Typhoon Haiyan Gender Snapshot by Oxfam Pilipinas

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Haiyan Gender Snapshot Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu April – May 2014 by Clementine Louise Novales

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Haiyan Gender Snapshot Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu April â&#x20AC;&#x201C; May 2014 by Clementine Louise Novales Research assistance provided by: Sundilyn Bedro Anna Dinglasan Maria Libertad Dometita Rebecca Lagunsad Marinela Nunez Marita Castillo-Pimentel Melanie Reyes Research manager and editor: Alexandra Pura Reviewed by: Anusanthee Pillay Mona Mehta Ines Smyth

cover photo - Mary Ann (10) and Mary Grace (14) at Anibong Bay, Tacloban; Eleanor Farmer, February 2014

Oxfam is an international confederation of 17 organisations networked together in more than 94 countries, as part of a global movement for change, to build a future free from the injustice of poverty. In the Philippines, we work with poor people to sustain their livelihoods, and reduce their risks to natural and human-made disasters. We strive to enable poor people to have a voice in economic issues affecting them and we support poor women as they lead in transforming unequal social and economic relations. 4F 150 Corporate Center,150 Panay Avenue, Quezon City, Philippines Telephone: +63(2) 9294470 â&#x20AC;˘ Fax: +63(2) 9270499 Website: http://www.oxfamblogs.org/philippines

This publication was printed using 100% recycled paper and soya-based printing ink.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu â&#x20AC;˘ April â&#x20AC;&#x201C; May 2014

Contents Summary of findings and recommendations

I. Introduction II. Objectives III. Methodology IV. Key Findings Life before and after Haiyan, focus on the gendered dimensions

12 13 14 17

1) Men and women responded in different ways during the emergency 1.1 Gendered responses right before the disaster 1.2. Gendered responses right after the disaster, before relief arrived

19 19 20

2) Women, men, boys and girls experienced different impact, based on their situation prior to the disaster The capacity to meet basic needs is affected by gender inequalities 2.1. Food 2.2. Shelter 2.3. Productive Land 2.4. Education 2.5. Health 2.6. Sexual and Reproductive Health 2.7. Basic Facilities 2.8. Livelihoods 2.9. Issues on Access to POST-TYPHOON programs 2.10. Protection Issues: Safety, GBV, trafficking and PROSTITUTION

3) The differences in impact to women, men, girls and boys persist in their efforts to cope and survive Gendered roles and responsibilities

3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5.

31 36 37 38 40

Productive work before and after the disaster Care work at home Care work in the Community Participation Women are more indebted

21 22 23 24 24 25 26 26 26 27

4) There are various forms of families and households, different identities, and other vulnerable groups of people with needs that have to be considered

44 46 46

4.1. Children and adolescents: girls and boys 4.2. GEOGRAPHICALLY ISOLATED AND DISADVANTAGED AREAS 4.3. Various forms of families and identities

V. Recommendations

Endnotes

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

SUMMARY What defines much of the context and struggles of people from typhoon hit areas now is what was there before - poverty, landlessness, control of a few over decision making and allocation of resources mostly by powerful families and politicians, poor governance & delivery of basic social services, intensive extraction of resources, disempowered people, lack of voice, class, age and gender discrimination, among others. It is these structural inequalities and discrimination that determine opportunities to survive and who can access these. Using a gender lens in this crucial transition from emergency response to recovery can greatly contribute to programme design – Anchoring this process to the lived realities of women, men, girls and boys in the typhoon-hit areas will allow them to reimagine the best and most lasting ways to ‘build back better’.

“We had to stretch available coconut meat, mixing it with rice so everyone can eat. The food we had then was not enough. At that time, we did not have communication with our families. They didn’t know what happened to us. No help arrived yet. The local government has not provided relief because they couldn’t reach us. We cooked food together, for one evacuation center for distribution to homes with no food. We had to find out who still needed food and we distributed it to them. It was that difficult right after.” – Felisa Castro, Kakasa Federation President, Municipality of Salcedo, Eastern Samar “Now, the neighborhood helps each other. It feels good to give. We cannot just look at our hungry neighbors.” -Women Farmers focus group, Barangay Tolosahay, Municipality of Julita, Leyte

Women who participated in Cash-forWork program in Sta. Fe, Bantayan Island, Cebu, sign their timesheets. Photo by Gerard Carreon

1) Men and women responded in different ways during the emergency Both women and men played crucial, life-saving roles. Men were more likely to put themselves at risk and do the ‘physical saving’. The women did the vital task of tending to the hurt, ill, traumatised, infants and pregnant women – in families, and in communities through groups/organizations. Gendered behaviours defined survival right before, during and right after the typhoon. Men and women responded to danger and provided most urgent life saving needs in different ways. Men were more likely to put themselves at risk and do the ‘physical saving’ of people and assets. Women and children were the first ones to be ensured safe. Women performed the ‘physiological saving’ - ensuring people were in a better emotional state, gathered, prepared and provided food, cared for those who lost loved ones, who were orphaned, sick and ill. As the cash economy crashed, the care economy was the lifeline of communities. People survived by sharing, bartering and reciprocal voluntary labor (bayanihan) for food provision, building homes and caring for the sick.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

2) Women, men, boys & girls experienced different impact, based on their situation prior to the disaster The capacity to meet basic needs is affected by gender inequalities before the disaster. In certain instances, a largely gender-blind emergency response and service provision reproduced the inequalities in how women, men, girls and boys access and benefit from relief, recovery and rehabilitation. •

Food shortage and gap in meeting nutritional needs worsened; men, women and children are affected in different ways. Due to scarcity of resources, it was reported that already half of the population relied on borrowing money for food by December 2013. Decrease in breastfeeding was reported after the typhoon. Some attributed this to limited access to healthy food by lactating mothers and to the distribution of powdered milk in relief operations. Female headed households and poorer segments of affected population struggle to eat 3 meals per day 1. Children are given highest priority for food and so adults have lesser intake or eat less number of meals to cope with the scarcity. A study also reported that adolescent girls in particular, de-prioritise themselves in provision of food over younger children.

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Shelter provided protection from elements but privacy and safety risks cropped up especially for women and children. Tent city and other temporary resettlement sites (TRS) sheltered people from the rain and the sun but exposed them to risks that may have permanent implications to their lives. Privacy and safety concerns were expressed by those sharing space with other families in one house. Loans for house reconstruction from microfinance institutions or banks are only accessible to those who have the capacity to pay. This loan adds to prior loans. Households led by single, elderly, female or by a child have lesser access in reconstructing homes since paid labor is needed. Adding to the shelter crisis is vulnerability to eviction and forced relocation, and lack of information and participation in claiming right to shelter.

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Gender gap in access and control to productive land amplified post-Haiyan. Landlessness is a pre-existing issue in all areas prior to the typhoon. There is lack of knowledge on tenurial rights, weak implementation of land reform program, control of powerful families and politicians and women’s limited access to land and resources. Holders of Certificate of Land Ownership Award (CLOA) and agrarian reform beneficiaries are mostly men. There are also reports about coconut farmers’ maledependent tenancy as it is, in practice, passed on to the male head of households. Oxfam’s report on coconut farming likewise reported traders’ bias against women farmers who are now taking on farming responsibilities after the typhoon. Women’s access to land is an important issue given that there is already a high number of single, female headed households pre-typhoon and likely even more post-typhoon.

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Extreme poverty and anguish intensified by inaccessible health service; compromised life and health situation of women, men and children. Poor health services have been an issue in the area prior to Haiyan and the disaster exacerbated the situation. In Bantayan Island for instance, respondents shared that the policy of ‘no births at home’ is difficult to comply with in geographically isolated and disadvantaged areas (GIDA). Stories of bullying by service providers during birth were likewise reported. “Over fatigue” was said to be causing miscarriages. After the typhoon, the only option for many was to access health care from rural health units (RHUs) and district hospitals, instead of the more accessible Barangay Health Stations which were destroyed by the typhoon. Mental health is another concern. The WHO reported that only 17% of affected municipalities have facilities and capacity for mental health care.

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Sexual and reproductive health issues exacerbated; age and gender biases permeate service provision. Respondents observed that there are more pregnancies after Haiyan, many by young girls (except among Western Leyte respondents). The health cluster brief in April 2014 likewise reported the same trend citing WHO report that there were 220,000 pregnancies in the last 6 months, of which 26,400 (12%) are adolescent pregnancies. Other than problems of facility and supplies, gender and age bias manifest in how service providers attend to health needs. Young mothers shared that service providers ‘scold’ them during pre-natal check-ups and RH supplies are withheld from those who are not married.

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Lack of access to basic water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) facilities and electricity heightened issues of safety and protection for affected women and children. Areas were reported to be still struggling with no electricity, with depleted water sources or none at all. The distant location of water sources from the houses requires women and children who were the ones responsible for washing and fetching water to walk longer distances. This increases the risk of abuse. Oxfam Public Health Promotion team in Western Leyte reported a case of a 5 year old girl who drowned as she was fetching water from a well. A girl was raped while urinating by the shore in Kinatarkan Island in May 2014.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

3) The differences in impact to women, men, girls and boys persist in their efforts to survive The differences in impact of the typhoon persist in recovery and survival strategies of women, men girls and boys. Gendered division of roles and labor persist after the typhoon. Men return to their traditional role as the ‘breadwinner’ even though there is less income. Women who are responsible for household care provisioning were expected to ‘fill in’ the income and care gap. Six months on, gender is still influencing who gets to survive and how they survive. Women, men, boys and girls have unique coping strategies. To respond to urgent needs, women and children absorb typhoon shocks by expanding roles into productive work and care work (home & community), while men are more likely to remain in the productive sphere. This, together with the projected rise in poverty rates and the still inaccessible and inadequate basic social services are adding to women’s workload. Girls and boys follow the same gendered patterns as they are “forced to become adults” to cope. Thus, the risks women, men, girls and boys are exposed to are very different and determine who survives.

In a survival mode, men and women are coping the best way they know how. •

•

IN PRODUCTIVE WORK: In certain areas before the typhoon, women already played a pivotal role in ‘main’ livelihoods such as fishing and farming. However, their work is more likely to be underpaid or unpaid and they are not fully recognized as ‘fishers’ or ‘farmers’ compared with men. This trend, where it existed, continued after the typhoon. In some areas, however, women are confined to care work at home and do not have access to opportunities outside of irregular, small and informal businesses. After the typhoon, men resumed previous socially-defined work, usually outside the home. Most of the time this is hard-labor such as fishing, farming and as laborers with downgraded status and income. Women, as they are expected to figure out a way to augment income, intensified tasks and resorted to informal, irregular, low-paid, less dignified work that place them in risky situations. Trends show that they are more likely to seek for and innovate on other means to generate income to fill in the widening gap between the primary income and family’s needs. Common examples are doing laundry and getting employed as household helper, getting into informal, small businesses, migrating to cities for work, and borrowing money. Borrowing money is part of their way of life even before the typhoon. It is women who seek ways to borrow money from various informal sources, often by taking favors and seeking patronage. Indebtedness is exacerbated in some areas – by paying former loans (spent on goods which were washed away by the typhoon) or adding new ones to recover lost resources. IN CARE WORK AT HOME: Family needs, now more intense post-disaster, pull women into the home for care work. Tasks in this sphere are crucial for survival – food provisioning, health and ensuring wellbeing. While some reversals and shared responsibilities at home happened after the typhoon, most are back to former gender roles. In a difficult time, women improvise to feed the children. Together with girls, they prioritise children’s intake over their own, stretch food supply and innovate on cooking. They report that they have found 30 ways of cooking sardines. Tasks at home have become more complicated, difficult and longer as they have to cope with less materials and resources to address survival needs. Decrease in the availability of basic facilities that were already substandard before the typhoon - water, latrines, electricity – adds time, intensity and risk in performing work.

“Pag si mister nagluluto, nakakapagpahinga ako.” (When my husband cooks, I can rest.) -Focus Group, Women, Barangay Tanglanan, Madridejos, Northern Cebu

How community care work limits productivity “Sila ang nag-aalaga sa amin dito. Hindi sila makapag-hanap buhay ng todo kasi sila ang nagaalaga sa amin; pag may bisita, sila ang hinahanap, sila ang nagaasikaso.” They are the ones who care for us here [in the tent city]. They cannot really focus on earning income because they have to care for us here. If there are visitors, they look for them and they take care of everything. * for instance on that same day, Korean military distributed relief to the evacuees at the tent city. – Sherwin, male, 35, WASH Committee Member of tent city in Tanauan; referring to block leaders composed of all women. They are the ones who entertain guests, prepare for activities in the tent city and ensure peace and coordination in each block.

8 •

Haiyan Gender Snapshot IN CARE WORK IN THE COMMUNITY: Another way of addressing household needs is for women to go out of the home. This began with the intent to access relief goods right after the typhoon. This evolved into engagement as volunteers in new mechanisms of emergency and recovery response projects. Women became more engaged and are able to negotiate in activities. They attend meetings, dialogues, awareness raising forums and become members of committees. They volunteer for the maintenance of Women-Friendly Spaces (WFS). They perform ‘sweat equity’ for housing projects. They are block leaders in temporary relocation sites (TRS). They are members of Oxfam organized committees – WASH and livelihood. They volunteer as community mobilisers, in public health facilities construction. Their engagement is producing outcomes for the community and for themselves as they gain experience, expand networks and understanding, and improve skills. However, these add to the workload of women.

4) There are various forms of families and households, different identities, other vulnerable groups of people, with needs that have to be considered Many still remain under-reached by post-typhoon response such as those who are in geographically isolated and disadvantaged areas, adolescents, identities within men, women, girls and boys, and non-heterosexual families and households. There are reports that these groups of people and individuals are further left behind as post-typhoon response is moving to early recovery. •

GIDA: Many typhoon-hit villages have not been reached or are under-reached by benefits of typhoon relief and recovery. Some were reported to be in high-risk situations. There are areas with controversial mining operations that communities are attempting to stop. These are reported to be deliberately excluded by government programs. Some indigenous groups in Western Leyte remain unreached. Efforts to conduct assessments in GIDA are also limited. This includes this gender assessment.

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DIFFERENT FORMS OF FAMILIES AND HOUSEHOLDS, DIFFERENT IDENTITIES: Some families, households and individuals were reported to have been excluded from humanitarian response. Hetero-normative views of families, which are comprised of a married couple with their children, affect who will be prioritised in service provision. Other forms of families and identities are unlikely to be recognised as a ‘family’, such as unmarried individuals who care for other family members, young parents, same sex partnerships, among others.

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GIRLS, BOYS (CHILDREN & ADOLESCENTS): As extensions of their mothers, girls are more likely to take on added work of the women in a household. Boys, on the other hand, directly engage in paid work. In effect, children and adolescents opt to work instead of study. They are also pushed into early co-habitation / marriage and are predisposed to early and consecutive pregnancies. This is especially observed in the poorest areas. The WHO reported increased rates in pregnancies and suspected baby boom in most areas, 12% of which are by adolescents. This will add to demands and will intensify work in productive and reproductive spheres.

Child sugar cane workers of Cagbuhangin, Ormoc For child agricultural laborers in sugarcane plantations trends of early pregnancies, choosing paid work over education, less / no play and more care work are not new trends. To engage in hornal (daily wage agricultural labor) begins as young as 8 years old. The money that they earn contributes to the family income and some goes to school expenses. They rarely get to have college education. Boys are more likely to quit school than girls to work in plantations. Girls are usually pregnant by 15 or 16 years old. They are more likely to have consecutive pregnancies, and usually this is without fathers (‘wa’y bana’), the group said. Girls take on more care work at home while studying and working. Kapoy! (So tired!) Elvira, 16 yrs old, said because since school resumed in January, she had to go to school from Monday to Saturday and do the laundry on Sundays. Now that school ended, she is back on hornal.

Available and known means to survive, in both care and productive spheres, do not meet the magnitude of needs typhoon affected people struggle with; nor are these beneficial to them in the longer term. Workloads have intensified along with needs for women and girls most especially, putting them more at risk, and plunging already vulnerable people into more suffering and poverty. Such default arrangement of daily life inhibits their opportunities for productive work, to facilitate one’s empowerment, harness voice, participate more meaningfully, and more importantly, the chance to invest in one’s well-being. Those with less access to options and capacities, to cope with changes in lives after the typhoon are especially more vulnerable than ever in post Haiyan context (e.g., poor, elderly, children and adolescents, single, elderly and child headed households, people with special care needs, and living in GIDA) ‘Building back better does not mean going back to before’ 2 - the recovery phase must not recover harmful beliefs and practices. Outcomes envisioned in upcoming months of fulfilling basic needs, increasing income, facilitating empowerment, engaging people in recovery process and being equipped for the next disaster – must first understand how beliefs, work and exposure to risk is predetermined by gender. As already proven in some Oxfam

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

initiatives during emergency phase, addressing strategic gender needs together with practical needs is possible. If people who design and implement programs understand gender, class and age differentials more clearly, they can deliver basic needs while working towards transforming structural inequality. This thrust is directly linked to recovery and is at the core of ‘building back better’.

