of Palestinian human rights. Contact us at saia@riseup.net.
TORONTO ANARCHIST BOOKFAIR COLLECTIVE
The Toronto Anarchist Bookfair is a weekend of anarchist inspired activities, workshops, books, zines, food, friends and good conversation, and all those interested in anarchism and/or anti-authoritarian politics are invited to attend. The Toronto Anarchist Bookfair Collective is currently meeting to organize the annual Anarchist Bookfair in Toronto in June 2013. If you would like to volunteer for the upcoming anarchist bookfair, please e-mail: toanarchistbookfair@gmail.com.
TORONTO BOLIVIA SOLIDARITY
Toronto Bolivia Solidarity (TBS) was founded in 2008 to spread knowledge in Canada of the democratic transformation underway in Bolivia, build links and solidarity with popular grassroots movements and indigenous populations there and spread their urgent message about climate change. The main activity of TBS during the fall months of 2012 was to initiate and help organize an all-day teach-in, “The Tar Sands Come to Toronto: No Line 9,” held November 17 with close to 400 participants. The conference responded to an urgent threat posed by a plan by Enbridge Inc. to equip a pipeline (“Line 9”) to carry dangerous tar-sands bitumen from Windsor to Montreal, including across the City of Toronto. TBS formed a joint organizing committee, including the People’s Assembly, and featured speakers came from the Haudenosaunee and Aamjiwnaang First Nations, and special guest, Art Sterritt, Executive Director of the Coastal First Nations-Great Bear Initiative. The event, held as part of OPIRG’s Rebuilding Bridges conference, stimulated formation of committee working on the Line 9 issue and also led to formation of an ongoing Ad Hoc Tar Sands Network. A full report can be obtained at http://www.t.grupoapoyo.org/node/163. To contact TBS, please e-mail torontoboliviasolidarity@gmail.com.
U RESOURCES 16
ACTION SPEAKS LOUDER
WINTER 2013
SPACES ON AND AROUND CAMPUS
ACTIVIST NETWORKS AND ORGANIZATIONS
519 Community Centre A Different Booklist Centre for Social Justice Centre for Women and Trans People at U of T Grassroots Youth Collaborative Native Canadian Centre of Toronto Toronto Rape Crisis Centre/ Multicultural Women Against Rape
LOCAL
www.the519.org www.adifferentbooklist.com www.socialjustice.org womenscentre.sa.utoronto.ca www.grassrootsyouth.ca www.ncct.on.ca www.trccmwar.ca
NEWS AND ANALYSIS
Queers Against Israeli Apartheid
LOCAL BASICS Newsletter Toronto basicsnews.ca New Socialist www.newsocialist.org Ryerson Free Press www.ryersonfreepress.ca subMedia.tv submedia.tv The Africana www.the-africana.com Toronto Media Co-op www.mediacoop.ca Upping the Anti: A Journal www.uppingtheanti.org of Theory and Action York University Free Press www.yufreepress.org
NATIONAL AND GLOBAL Al Jazeera Democracy Now! Independent Media Centre National Film Board of Canada Quebec Rabble Socialist Project Tuition Truth Campaign Z Communications
AIDS Action Now www.aidsactionnow.org Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid www.caiaweb.org Fightback www.marxist.ca Jane & Finch Action Against Poverty www.jfaap.wordpress.com Lost Lyrics www.lostlyrics.ca Low Income Families www.lift.to Together (LIFT) No One is Illegal-Toronto toronto.nooneisillegal.org Ontario Coalition Against Poverty www.ocap.ca Prisoners with HIV/AIDS Support Action Network www.pasan.org
www.aljazeera.com www.democracynow.org www.indymedia.org www.rouge.onf.ca www.rouge.onf.ca www.rabble.ca www.socialistproject.ca www.tuitiontruth.ca www.zcommunications.org
www.queersagainstapartheid.org
Sikh Activist Network sikhactivist.net Toronto Drug User’s Union www.tduu.blogspot.ca Toronto Stop the Cuts Network www.torontostopthecuts.com Toronto Worker’s Assembly www.workersassembly.ca OPIRG-York www.opirgyork.ca
NATIONAL AND GLOBAL Assaulted Women’s Helpline www.awhl.org AW@L peaceculture.org Canadian Tamil Congress www.canadiantamilcongress.ca Defenders of the Land www.defendersoftheland.org Earthroots www.earthroots.org Greenpeace www.greenpeace.org/canada INCITE Women of www.incite-national.org Color Against Violence Indigenous Environmental Network www.ienearth.org Justice for www.justicia4migrantworkers.org Migrant Workers Native Youth Sexual Health Network www.nativeyouthsexualhealth.com Palestinian Campaign for the www.pacbi.org Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel
30 Years of organizing from the
grassroots!
