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PALATINATE | Thursday 11th November 2021
Politics Imposter syndrome: should more be done at Durham? Joshua Guillen Social isolation, better expressed as imposter syndrome, is a phenomenon predicated on the idea that people, through no fault of their own, are subjected to unjust asymmetries that impact negatively on their ability to socialise, work or accrue opportunities. This is predominantly something experienced in the world of work: a reported 38% of the workforce suffer from sentiments linked to imposter syndrome, with data suggestive of a further fall in ob confidence as a result of the pandemic. What is clear, however, is that insecurity of this kind is not exclusively reserved to employment prospects; the last 18 months have served to underline how social and economic inequalities are pervasive across all reaches of society. This diffidence is broadly applicable to British higher education: recent trends point to a growing socioeconomic chasm in offer rates from Russell Group universities — even in cases where projected grades are indistinguishable between students of different backgrounds. These inequalities should necessarily be considered as core enabling factors in the fomentation of social-based anxieties on campus, especially as they relate to Durham University. The unbalanced nature of admissions, whereby a sustained increase in admissions from the nation’s wealthiest areas has outdone those from the poorest areas, engenders a broader dissonance in the University’s long-term strategy. The resultant consequences are explicit: heightened disconnect from within the student community will likely lead to more incidents of abuse and explicit classism, despite the current push to create a more diverse student body at the University. What is clear, however, is that imposter syndrome is as much a social problem as it is a structural one. In essence, if a university like Durham is ill-equipped to provide holistic, responsive support to marginalised individuals, there is no feasible path for a more diverse, representative student demography to be procured. Testimonies from Durham students from the
north of England accentuate the entrenched institutional inertia of the University in dealing with prejudiced and “toxic” attitudes; students of colour have previously reported a culture of racism; and the sociology department recently issued an open letter to the University over the treatment of working-class students. This underscores an indelible criticism often echoed in the national press: Durham University has helped in the normalisation of a set of behavioural patterns that have served to erode the virtues of meritocratic attainment felt by those of less fortunate beginnings. The University has since reaffirmed its ambition to create a more equitable student experience, but concerns remain about the efficacy of its proposed path. Here, it is important to stress that steps have been taken to broaden accessibility to Durham, with the introduction of the Brian Cooper scholarship fund one such innovation designed to extend opportunity to the immediate region of County Durham. Yet, despite it being illustrative of a shift in strategic direction, the latest figures of student inta e demonstrate how its impact has been superficial Durham, li e the majority of Russell Group universities, continues to perform poorly for student diversity — even when performance and attainment are measured. This broader national imbalance may supersede the capabilities of one single institution to resolve on its own, but the reported cases of discrimination at Durham University demand that a more accountable framework is adopted to tackle the unjust prejudices on campus. The work of student groups and societies remain key catalysts for studentled change, but sustainable cultural reform is increasingly seen as a matter for the University itself. The challenge is two-pronged for Durham first, a more representative admission process that better reflects merit through widening the net to different communities; second, a less convoluted system of student support should be instituted to promote wellbeing for those who feel marginalised. This could, if greeted with the necessary urgency, help to minimise the daunting and perturbed sentiments of imposter syndrome.
Student
Are schools to blame for Britain’s Covid-19 numbers? Eli Rasmussen It’s a classic whodunnit. The crime? 30,000+ Covid-19 cases a week. Covid-19 numbers remain steadily high across the United Kingdom despite strong vaccination rates. As many implicate schools for acting as breeding grounds for disease, it is worth examining the truth of these assessments, the health policies already in place and the consequences that would follow if schools were to do more. While the country led the charge for the world vaccination rollout in 2020, a different story entirely will be told of 2021; as the most in need of protection across Europe and the world have largely been accounted for, other nations have smoothly progressed onto vaccinations of children (those at little risk) while the UK has dragged its feet. While only a month or two behind many of its European counterparts, the recommendation for 12- to -year-olds to receive the fi er vaccine was announced in midSeptember, missing a pivotal deadline at which hundreds of thousands of children would return to in-person teaching. In France, meanwhile, 66% of children aged 12 and up had received one dose of the vaccine and 52% had received both by mid-September. Denmark and Spain share similar stories. Britain’s comparably high Covid-19 cases are not because of low immunisation rates alone, however. In fact, in terms of general population, they remain ahead of other major European countries such as Germany, w i t e rl a n d , Austria and
Poland. In schools, despite a slow start, they are making quick progress on account of health teams visiting and administering jabs. It is with regard to other regulations such as face coverings and health passes where discrepancies in consistency across these countries can really be spotted. Since the UK’s memorable ‘Freedom Day’, masks have not been compulsory in English and Welsh schools and all business has reopened without checks for Covid-19 immunity. The effects of these mandates (or lack thereof) are evident in student absence. In the month of October, students isolating at home due to Covid-19-related reasons lingered at about 2.5% (204,000 students), according to Department of Education data. It is reasonable to wonder, then: should more be done to limit disruption? As we reach the cold of winter and move primarily into indoor socialising, ventilation has become a primary obstacle in disease prevention and one that the Government would like to get ahead of. In England, Scotland and Wales, hundreds of thousands of carbon dioxide monitors have been distributed to schools to uncover areas of CO2 buildup and potentially increased infection. Vaccinations are not mandatory in schools
but are highly advised and if against the will of a child’s parents, can be overridden by the child if deemed knowledgeable about what they are doing. In some US and Canadian school districts, vaccinations (barring any medical exemptions) have been announced as obligatory to attend classes. Unappealing to some, this sort of drastic action might be exactly what is necessary to prevent the same lower standard of online-offline education dealt with the past two years, particularly of frustration to exam-taking students. Then again, it could be the case that schools are offered an unfair portion of the blame in unchanging pandemic numbers. The UK’s early jump in the vaccination effort may in fact be costing the country now and a possible indication of what is to come for others, the worry long set in for scientists of the waning effectiveness of inoculations and the possible need for boosters. A study from Public Health England found, regarding the Delta variant of Covid-19, a drop of 20 percentage points “in vaccine effectiveness against hospitalisation and death more than 20 weeks post-vaccination” in comparison to two weeks postvaccination. Regardless, schools must not become complacent. While cases have dropped a little in recent days, many, the Labour Party in the spotlight, have demanded a “Covid Plan B” for the winter, including mandatory vaccine passports and face coverings in public places. Of course, if this plan is waiting for the rekindling (Spencerbda- of a pandemic while a fire still vis via Wikime- burns brightly, it might be wise to stray on the side of caution and dia commons) act now.