RECOMMENDATIONS 1. Include context-specific gender analysis in programming for rebuilding communities and social development. While infrastructure repairs are a necessary part of post disaster recovery and reconstruction, social recovery programs are just as important. 2. Integrate gender responsive provisions in rehabilitation and recovery programs that address intersecting issues of land, shelter, and livelihood. It must be noted that population and family structures have been affected. Programs should be sensitive to this reality. 3. Emergency, recovery, rehabilitation, development programs should not only be focused on rebuilding lives as it was before the typhoon but should take the opportunity to re-define development for communities. Design programs with strategic / transformative dimensions, aside from providing targeting practical needs. People must not be mere recipients of benefits/programs, but supported or as active agents in claiming their rights. 3.1. Make the disaster context an opportunity to transform gender roles and status as women and men access support for their practical, basic needs and recover economic assets. There is a need to recognize, reduce and redistribute care work by promoting equal partnership of men and women. Women’s role in the “care economy” goes beyond caring for the family, the young, the old and the sick. It is women’s infusion of human capital that keeps the household and the economy afloat both in times of emergency and non-emergency. Their substantive contribution should be recognized and valued by addressing conditions that hinder them from accessing opportunities to meet basic needs and recover or rebuild their own economic resources, on equal footing with men. 3.2. Build local capacities and strengthen grassroots community groups through women’s empowerment and transformative leadership. Strengthen women’s voice and collective power through transformative, collective leadership approaches. Organized groups must be supported to assert issues, set the agenda, access and control resources and build resilience. Groups have potential to improve women’s confidence to enter formal and elective leadership positions. 3.3. Facilitate an enabling environment for and rights claiming through promotion of gender-responsive leadership and governance before 2016 elections. The 2016 elections will either be the traditional power holders’ old turf or an opportunity to re-define leadership and governance. 4. Focus on reaching geographically isolated and disadvantaged areas and other vulnerable groups that remain under-served. Not many humanitarian agencies were able to reach GIDA at the level of sitio and purok, during the height of the emergency response, in the intention to reach as many affected people as possible and because of logistical challenges. As response transitions from emergency to recovery, many GIDA remain unreached by relief efforts. 5. Implement gender-responsive programs that enhance capacities and skills of men and women in disaster stricken areas, moving away from dole-out and lending. While beneficial to some extent, especially in an emergency, dole out and lending projects do not provide long term solutions and may reinforce dependency. Unless financial services for women are made more accessible and less of a burden, there is more benefit from investing in enhancing capacities and skills of women for them to sustain livelihoods and rebuild their lives. 6. Require and generate sex and age disaggregated data (SADD) and sector-specific data in pre and post assessment reports. This is very important in identifying specific gender needs as well as in providing appropriate intervention programs - including humanitarian response in emergencies. Population groups such as people with disabilities, indigenous groups, among others, must also be visible in government data to address their specific needs. 7. Include in disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) programs and activities the recognition and existence of families and households in different forms and the different basis of vulnerabilities, e.g., sexual identities, ethnicities, disabilities, etc. Programs and activities should take into consideration emerging and new forms of families. Disaster response should be sensitive of these new realities where households may be composed of single parents, female heads, and same sex partnerships, among others. 8. Strengthening Gender Mainstreaming in DRRM by harmonizing plans and initiatives of national and local government, as well as NGOs and INGOS. Agencies involved in DRRM should take into account NDDRMP 2011-2028 as a framework for disaster prevention and mitigation (DOST), disaster preparedness (DILG), disaster response (DSWD) and disaster rehabilitation and recovery (NEDA) noting the lead agency for each stage. Hence, basic SADD should be an SOP in data gathering in all of these agencies. Gender

Haiyan Gender Snapshot elements should be included from planning stage in order to have an understanding of the gender needs of women and men during and after a disaster. Needs that have to be addressed include both practical and strategic gender needs. Practical gender needs include special needs of pregnant and lactating women, water and sanitation facilities. Addressing practical needs also means taking into consideration womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s privacy and safety which are directly linked with GBV, safety & security. Strategic gender needs include making sure that there is an enabling environment that would ensure womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s access to their other rights such as right to livelihood, proper compensation, right to property, right to participate in decision-making, access to justice, among others. 9. Synchronizing gender responsive efforts of government agencies (national and local) as well as international development agencies. Gender responsive DRRM plans could improve poorly coordinated emergency response. DRRM if done properly could be insulated from political agendas and the highly bureaucratic process of decision making. Poor coordination and the absence of a clear procedure for emergency response have resulted in the inefficient delivery of relief and services. 10. DRRM plan to have a clear and effective mechanism to address gender-based violence in disaster stricken sites; this mechanism should be implemented immediately as part of emergency response. There should be an institutionalized mechanism that could address gender-based violence, and provide immediate assistance to victims, including access to justice and in seeking redress. Some strategies or approaches to look at.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

"focus group - women", Leyte

I. INTRODUCTION On November 8, 2013, Typhoon Haiyan (local name: Yolanda), the strongest typhoon on record, hit the Philippines. It made six land falls in the areas of Guiuan in Eastern Samar, Tolosa in Leyte, Daanbantayan in Cebu, Bantayan Island in Cebu, Concepcion in Iloilo, and Busuanga in Palawan. Haiyan claimed 8,000 lives and displaced 4.1 million people. A total of 16 million people are reported to have been affected by this disaster. Oxfam has been at the forefront of emergency response efforts in the worst-hit areas of Haiyan. Efforts were focused on the most immediate needs of severely affected areas in Eastern Samar, Leyte and Northern Cebu. Needs addressed included health and sanitation, safe drinking water, as well as reviving the local economy by supporting livelihoods such as coconut and rice farming, fishing; and by providing cash for work and cash grants to survivors. In three months, Oxfam reached over half a million affected people 3. Experiences in humanitarian response during the 2004 tsunami in South and Southeast Asia and the 2010 earthquake in Haiti have shown that people are the cornerstone of recovery and rehabilitation and that disasters result to more gender imbalance, albeit manifested in different ways 4. Available data demonstrate that majority of the survivors from the 2004 tsunami were men. The women who survived struggled with multiple risks and vulnerabilities. In Oxfam’s early recovery response, it was important to examine how women, men, girls and boys have been affected by the typhoon in varying ways. It sought to provide or create spaces where different stakeholders may express their voice in such a crucial phase. Oxfam believes that survivors must be provided with opportunities to define their needs as well as be allowed to define the means to address these, while protecting and upholding their rights. Oxfam’s Minimum Standards for Gender Equality in Humanitarian Action serves as framework to this process, ensuring that people’s voices are at the center of development efforts, and gender analysis informs all actions.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Oxfam Minimum Standards for Gender Equality in Humanitarian Action: Minimum Standard 5: Gender analysis to be included in Contingency Plans, and will be linked with existing gender focused development programs. Minimum Standard 6: In consultation with other stakeholders, collect, analyse and report on gender differences using sex and age disaggregated data (and other factors where possible/relevant) starting from onset and throughout the project cycle taking into account issues of safety and accessibility. Minimum Standard 7: In consultation with women, men, boys and girls, design culturally appropriate gender sensitive programs that address the needs and safety requirements of the most vulnerable and redress gender-specific injustices. The program design should incorporate a gender strategy, policy and advocacy elements. Minimum Standard 9: Gender Analysis informs the development of MEAL frameworks and the implementation of monitoring and evaluation systems. Minimum Standard 10: Gender Analysis informs the development and implementation of accountability and learning systems. Immediately after Haiyan’s landfall, Oxfam began gathering data through various assessments at different periods of the response. Rapid assessments and technical assessments were done right after the typhoon, in November. Multi-sectoral assessments were done in December and real time evaluation was done in January. Data from Oxfam field offices were documented through the regular Situation Reports. Available information were useful in providing an initial overview of the situation, particularly in surfacing gendered needs in various areas where the typhoon made landfall. Such information however must be further reviewed and analysed, together with other existing data and insights from programme offices to produce a gender snapshot of the worst hit areas, and ultimately, to inform the design of Oxfam programs on early recovery stages.

II. OBJECTIVES This report aimed to provide gender analysis of the early response program areas of Oxfam. It seeks to inform Oxfam‘s efforts on early recovery, ensuring gender responsiveness, and the protection and promotion of women‘s rights. It seeks to provide information and analysis based on the following key questions: 1. Who has been/may be affected? (sex and age disaggregated data) 2. Impact to women, men, boys, girls, and why? What has changed? Risks, priorities, challenges? 3. Identify vulnerable groups specific to each context 4. Protection risks as a result of the crisis 5. The differences in security risks for staff and beneficiaries. 6. Gender roles and responsibilities at the reproductive, productive & community mgt/social level 7. Access to and control of men and women over resources 8. Needs of men , women, girls and boys to basic services 9. Factors that facilitate or inhibit participation and equality 10. Coping capacities of women, men, boys and girls 11. Ideas of affected men, women boys and girls to identify strategies to address their needs 12. Opportunities exist to support women’s empowerment? Specific objectives of this report: 1. To provide an overview of the gender context before and after the typhoon among the different groups (women, men, girls, boys) in programme areas; 2. To identify the different gender needs, risks and vulnerabilities of specific groups of peoples, as a result of typhoon’s impact, including how it changed gender roles and responsibilities, care work; access to, control of and decision making opportunities over resources; 3. To identify opportunities to address both practical and strategic needs, on which to facilitate and enable empowerment; and 4. To identify key information gaps for further research and/or assessment aimed at deepening understanding of the contexts in the various areas, 5. To propose recommendations for the protection and promotion of women’s rights based on 3 areas of work: a) gender mainstreaming, b) engagement with women’s rights organizations in providing support for women affected by the disaster and, c) ensuring women’s voices and participation in rehabilitation/ reconstruction.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

III. METHODOLOGY

"focus group - children", Leyte

The report relied on qualitative data to unearth gendered realities of typhoon-affected people while utilizing quantitative data where available. Quantitative data was sourced from existing reports by Oxfam, government agencies and humanitarian actors, clusters and networks. Data sourced here were useful in culling out an overview of contexts pre and post Haiyan in numbers. Qualitative data was sourced from Oxfam’s existing reports and assessments, and triangulated with primary data from key informant interviews and focus groups. Initially, the intent was to validate existing assessments and reports through primary data gathering. However, the process brought forth data that validated earlier findings and also exposed emerging issues. It provided more depth on the socio-economic and cultural contexts of the typhoon affected-people – their vulnerabilities and gendered realities. While Haiyan affected people in similar ways, the experiences of survival and recovery differ for each group and area. Semi-structured interviews, informal interviews and participant observation were used in gathering data. The interview focused on how women, men, girls and boys “experience” life in pre and post Haiyan context. The research intended to look into the ‘intangible’ impact rarely mentioned in available quantitative data. Peoples’ narratives were central in developing the analysis – what and how life is like before and after the typhoon, what changed and what remain unchanged, meanings they place on their experiences, their priorities, issues and needs. The semi-structured interviews probed for changes and what remained unchanged in the aspects of: (1) Buhay / Life in the household – composition, location, access to basic needs, sense of safety, (2) Kabuhayan / Livelihoods (productive work) – who contributes / is responsible, how it is experienced before and after (3) Gawain sa bahay (care work) – who contributes / is responsible, how it is experienced before and after (4) Samahan / Relations in the community – who does what and how it is done, (5) Desisyon at Relasyon (deciscion making and relationships in the family) – who gets to decide on who does what, resource allocation, and (6) Key observations and projections on life before and after the typhoon.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

In particular, views and insights of local staff and volunteers of Oxfam (community mobilizers, assistants, theatre group, etc.) were very useful in pointing out key changes in the roles of women, men, girls and boys. As they are locals, they have information on what it was like before the typhoon and are more able to explain what shifted and what was sustained. Oxfam staff, local and international organizations and local governments also provided insights, issues, analysis and future projections. Their inputs are useful as these are based on their experience in engaging typhoon-affected people from emergency response to recovery. Some microfinance institutions (OCCCI and Dungganon Bank) were also able to provide some information on available services for the typhoon affected people. The research aimed to have respondents among typhoon-affected people who are: (a) in transition - displaced, in temporary locations; (b) those in or not in collective groups – peoples’ organizations, associations, cooperatives; (c) in different livelihoods – fishing, farming, laborers, business; (c) in various locations – upland, inland, coastal, urban and rural. Local governments’ representation (municipal/city and barangay) was also ensured in each programme area. This includes those involved in rescue and relief operations, and community volunteers and workers such as Community Health Volunteers (CHVs), livelihood committee members, Barangay Health Workers, Barangay Nutrition Workers, tanod (watchmen), day care workers, etc. Vulnerable groups and key sectors were identified based on the context of each area. Respondents were selected purposively so that different areas, institutions and people—women, men, boys and girls - are represented. Selection was based on information provided by staff in Oxfam program areas. In some cases, the interviews had to be conducted based on availability of respondents. Most of the respondents are Oxfam beneficiaries in the emergency and early recovery response. Field visits were conducted for about 5-6 days in each programme area – Eastern Samar, Leyte, and Northern Cebu. Four Oxfam program offices assisted in the selection of key groups and individuals for interview - Ormoc, Guiuan, Tacloban, Bantayan/Daanbantayan. In each field visit, initial findings were presented to Oxfam staff and volunteers to validate key trends from the qualitative data.

Respondents by sex & group Female Financing Institutions NGOs, INGOs Barangay Volunteers Local Officials (municipal/city, barangay)

Male

2 11

2 6

Typhoon-affected/ Beneficiaries (children, adolescents, youth)

Typhoon-affected & Beneficiaries (adult) Oxfam Volunteers Oxfam Staff

34 6

65 136

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

The following are the areas where fieldwork was conducted: • EASTERN SAMAR: Municipality of Guiuan (Barangay Salog, ESSU Tent City and MLGU), Municipalities of Mercedes (MLGU) and Salcedo (7 barangays and Jagnaya), Metro Ormoc Community Multi-purpose Cooperative (OCCCI) • LEYTE: Ormoc (Barangays Hibunaon, Cagbuhangin, Quezon Jr, Noongan), Municipalities of San Isidro (Barangay Biazong), Julita (Barangay Tolosahay), Tanauan (Barangay San Roque and Tent City), and Mayorga (MLGU); Tacloban City (Barangay 66) and Municipality of Palo (Barangay Quinapondan with BHWs from Barangays Cogon, San Fernando and Baras), UNFPA, WedPro, Exodus From Child Labor To Integration, Play, Socialization and Education (ECLIPSE), Rural Development Institute (RDI)-Leyte, UNHCR, Community and Family Services International (CFSI) • NORTHERN CEBU: Municipalities of Daanbantayan (representatives from Barangays Pajo, Bakhawan, Aguho, Malay, Talisay, Paypay, Logon), Madridejos (Barangays Tanglanan and Pili), Bantayan (Barangay Sillion) and Sta. Fe (Barangay Pooc and MLGU); Women’s Resource Center (WRC), and Dungganon Bank

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

VULNERABILITY Vulnerability in disaster happens when the marginalized, poor, and underprivileged sector of the population is highly affected with greater risk or exposure of harm before, during and after a disaster. Vulnerability is defined as “the characteristics of a person or group and their situation that influences their capacity to anticipate, cope with, resist and recover from the impact of a natural hazard. 5” There are various factors to identify who are the vulnerable groups and these include economic characteristics (poverty), culture (indigenous), gender (women and girls), age (young and old), and disabilities, among others. Those affected also face different levels of vulnerabilities depending on one’s access to resources, capacities, exposure to risks, and their gender needs. Their vulnerabilities limit their abilities to protect themselves from harmful elements which may also be exacerbated by their limited, if none at all, access to political, socio-cultural and economic opportunities and rights. 6 This report made use of this vulnerability framework to analyze the different impact of typhoon Haiyan to women, men, girls, boys in order to produce a “snapshot” of the situation. It looked into the patterns of vulnerabilities, pre-Haiyan and post-Haiyan. It tried to analyze whether there have been changes in these patterns – whether their situations have worsened or did not have any impact at all. The changes that were reviewed include the transformation of gender roles at the household and community levels.

IV. KEY FINDINGS LIFE BEFORE AND AFTER HAIYAN, FOCUS ON THE GENDERED DIMENSIONS

Gender roles and responsibilities were traditionally configured in the Haiyan affected areas. Men were regarded as the household head and primary income earner. Women’s work at home is valued less and is largely unpaid. When women do engage in work to bring in income, they get comparatively lower wage and are largely confined in the informal sector or “on their own” 7. Women’s work is rarely counted in government statistics. There is also less participation of women in the political sphere. Leadership positions in the government are dominated by men, while women comprise most of community volunteers at the barangay level. Women lack adequate information and services related to reproductive health to enable them to decide over their own bodies. Discrimination based on class, age, identity and gender is embedded in community belief system and significantly affects service provision as well as status ascribed to people by the community. Families are perceived through a gender biased and hetero-normative lens and often others not confined to this view are excluded from many interventions.

Overview of Haiyan Impact: Who have been affected? Government’s Post-disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA, April 2014) reported most damages were in the social sector, followed by the productive, infrastructure and cross-sectoral. As articulated by many assessments few months after the typhoon, basic social services are of utmost concern before and even more so now several months after the typhoon. Poor access to basic services and unmet basic needs are affecting workloads in the household and livelihoods, health and well-being of the affected population. According to reports, about 16% of the Philippine population was affected by the typhoon - 16 million individuals or 3.4 families in over 9 regions – Region IV-A, IV-B, V, VI, VII, VIII and CARAGA (NDRRMC, April 2014). 90% of those affected are in regions VI (Western Visayas), VII (Central Visayas) and VIII (Eastern Visayas). The typhoon left 4.1. million displaced as it destroyed or damaged 1.1 million houses. In December, 21,669 of 869,742 families were located in 384 evacuation centers – and an estimated 2,000 people left their communities right after the typhoon, one third of which are from coastal communities.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Casualties: Leyte (NDRRMC Sit Rep 108)

Typhoon damages, per sector

(GPH Post-disaster Needs Assessment, April 2014) P 3 BILLION 3%

P 9.6 BILLION 11% P 21.8 BILLION 24%

P 55.1 BILLION 62%

24, 1%

Infrastructure

22, 0%

811, 15%

FEMALE

Productive

UNCATEGORIZED

Social Cross Sectoral

Of the total number of affected people, a significant proportion are young people aged below 18 years. They represent 44% of household members in Eastern Samar and Leyte 8. Other estimates based on population trends say that of the total affected population - 30% are adolescents, 22.3% are children, 4.3% are elderly 9; and about 1.5% are people living with disability. In regions VI, VII and VIII alone, 28,686 PLWD were identified to be affected 10. About 49% represent females and 51% are males 11. In Eastern Samar and Leyte, there are more adult males than females aged 25-59 years old. 25% of the total females were estimated to be of reproductive age (15-49 years old) and 20% of the male population are above 15 years old. Over 230,000 are estimated to be pregnant women and 147, 899 lactating women. UNFPA estimates that 3.7 million women and girls are most affected by the typhoon.

MALE

UNIDENTIFIED

4538, 84%

Casualties: Samar, E Samar, Cebu (NDRRMC Sit Rep 108) MALE

FEMALE

72 39

SAMAR

UNCATEGORIZED

UNIDENTIFIED

75 68 32

E SAMAR

23 15 26 9 CEBU

The typhoon took over 8,000 lives (most of which are from Tacloban, Palo and Tanauan â&#x20AC;&#x201C; all in Leyte) and injured 29,869. Most of the records do not indicate any identification. Of those identified i.e., with names, sex or age is not indicated. 12 While some cities and municipalities counted deaths, these are not accurate. Ormoc City, for example, registered about 40 deaths, mostly males, but the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Officer (DRRMO) noted that the numbers are not barangay-based and based only on reported deaths at the city level. Most of focus groups respondents noticed that more males died in their communities, while a few said they have observed more female deaths. The numbers available are inconclusive. Affected households are characterised by high poverty incidence, all beyond the national average. The most poverty stricken area is Eastern Samar, with 63.7% poverty incidence. Affected households are also characterised by high dependency ratio, most especially in Eastern Samar and Leyte where the average household size is said to be at 5.4% but the range is quite wide with 1 to 14 members. Sixty-five percent (65%) of households have children below 5 years old and 38% have vulnerable family members. Of those households with vulnerable family members, 6% have at least 1 person with physical disability or psychological disorder. Fifteen percent (15%) of the households have pregnant and lactating women. Female headed households comprise a significant number of the affected population â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 20% in Leyte, and 7% in Eastern Samar. Elderly-headed households represent 19% 13. These can be attributed to a high number of male overseas workers from Region 7 and 8 registered in 2012, who are more likely to pass on child care to girls, mothers and grandmothers. 14

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Poverty Incidence in Yolanda-Affected Provinces 15 (RAY, 2013 ) Region/Province

No. of affected Municipalities

Provincial Poverty Incidence in per cent(2012 FIES, NSCB)

26.4

51.3

Region IV-B Palawan Region V Masbate Region VI

Aklan

Antique

30.9

Capiz

27.8

Iloilo

26.2

Negros Occidental

32.3

22.7

63.7

27.5

Leyte

39.2

Samar

Southern Leyte

43.3

41.8

Region VII Cebu Region VIII Eastern Samar Biliran

Region XIII Dinagat Islands

1) Women and men responded in different ways during the emergency 1.1. Gendered responses right before the disaster Gender defined the response of men and women to danger warnings and how safety was ensured right before, during and right after the typhoon. Men were more likely to be confident of their survival skills, such as swimming, and their physical strength. They are more likely to put themselves at risk because of this. Women were less confident of their survival skills. Their safety, along with children, was prioritized. The women heeded the danger warnings, compared to men. Right before and during the typhoon, men were more inclined to put themselves at risk and do the ‘physical saving’ such as transporting women, children, and the elderly to evacuation centers or to safer grounds. Women on the other hand, did the ‘physiological saving’. This involved taking care of the people in the evacuation centers, providing comfort to those who needed it, and preparing and distributing food to those in need. This pattern was also reflected in how local governments conducted rescue and relief operations. In the words of the Municipal Planning and Development Officer (MPDO) of Mercedes, “the mayor manoeuvred the evacuation with the boys.” 16 In the evacuation centers, women were in charge of counting, repacking, cooking and distributing food and providing immediate health services. In the Guiuan rescue and relief operations, the Municipal Social Welfare and Development Officer (MSWDO), a woman, was in charge of the evacuation center and relief operations (as mandated by law). The Department of Public Works and Hi-ways (DPWH) engineers, mostly men, were on rescue operations. It was the same in Ormoc City, as shared by the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Officer (DRRMO). Response team composition was gendered. More men were in the rescue operations and more women responded to health care needs. He also noted that in DRRM coordination meetings, department heads usually send men as representatives.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

After ensuring the physical safety of the family members, men would put themselves at risk to guard or save their assets. We collected many stories of men who insisted to stay at home and guard or save assets such as boats, houses, motorcycles, etc. The value that people attach to material things is quite revealing of gendered roles and responsibilities, even in a time of emergency. In Barangay Pooc, Sta. Fe, a child told the story of how his father, in the middle of the strong winds, went out to secure his motorcycle. In Barangay Baigan, a mother insisted to take her iron cooking pot as they braved the strong winds to evacuate to a neighbor’s house.

