Voices from the Doorstep and what we can do to listen to them By Olly Boyland, PPE student at University College In the midst of the 2019 general election campaign, I managed to drag myself out of bed at 7:30am on the occasional Saturday and travel to marginal constituencies across the country with OULC. From Milton Keynes to Uxbridge and South Ruislip, I knocked on doors with other students and local party activists, experiencing my fair share of rejection and abuse. However, some voters would choose to detail their precise concerns with the party at the time, rather than simply informing me they’ve never voted Labour and never would. So, I’ve decided to detail some of the most common constructive criticism I received, and how Keir Starmer can avoid making the same mistakes that these voters believed his predecessor had.
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“I hate Corbyn and the current leadership of the party”
By far the most common critique of Labour I heard at the last election. When asked to cite their reasons for this dislike of Corbyn, I found answers varied significantly but often included him being too far left or simply just incompetent. Of course, Keir Starmer is not Jeremy Corbyn so is immune from this exact criticism, but the early day of his leadership offer cause for hope that he will not be seen in the same light.
Starmer’s forensic and detailed questioning at PMQs is when he attracts most attention in a media environment saturated by the ongoing pandemic. While unlikely to be watched by much of the electorate as a whole, it feeds into a wider narrative of a level of competency that sets him apart from Corbyn. By appearing to have a masterful grip of the detail that neither his predecessor nor the Prime Minister can muster, voters will begin to get the impression that Starmer is a capable political operator.
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As most Labour members know, the press is not on our side and presents a greater barrier to leftwing politicians than their Tory counterparts. Notwithstanding this fact, Starmer has managed to generate a substantial number of positive headlines, notably in right-wing newspapers on VE day. Although broadsheet circulation is declining, their stance continues to be important due to the way in which they influence the broadcast media’s narrative. While we should expect the inevitable newspaper onslaught at the time of the next election, being able to quell some of the excoriating headlines that Corbyn received should help to persuade voters of Labour’s competency.
“Labour has betrayed my view on Brexit”
Something I heard most regularly from leave voters, but polling evidence shows a significant minority of remainers also deserted Labour for its Brexit position. It is easy to forget how omnipresent the remain-leave societal dividing line was a matter of months ago with the current focus on coronavirus. However, it is highly likely that this cleavage will re-emerge as the pandemic eventually fades and the ongoing Brexit negotiations begin to dominate the headlines once again.
Corbyn’s handling of the Brexit issue was flawed to say the least. Instead of wholeheartedly backing a leave or remain position, he sat on the fence until the disastrous results of the 2019 European Parliament elections forced his hand. Starmer is in a very different position, given that the UK has nominally left the EU and calls to re-join are relatively limited. Additionally, even if Starmer chooses to vote against the Tories’ eventual Brexit deal, it is highly likely it will be approved by the Commons due to Johnson’s considerable majority. This ensures that Starmer is unlikely to be seen as blocking Brexit to the same extent that Corbyn was. Of course, this does not mean that Starmer won’t have to take any difficult decisions regarding the EU. Calls from MPs and activists for Labour to adopt a re-join position may grow to a fever-pitch in the coming years if Brexit negotiations drag on. If the political climate continues to be defined by the remain-leave divide it is difficult to see how Labour will not be forced to come down on one side of the fence. Instead of appealing solely to Labour’s traditional working class heartlands, Starmer may be compelled to trade off some of this support. Attempts to attract Brexiteers in these regions may be eschewed in favour of extending Labour’s support in metropolitan areas, in accordance with the UK’s changing political dividing lines.
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