COME FIND OUT ALL THE WAYS TO GET INVOLVED WITH OPIRG-TORONTO! JOIN AN ACTION GROUP! Action groups are the heart of OPIRG. These small groups undertake research and organize educational events, public lectures, film screenings, concerts and demonstrations about anti-racism, Indigenous sovereignty, gender equity, free and accessible education, immigrant and refugee rights, labour rights, anti-war politics, anti-poverty activism and environmental justice.
SUBMIT TO OUR NEWSLETTER! Action Speaks Louder is OPIRG-Toronto’s bi-annual newsletter. Authors analyze important and timely social and political issues, and reflect on their own activism. Pick up the Fall 2012 issue to read about prison expansion and police brutality, indigenous solidarity organizing, report back from 25 years of AIDS organizing and more!
ATTEND A WORKSHOP! Tools for Change is an annual, free series of skill-building workshops on media strategy and journalism, public speaking, print making and design, research methods, community organizing strategies, facilitation, publishing, decision making methods, rally organizing and more!
USE OUR LIBRARY! The Dr. Chun Resource Library is a collaborative initiative between OPIRG and the Centre for Women and Trans people. This free library allows for University of Toronto students and community members to access factual, critical and alternative books, tapes, zines, CDs and other resources.
Come by the office! Please contact OPIRG for more information about our events and projects.
Ontario Public Interest Research Group- Toronto
563 Spadina Cres. Suite 101 • 416-978-7770 • www.opirgtoronto.org • opirg.toronto@gmail.com
TOOLS FOR CHANGE
Activist Skills Workshops January- May 2013
TOOLS for CHANGE is a series of free skills-sharing and skills-building workshops designed to help you gain the tools for doing research, education, and action for social and environmental justice. This series is collaboratively organized by the Ontario Public Interest Research Group, Earthroots and Greenpeace. Registration takes place online at toolsforchange.net. Most workshops take place in downtown Toronto. All venues are wheelchair accessible. University of Toronto students, OPIRG-Toronto volunteers, Greenpeace and Earthroots members can attend all of the workshops for free. For more information, please contact tools.change@gmail.com.
JANUARY 16>> Online Organizing and Making Social Media Count. 6:00 PM- 9:00 PM
MARCH 2 >> Self Defence: Politics & Practice 2:00 PM- 5:00 PM
This workshop explores how to do effective online campaigning & maximize social media strategies in your projects and campaigns. Participants will explore the benefits and challenges of different online and social media tools, be given useful information about managing online campaigns & social media platforms as well as mobilizing different audiences and tracking results.
Our experiences of violence impact our lives and our activism. To challenge patriarchy, colonialism and capitalism, we need to be able to fight for ourselves and our communities. Join us for a physical self-defense workshop and a discussion about gender norms and the right to anger, to healthy agression and the pathologizing of women who fight back.
JANUARY 26 >> Research Skills for Activists and Independent Journalists. 11:00 AM- 5:00 PM This workshop will introduce participants to a banquet of research skills and techniques from a variety of fields. Facilitators will use storytelling to give concrete examples of ways to apply advanced google techniques, freedom-of-information requests, archival research, private eye tricks, crowd sourcing, database skills, and many other skills. Jammed-packed from edge to edge, this session will be a chance for novice and expert researchers alike to pick up skills they can use everyday.
FEBRUARY 2 >> Political Writing 101 1:00 PM- 4:00 PM In this workshop, participants will be encouraged to think carefully about the writing process itself, learn effective methods for improvement, and develop approaches to (alternative) publishing.
MARCH 5 >> Avoiding Activist Burnout 6:30 PM - 8:30 PM
APRIL 7 >> Grassroots fundraising 1:00 PM - 5:00 PM This workshop will help you prepare to develop a strategic fundraising plan for your grassroots social or ecological justice group. The workshop will focus on identifying the strengths and weaknesses of common grassroots fundraising methods including events, membership donations, small grants, contributions from NGOs and unions, online, etc, with an eye to assessing what will be most effective and appropriate for your group. We will also offer tips on best practices, including case studies of effective fundraising efforts.
APRIL 14 >> Direct Action 101 This workshop aims to break down the stig- 1:00 PM- 6:00 PM ma surrounding activist burnout, offer some constructive solutions for how to get back from the brink of burnout, and tips how to prevent it in yourself and members of your group.
MARCH 30 >> Navigating Conflict Resolution 1:00 PM - 4:00 PM The purpose of this workshop is to provide techniques for resolving conflict within our groups, as well as long-term strategies to build a climate of equity, constructive debate and internal cooperation. This workshop will provide participants with space to discuss and practice de-escalation and conflict strategies.
Learn the skills necessary for organizing and participating in a direct action. The workshop will cover basic action strategy and planning, group decision-making, roles and responsibilities, execution, and post-action follow up.
APRIL 16 >> Get on the Mic! Public Speaking Workshop 6:30 PM- 8:30 PM Public speaking can be intimidating and difficult, especially when youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;re talking about social change and inspiring people to action. Learn some tips that will help you build your confidence and get you on that mic or megaphone!
WWW.TOOLSFORCHANGE.NET
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