Madonna was 2 months pregnant during the typhoon. After hearing news about Yolanda, her husband, a fisherman, responded “Walang bagyo! Malinaw ang langit at walang hangin.” Based on his experience, this is true. “Matigas ang ulo”, Donna said. Even during Agaton and Basyang, many of the men in the tent city did not want to evacuate. It was Madonna’s 28 year old daughter working outside Guiuan who insisted that they evacuate. She also received warning text messages from Manila as the typhoon was said to be very strong. She and her children tied their boat and brought a few things to the evacuation center. Her husband insisted on staying at home. At 8pm on the day Yolanda was about to make a landfall, she sent her child to fetch her husband but he didn’t want to. Donna decided to go and fetch her husband herself. Finally, the husband went with her. The wind was already strong by that time. “Everything was flying,” Donna said. She asked her husband: “Sabi mo walang bagyo eh bat nagliliparan na yung mga dingding?!” (You said there is no typhoon, so why are the walls flying?!) They were planning to take shelter under a house but she realized she will not survive because she cannot swim. They went to Naputo Hospital instead. When the winds stopped, the husband checked on their house and only one piece of wood was left. - Madonna, from Sitio Jetti, (fishing community) Brgy. Hollywood, Guiuan; now staying at ESSU Tent City

1.2. Gendered Responses right after the disaster - before relief arrived As the cash economy broke down, the care economy was the lifeline of communities. People went through difficult times by sharing, bartering & lending. Men shared labor through ‘bayanihan’ in building homes. The women cooked, distributed food, and took care of people. Children were also working alongside the adults and the elderly. As the formal, cash economy broke down in typhoonhit areas, the care economy supported the survival of people. Communities quickly found ways to survive from what they can find. Sharing and voluntary reciprocal labor (bayanihan) in repairing or building homes played an important role in meeting the most immediate needs of communities. With the support of children, women cooked food and distributed to others even those outside the evacuation centers. Woman’s key role as the one in-charge of meeting basic needs of members of the household, was extended to the community situation. Food and health needs were addressed by the women, especially when relief from the outside has not reached the communities yet. BHWs in Palo shared how they took care of two patients with immediate healthcare needs and how they helped them to survive. Another case was of a patient who had difficulty breathing, the BHW assisted in the only way she could, massaging the patient and making her drink warm water 17. Men were in-charge of gathering immediate resources and providing labor to build homes. They also took great risks. In Barangay 66, Tacloban, a young mother

Diverse Economies by Gibson and Graham *from www.communityeconomies.org “JK Gibson Graham (Julia Graham and Katherine Gibson) drew an alternative to this [economy], as an iceberg, to show the economies as diverse, and the ‘market’ economy being a small, but visible part of this, sustained (kept afloat) by the multiple other forms of economy that many of us engage with. And suggests that by representing it in this way we can understand the many ways in which we sustain ourselves, produce value and (shared) resources - and it offers much greater opportunity for radical transformation.” – Julia Udall on Diverse Economies

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

shared that her partner had to loot water from stores for their baby who was stricken with diarrhoea. Those who were able to build makeshift shelters took in relatives. There were occasions when three to four families had to share one house. The EFSVL Team leader in Tacloban shared that the “social fabric is good”. She said that immediate relatives cared for the orphaned and those with nowhere to go. This has eased a bit the government’s relief work. There were also some who could not cope with the situation and abandoned their children. There were some stories from EFSVL teams of E. Samar and Leyte about two single parents who abandoned their children after the typhoon – producing child-headed households. In response, relatives and neighbors took in or looked after these children. For others, the best option was to move out of the areas. In Barangay Jagnaya, 2 buses of residents left as soon as the roads became passable. They were going to temporarily reside with their relatives in Manila. In Guiuan, many took the C130 as an opportunity to seek help from relatives and networks and find work in Manila. A common sharing of respondents in all areas is that, to some extent, the struggle they shared and are still sharing are bringing their community closer. As one woman shared in Barangay Sillion, last Christmas since there were not much food and electricity, members of the neighborhood gathered whatever food they had, lit up candles and spent Noche Buena together. To her this is amazing as she had never seen this happen in her community before.

2) Women, men, girls and boys experienced different impact from the disaster, based on their situation prior to the disaster The capacity to meet basic needs is affected by gender inequalities before the disaster. In certain instances, a largely gender-blind emergency response and service provision reproduced the inequalities in how women, men, girls and boys access and benefit from relief, recovery and rehabilitation.

2.1 Food The Food Security and Agriculture Cluster (FSAC) reported concern over the 5.6 million in need of food assistance, in the early months after the typhoon. They were mostly in evacuation centers 18. Already, 54% of the fund was spent for food in Eastern Samar and Leyte. People at risk and rate of food insecurity were reported to be highest in Eastern Samar. Even during the peak of food distribution, 1/3 of the population had poor food consumption according to ACTED Assessment in February 2014. The same report indicated that already half of the population relied on borrowing food and money. In addition to borrowing money or food, other negative coping mechanisms are to lessen intake and number of meals and eating less-preferred food for 80% of the population in December 2013 19. Decrease in breastfeeding was reported after the typhoon - attributed to limited access to healthy food for lactating mothers and distribution of powdered milk. Female headed households and poorer segments of affected population struggle to eat 3 meals per day. 20 Children are highest in priority for food. Adults have less intake and eat less number of meals as means to cope. Adolescent girls de-prioritised themselves and deferred food provision in favour of younger children 21. Women, being the ones assigned to cook, are the ones who find means to stretch food supply to provide for more individuals. Now that relief has dwindled and only a few agencies are distributing food items, focus group respondents shared that they are either on their last stock of rice from relief or have consumed relief goods. The MSWDO of Sta. Fe raised the same concern - from the perspective of the local government. She said that it is only recently, as relief waned, that complaints are received about not receiving goods and her office has been having difficulty handling this situation. She further added that while there are still relief goods available from DSWD regional level, the LGU has to spend on transporting it to the island – and they do not know where to charge such costs in the budget. The fear on how and where to source food is a growing concern, as they struggle in regaining or finding livelihood.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

2.2. Shelter The post typhoon situation, many months later, is considered to be in a shelter crisis. In December 2013, the Multi-cluster Needs Assessment reported that as high as 71% of houses are inhabitable in most typhoon-hit areas, and 31% are still not living in their own house. By April 2014, the Shelter Cluster reported that many remain unreached by shelter support. There are still over 2 million people lacking access to durable shelter. People are living in makeshift shelters or deteriorating temporary shelters. They are likewise underfunded at only 33% of the requested amount received based on the UN Strategic Response Plan (SRP) for Haiyan. The DSWD is said to have a shelter support program but its scope is limited and implementation will probably take time. Local governments are struggling with relocation due to challenges in land acquisition and financial resources. Others have begun shelter projects in partnership with the national government or non-government groups. In focus groups conducted, the shelter problem is seen up close. A common observation is that indeed, many still live in unsafe, makeshift shelters and not everyone receive adequate shelter support. As many as four families were reported to live in one house. It is difficult to live in such an arrangement. Others would rather stay in makeshift shelters than share shelter with others and risking sense of security. Madeleine, a single mother, 27 years old, lives with her 5 children in Tanauan Tent City and shared feeling very uncomfortable in sharing their tent with another single male.

Shelter and land issues within No Build Zone – Barangay San Roque, Tanauan, Leyte In San Roque, Tanauan, a coastal community, most people are said to rent land. Building the house is the responsibility of the tenant. Rental fee is from P100 to P300 pesos per month. Editha is a member of this community. She is 50 years old, a single mother with 8 children, 5 of which are dependents. She lost her husband before the typhoon. Her house was totally damaged, and their rented land is covered by Tanauan’s no-build zone policy. She still stays in a tent in the same space though, as she was told they can still set-up temporary shelters. Editha earns money by selling fish and doing laundry. She also supports her 3 other children by helping with household work. Before the typhoon she took a loan of P7,000 to construct a toilet. Recently, the landowner accused her of not paying the P300/month rental fee, even if Editha claims she has. The landowner told her to leave because she will sell the lot. From what she knows, Editha said that a person residing in the same land for over 10 years should be prioritized. But she is not sure of this and how she can assert this right. Editha is now working for her sweat equity points in a Gawad Kalinga (GK) sponsored housing and relocation project in Barangay Pago. She is focusing to gain more points because her understanding is that 1,500 points is needed to be prioritized to receive a house. The rule was you get 1 point/day. However, before it became 1 point/day, the women and elderly were said to be earning only half a point per day. This has since been revised to 1 point. Apart from worrying about her income, she is also worried about her unpaid loan and over the lack of assurance that she will get a house in the GK relocation project site. Sweat equity is supposed to be the “counterpart” of shelter beneficiaries in the GK project. In GK Barangay Pago, women focus group respondents from San Roque, Tanauan shared that they are encouraged to reach 1,500 points per house. This was also raised by the camp coordination and camp management cluster meeting on April 23, 2014. The Oxfam Protection Officer raised the same concern in a Compassion shelter site requiring 500 sweat equity points for a temporary housing project.

Tent city in Guiuan, Eastern Samar. Photo by Jing Pura

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

While some reported availing house reconstruction loans from microfinance institutions or banks, these are limited to those who have capacity to pay or can afford to add to their existing loans. Households headed by single, elderly, female and child have lesser access to reconstruct homes since they would need to pay for labor. The shelter project team leader of Oxfam Tacloban office shared that in the shelter project, these kinds of households are provided with labor assistance while other households with able-bodied members construct their own. The crisis is also characterized by peoples’ vulnerability to eviction, forced relocation, lack of information and participation in claiming their right to shelter. Many shared that the disaster became an opportunity for government, landowners and claimants to haphazardly evict or transfer tenants or renters. In the focus groups as well, stories were shared about eviction, forced re-settlement by ‘landowners’ or the government through the no build zone/no dwelling zone (NBZ/NDZ) policy. In Ormoc, bunk houses for typhoonaffected people are also temporary relocation site for evicted ‘informal settlers’ in a government land near the city hall. Their case is unlike others. Internally displaced peoples were covered by the NBZ/NDZ or have completely lost houses and are transferred to temporary relocation sites such as tent cities and bunk houses. In May 2014, residents of bunk houses were asked to sign an agreement that they will permanently vacate their houses, in exchange for permanent housing in a different relocation. People are not informed nor are given assurance of their permanent housing. In Baigan, Bantayan, two community mobilizers shared that they are being ‘forced to relocate’ by a landowner. People in the community are opposing this since the owner is seen to be taking advantage of the destroyed houses. The owner announced that they will be transferred to another site – with houses built by an organization called Young Pioneer Disaster Responders (YPDR). Tenants are given a rent-to-own scheme, payable for 5 years with amortization rate ranging from P500 to P750 per square meter. The community mobilizers are still opposing this and continue to stay in their house as it is still habitable. The rest of the renters were forced to leave. According to reports, government is now in agreement of revising the 40-meter NBZ implementation after consultations with the Shelter Cluster. Relocation policies will now be based on hazard maps. Still, people continue to live in vulnerable condition.

2.3. Productive Land The same trend is seen in the access to and control of productive land in typhoon affected areas. Landlessness is a pre-existing issue in all areas prior to the typhoon. There is lack of knowledge on tenurial rights, weak implementation of land reform program, control of powerful families and politicians and women’s limited access to land, among others. Out of 104,206 hectares for LAD (land acquisition & distribution), 12% are in areas hit by the typhoon. Leyte has the biggest land area to be distributed, at 44,278 hectares. Sixty-one percent (61%) of this land area is planted with coconut trees 22. In Leyte, more than 30% of cultivatable land in the province is planted with coconut, with copra as the most important export product. For tenants, the arrangements are unclear with land owners. This was a concern raised in Oxfam’s report since negotiation between the tenant and the landowner is handled on a case-to-case basis. In Leyte, men control land ownership, being twothirds or 68.7% of the 463 land title holders 23. In Eastern Samar, male holders of Certificate of Land Ownership (CLOA) number 318, while female holders number 145. Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries (ARBs) are largely composed of men at 442, compared to only 121 for women 24. The Guiuan protection officer expressed concern over coconut farmers’ male-dependent tenancy practice. Tenancy is passed on to males only. Oxfam’s report on rebuilding coconut farming reported existing biases against women farmers. Traders prefer to deal with men, affecting women’s access to income. Women’s tenurial rights and access to productive land is an important consideration given that there is already a high number of single, femaleheaded households pre-typhoon. This could be even more evident post-typhoon due to male casualties. In Bantayan, the situation is slightly different. Most of the land is classified as ‘wilderness’ in the revised forestry code 25. However, powerful and rich families claim land by

How a young couple cope with displ acement due to eviction – Bantayan Isl and, Northern Cebu Before Haiyan, Sixto and Genelyn lived with his mother in Sta. Fe on a piece of land that his mother also uses for corn farming. The couple had a small business. After the typhoon, their house and crops were destroyed, the farm land was sold by the owner, and his mother was asked to transfer to a small plot of land, with no space for farming and for the couple. They decied to move to Genelyn’s mother in Madridejos, barangay Pili (interior). They both think it is better here because Genelyn will be giving birth soon anyway, and her mother’s support will be very important. However, Sixto has to travel all the way to Bantayan to fish now, the fare costs P70 a day. He catches crabs for a living and sells this to a trader called SM. To save transportation costs, he would bike to and from Bantayan once or twice a week and spend nights there to avoid spending on fare. Since they just transferred to this barangay, they are not included in the census and therefore do not receive relief and benefits from post-Haiyan projects. They were fine in Sta Fe, but now that they are here it has become difficult for them. Genelyn used to buy pills as birth control before but she would make mistakes in taking it, that’s why she is pregnant with their 3rd child now.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

means of ‘tax declaration’. They have land rented for corn and cassava farming where most women are engaged in. Farms in the interior island have a tenant-like arrangement with a 75-25 arrangement (25% of harvest goes to the supposed owner) 26. Others claim land for businesses especially in the tourist area of Sta. Fe and it is foreigners or rich families from and outside the island who own tourism businesses. A local from the area shared that when resorts were established, boats were not allowed to park in front anymore because it ruins the beach view. She is worried that as more resorts are established, boats might not be allowed to park anywhere. There have been efforts by the government at district and municipal levels to change land classification pre-typhoon, in the name of ‘development’. These were opposed though by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and groups in the island. In Ormoc, the most pressing issue is among the landless sugarcane workers. Land reform in Ormoc remains to be a challenge. According to RDI-Leyte, there are some peoples’ organizations that are working on this issue. Of about the 800 hectares in Ormoc up for compulsory acquisition, about 200 hectares are sugarcane plantations. But caution is exercised in this case since there have been land struggle related murders and eviction of sugarcane workers. RDI-Leyte is focusing on increasing the productivity of smallholder farms so as to support their transition from farm worker to land owner. Farm workers in sugar cane plantations are more vulnerable to eviction from their homes located inside the hacienda if they are found not prioritising farm work. A story was shared by a farm worker about his fellow farm worker who gathered and sold scrap to supplement his income from farm work. He was evicted. They are allowed, though, to use plots near homes for kitchen gardening. This is an option utilised by the EFSVL team in Ormoc. Some women who have more financial resources are in livestock. Other than this, there are not much livelihood options mentioned for landless agricultural workers in sugarcane plantations. Furthermore, RDI-Leyte emphasized the need to re-evaluate land productivity opportunities as the climate is drastically changing, especially after Haiyan.

2.4. Education According to the strategic plan drafted by government, Reconstruction Assistance on Yolanda, there are a total of 1.16 million elementary and 498,220 secondary students in the four most affected regions. Of the 4,357 elementary schools, 5,898 classrooms were totally damaged while 2,905 were partially damaged. Of the 888 secondary schools, 470 were damaged. The total cost of damage is estimated at P 16.290 million. The Department of Education reported that 7,297 school records were lost or totally destroyed. Eastern Visayas has the most damaged infrastructure among the 4 regions. Three hundred fifty (350) higher education institutions (HEIs) cater to 141,033 students while technical vocational institutions (TVI) cater to 25,745 students. The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) reported that 40 public and private HEIs were damaged, with cost of repair amounting to over P 1 billion. Most of these were in Eastern Visayas as well. 27 School attendance by December 2013 is significantly lower than pre-typhoon attendance. Upper secondary students (16-17 years old) have the least number of returning students. Aside from the obvious reason that education infrastructure was damaged, the reason for not returning was because they can no longer afford school expenses (20%) and adolescents wanted to earn income (15%). This trend is worse in evacuation centers, in Eastern Visayas coastal areas, western coastline of Samar and Leyte, and inland areas of Leyte 28. In April and May, focus group respondents reported that there are more children and adolescents who opted to work instead of going to school. They either help at home or engage in paid work. The MPDO of Mercedes raised the concern about the safety of using ‘partially damaged classrooms’. Most of the classrooms need repair as these will be used for the incoming school year. The temporary classrooms, made of tents, are not conducive to learning.

2.5.Health The Department of Health (DOH) reported huge damage to health facilities. A total of 432 structures in MIMAROPA, Western Visayas, Central Visayas, and Eastern Visayas were damaged. This is composed of 296 Barangay Health Stations (BHS), 97 Rural Health Units (RHU), 38 hospitals and the DOH Eastern Visayas Regional Office. 29 Six months after the typhoon, many of the District Health Centers, RHUs and BHS still cannot fully function because of inadequate human resources, facilities, utilities and equipment. This has resulted to poor health service delivery. A total of P 1.4 billion is needed to repair infrastructure, and about P17.6M is needed for maintenance medication for patients with hypertension, diabetes, and heart diseases. As of December 2013, access to health care was reported to be inadequate for the needs of the population. Access is worse in the poorest areas with as high as 58% of the population with no access to health care in Eastern Visayas. More than 20% do not have access to a general practitioner. A fourth of women had no access to reproductive health services due to transport and distance to the health centers. Access is better for areas near the urban centers and lowest in rural, upland, inland and evacuation centers. As much as 44% do not have access to health care in Samar and Leyte 30. Temporary health centers were set-up as rehabilitation and reconstruction of health facilities and infrastructure were underway. As of May 2014, the WHO reported that only 61% of health facilities are partially functional and fully functional, an improvement from 49% in January. Only 11 of 63 RHUs and 21 of 260 Baranagay Health Stations (BHS) have been completely rehabilitated. Others are included in the rehabilitation plan and will be rehabilitated when fund has been secured. Significant gaps still remain in the funding of Strategic Response Plan for Health, with only 62% funded. Respondents emphasized health as a major concern during data gathering in April and May. Health facilities

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

were poor before typhoon. There is lack of income for transportation, to buy medicine, to access health centers. There is poor quality of services in terms of facilities and bullying by the health staff. In Bantayan Island, focus groups of community mobilisers are angered over the poor services and facilities in Bantayan District Hospital. The policy of ‘no births at home’ is risky especially for pregnant women in islets and inland areas as they have to travel longer, spend on transportation and risk giving birth while in transit. A fine of P2,500 is slapped on a woman who does not give birth in a health facility and a fee of P1,500 is charged for the delivery. Stories of bullying and harassment by service providers during birth were likewise shared by the group. A post typhoon report among PLW and adolescent girls highlighted the need for more personnel in their communities – as midwives and barangays are loaded with much work 31. In a focus group of women in San Roque, Tanauan, women respondents reported miscarriages and they speculated that this may be due to “overfatigue”. They shared two cases of miscarriages. One was of a woman who provided laundry services while also doing her family’s laundry when she comes home. The other case was a woman who continued to provide manicure/pedicure services even when she was already in her third trimester. When asked if access to health services was also a factor, they responded that it has somehow contributed since BHS were entirely damaged after the typhoon. After the typhoon, instead of going to BHS, the only option for many was to access health care from RHUs and district hospitals. If some need highly specialised medical attention (i.e. operations), they will need to travel farther going to hospitals located in the city. BHW respondents from Palo, Leyte told a story of a pregnant woman’s challenge in accessing a birthing facility just days after the typhoon. She lost her husband to the typhoon and was due to give birth. Since barangay facilities were destroyed and mobility was restricted, she walked with her mother all the way to the nearest hospital, EVRMC, which is about 12 kilometers from Palo. Another concern in the past few months is the mental health of the affected population, as reported by WHO 32. It The report said that these problems emerged about 3-6 months after the typhoon. Key informants from Guiuan and Salcedo reported observations from their communities that some men and women are indeed having mental health issues now. In Tacloban, it is already common. Only 17% of affected municipalities have facilities and capacity for mental health care 33. The Oxfam EFSVL staff in Tacloban Office expressed concern over men’s psychosocial needs after the typhoon, especially those who lost loved ones and those who felt they were ‘unsuccessful’ in saving them, as well as the feeling of hopelessness in losing livelihoods. As of June 2014, the health cluster reported concern over less health partners and inadequate services delivered even in temporary health centers. Municipal health officers also spent most of their time in trainings, which are likely to affect service provision.

2.6. Sexual and Reproductive Health Awareness is low and access to adequate, appropriate and quality sexual and reproductive health services for adults and adolescents in areas affected by the typhoon is poor. For year 2011, data in regions VI, VII and VIII indicate low use of modern contraception - 65.1% in Region VI, 66.3 in Region VII and 69.1 in Region VIII 34. National trends also show that there is a significant trend of early pregnancies among 10-19 year old females – based on the 2013 Young Adult Fertility Study (YAFS) - 10% are already mothers, 2.6% are pregnant, and 13.6% have begun child bearing. 35 Respondents observed that there are more pregnancies after Haiyan, many of which by young girls (except among Western Leyte respondents). This is said to be a common trend before the typhoon but it has increased. The Health Cluster brief in April 2014 likewise report a similar trend, citing a WHO report, that there were 220,000 pregnancies in the last 6 months, of which 26,400 or 12% are teen pregnancies. The Philippines’ maternal mortality rate has been recorded to have drastically increased in the past, which is linked to the successive disasters that hit the country prior to Haiyan.36 UNFPA says that 60% of women were delivering in health facilities before the typhoon, and this is expected to drop drastically. November 2013 projections was that 1,000 births are expected per day - 150 of which are high risk37 and of these, 500 will be needing caesarean sections.38 Maternal health care services are indeed currently at a dismal state. Facilities and personnel were drastically affected. Women’s trauma and reports of lack of supplemental nutrients for pregnant women are putting them more at risk. UNFPA projected lower rates of survival (mothers and children) from premature labor.39 The significant number of teen pregnancy requires adolescent-friendly and appropriate services. Field data show that it is common for adolescents, even those who have begun child rearing, to have misconceptions on sexual and reproductive health. Adolescents have poor access to adolescent-friendly sexual and reproductive services. They do not have adequate knowledge for them to be able to exercise informed decision-making or control over their bodies. There is a reported national trend that early pregnancy predisposes young girls to consecutive pregnancies. This is observed more in rural and poverty stricken areas.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Reproductive health services and supplies were reported to be insufficient and sometimes withheld from those who need it based on gender and age stereotypes. In Barangay 66, Tacloban, young mothers shared that service providers ‘scold’ them during pre-natal checkups for being pregnant at an early age. In Barangay Sillion, Bantayan, a health service provider even investigates first if the husband is in town before releasing birth control products to a woman. In some barangays, provision of supplies such as medicine was selectively provided by health care providers in the barangay, based on political affiliation.

2.7. Basic Facilities Lack of basic facilities, such as electricity and WASH, heightened risks for affected people. Only 76% of the Strategic Response Plan for WASH is funded and this has affected the ability of the cluster to respond to the needs especially in relocation sites. Many areas still struggle with no electricity and depleted sources of water or with no water sources at all. Some of these challenges have existed prior to the typhoon. Women and girls, as the ones primarily responsible for care work, are more vulnerable. (See section on care work)

Safety issues at home post yol anda Roxanne is 18 years old and is from Barangay Salog, Guiuan. She was 17 years old on her first pregnancy. Her husband’s livelihood is fishing. He leaves for the shore at 4 PM and returns at 7 AM the following day. This leaves her alone with her 1-year old baby in the tent. Before the typhoon, she fetches water from a well near her house. But since this is now dirty, she has to go farther to get to a water pump. She asks her neighbour to watch over her child when she fetches water or sometimes have no choice but to leave her with a safety plank. “Binibilisan ko nalang paglakad.” (I just walk faster.) At night, they sleep with her cousin. She doesn’t feel safe in the tent because in the past, unknown persons have opened their tent.

2.8. Livelihoods Damage to the productive sector represents the second most affected based on the postdisaster needs assessment of the government as of April 2014. Damage to crops and fisheries represent the highest, followed by livestock and irrigation facilities. Income has dropped to as much as 70% based on emergency assessments after Haiyan, affecting capacity for self-provision for basic needs. The sense of desperation is increasing, especially now that projects are transitioning from early response to early recovery. Many are forced to cope negatively by migrating for work or getting into accessible but dangerous income-generating means.

Typhoon Damage to Agriculture (Situation Report 108, NDRRMC April 2014) 8% P 1.6 billion

Crops (rice, corn and other crops) Livestock

1% P 2 million 30% P 6 billion

47% P 9.5 billion

Fisheries Irrigation facilities

Other agricultural The livelihoods sector is the most underfunded, Infrastructure and if there are funds, it has not been translated into programs on the ground. Livelihoods 14% cluster reports on April 2014 indicated that SRP P 2.9 billion for livelihoods has only received 27% of the requested funding. Municipality of Mayorga, Leyte government officials likewise expressed their frustration over the lack of funds available for recovering livelihoods. They said they have attended two donor forums, ready with their livelihood proposals but these were not funded. Most funding available are for infrastructure. In the Bottom up Budgeting after Haiyan, the only livelihood component was said to be under the DSWD while others had small livelihood components in their menu. They added that this is the case for many smaller municipalities in Leyte. EFSVL small business officer, Aldin Bitaa’s statement that those in small businesses, (usually women) are on their own is also reflective of the support provided for women-dominated fields of work before and after the typhoon. He said that because those in small businesses are in the informal sector, they do not have any form of registration, and thus are invisible in counting, and rarely appropriately targeted (even if there are cash transfer programs targeting more women).

2.9.Issues on Access to post typhoon programs Issues raised by respondents in access to post typhoon projects mostly relate to design, beneficiary selection and access. Most of livelihood programs existing are “generic” and do not take into account gender analysis and relations. This highly affects the efficiency, appropriateness and adequacy of projects post typhoon. There were only a few initiatives that specifically took into account of how gender operates in households and communities, especially in the post Haiyan context. When distribution of benefits and goods relied on either official lists (census) or through barangay officials, there were some issues raised. For instance, those who were forced to move after the typhoon are not counted in official lists of the barangay. Much dissatisfaction has been raised by

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

The generic approach to boat provision Amelita 46, a widow, raising children, was a recipient of a fishing boat from BFAR. She shares the boat with 3 other families, including 1 other widow. Since she and the other widow cannot go with the other families’ men to fish, they just agreed to a sharing scheme. She is supposed to get 10% of the earnings but they are given almost nothing, she said. When she asks for her share, she is usually just given P 20. Although Amelita knows that this is not the real value of her share, she said it is difficult for her to assert because she does not know anything about actual fishing. -Tanauan Tent City, Leyte

respondents on this process – as many are said to be excluded, even sometimes those who need it the most. Dynamics among the members and officials of the community were said to also affect who gets to receive resources. In the focus group of Kakasa members in Salcedo, the lack of transparency in distribution of goods by local officials has become a major issue in their community. They are rarely informed about where the resources are coming from and they receive incomplete packages. Even if they did want to assist in distribution and have offered this to the local leaders, these were not accepted. They have asserted this issue during the last barangay assembly but was shunned by the leaders, as the issue was not in the agenda. They do not dare raise this issue at the municipal level. The MSWDO of Sta. Fe shared their office’s struggle in delivering goods and services. She also lamented about the long and tedious processes required to deliver services post typhoon, in coordination with national agencies. There are no special processes in LGUs in typhoon response– they have to comply with the usual requirements. In addition to this, they have to contend with the limited resources/packages provided by the national government that are not responsive to the needs of the population.

2.10. Protection Issues Sense of Safety In December 2013, there were reports of feelings of insecurity among affected populations during their sleep and while bathing and using public toilets. In the focus groups of men and women, they shared that they are fearful when there is strong wind and rain. They use the term “trauma” to explain what they feel, and this is especially felt by pregnant women and children. In communities where open defecation is still practiced, people say that they feel insecure doing this now, especially at night. Viral text messages warning people of prison break-outs, thieves and criminals at large add to their sense of insecurity. Some even reported sleeping with knives and increased vigilance especially during the early months after the typhoon. Gender based violence, trafficking and prostitution Without adequate protection for women and girls aged 15 to 49, UNFPA projects that an additional 65,000 of the 375,000 pre-typhoon estimates will be experiencing sexual violence. 40 It is important to protect women and girls (especially among IDPs) as they are the care providers and they provide community service. Typhoon affected people were concerned about the risk of human trafficking for women and girls as stated in the Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment Report in December 2013. However, the lack of official report on the number of cases does not give a sense of its magnitude. From past disaster experiences, GBV emerges in the longer term. In the case of Typhoon Pablo, there were reports of higher cases of GBV, trafficking and adolescents engaged in prostitution 41.

Despite the lack of comprehensive data, there are actual cases and anecdotal data gathered. There are speculations by government officials and Oxfam staff about occurrence of gender-based violence, human trafficking and prostitution. However, during the data gathering, most respondents were hesitant to discuss these. These are still considered ‘taboo’. In a few focus groups, however, there is more awareness among respondents about these issues. Before the typhoon, the NDHS 2008 survey recorded rates of physical and sexual violence higher than the national average. In Western, Central and Eastern Visayas (see Table) up to 28% for physical violence and 14% for sexual violence of women and girls 15-49 years old. All areas are likewise known hotspots of trafficking and prostitution. Focus group respondents shared cases of violence. In Guiuan, according to the Oxfam Protection Officer, the road widening project was linked to increased risk of human trafficking. The MSWDO in Sta. Fe, Bantayan Island reported that a powerful trafficking syndicate was prosecuted before the typhoon. There are on-going surveillance of suspected trafficking operations in the municipality. Yet, the capacity of the LGU to effectively respond to such cases is weak. The case was a struggle for them as the syndicates had financial resources and connections. In Eastern Visayas State University (ESSU), a key informant who is a college instructor shared that

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

there are female students engaged in transactional sex work prior to the typhoon. These are self-supporting students. Their usual clients are businessmen and even teachers. Two of four young mothers in a focus group shared experiencing domestic violence. One self-identified male gay key informant in Tacloban shared that among his gay community, more male adolescents have sought financial assistance in exchange for sexual favors. In Daanbantayan, more established women’s groups have handled domestic violence and incest cases years prior to the typhoon. After the typhoon, in Ormoc city, the MSWDO social worker who handles cases of VAWC said that there are more cases being reported. Most of the cases are related to financial problems. Pagtinabangay Foundation is a local NGO working for women’s rights. Its Executive Director said that those who operate child prostitution dens have resumed their ‘business’. The areas where they operate are already identified. Another MSWDO officer shared an observation with Pagtinabangay that there are more foreigners after the typhoon. She raised her concern over this as people are more vulnerable now and more likely to consider risky jobs and offers. The MSWDO Officer in Mercedes, Eastern Samar reported that while only a few report incidence of GBV, they suspect that it is happening. Many women are hesitant to proceed with cases because they are financially dependent. In Bantayan Island, sex slavery, which involves a foreign male and a local woman, was reported through the Oxfam hotline. The survivor was seeking health assistance as she acquired sexually transmitted infection and lacked the resources to get treatment. During the data gathering period, there was a news report about trafficked children from Eastern Samar intercepted by police officers in Tacloban. In Palo and Tacloban, a UNFPA staff shared collated VAWC cases and numbers from MSWDO in Mayorga which illustrate a significant increase in reported cases:

In Ormoc, gender-based violence (GBV) count from 2013 and 2014 as of June 23, 2014 *from Protective Services Unit – CSWDO Ormoc, Arlene A. Sode:

Local capacity to respond Women-friendly spaces (22 established in Western Visayas) and other initiatives such as capacity building of communities and health care professionals help avert this risk. In Guiuan tent city, WFS facilitators shared a case of an 11-year old girl who ran to the WFS to seek support and report a pedicab driver who planned to molest her.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

The local gender assistant in Oxfam Guiuan office shared that only a few local governments have adequate capacity to respond to GBV cases in Eastern Samar. She attributed this to the workload of the MSWDO, especially in the humanitarian emergency context. UNFPA staff in Tacloban shared the lack of funds in women’s shelters for case work and transportation that will support filing of VAWC cases. In an RH and GBV survey conducted in typhoon affected areas, the report was that out of 52 health facilities, 22 provided sexual violence and rape management services and 35 provided referral service. 42 The GBV cluster recommended exploring the creation of a prevention and response system, using existing policy and mandated mechanisms, in a humanitarian context. However, improving the capacity of government officials and lobbying for prioritisation of this issue will be needed. Apart from supporting legal mechanisms, it is important to capacitate communities to respond to GBV since data show that prior to Haiyan, 71% to 78% of victims of physical and sexual violence in Western, Central and Eastern Visayas approach friends and relatives first for support. In Ormoc city, two local NGOs working on women’s rights expressed that local capacity is not sufficient to address the emerging and pre-existing issues that are exacerbated by the typhoon. The Protection Cluster has received only about 49% of the requested amount in its Strategic Response Plan (SRP) as of April 21. It also mentioned that most GIDA remain unreached. Violence and income A woman from Bantayan Island, in her 40s with 4 daughters used to be battered by her husband before the typhoon. She related that ever since she started getting P400 / day as a community mobiliser, she has not been physically abused by the husband. She worries that the battering will resume when she loses her income. Oxfam staff advised her to access services in the community, the VAWC mechanisms. However, local mechanisms are not established and there is low awareness about domestic violence in her barangay. She shared that her experience made her decide not to go back to the same situation as before. When her volunteer work as a community mobilizer ended, she said she will go to Cebu and find work there, and seek other opportunities so she does not have to return to the same situation.

“Hook, line and sinker” By Kareen Cerdeňa Daisy Iducos is a 35 year old mother of 4. She lives with her husband and 4 children in a tent at Barangay Pooc, Purok Gumamela, Sta Fe, Bantayan Island. The rubble from their small house that was ruined by Yolanda piled behind their tent – just waiting for additional materials so they can rebuild their home. We met her one afternoon when we were doing the rounds of the boat repair stations around Sta. Fe municipality. Her unmarried cousin, Jesebel (28), was helping her fix the nylon for fishing, while she was breastfeeding her youngest child who is 2 years old. This was her break – feeding her hungry child while her cousin takes over. Normally she would just continue her work while the baby feeds. She does this work as often as her husband goes out to fish. She fixes the nylon, attaching hooks into it and preparing it for when her husband goes to sea. Work does not end here though. When her husband comes home from fishing, vending the fish in town is also her task. Thankfully, she said, they have an “amo” (patron) who buys their fish, but sometimes also calls the shots when it comes to pricing. Small fishermen like her husband, normally get about 3-4 kilos of fish daily – only enough to feed the whole family of 6 for the day. Sometimes, the nets and lines yield nothing. Normally she would fix about 5 kilos worth of nylon. When asked how she learned doing this, she answered laughingly that she learned it as a small girl, and since it is the only thing she knows how to do, she is quite good at it. Her father, now in his late 60s, is also a fisherman. He used to give her this task as well. Daisy is one of the many women in Pooc whose main livelihood revolves around fishing; women who are working alongside their fathers, brothers, partners and husbands who are the ones going out to sea to fish. They are the all-around livelihood support for the family – working on the ground, behind their homes, while taking care of the family. She is one of the many wives of fishermen in this area who participated in Oxfam’s cash-for-work programme. The family bought some planks and nails from the money she earned cleaning their area. It is not enough yet. They will need more materials to finally fix their home.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

3.1. Productive or Paid Work - before & after the disaster The post-Haiyan situation put a spotlight on women’s need to also earn income by engaging in paid work. While both women and men are struggling to revive their income, many women still remain at home. The men are the ones engaged directly in paid work. Women who reside in far-flung areas are more tied to their reproductive, household work, due to difficulty in accessing work opportunities that require different level of capacity as well as transport or mobility issues. BEFORE Before Haiyan, men found value in their role as provider for the household, usually through hard labor. Males are socialized or oriented toward this kind of work. They start at an early age as they engage in some form of hard labor. It was and still is common to refer to men as farmers, fishers, drivers, welders, laborers, etc. in the community. This recognition is anchored on the perspective that men do the ‘hard labor’ as breadwinner and head of household. People generally see men’s work to be outside the home. They are at sea, in the field, in construction sites, in factories. This view is also reflected in sectoral organizations, which are predominantly male. Before Haiyan, women contribute substantially to the main livelihood 43 of each household through performance of specific tasks 44. Women’s involvement in fishing includes selling, processing, equipment repair, aquaculture and finding cash capital. Such contributions are not considered as significant compared to men’s tasks. In the gendered market mapping study conducted by Oxfam, ‘in [fishing] tasks where men disappear, women stay’ 45. In Sitio Jetti, Barangay Hollywood, Guiuan, women said they are in-charge of sourcing capital. 46. In Bantayan Island, in addition to preparatory work to fishing, women also engage in aquaculture and seaweed farming. Even if many women consider themselves as fisherfolk, they are less likely to be recognized as such. Women fish vendors in Barangay Noongan, Ormoc city shared that they are the ones selling the catch of their husbands or male partners. They refer to their selling method as “wara-wara” which roughly translates to ‘going round and round’, referring to their movement in the market because they do not have the legal permit to sell. Only those who can trade in volume can afford to get a stall and permit to sell. Women fish vendors were more vulnerable to be apprehended and harassed by market watchmen, their product confiscated. 47 Women provide important contribution to agriculture. Oxfam’s Agriculture Officer in Bantayan Island said that women spend a significant amount of time for farm work but it is unpaid. She observed that farmers can enumerate farming input in detail, but will not count women’s labor, e.g., negotiating with traders, supervising farm work, planting, weeding, harvesting, applying fertiliser, drying and selling. Labor is counted and paid in cash only when it is considered ‘hard work’ such as land preparation and hauling – work that are usually taken by men or assigned to them. Children’s work (e.g. harvesting, planting and

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

maintenance), or family members’ labor in general are considered support to the family’s livelihood. Agriculture Officers in Tacloban shared that in female headed households, women head or take over the farm work. In northern Cebu most corn farmers are women, landless and dependent on loans for inputs. If there is some cash capital, it is spent for inputs and labor for land preparation. In cases when cash capital cannot cover land preparation and wage labor, work will be done entirely through unpaid family labor. Because unpaid family work, including women’s work, is not counted as input, many corn farmers think that they are earning and profiting from their corn farming when they actually do not earn as much, according to an Oxfam Agriculture Officer. 48 According to the landless sugarcane workers in Barangay Hibunaon and Cagbuhangin, Ormoc, during peak season, tasks assigned to women and children, i.e., harvesting and bundling sugarcane, get paid at P75 a day while adult male-dominated tasks such as hauling and transport get paid P128 a day. While children earned less performing the same kind of work as adults during harvest season before the typhoon, they are now given the same rate as adults, depending on the landlord’s terms and conditions. The difficulty in harvesting crops after the typhoon due to the competition for labor contracting with other landlords and the cash for work projects by humanitarian agencies raised the rate for child labor. 49 Such sex and age differentials in agricultural wage are evident at the national level and in typhoon hit areas as statistics show 50. Aside from direct contribution to farming and fishing, women are also engaged in multiple ways of earning, before and even more after Haiyan. However, women’s engagement in the work force is rarely reflected in numbers as most are in the informal sector. In Eastern Samar, men dominate the labor force at 80.7% compared to women at 49.8%; women also have the highest unemployment rate at 5.9%. Yet some statistics show women’s participation in business as in the case of Eastern Samar. Women represented 51.9% of all Small and Medium Enterprise (SME) owners and made up 66 % of membership in cooperatives.

Persons Involved in Income Generation at Household Level Before and After Typhoon (ACTED Food Security and Livelihoods Assessment Report - Leyte & Eastern Samar, February 2014)

Before

After

50% 33%

10% 15%

1% None

39%

30%

22%

Only Male Only Female Both Male and Female

Monthly Household Expenses in Eastern Samar & Leyte (ACTED February 2014) Transportati on 8% Repay of money borrowed 11% Education 16%

Healthcare 7%

Food 58%

Data from Oxfam small businesses support are quite telling of women and men’s location in the market. The most common forms of business are trading of goods such as fish and rice (locals’ term for this is “buy and sell”; characteristically small in volume) and retail stores called sari-sari. They also gather raw materials (e.g. shells for crafts), provide services (e.g., laundry, household help), operate small eateries or sell snack food items in schools and in the neighborhood). Others with skills earn income from tailoring/sewing, manicure and pedicure, and crafts such as mat weaving, shell craft, among others.

EFSVL Beneficiaries in 14 Barangays of Madridejos, N Cebu, per cent

(from Aldin Bitaa, EFSVL Madridejos & Small Businesses Officer, April 22)

Male

Female

36%

49%

64%

51%

Fishing

Farming

83% 17%

Small Businesses

Women’s motivation to earn income is anchored in their role as caregiver/caretaker of the household. They are likely to engage in paid work if there are needs that cannot be provided from the expected income. They do this alongside their care work. Before Haiyan, women take care of livestock and sell when it is time to pay year-end school fees, sometime in February or March. They also take advantage of the same space (school) for additional income-generating opportunity such as making and selling garlands for the graduation ceremony and selling snacks while waiting for children in school. Generally, women perceive their effort at income generation as ‘tulong’ (help) or supplementary to the main income— usually from the husband’s main livelihood. Oxfam Small Business Officer said that because of this perspective, it was a challenge to accurately record women’s small businesses. ‘Business’ is a too formal term for them and they think their activities cannot be called a ‘business’.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Oxfam officers had to probe and affirm women’s income generating activities; that what they do significantly contribute to the household to meet needs. AFTER Assessment reports in December indicated that income loss was up to 70% in worst-hit areas due to damage to livelihoods and assets 51. In February 2014, the Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development (ACTED) reported before and after income sources. According to the report, in Eastern Samar and Leyte, 33% of households do not have anyone earning income. Most affected livelihoods are fishing and coconut farming. A total of 5.9 million workers are affected. This left many to rely on temporary and irregular income or through credit, loans and support from others. Men’s involvement in earning income decreased by 37% while women’s involvement decreased by 17%. Spending was on food, health care, education, transportation, and debt repayment. Earning deficiency is reported at 78% (P 2,544) in Samar and 73% in Leyte (P3,326). Eastern Samar is highly vulnerable compared to Leyte, with the latter only having P1,849 and Leyte P 3,526. As a result of the typhoon, 97% in Eastern Samar and 90% in Leyte received incomes below the poverty line.

How a male fisherfolk in San Roque, Tanauan cope Ben is 39 years old with 7 children, 4 of which are dependents. His wife used to sell fish balls at home, but lost all materials to the typhoon. They also lost their boat and because of this, he now only assists in fishing, doing odd jobs such as helping to cast nets, carrying and parking boats. He earns P100/day now compared to P300 from each catch before the typhoon. “Pagod. Walang pahinga.” (Tired. No rest.) Not like before, when he had time to rest after fishing.

After the typhoon, men and women with some resources left cope with loss to livelihoods by focusing on increasing income. How they generate income is reflective of similar patterns of gender division before the typhoon. It was observed that women engaged in more diverse methods of income generation. Men go back to their old livelihoods but have to live with downgraded status – doing more but earning less. If there are no resources or opportunities to earn, they will shift method or go to the next accessible option. Some fisher folk

A fisherman prepares his net, Guiuan, Eastern Samar. Photo by Jing Pura

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Oxfam volunteer Bryan Teodosio speaks to participants of the Cash-for-Work program in Sta.Fe, Bantayan Island, Cebu. Photo by Gerard Carreon

who lost their boats turned to farming. Boat crew members went into barangay work such as tanod (village watch). Coconut farmers went into daily wage labor as carpenter or in construction. Skilled and unskilled workers’ daily wage on carpentry was said to increase after the typhoon. People attributed this to the higher wages provided by shelter projects of INGOs and government, coupled with the scarcity of workers available. In effect, the standard of wage per day increased for this sector, dominated by men while wages for care work done by household helper, cleaner, or laundrywoman were maintained. This wage differential affects the value ascribed to work done by men and work done by women. This has implications in the longer term.

Balta z ar - How a young father copes, from Barangay Salog, Eastern Samar Baltazar is 22 years old, finished grade school and the 10th child out of 13 siblings. He lives with his partner, who is 20 years old and had just given birth to their 2nd child. He calls himself a “seaman” in jest because he is part of a boat crew and does spear fishing at night. This is a dangerous form of fishing. He used to earn P200-300/day (6-days/week) before the typhoon and now only earns a little over P100/day after the typhoon. He begins work at 4 pm and goes home at 6 am the following day. He said he was lucky to be listed once in a Cash for Work project (15-day work). He built their house with his own hands before the typhoon. Now they live in a tent. He loves to dance and goes to dancing events once in a while. His partner would not allow him to go. They would fight over his drinking. Baltazar dreams of putting his children to college. He cannot imagine himself in a different livelihood aside from fishing. When asked why, he said he loves the sea and it has been his place since he was young. “Sea man ra”, (just a seaman) he said.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Morita – How a mother copes, from Barangay 7, Salcedo, Eastern Visayas “Malaki ang nawala sa amin. Pero ang importante may pinagkakakitaan...Hindi ako umaasa sa barangay. Hindi din ako umaasa sa relief.” Kumakayod ako.” (We lost a lot. But the important thing is we have a source of income. I don’t rely on the barangay. I also do not rely in relief. I work hard.) Morita and her husband are in fishing. She cares for four children. She has a 6-month old infant and another daughter who is 6 years old, with mental disability. Because the school cannot accommodate her child’s special needs, Morita decided to educate her at home instead. Their boat was damaged by Haiyan. Her husband still use it, but only near the shore to fish. Catch has decreased by 50%. She copes with this by still vending fish but with a different arrangement. Instead of vending her husband’s catch, she now uses ‘porsyentuhan’ where she negotiates with a fish trader so she could sell a portion of fish catch without her shelling out cash. After Yolanda, she added vegetable gardening to her work; her husband helps in tilling the soil. She is looking forward to harvesting her first set of vegetables. When her husband is at sea, shealso earns by doing laundry for others and when she has extra more time, gathers shell and sell it to shells craft makers.

Women are coping with the situation by expanding their roles and by diversifying livelihoods. ‘Injecting cash into the market’ AND addressing practical and strategic gender needs: Northern Cebu’s Child Minding in Cash for Work In the Northern Cebu Cash for Work response, ‘child minding’ was part of the menu of work that beneficiaries can engage in. CfW beneficiaries with small children were able to leave their children in a barangay-designated space supervised by the Barangay Health Worker with CfW beneficiaries doing the child minding. These are mostly elderly women. This helped women to contribute to community debris cleaning activities and access cash for the work done. It addressed a practical need which is support for childcare while they access cash for work. It also addressed a more strategic need, which is that of pegging cash value to a work that is traditionally perceived as a “natural” responsibility of women, and so should be free. This is all about valuing women’s care work.

After the typhoon, women diversified income sources, adding to present contribution to the main livelihood. Some of the more common examples are small trading activities which they call “buy and sell”, of vegetables, fish, and other crops. Some are engaged in selling small items, earning through a small percent they charge for consignment. They do this with limited or no capital or through loans, relying mostly on social networks. In many cases after the typhoon, women have also undertaken work beyond perceived gender roles such as carpentry and debris clearing. Some have tried driving the pedicab. There are a significant number of women beneficiaries in the Cash-for-Work programme of Oxfam. This was an opening they took as many of the men left the villages to find work in other areas. Women were mentioned to be the ones finding ways to make ends meet in difficult situations, one of which is seeking new opportunities to earn. Oxfam field staff shared that during WASH and EFSVL consultations, they observed that women are eager to engage in (more) productive work. This was demonstrated in their enthusiastic participation in boat repair efforts and farmers’ meetings where budgets and costs are prepared and deliberated. Women have also been found to be supervising workers (in land preparation & boat repair), and engaged in small businesses. When asked why they are very active, the women usually answered because men are out of the village, they are working for income’, and so women are utilising these available options to protect their livelihood and also earn. It is important to note that while efforts post typhoon are on increasing income, its results are only relative to the adequate resources available to the population. A significant number of men and women still struggle with very few resources. In GIDA and in areas where there are few financial, technical and natural resources to access, livelihood options for women are very limited. In islets and interior upland areas, respondents and Oxfam staff shared that women have less options to earn income. Women have problems with their mobility (due to care work), limited capacities and limited options. As reported by ACTED, 50% of women do not contribute to income generation prior to the typhoon and this decreased after. Prior to the typhoon, women were engaged in home-based income generation, e.g., small retail or sari-sari stores, since they can do this alongside their household work responsibilities. However, this arrangement has been quite difficult after Haiyan because homes are yet to be rebuilt. Many of the goods and materials used for their small businesses, mostly obtained through loans before the typhoon, were washed out and completely lost. As such, women had to make do with whatever materials they have or can obtain. While resourceful, women are struggling because there is very little support provided for materials and equipment women need by post-Haiyan response/ projects. There are some projects that intentionally support women-specific needs for livelihoods. WEDPRO, an organization based in Manila, provided materials specific for women fisher folk in Palo, Leyte. This includes containers for fresh fish catch, umbrellas, weighing scales and slicers, and sewing kits. Oxfam’s child-minding Cash for Work in Northern Cebu became an opportunity to address both practical and strategic gender needs. It allowed women with child care responsibilities to be able to access paid work by providing child care services. At

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

the same time, it bestowed cash value to work that was traditionally regarded as free if done for one’s own family or paid lowly if somebody outside the household does it. In this case, women’s care work is accorded the same value as men’s ‘hard physical labour.’ The arrangement also allows others who are not able to perform such to access work, should they want to. The sense of dignity in being productive is important. ‘Work in exchange for income’ is vital as a case study from Eastern Samar found out. A woman beneficiary expressed that she would rather work, and not be categorised as beneficiary under the Unconditional Cash Grant (UCG). It was important for her to be able to value herself as a part of the productive workforce. This contributed to her sense of dignity.

3.2. Care work in the household Post Haiyan, gender roles within households shifted but only in a few households and only for a brief period of time. For most households, traditional gender roles remained the same. Care work is still primarily woman’s responsibility. Women say that post Haiyan, care work intensified, became more difficult and complicated. “Unpaid care work (also called household work, domestic labor, or family work) refers to the provision of services for family and community members outside of the market, where concern for the well-being of the care recipients is likely to affect the quality of the service provided (Folbre 2006).” – Oxfam Rapid Care Analysis, Guidance for Managers and Facilitators, Thalia Kidder and Carine Pionetti, 2013 Care work necessarily means showing and expressing concern for, and understanding of the situation of each member of the family and/or community. Care work requires strength of well-being as well as the need to employ specific strategy especially as it is done alongside productive and community work. In the Philippines, the more commonly used term for care work is “housework”. At a time of scarce income and basic social services have not yet been fully restored (or have been inadequate even before typhoon), it is difficult to respond to the immediate and persistent needs of people. As such, increased vulnerability makes care work even more crucial for survival in post Haiyan life. Women of all ages are the default providers of care. Single fathers who are farmers get by with care work through the help of the children or by hiring babysitters. They hire farm workers to do their work if they need to stay at home. There are cases when men take over labor-intensive tasks at home when a woman is pregnant, and continues this work until after she has given birth. Such tasks include laundry, collecting fuel, fetching water, etc. In poor areas and among vulnerable groups, boys at a young age already work to help the family. Based on national statistics, they are more likely to quit school to work. Care work is rarely the work of men. More likely, men take on care work when they feel that they are not fulfilling their responsibility as breadwinner. WASH Public Health Promotion staff in many areas said that it is a challenge to engage men because hygiene and health are not seen as men’s concerns. Men usually find it funny to be part of initiatives that are perceived to be ‘outside of their roles.’ It is important to note that relief projects that focused on reviving the cash economy indirectly produced short-term, partial, reconfiguration of gender roles at home. Men built or repaired their houses and so stayed at home while women were outside of homes, collecting relief and availing of cash for work opportunities. In effect, men had a chance to take on care work with the support of children. Eventually though, men resumed earning outside the home and children went back to school, and so relinquishing care work back to women. Women said that housework has intensified. It takes longer, more complicated and difficult after the typhoon. Houses and locations have drastically changed especially for those living in temporary shelters, e.g., tents, bunk houses and makeshift shelters. Unequal access to shelter support and unaffordable prices of materials leave many still living in flimsy, smaller, uncomfortable and unsafe shelters. Houses are cramped and most of essential materials to carry on household tasks were lost. Many have to improvise in cooking and cleaning with less resources and materials. Women in Barangay 7, Salcedo said in jest that they now know 30 ways to cook sardines as it is usually what they receive from relief. Looking after children inside the home can no longer be done simultaneously with other tasks, so children are asked to play outside, unattended, exposing them to safety and security risks. Sourcing water is more tiresome, creating tensions, as in the case of a barangay in Hinunaon, Ormoc where women are forced to compete for limited supply.

WomEn Farmers Usual Schedule TUFAMCO, Barangay Tolosahay, Julita Women begin their day early in the morning. First, they clean homes, water crops, prepare food for the family – husband takes coffee (or eats with the children). Husband go to the farm and children go to school and if children do not have school, they stay at home to support building houses or assisting women with care work. By 10 AM, women eat breakfast or have coffee. They said sometimes they have breakfast and lunch together. After breakfast, they wash clothes and then prepare lunch by 12PM. If the husband is in the farm tilling the soil, women bring food to the site and eat with him. While preparing food, they also prepare for kanin baboy for her hog – from kitchen waste (gabi, cabbage, kalabasa, sayote). After lunch, they farm- till the soil or attend to their backyard garden. By late afternoon, if there is time, they rest and talk to neighbours and friends. Before dinner, they prepare food.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

The intensity of care work and additional roles of women in the community and in the productive sphere push households to assign more tasks to children. The sense of safety in shelters is a concern in performing care work. The quality of tents, absence of lights and toilets were concerns articulated by women and children. Tents distributed for temporary shelter are designed to last for only 6 months, many are now damaged and not safe to dwell in. People fear wind and rain as their shelters cannot withstand these. There are also stories of strangers opening and peeking into tents of other people at night. Women or older children have to accompany younger children to use toilets especially at night as it is unsafe. Elderly women are rarely exempted from care roles. In fact, they have been taking on much of care work, especially child care, to ease the burden of mothers. This was observed during the data gathering, where many elderly women were caring for their grandchildren. This practice, more likely, has intensified now, as there has been out-migration of women and men, in desperate need to work. This burden further increases in households with more members, single-headed households such as pregnant women, elderly, people living with disabilities and illnesses and other members with more care needs. Care work at home limits productive work. As cited in the ACTED report, 50% of women did not contribute to productive work before Haiyan because the primary role and priority of women is still at home. The EFSVL Team Leader in Daanbantayan shared a discussion with women on improving fish vending business. The women preferred to retain their stalls at home or through vending within their communities than having a stall in the market. This is said to be because of their roles at home that cannot be left undone. Furthermore, increasing numbers of pregnancies post typhoon may result in a baby boom, which will further affect care work. Women, especially younger ones, are more likely to pass on child care work to other girls/women in the family. This, combined with the projected increase in poverty levels in typhoon hit areas, will most likely result in increasing responsibilities and burdens among women, elderly women and girls, as they take on more care work alongside the continued need to take on productive work. If care providers are overburdened with work and without state support, the quality of care received by those who need it most is compromised. In a focus group with local community mobilisers of Bantayan island, the group lamented how the barangay officials set-up a cockfighting area after the typhoon, but did not even prioritise the resumption of operations of the local day care center. This example shows how little priority is given on social services and its significance on care service delivery in recovering communities. Even more glaring is the reality that multiple responsibilities will necessarily affect their access to opportunities for education, participation, productivity and overall well-being. While recovering after the typhoon and rebuilding homes and communities have taken a toll on both men and women, how they cope and experience exhaustion is different. Women jump from one sphere to another, integrating productive and care tasks to increase efficiency and produce more outputs for the household. Men, on the other hand, remain in the productive sphere. As one woman described, “When my husband cooks, I get to rest.” Simple task-sharing at home already provide important gains for women and girls, to simply be able to rest. Right after the typhoon, my husband and I searched for our roof which was blown away during the typhoon but it was claimed by others. We didn’t do anything about it anymore and went straight home. We both felt down after this. I got a headache, he had diarrhoea. He had it for three days. I cared for him – cooked food, gave medicines, made him drink Gatorade and anything that would make him feel better. On the third day, he told me he still feels the same. He doesn’t eat anything I give him so naturally he will not feel better. I said, “How will you get better if you are not eating?! You have to eat so that your bowel movement will normalise!” I lost my patience. He sits the whole day. I look for him and I see him in our backyard, lifeless, just sitting. I got really angry. “How do you expect your body will go back to normal if you do not eat properly?” We had food other than porridge, because we were given meat and rice. He just did not want to eat. “Eat!” I told him. - Daanbantayan, Respondent of Women Focus Group

3.3. Care work in the Community Another way for women to cope with needs is to engage in various activities in the community. This produces positive outcomes for her family and the community this opens opportunities for women individually and collectively. However, the roles she performs remain undervalued, unpaid and adds to her work burden. Community Volunteers To ensure that immediate needs of the household are addressed, women make it a point to be updated with information on incoming projects and relief. Being informed is highly prioritized to ensure a family’s access to present and future initiatives. Women acted as the “representatives” of families while they take their children with them to meetings and consultations 52. Moreover, women took on roles as members of livelihood committees, Community Health Volunteers (CHV), block leaders, sweat equity laborers 53, WASH construction, WFS core

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

facilitators, and represented households in meetings, sessions/forums on different themes (health and hygiene promotion, WASH construction, shelter and relocation, GBV, awareness, counseling skills, coordination, etc.). Their increasing participation in the community began as a way to supply goods and services for the household, but evolved into roles that helped produce community outcomes. At the same time, women are securing her family’s access to water, essential information, while also developing their awareness on various matters, and equipping themselves with skills to support fellow community members on issues such as gender-based violence, among others. However, Oxfam‘s Gender Coordinator during the emergency response phase observed that the process of assigning volunteers in projects or programs can also be non-participatory or simply being assigned by the project lead. Sometimes, attending sessions can be a form of requirement especially for IDPs, affecting women’s mobility as well as time for other tasks (productive, care or for well-being). Rural Development Institute-Leyte, an NGO based in Ormoc, also shared the advocacy work they are doing with microfinance institutions (MFIs) post Yolanda. They are engaging them to re-define ‘active membership’ aside from attending sessions or meetings. This is not applicable anymore in the Post-Yolanda context because of the added workload of women especially with the influx of other recovery programs. Requiring women to attend meetings to be qualified as active members has costs for them and their survival. Local Oxfam volunteers in theatre groups of Bantayan and Daanbantayan shared experiences of their work – at the personal and community level. The groups are composed of mostly youth members, below 35 years old – who went through theatre training, facilitated by WASH PHP. They were able to build their self-confidence and discovered abilities/talents they thought they did not have. Volunteers also expressed that earning P400/day allowance enabled them and their families to earn more especially in this time of need. Some of them opted not to return to school and save money instead for the next school year. One single mother, 20 years old, is a volunteer community mobiliser from Bantayan. She shared how being part of Oxfam’s emergency response has helped her regain her community and family’s respect. She used to be ostracised by her neighbours for getting pregnant at a young age. With their skills, they develop advocacy messages depending on the assigned theme by the PHP. They develop storylines, skits, dance and songs/jingles. Being locals, their stories are grounded in the reality of their communities. They developed skits on gender based violence, hygiene, respect and care for children, women and persons with disabilities, as well as promote positive characteristics of family members. Even if their primary task was to orient beneficiaries about the content of hygiene kits, they were also delivering gender transformative messages. For them, theatre has been very effective, based on the audience’s reaction to their performance. As a WASH PHP team leader shared, GBV remains to be a taboo and rarely spoken of but during the volunteers’ performances, the facial and verbal reactions of the audience reveal its reality. It has to be noted that not many adolescent focus group respondents shared of being engaged in community care work post Haiyan. Only 13-19 years old girls were involved in a post Haiyan initiative in Guiuan tent city and this was the sessions on awareness raising on VAWC in the Women Friendly Spaces. New & Expanding Community Groups In some areas, care work in the community has become a way to strengthen women’s collective power. Membership in existing groups are expanding such as in Kakasa Ka/PKKK in Salcedo, Eastern Samar, RDI Institute in Ormoc and NAKABAKA BAKAHAWAN 54 in barangay Bakhawan, Daanbantayan. In Daanbantayan, women’s groups focused on livelihoods are mushrooming such as in Logon, Malapascua (Thresher Shark), Aguho Panaghi-usa Rural Improvement Club and Laray Pinaghiusa. Women of the 15 households in Barangay Biazong, Ormoc are also planning to set up a women’s group for livelihoods. The Women-Friendly Space (WFS) core group in Guiuan Tent City is also planning to pursue a group even after they are relocated to a new site. They see the need to band together in asserting issues on relocation and displacement. Initially they are naming their group ARAW or Alliance of Responsible and Active Women. The added or new forms of engagement are also a chance for women to gain new experiences, and for the community to see, recognize and value women’s unpaid community work. The outcomes these bring at the household level and community are very important. However, performing volunteer roles compete with other areas where women are engaged in, e.g., participation in income-generating projects, political participation, etc.

3.4. Participation Existing Groups, Organizing and Representation Groups, organizations and associations existing in programme areas are organized more commonly according to production sectors, such as farmers, fisherfolks, irrigators. It is also common to organize into cooperatives but these rarely survive. In Julita, Leyte, there used to be 17 cooperatives but only one, TUFAMCO, is said to be existing. A motivation to join groups and organizations is to add to or improve livelihoods. As one elderly male farmer in Julita, Leyte shared, the “kabuhayan para sa mahirap” (livelihood for the poor) tagline was popular and resonated with him and that is why he joined groups. But he has only received few benefits from this. According to the Municipal Agriculture Officer (MAO) of Mayorga, Leyte, some of the groups survive because of consistent support by a government office, as in the case of the National Irrigation Administration (NIA) for irrigators’ associations, or because of funding as in the case of the beneficiary groups of the 4Ps project.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Weak implementation of mechanisms to support organizing is one reason why groups do not last as in the case of the Fisheries and Aquatic Resources Management Councils (FARMC). There is mandated honorarium for representatives, based on the Fisheries Code, but this is not given. In Leyte, Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) data shows that only 40% of fisherfolks are registered. In Daanbantayan, it is estimated to be only at 10-20% according to an EFSVL Officer. Misconceptions about registration and organizing are common (e.g., have to pay fees, taxes). Not receiving equal benefits from groups is also another reason why many opt out of organizations. There are also issues raised about transparency and inclusivity in some focus groups with peoples’ organizations. As one male fisherfolk in San Roque, Tanauan said, “Mahirap na mag-tiwala, meeting nang meeting, wala naman nangyayari.” (It is difficult to trust these groups. All we do is to attend meetings; we do not see any improvements.) More vulnerable people can also be excluded in these groups. As one boat crew member in Tanglanan Madridejos shared, he had always wanted to be part of the local fisherfolk group because members can avail of the search and rescue benefits in case a fisher gets lost at sea. But this organization is said to be only exclusive to boat owners. In these sectoral groups of farmers and fisherfolks, official membership is male dominated. However, women attend meetings and discussions as representatives of the men. Farmers and fisherfolk groups are assumed to be for men, and women have their women’s groups. In a focus group in Guiuan tent city, the women shared that they did not know they can also be members of these sectoral groups. Women in mixed groups are more likely to take on stereotypical positions such as secretary and treasurer. For example, in a goat raisers’ association in Ormoc, a woman is assigned as the treasurer, a role commonly held by women at the household level. She said that to collect members’ contributions, she goes from house to house and sometimes takes her child with her, if she has to. Since many of the houses are far from each other, collection takes her days. At the barangay level, women are said to be more visible; less so at the municipal level, where men are the more visible. Some groups may be active at the barangay level, but more often than not this does not translate to participation at the municipal level. In two focus groups of women’s organizations in Salcedo, Samar and Daanbantayan, they shared that they do not dare assert concerns at the municipal level as it might mean being ‘put to jail’. In Daanbantayan, a woman leader told a story of how their organization was excluded from accreditation at the municipal level by a former government official because of a critique she expressed in a meeting about Philhealth not being accessible to those who most need it. The government’s Bottom Up Budgeting (BUB) mechanism is one avenue where groups can participate in local planning and budgeting without the requirement of accreditation. In Guiuan, 29 groups are said to be part of the civil society organizations’ assembly and the Local Poverty Reduction Action Team (LPRAT), representing different sectors (persons with disabilities or PWD, senior citizens, women, farmers, fisherfolks, and youth) There is some women’s representation at the municipal level. Based on the LGUs that were interviewed, the most consistent avenue for women’s representation is the 4Ps project. There are also one or two women’s groups or a women-dominated cooperative represented at the Municipal Development Council (MDC). These are commonly organized through programs such as the Programang Pantawid sa Pamilyang Pilipino (4Ps) (a government social protection project in the form of conditional cash transfer), or LGU-initiated and supported, or through the city or municipal social welfare and development office (SWDO). Some women farmers groups are actively convened by MAO, as in the case of Daanbantayan. However, the sustainability of organizations is a main concern for many. In Sta Fe, the MSWDO reported that leadership is key to the level of a group’s ‘activeness’. She mentioned that very few have the capacity to be self-reliant. Of the four programme areas where Oxfam is active, Ormoc is where there is more presence of local NGOs working on women’s rights. There is a Coalition of Ormoc Women (COW), a platform for local groups’ networking and coming together on various issues. It is also where NGOs refer trafficking cases to other members. Pagtinabangay Foundation and RDI-Leyte work on women’s rights. ECLIPSE focuses on child laborers. AGILA focuses on youth issues. In the past, as explained by groups working in the hacienda, community organizing fared better in sugarcane plantations. Child laborers were organized into Samahan ng Batang Manggagawa (SBM) (association of child laborers) while parents, mostly women, were in parent leader groups. The Barangay Council for the Protection of Children (BCPC) was said to be functioning. Changes in the barangay leadership, and with it, change in priority and level of openness to peoples organizations, is a reason why these groups are not sustained, according to ECLIPSE. In other areas, GABRIELA (the women’s party) is said to have groups at the barangay level in Tacloban. Guiuan Development Foundation functions in Eastern Samar. WISE has presence in Daanbantayan. Women’s Resource Center is based in Cebu City and has outreach work in Daanbantayan. In Daanbantayan, there are relatively active rural improvement clubs and women’s associations. During the two focus groups of women, they shared what organizing means to them. First, it is for livelihoods; to be able to earn income for the needs of the family. There is a perception that having one’s own money, even if through credit, is a means to achieve financial independence from the husband. One respondent said, “Para maka-barog ta”. (So that we may stand on our own). The significance of this kind of independence was expressed by the focus group to be a matter of gaining survival skills, especially if the husband falls ill, as in the case of one respondent. They emphasized that women should also develop the capacity to earn. One focus group member from WISE NAKABAKA BAKHAWAN added that compared to others who like doing tasks alone, she prefers being in a group because of the strength in numbers and work is done more efficiently.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

Second, it is about service provision for the household and community. An EFSVL Officer in Daanbantayan shared that in far-flung communities with less access to goods, there are more small stores run by women (sari-sari stores). These stores cater to basic needs such as rice, food and over-the-counter medicine. He said that investing in women’s small businesses means service provision for communities. The Grapes Rural Improvement Club (RIC) President in Daanbantayan shared her concern over how people in her community are now forced to buy rice from a bigger store that sells NFA rice at P10 more per kilo than what they used to sell. Key informant and focus groups shared that children and adolescents’ representation used to be through the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK) or Youth Council. Since the SK elections were postponed, key informants noticed that there has not been much representation from the youth and youth-oriented activities except dance groups and church-based groups. There are, however, some youth groups that are reported to exist. Of those we were able to interview, only AGILA in Ormoc caters to youth issues. In Northern Cebu, both in Bantayan and Daanbantayan, there are said to be two LGBT groups but they are comprised mostly of male homosexuals. Their activities are usually around performing arts, with some fund raising activities. In Daanbantayan, the two groups are United Gays Association of Kandaya (UGAK) and the BYDA. Rarely do youth organizations attend barangay activities such as assemblies. In Salog, the Salog Youth Organization is said to be an active youth group especially when there are programs in the locality. However, the active youth leaders were said to have left the area after the typhoon and they have not had activities since then. There is also a gay group called GOGG (Gay-oriented Group of Guiuan) in Guiuan. After Haiyan, there is high interest in organizing community members and being associated with groups. There is a realization that access to social networks, information and resources are very important after Haiyan. However, the interest is also opportunistic and needs to be managed well. According to RDI-Leyte, supporting ‘self-determining organizations’ should be an outcome of NGOs’ post-typhoon projects. Organizing efforts should also ensure that high interest will be sustained and expectations will be managed at this stage. Key informants expressed the importance of providing leadership capacities to sustain groups and organizations. Inclusivity should be a priority: organizing should ensure the inclusion of vulnerable people. The interim Programme Manager in Oxfam Bantayan Office expressed challenges faced about the exclusion of most people in need of assistance due to inefficient organizing processes by other private groups/organizations in the island. It is also important to gain the support of men if women are to pursue the goal of self-determining organizations. Women cannot fully nurture collective power without the support of the household, especially in taking over care work. It is also important to recognize that women, boys and girls are able to exercise rights to participate through organizations. As shared by active women’s groups in Daanbantayan, it is common and perceived ‘natural’ for men to not agree with women’s engagement outside the home. Women active in groups still struggle with this, while others are more successful in gaining the support of their husband.

3.5. Women are more indebted Women, performing their role in addressing needs of the household, are also the ones who create safety nets through saving and taking out loans. Allocating resources is believed to be a common decision of partners but some respondents mentioned that men have more decision making power over major investments. Handling, recording and disbursement of cash are perceived to be the woman’s role. Thus, women are the ones who access cash through credit. But there is no real control over this resource as women do not have much leeway to decide over it because of the high interest rates and the purpose has always been to fill the income gap for the needs of the household. Before the typhoon, women were already in debt. As income goes to daily subsistence other needs are addressed by finding other sources. These include pawning or loans/credit and savings for the few who

Perl a, The Big Borrower Perla, 64 years old from Barangay Pajo, Daanbantayan cares for 2 grandchildren left with her by her daughter, working in Cebu. She was able to put one of her 3 children through college through loans. Even if Perla did not have the means, she promised her daughter that she will find ways. Perla borrowed a total of P200,000 from 15 (informal and formal) groups to finance her daughter’s education. Now that her daughter has been working for 2 years, they were able to pay 9 of the 15 loans. “She is focused on paying the loans”, Perla said, “all of her salary goes to loan payments.” Perla says that she has become an expert in juggling loans. She is a “Diamond” member in one of the MFIs. She had to take out loans where the interest has increased three times. She has been paying interest rates that are higher than the principal amount. It was a journey filled with challenges. Her daughter would call her when she was still in school and say that she is hungry. Perla would tell her to drink water as she has nothing to send. Perla said she would contemplate on sending P200 but transfer costs would not be worth it. Once, her daughter could not take the examinations because of unpaid fees. Perla went to the teachers one by one and verbally made a promise that she will pay at a certain date. The teachers requested their college Dean to exempt her daughter from the policy, and so her daughter was able to take the exam. Perla took out a new loan to re-build their home after Yolanda. She said that the MFI she applied for liked the new concept of earning from ornamental plants, so she is also managing this business, as a source of payment for her loan.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

can afford to. Pawning assets or borrowing money is used for various emergencies, school fees, medical expenses, basic needs and for livelihoods.

Lourdes, 52 years old, Barangay Tolosahay, Julita, Leyte “Kahit umutang ka, wala namang pambayad.” (Even if there is available money for borrowing, I can’t borrow because I can’t pay.) Lourdes said. She is a copra farmer and eatery business owner of Brgy. Tolosahay, Leyte. Before Yolanda she had an eatery which provided her with P6001,000 gross earnings per day, more than what her family earns from copra. She started with a capital of P4,000 borrowed from the copra trader. Payments were made per copra harvest. Her goal is to source capital for her eatery, but does not know where to get it as they lost coconut trees from their 2 hectares of land and so cannot offer collateral to the copra trader. They have felled coco trees and want to sell the lumber but they do not know of any buyer. She is focusing her work in backyard gardening which provides some food and few earnings. She also has her one hog.

A number of microfinance institutions, banks and informal lending groups (including copra traders, “amo” or employers) and local governments offered loans before Yolanda, and are offering even more services after the typhoon. Women are the target market, comprising most of the credit and loans institutions’ membership. 55 Men are said to be too “shy” to borrow money. But it should be noted that in Bantayan Island, mostly men are said to access credit from traders for corn farming. Women mentioned that it is easier and faster to borrow from informal credit sources such as traders and buyers, “amo”/planters/landlords, than from formal groups or institutions (MFIs, cooperatives, etc), because the former do not require collateral. 56 For urgent needs, it is the only viable option. Access is easier because there is less procedure and more lenient qualifications. However, the interest rates are said to be much higher. After the typhoon, women follow the same pattern and are more indebted – they borrow money for the immediate needs of the household. They take out new loans or save to be qualified to take out loans later on. Financial services such as credit and loans are provided largely by the private sector, rather than by government. The most vulnerable groups, because they are not qualified to borrow money, are left with the option of borrowing from their “amo” or employer.

Women are also in charge of saving money from income produced by a household, if resources allow it. Savings were from assets they saved after the typhoon or were in banks and microfinance institutions which encourage savings or capital build up. Those who had savings were able to immediately repair damaged house structures and resume business. In Leyte and Eastern Samar, women reported not taking out loans after typhoon and preferred paying their pre-typhoon debts. There are reports that income from CfW are set aside to pay loans. OCCI’s Manager reported that because of this payment trend, they are already beyond their annual target for savings but is below the target for special post-typhoon credit services. 57 The manager thinks that this can be linked to the desire of people to be ‘cleared’ for the next loan. As a result, she thinks clients choose to live at a bare minimum, tolerating worse living conditions and spending less. The low availment of special loans for typhoon-affected members is understood to be connected to the confidence to take out credit and capacity to pay. She expressed that low access to special loans posttyphoon needs to be looked into as this means their clients are being ‘underserved’ and services might not be applicable to their current needs. OCCCI suspended payments for up to five years for loans taken out before the typhoon. This policy is more considerate of peoples’ situation in the affected areas. Women are particularly vulnerable as they are the ones who avail of the loan and rely heavily on it to run small businesses. Many reported losing all of their goods and materials for businesses, as in the case of Editha of San Roque, Tanauan (discussed under Shelter needs) and Romana from Salog, Guiuan. There are concerns on the responsiveness, appropriateness and access to credit, loans and insurance services for vulnerable groups. This was raised by Oxfam Bantayan and Tacloban staff. It is interesting to note that despite the desperation experienced in areas, Dungganon Bank (Bantayan Island) said that they suspended

How women cope with loan repayment post Haiyan “I do not like the feeling of indebtedness” –Romana, Barangay Salog, Guiuan, Eastern Samar Romana is a middle aged woman, single mother, heading a household, with a daughter living with physical disability. This daughter was raped at a young age, and gave birth to a girl, now 18 years old. Before the typhoon, she earned her income through her small business selling rice and goods. A few weeks before the typhoon, she applied for and received a P15,000 loan from a micro-finance institution, bought goods and sacks of rice to sell. All these were lost to the typhoon. Now, she continues to send her granddaughter to school and provide for her household, with the meager income she receives from washing clothes and sometimes, cash for work if she is included in the barangay list. She says she is working hard and does everything she can to earn more so she can pay her debt. Even though she was not able to use this money for her business, she does not like the feeling of indebtedness, and said that she wants to be true to her word. The MFI asked her to sign papers for typhoon-affected special payment arrangements (OCCI). With only 4 months after the typhoon, she has already paid 5,000 of her loan. Recently, she became a Community Health Volunteer in her barangay & does this to help her community. She appreciates the program, but cannot help but feel burdened by her roles and responsibilities at home, in the community and in paying her loan.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

payments for 2 months after the typhoon but their rate of delinquency (2% 58) has not changed despite the posttyphoon situation of members. Based on ACTED’s report, repayment of debt already represent 11% of expenses of households - the 3rd highest allocation next to food and education in Eastern Samar and Leyte in the first few months after typhoon. This means that women prioritize payments to be able to maintain their good standing with credit and lending groups or institutions. Whereas in Eastern Samar and Leyte, women were more conservative in taking out new loans after Yolanda, in Northern Cebu, Dungganon Bank reported that after Yolanda, they have more members and have new loans in higher amounts. Corn farmers in Bantayan Island have ‘double loans’ from traders – from last year’s planting costs that were washed away, and for this planting season. Women taking out loans post-typhoon are at higher risk because of their diminished capacity to pay. Charges will be more likely to be imposed as a consequence of failure to pay on time. More people are also likely to be in the losing end because of the desperate need for cash. For instance, in Bantayan Island, there is said to be an informal lending group that gives one sack of rice instead of cash. One client availed of this and sold the sack of rice to an eatery at P1,000 less than what it costs, reported by the EFSVL team leader in Daanbantayan. Concerns were also raised about how people may be forced to pay even in this difficult time. There are reports from Daanbantayan Office that MFIs wait for those with due loan payments during Oxfam CfW payouts. Oxfam said they will conduct further study on this issue 59. Most of the financial services available are said to apply the same policies and schemes before Yolanda. It is business as usual for most institutions. For instance, insurance services available from two institutions we interviewed do not include services appropriate for people in typhoon prone areas. Most insurance services offered are for death - P100,000-P200,000 for the family of the member, in case of member’s death and P20,000 for the member in case of her/his spouse’s death) - and hospitalization at P400/day, for 30 days. Most MFIs only offer business loans to its borrowers. This means the borrower needs to present a business plan. Many borrowers end up with a sari-sari store for business, and they end up in competition with each other. In the case of one respondent, Perla of Sampaguita RIC, she was able to get a loan for an “ornamental plants” buy and sell business, though her intention was really to get some cash for the household’s consumption. Dungganon Bank reported that most of the loans are for income-generating initiatives, yet only less than 40% of women’s businesses succeed. It should be noted that some women in Daanbantayan reported that their sari-sari stores failed in the past because their clients have reneged on their debts 60. The MSWDO of Sta. Fe also shared that the SEA-K program is still on hold because of unpaid debts. The total support provided is said to be P1.6 million. Some women’s enterprises do succeed, and when they do, it provides employment and income to women as in the case of Cadena de Amor RIC in Daanbantayan 61. The most vulnerable do not have access to loans and are forced to borrow from their amo or landlords, employers or traders. Before Yolanda, most vulnerable people have lesser access to services from formal lending institutions as they do not meet the qualifications. 62 Many are forced to borrow from informal lending, with stringent payment schemes or take out cash advances from amo 63/landlord/employer. Amo, in the case of fishing boat crew members is the boat owner. For ‘hornal’ (sugarcane workers) it would be the plantation owner/landlord. For poultry workers, their amo would be the owners of the poultry businesses. In Barangay Hibunaon, Ormoc a sugarcane worker said that she can only advance a maximum of P500 from the landlord. This was their only option as the typhoon deprived them of 4 months income (November-February). A young couple from Barangay Pili, Madridejos Bantayan Island is not qualified to loan because their only source of income is the wage of the husband, which is now reduced from 5 to 2 days of work/ week in a commercial poultry establishment resulting in weekly earnings of about P300/week. In Tacloban, Oxfam EFSVL Officer said that bank services are not responsive to the needs of the typhoon-affected people as credit access is only available for those with land titles or deeds. In Barangay 66, Tacloban, young mothers are not able to take out loans because they are below 18 years old. Other women members of formal lending institutions are prevented from borrowing because of co-makers’ unpaid (pre-Yolanda) loans.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

Lolita Story by Grace, Gender Assistant and Rafunzel, EFSVL Assistant, Oxfam Bantayan Island Office Lolita, 39, is a single mother of 2 children. She lives on top of a hill with few nearby neighbours in Sta. Fe, Bantayan Island. The eldest is a 12-year old girl and youngest is a 10-year old boy. She makes a living by fishing, farming and charcoal-making. Lolita is a survivor of domestic violence. She left her husband and takes care of her children by herself. She had another partner but when she was asked to choose between him and the children, she dumped him. “I raised my children since they were small and I have been doing this my whole life, why would I choose him over them?” Lolita’s children are honor students in school. They help her in making charcoal and sometimes, during daytime, they would go fishing with her (pamana / spear fishing). At night, she goes alone. Lolita does not own a boat. Her boat was destroyed even before the typhoon, but continues to fish anyway. “Guts lang yan” she said. Sometimes her friends, fishermen with boats, would lend her their boat. She uses a flashlight, metal spear, makeshift flippers made from plastic and a container. She used to work in Cebu, and was able to save money to build a house made of hollow blocks. But this was destroyed by Yolanda. Now they live in a make-shift house she and her children made. *Note: the EFSVL team cannot put her under fisheries beneficiaries for boat repair because her boat was destroyed prior to the typhoon.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

After the storm, Guiuan, Eastern Samar. Photo by Jing Pura

4) There are various forms of families and households, different identities, other vulnerable groups of people, with needs that have to be considered 4.1. Children & Adolescents – girls and boys Girls and boys are conditioned by gender roles and are “forced to become adults” as vulnerability increases. 64 Children take over more responsibilities at home and engage in productive work, having less time for play, recreation and school. Adolescents function as extensions of their parents and elder companions. Some opted to ‘live-in’ with partners and are at risk of early pregnancy. Children and adolescents comprise a significant number of the population in typhoon affected areas - 30% based on national statistics, with 44% households having members that are less than 18 years old. Children and adolescents shared that they have more tasks at home even before Yolanda – to support household and productive work. It is common for adolescents and children to ‘help’ in livelihoods. Children participate in fishing as well as in pre- and post-fishing activities (e.g., net repair, aquaculture). In farming, children are involved in harvesting, planting, maintenance (e.g. weeding, applying fertilizer). They are considered part of the ‘family labor’. Children are often assigned to cook, fetch water, gather fuel/wood, care for younger children, among others. Adolescent girls are also known to leave communities to work in cities as household helpers and

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

young men as construction workers or laborers. Children and young girls, especially, are more likely to be targets of trafficking syndicates offering work or education opportunities. 65 Right after the typhoon, their task included a lot of cleaning in school and at home and now, in makeshift homes. They have less time for play and recreation since the typhoon. In a coastal community in San Roque, Tanauan, young girls, 9 to 11 years old, shared that they love swimming, and they were able to use the skill when the storm surge came in. After the typhoon, though, they do not dare to swim in the sea because they were afraid of the dead bodies. If there are no adult women who are primarily responsible for care work, girls are more likely to take on this role than boys or adult men. In Barangay Biazong, San Isidro, a 14 year old girl lives with her older brother and grandfather. Her father works in the city. The grandfather is a fisherman and is responsible for productive work, while she takes care of the household. She said that her brother never helps in household work and is always out, looking for a job. Children and adolescents are at risk due to lack of safe facilities and access to resources.

Case of Abandonment From Oxfam Tacloban Office, EFSVL Agriculture: In a farming community, a 15 year old girl was abandoned by her father, who was a single parent, after the typhoon. She was left with a small farm land. She decided to live with a boy a little older than her to help her tend to the farm. The livelihood committee, in deciding who to include in the Cash for Asset Recovery, negotiated for them to be included, even if they are below 18 years old. Oxfam included them as beneficiaries of Unconditional Cash Grant instead.

Household shifts after Yolanda happened due to migration for work, abandonment and death. Many children and adolescents were left to fend for themselves. Respondents shared that adolescents take on work and are forced to choose this over education. In Eastern Samar, Northern Cebu & rural areas of Ormoc, young women’s common option for employment is to work as household helpers or in shops in cities, as far as Cebu, Tacloban, and Manila. In Eastern Samar, there seems to be more demand for skilled workers in construction and carpentry; skills that are mainly possessed by men. 66 Household needs are prioritised according to what is urgent - food is prioritized over education. Pre- typhoon statistics show that in all areas, girls had better access to education. Main barrier for boys to complete their education is the need to earn income. Girls, on the other hand face risk of early pregnancy and household/care work. It is more likely for children and adolescents to quit school after the typhoon. In Quinapondan and Salcedo (Eastern Samar) and Northern Cebu, key informants shared that a number of children were not able to return to school when classes resumed in January. In Ormoc, key informants said that it is very rare for sugarcane child workers to reach college. The completion rate in Eastern Samar for college is only 7.4%. 67 In Eastern Samar State University (ESSU), a college teacher shared his observation that many students did not return to school in January 2014. He noted that students rely heavily on scholarship programs, since many of ESSU students are children of coconut farmers. From his observation, more females left. It is interesting to note, though, that ESSU reported higher enrolment rates this school year compared to last school year. This may be linked to allocation of households for education from ‘savings’ gained in early response efforts of INGOs such as Cash for Work. This is evident of the priority placed on college education. 68 Co-habiting as a matter of survival Rachelle is from Barangay Salug, Guiuan, 18 years old and is in 3rd year high school. She was raised singly by her mother though income from a small eatery. She has an older sister with 3 children. Days before the typhoon, she entered into a romantic relationship with her neighbor, a 23-year old fisherman. After the typhoon, her mother and sister flew to Manila to work, taking advantage of the C130 free flights provided by the government. Her sister left her 3 children with her. She was worried, feeling the weight of the responsibility of taking care of the children. Her sister eventually went abroad to work. Rachelle decided to live with her boyfriend to help her cope with the situation. Her mother came back after a month and resumed with the eatery business. Rachelle plans to continue her education but decided to live with her partner’s family while working in the eatery. Now, her mother spends for her school expenses, while her partner spends for her daily needs. She said that she wants to have a marriage ceremony and have a baby soon.

Among the more vulnerable groups, leaving school is a usual option when households are having a difficult time. Most of the workers in Ormoc sugarcane plantations are children, with an estimated number of 9,700 in 3 areas of Western Leyte. 69 Boys and girls follow the same pattern of division of labour among adults. It should be noted that the population count of boys and girls in a community also affects the total number of child labourers, as seen in other areas with more girlchild laborers. 70 Yet, as boys are expected to take on men’s role as income-earner, they are more likely to quit school and work as hornal. Adolescent couples opt to live together to survive, to have access to resources such as shelter, food relief, and have own space. Household shifts, access to resources (food, shelter assistance, having one’s own ‘space’) and survival push adolescents into pag-aasawa 71 or living together separate from their parents. Respondents in Bantayan Island and Tacloban City shared the observation that many young couples (with or without children) decided to “live together” after the typhoon. For adolescents who already had children before Yolanda, the decision to live together is a given and it is only a matter of having the means. For many, living together and away from their parents give them more opportunity to be recognized as a ‘separate family unit’, and so be counted as beneficiaries of relief (food, shelter) & livelihood projects. This improved access is seen as an opportunity to improve their lives and respond to their needs in a time of difficulty. Some see this as a window to help their parents or siblings. 72

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

For others, it is a means to ‘escape’ family restrictions and have a space of their own. However, in more difficult cases, living-in with a partner is a matter of survival. Girls who were reported to be alone or abandoned with productive or care responsibilities are more predisposed to see this as the only option based on reports from Oxfam office in Tacloban, including the story of Rachelle from Guiuan. Boys who are not accustomed to care work are also more likely to be pushed to such arrangements. It is customary for young mothers to seek the care or assistance of their mothers, grandmothers or other elder female members during pregnancy, birthing and caring for infants and young children. In the case of a young couple from Barangay Pili, Madridejos, they decided to live with the man’s mother who can take care of the young mother during her first pregnancy and birthing. Thus, the observation of rise in cases of early pregnancy mean more care work for women in the long run, and even more so in cases of consecutive pregnancies. Adolescents we talked to, from the Daanbantayan theatre group and child laborers of Barangay Cagbuhangin, said that providing options for the youth to have a different direction in life is very important. Education, early pregnancy, rape, child labor, drug addiction are the main issues that the youth face. Respondents from Daanbantayan and Ormoc particularly said that attention should be given to single mothers as there are many of them in their communities. The theatre group for Daanbantayan members is a good way for the youth to develop self-confidence, contribute to the community and help them keep away from drugs and early pregnancy.

Young Mother, 18 years old, Guiuan, Eastern Samar Roxanne’s partner wants another baby but she does not want this yet because they cannot get financial support. Her partner’s family is in a low point; his siblings need support for education, and so they cannot ask for their support. “Mahirap talaga” (It is really difficult), she said. This is a source of argument between them. She said that with her first baby it was already very difficult for her, but the husband wanted it. She was working when she got pregnant. She did not want to have a baby yet but it happened anyway. Now only her partner can work, and it is not enough for their needs.

In a report by Plan International, adolescent girls are said to be “consistently missed out in humanitarian situations (always in between women and children)” In relation to this, it will be interesting to note young mothers’ and child laborers’ articulations on how they self-identify. While they raised education, early pregnancy, child labor, rape and other forms of violence as main issues they face, some young mothers and child laborers in focus groups seem to categorise themselves as ‘adults’. This is reflected in how they engage with groups – either with older and married or with children and less likely in youth groups. In Cagbuhangin, Ormoc, when asked why some boys 16 and below do not prefer to join the Samahan ng mga Batang Manggagawa (SBM)/BCCA activities, one young woman said “Maulaw man sila kay dili na daw sila bata” (They get shy because they are not children anymore) even when the age range of being included (10-19) is clear to them.

4.2. Geographically Islolated and Disadvantaged Areas (GIDA) GIDA are usually islets, upland and interior areas and are the most unreached by relief. Many have shared their concern over this. In Quinapondan there are upland barangays that were never reached since the typhoon. In Daanbantayan, women’s groups shared of Sitio 2nd battalion, Barangay Sab-a, San Remegio, very far from the center, that has not received any relief. In Guiuan, Homonhon and Manicani islands are especially at risk due to mining operations. They have a history of being excluded by the government because of anti-mining groups in addition to the difficulty of access. In some upland rural areas in Eastern Samar, WASH PHP team members said that men restrict women’s access to information on reproductive health, resulting in many children. There were reports that indigenous groups of Badjaus and Mamanwas were never reached by post typhoon support because they are not registered with the local government. This information was based on Community and Family Services International (CFSI) assessments in Western Leyte. The research was not able to reach GIDA and therefore information about the areas was also limited.

4.3. Diverse identities, families and households The view that families are hetero-normative, comprising of adult men and women with children, affects access to resources post Yolanda. People in non-hetero-normative partnerships are less likely to register themselves as a household in official data. Community members are less likely to consider them as families or households, especially those without children. Oxfam MEAL officer in Tacloban shared a case where a same-sex (male-male) partnership household was excluded from the list developed by the community. The WASH team quickly responded to this issue by including the couple in the distribution of hygiene kits. The Oxfam Guiuan gender officer also shared of a case (female-female) household who had to record themselves as part of their parents’ household just to receive relief, despite having lived together as a couple for a long time. Child-headed households, singlemember households have the tendency to be excluded from being considered as a ‘family’ or a ‘household’, based on similar gender and age-based perceptions. Members of the livelihood committee in one barangay negotiated to include a young couple below 18 years old to be included in the list of beneficiaries as they identified them in dire need of support. They were then automatically included as Unconditional Cash Grant beneficiaries. There are also misconceptions about who is a household head. More often than not, the household head is automatically the adult males in a household. In Bantayan Office, EFSVL officer for fisheries shared a case during

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

a Cash for Work payout where one man was registered as a household head of two households. It turned out he was separated from his first partner and is now in his second partnership. The two women registered him as the head of their households. Instead of registering herself, the first partner, as head of her household, she still considered her ex-partner as head. While sexuality and identity merit a separate study to be able to provide a more comprehensive understanding of their situation, there are some information that can be highlighted from the data gathering: • •

•

It was more difficult to invite local non-hetero-normative females as key informants than male-identified gays. In one focus group with four gay males in Bantayan, they say that while gays are said to be influential in the communities because of their outgoing personalities, they are also discriminated against and experience violence before Yolanda. Some are beaten up randomly in the street at night, harassed by drunken men and experience verbal abuse. They feel excluded from beneficiary listings post typhoon because they do not have children, “hindi pamilyado” (without a family). Empowerment for male gays who were not able to complete education is said to be important as well as skills training. Based on a key informant from ESSU living in a bunk house within the campus, male gays have appropriated separate toilet cubicles for them. He said this is understood among residents of the bunk houses. These cubicles are to be kept clean by anyone who uses them. Apart from wanting to maintain cleanliness, they also did this to have privacy. WASH PHE and PHP team leaders in Tacloban shared some concerns about how to identify needs of other identities and sexualities. They said that the list of ‘male’ and ‘female’ do not provide much information about special needs. They feel limited, however, in discussing such matters in the community as it is a sensitive issue. They are interested to know more about how to address special needs of LGBT but are unsure how to proceed. A member of a focus group among women in Daanbantayan who is in a relationship with another woman shared with the facilitator in an informal conversation that until now, as older women, they are still not ‘accepted’ by her partner’s family.

V. RECOMMENDATIONS *For Transformative Change Six months after typhoon Yolanda, people are still struggling day-to-day. The situation in affected areas has proven to be a learning experience for communities, local governments and national and international organizations. There are lessons, issues and proposals that need to be revisited for more inclusive, gender responsive and transformative response, disaster preparedness and management. Among these important lessons are: 1. Include context-specific gender analysis in programming for rebuilding communities and social development. While infrastructure repairs are a necessary part of post disaster recovery and reconstruction, social recovery programs are just as important. Programs can only be effective if they are sensitive to specific needs of men and women, girls and boys in the communities. Using a rights-based approach as well as gender and development perspective in programs that would address social issues such as education and health must be given priority. 2. Integrate gender responsive provisions in rehabilitation and recovery programs that address intersecting issues of land, shelter, and livelihood. It must be noted that population and family structures have been affected. Programs should be sensitive to this reality. For example, distribution of resources and shelter provisions must take into consideration new realities such as female headed households, samesex partnerships, child-headed families or households with solo or extended arrangements. Relocation and shelter programs must consider access to livelihoods. Participatory rehabilitation and development planning will contribute to ensure community appropriate programs in communities. 3. Emergency, recovery, rehabilitation, development programs must not only be focused on rebuilding lives as it was before the typhoon but must take the opportunity to re-define development for communities. Design programs with strategic / transformative dimensions, aside from providing targeting practical needs. People must not be mere recipients of benefits/programs, but supported as active agents in claiming their rights. Oxfam’s good practices in addressing strategic needs during emergency phase such as organizing child minding in cash-forwork response was a matter of valuing women’s work and allowed women with care roles to participate in productive work. Another example was raising awareness about rights and protection in theatre / drama during WASH kit distribution, targeting pregnant and lactating women, with their spouses.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

3.1 Making the disaster context an opportunity to transform gender roles and status as women and men access support for their practical, basic needs and recover economic assets. There is a need to recognize, reduce and redistribute care work by promoting equal partnership of men and women. Women’s role in the “care economy” goes beyond caring for the family, the young, the old and the sick. Women play a pivotal role in the productive workforce: they are involved in paid work in the formal or informal workplace, in subsistence production, community work or temporary work for family survival. But their labors are largely unpaid. It is women’s infusion of human capital that keeps the household and the economy afloat both in times of emergency and non-emergency. Their substantive contribution should be recognized and valued by addressing conditions that hinder them from accessing opportunities to meet basic needs and recover or rebuild their own economic resources, on equal footing with men. 3.2 Build local capacities and strengthen grassroots community groups through women’s empowerment and transformative leadership. Strengthen women’s voice and collective power through transformative, collective leadership approaches. Organized groups must be supported to assert issues, set the agenda, access and control resources and build resilience. Groups have potential to improve women’s confidence to enter formal and elective leadership positions. 3.3 Facilitate an enabling environment for and rights claiming through promotion of gender-responsive leadership and governance before 2016 elections. The 2016 elections will either be the traditional power holders’ old turf or an opportunity to re-define leadership and governance. Build on the two years before the election to facilitate participatory governance, constructive and critical engagement of rights holders and duty bearers in local, national and Haiyan reconstruction and rehabilitation budgeting. Concrete platforms for engagement are the local government budget process (including the mandated local Gender and Development Budget), Grassroots Participatory Budgeting, and OPARR. The experience of people with their local governments as they recover from the destruction of Yolanda could be an opportunity to demand and promote better leadership from local politicians. 4. Focus on reaching geographically isolated and disadvantaged areas (GIDA) and other vulnerable groups that remain under-served. Not many humanitarian agencies were able to reach GIDA at the level of sitio and purok, during the height of the emergency response, in the intention to reach as many affected people as possible and because of logistical challenges. As response transition from emergency to recovery, many GIDA remain unreached by relief efforts.

They are very vulnerable and programming must consider their contexts, in a way that strengthens their capacity to recover and build resilience. These areas are projected to experience increased poverty levels in the coming period if not supported.

5. Implement gender-responsive programs that enhance capacities and skills of men and women in disaster stricken areas, moving away from dole-out and lending. While beneficial to some extent, especially in an emergency, dole out and lending projects do not provide long term solutions and may reinforce dependency. Private sector lending is patronized by more women than men as they are traditionally responsible for making ends meet, after the men have given their income. Microfinance projects traditionally targeted women, supposedly to support women’s access to credit, though many are just building on the culture of women borrowing. The interest rates are very high with women finding themselves just paying the cost of money, without decreasing the loan amount itself. These may make women more vulnerable as they get trapped in a cycle of indebtedness, engaging in various risky income generating activities to be able to pay up. Unless financial services for women are made more accessible and less of a burden, there is more benefit from investing in enhancing capacities and skills of women for them to sustain livelihoods and rebuild their lives. 6. Require and generate sex and age disaggregated data (SADD) and sector-specific data in pre and post assessment reports. This is very important in identifying specific gender needs as well as in providing appropriate intervention programs - including humanitarian response in emergencies. Population groups such as people with disabilities, indigenous groups, among others, must also be visible in government data to address their specific needs. 7. Include in disaster risk reduction and management (DRRM) programs and activities the recognition and existence of families and households in different forms and the different basis of vulnerabilities, e.g., sexual identities, ethnicities, disabilities, etc. Programs and activities must take into consideration emerging and new forms of families. Disaster response must be sensitive of these new realities where households may be composed of single parents, female heads, and same sex partnerships, among others. Failing to do so increases the vulnerabilities of these other forms of families or households. Universal acceptance and recognition of sexual identity based vulnerabilities and needs may take time to happen. This will necessitate political will on the part of humanitarian, development and government responders. 8. Strengthening Gender Mainstreaming in DRRM by harmonizing plans and initiatives of national and local government, as well as NGOs and INGOS. Agencies involved in DRRM must take into account NDDRMP 20112028 as a framework for disaster prevention and mitigation (DOST), disaster preparedness (DILG), disaster response (DSWD) and disaster rehabilitation and recovery (NEDA) noting the lead agency for each stage. Hence, basic SADD must be an SOP in data gathering in all of these agencies. Gender elements must be included from planning stage in order to have an understanding of the gender needs of women and men during and after a disaster. Needs that have to be addressed include both practical and strategic

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

gender needs. Practical gender needs include special needs of pregnant and lactating women, water and sanitation facilities. Addressing practical needs also means taking into consideration women’s privacy and safety which are directly linked with GBV, safety & security. Strategic gender needs include making sure that there is an enabling environment that would ensure women’s access to their other rights such as right to livelihood, proper compensation, right to property, right to participate in decision-making, access to justice, among others. 9. Synchronizing gender responsive efforts of government agencies (national and local) as well as international development agencies. Gender responsive DRRM plans could improve poorly coordinated emergency response. DRRM if done properly could be insulated from political agendas and the highly bureaucratic process of decision making. Poor coordination and the absence of a clear procedure for emergency response have resulted in the inefficient delivery of relief and services. 10. DRRM plan to have a clear and effective mechanism to address gender-based violence in disaster stricken sites; this mechanism should be implemented immediately as part of emergency response. There should be an institutionalized mechanism that could address gender-based violence, and provide immediate assistance to victims, including access to justice and in seeking redress. Some strategies or approaches to look at are the following: •

effective referral system - The protocols for referrer and receiver must be clear. A wide range of providers and facilities must be available with appropriate competencies and capacities to respond to GBV cases. There should also be a monitoring system in place to assess the effectiveness of the referral system at any given time.

•

comprehensive and harmonized data system - This includes proper documentation and profiling of cases, with sex and age disaggregated data. The profiling of cases must also be consistent with the classification or categorization of similar government agencies working in this field, i.e. Department of Social Welfare and Development, Philippine National Police, etc. The data system should not only focus on the frequency or number of cases reported and the locations where they happened but should also include staff compliance with case management standards and procedures (i.e. how they responded, interviewed and provided protection), as well as case attrition throughout the process (from reporting, investigation, filing of case in court etc).

•

access to justice - Access to justice does not only mean provision of legal remedies but more importantly assurance that victims/survivors are listened to, provided reparations, and offered all means to access their rights.

•

Intensify information dissemination against GBV. This include information on where and what to do if experienced GBV or trapped into this kind of situation; popularization of laws using local dialect; maximizing all networks and use of multi-media in the campaign against GBV.

•

Institutionalize and enhance the Women and Child Friendly Spaces as haven for GBV victims that must be sustained and not only as a temporary special measure during post disaster. Although there are existing women’s desks in police stations, these may not be easily accessible and oftentimes, victims are reluctant to report the incident to the police for various reasons (i.e. fear, intimidated by the officers, perpetrator is influential or member of the security forces, etc).

ENDNOTES 1.

Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment – World Food Program (WFP) and OCHA, December 2013

Gender Planning Workshop - Oxfam Guiuan Office, Libby Dometita, Oxfam Gender Coordinator

February 8, 2014, Oxfam, Philippines Emergency Update: Three months on

March 2005, Oxfam Briefing Note: Tsunami’s impact on women.

Wisner, et al, 2004 as cited in Donner and Rodriguez, 2011

Donner, William and Rodriguez, Havidan (2011). “Disaster Risk and Vulnerability: The Role and Impact of Population and Society” in Population Reference Review Accessed at http://www.prb.org/ Publications/Articles/2011/disaster-risk.aspx on May 27, 2014

Aldin Bitaa, EFSVL Small Businesses Officer, Bantayan Oxfam Office – comment on women in small businesses who are on their own – rarely supported by government programs.

ACTED Food Security and Livelihoods Assessment Report, Leyte and Eastern Samar, February 2014

Inter-Agency Working Group on Reproductive Health in Crises, November 2013

10. World Health Organization and National Council on Disability Affairs 11. DSWD DROMIC Report November, 2013 – excel file on Affected Population as of November 2013, collated by IAWG on Reproductive Health in Crises 12. NDRRMC Situation Report No. 108, April 2014

Haiyan Gender Snapshot 13. ACTED Food Security and Livelihoods Assessment Report Leyte and Eastern Samar, February 2014 14. National Statistics Office, 2012 Survey on Overseas Filipinos

University of the Philippines Population Institute (UPPI) and Demographic Research Development Foundation,

22. Oxfam, Fair Trade Alliance, Rebuilding Better for Coconut Farmers, February 12 2014

36. IRIN News Maternal healthcare struggles for survival after Typhoon Haiyan, IRIN, http://www. irinnews.org/report/99278/maternal-healthcarestruggles-for-survival-after-typhoon-haiyan “The needs of pregnant women from [confirmation of] pregnancy to… giving birth need to be integrated into emergency and relief response,” said Nandy Senoc, officer-in-charge of the local Family Planning Organization of the Philippines (FPOP), based in Manila, the capital. The organization, the Department of Health and aid agencies are providing reproductive healthcare to women in evacuation centres. Under the internationally approved Minimum Initial Service Package (MISP) for reproductive health, certain activities must be implemented at the onset of every emergency, including distributing emergency delivery kits to displaced pregnant women in their last trimester, which FPOP is doing. The emergency kits for women and traditional birth attendants to aid safe delivery may contain a plastic sheet, a razor blade and a bar of soap. “What is also really needed is the provision of contraceptives like pills, condoms and injectables to prevent mistimed pregnancies. Many women want to avoid getting pregnant under these dire conditions,” said Senoc. The 2011 Family Planning Survey noted that the country’s maternal mortality ratio jumped by 35 percent, from 162 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2006, to 221 in 2011. The Philippines was hit by 126 natural disasters during that same period, including Typhoon Ketsana (local name Ondoy) in 2009 and Typhoon Washi (local name Sendong) in 2011.

23. Oxfam Gender Strategy Paper, 2013.

37. UNFPA

24. NSCB Regional Division VIII Gender Watch Eastern Visayas, 8 March 2013.

38. Ibid.

15. Reconstruction Assistance on Yolanda, December 16 2013 16. Focus group with government officials of Municipality of Mercedes – by Municipal Planning and Development Officer 17. Focus group with Barangay Health Workers of Barangays Cogon, San Fernando and Baras in Palo, Leyte, organized by WedPro. 18. Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment – World Food Program (WFP) and OCHA, December 2013 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. UP Office of Population Studies, Post-typhoon Yolanda Reproductive Health and GBV Assessment: Focus Group Discussions among adolescent girls and pregnant and lactating women, January 2014. https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/www. humanitarianresponse.info/files/assessments/ Post%20Yolanda%20RH%20and%20GBV%20 Assessment_Final%20Report%20Part%202.pdf

25. Interview with Bantayan Office Protection Officer, Daisy Agravante. 26. Oxfam Northern Cebu Programme - EFSVL Officer Alex Acuna 27. 40 universities, colleges damaged by Yolanda http:// www.rappler.com/move-ph/issues/disasters/ typhoon-yolanda/44439-nov23-ched-yolandaupdate 28. Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment – WFP and OCHA, December 2013 29. Department of Health Task Force Yolanda damage report 30. Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment – WFP and OCHA, December 2013 31. UP Office of Population Studies, Post-typhoon Yolanda Reproductive Health and GBV Assessment: Focus Group Discussions among adolescent girls and pregnant and lactating women, January 2014. https://www.humanitarianresponse.info/sites/www. humanitarianresponse.info/files/assessments/ Post%20Yolanda%20RH%20and%20GBV%20 Assessment_Final%20Report%20Part%202.pdf 32. Jee Y. Geronimo, May 10, 2014, WHO: Mental health problems emerging in Yolanda http://www.rappler. com/nation/57376-mental-health-problemsyolanda-communities 33. Health Cluster Brief, June 19 2014 34. NSO Family Health Survey, 2011 35. 2013 Young Adult Fertility and Sexuality Study (YAFS)

39. UNFPA Dr. Angel Umali, Maternal healthcare struggles for survival after Typhoon Haiyan, IRIN, http://www. irinnews.org/report/99278/maternal-healthcarestruggles-for-survival-after-typhoon-haiyan 40. December 9, 2013 More support needed to protect 3.7 million women and girls post haiyan, UNFPA See more at: http://www.unfpa.org/public/home/news/ pid/15907#sthash.OWC43Qxv.dpuf 41. GBV Cluster – Typhoon Yolanda – MRA Secondary Data Review, compiled on 22 November 2013 42. Post-typhoon Yolanda Reproductive Health and GBV Assessment: Facility Survey, USC – Office of Population Studies Foundation Inc, December 2013 43. In some areas, there is no considered ‘main’ livelihood such as in the upland areas of Barangay Quezon Jr. in Ormoc; households are into multiple income-generating efforts depending on household needs and season – see photo of Small Businesses Needs taken from presentation of Noel D. Biadnes EFSVL Officer, San Remegio, Daanbantayan on Small Businesses Needs assessment. 44. Findings from 2 Oxfam briefing notes on fisheries and coconut livelihoods and primary data gathered show that women are central and significant to livelihoods of fishing and farming, with men. This is in addition to other income generating activities women manage (shell gathering, kitchen/backyard gardening, raising livestock etc). 45. Dennis Raposa, Gendered Market Mapping Ormoc Oxfam Debriefing Meeting. 46. Women-Friendly Spaces Core Facilitators and Fisherfolks Focused Group Discussion, Guiuan Tent City, Eastern Samar.

Leyte, Eastern Samar & Northern Cebu • April – May 2014

47. Barangay Noongan, Ormoc, Gendered Market Mapping Focus Group with EFSVL fisheries and Dennis Raposa.

have reached a certain amount of savings in their account.

48. Gina Albano, EFSVL Agriculture Officer in Northern Cebu, Bantayan Office.

59. Interview with Interim Programme Manager in Bantayan Office, Jermaine Bayas.

49. Focused Group Discussion with Child Laborers, Barangay Cagbuhangin, Ormoc City. They said the change in wages was due to the difficulty in harvesting sugarcanes post-typhoon; it rooted vertically and are more labor-intensive to pull out. Also, the women from Barangay Hibunaon said that landlords are competing for labor (with Cash for Work and other landlords) when harvest resumed in February, and so are more likely to increase wages.

60. Daanbantayan Women’s Groups FGD – shared why their former loans and small businesses failed; this is due to selling goods to buyers on credit who were eventually not able to pay

50. Bureau of Agricultural Statistics, Agricultural farm workers’ wage by sex and region. 51. Multi-Cluster Needs Assessment – WFP and OCHA, December 2013 52. This information is from Eastern Visayas MEAL officer, Lewellyn Baguyo, based on her experience as a roving officer in the 3 areas (E Samar, Northern Cebu and Eastern Leyte). 53. Sweat equity is a form of labor counterpart in shelter projects. Residents from San Roque, Tanauan covered by the No Build Zone (NBZ) are said to be given housing in another barangay – Pago, in partnership with Gawad Kalinga where 1,500 points is required – CCCM cluster meeting, 23 April 2014 and FGD with women of Barangay San Roque, Tanauan, Leyte. Another project is Compassion – for transitional shelters, where beneficiaries are expected to provide 500 hours of sweat equity. 54. Nagkahiusang Kababayen-an sa Bakhawan – a group supported by WISE, funded by Global Fund for Women post typhoon. 55. In Dungganon Bank, (first to operate in Bantayan Island) has a membership of 2,600 females and 30 males. OCCI (operating in Eastern Samar) has only 2% male membership. 56. For formal institutions, eligibility for loans are dependent on a set of qualifications: capacity to pay (source of regular earning, including relatives and co-makers), a certain amount/rate of savings, assets as collateral for bigger loans, number of existing loans, payment behavior in past loans and financial dependency rate on husband, among others. In Dungganon Bank only 18-59 years old are eligible for membership. 57. OCCCI Manager said that they are offering loans at 0-1% interest rates for P1,000 – 10,000 loan amounts; and have suspended loan payments for pre-typhoon loans up to five years. Yet, people still pay, with the income they earn. 58. The rate of delinquency is 2% before and after Yolanda. The Dungganon Bank manager reasoned that the main cause for delinquencies is “multiple loans” – both formal and informal ones. In cases of delinquencies, a member can loan once they

61. Cadena de Amor Cooperative in Daanbantayan has been running for 20 years, and began with a P100,000 group loan. They have a food terminal which employs a number of people and provides income to the cooperative. 62. Of those formal institutions we interviewed, similar requirements / qualifications are: ‘good record’ in payments with a certain amount of savings, assets and regular weekly income, among others. 63. Amo literally means master; used to refer to employers, bosses or landlords/planters in the case of sugarcane workers. 64. Interview with WomanHealth young women’s collective working on Adolescent Sexual and Reproductive Health – May-i Fabros explained that adolescents living in poverty are often “forced by their context to become adults” which means working for income as well as have pregnancies earlier in their lives. 65. Refer to post typhoon apprehended child trafficking case in Tacloban, children from Eastern Samar and pre typhoon case of child trafficking in Ormoc. 66. Oxfam Staff Gender Planning Workshop – Context Analysis Session, Guiuan, Eastern Samar, April 2014. 67. Philippine Statistical Authority, 2013 68. Emergency response Gender Officer, Guiuan, Libby Dometita 69. Shared by Executive Director, Jenny Apit from 2008 Study of ECLIPSE (Exodus of Children from Labor into Play, Socialisation and Education) in Kanangga, Albuera and Ormoc. 70. Information from Executive Director of ECLIPSE. 71. ‘Pag-aasawa’ is a term used by respondents in referring to living together separately from their families as a couple; it can mean they are legally married, but not necessarily so. In discussions with some male adolescent respondents from Guiuan, some say in jest– “Bakit pa ikakasal, eh mag-asawa na?” (why get married when we are already a couple) or “Kasal na sa banig.” (we are married, in bed) 72. In a focus group with young couples, a young man from Barangay Pooc, Sta. Fe who was able to upgrade his skill from chainsaw operator assistant to chainsaw operator, was able to help his parents and siblings.

Haiyan Gender Snapshot

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