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Politics

Student Uganda’s students are facing an educational crisis

(Amana Moore)

(Amana Moore)

Playground politics: its role in

Chloe Holbrook

Participation in student politics is often seen as a consequential part of university life; the stepping stone for years of future interest, or a chance to influence the day-to-day. For some, it might be the first time engaging in a political forum. For others, it is an initial opportunity to be heard in a community that appreciates them. However, the state of student politics, for all its worth, is arguably not universally held in the highest esteem nor greatly engaged with. Thus, the question arises of whether the institution itself, through the SU, JCRs, MCRs and political societies, can even be considered useful for today’s university population.

There is much potential for student politics as it is a pathway to improve life on campus. There are those who argue that activism through the SU allows for an important amplified student voice, such as in 2016 when tuition fees were raised from £9,000 to £9,250. In highlighting the University’s “failure to consult” with the student body, they acted as a medium between the institution and its members. This allowed for a sense of recognition and validation that can pave the way for a lasting enthusiasm in politics.

Nonetheless, there are claims that these political interactions give an inflated sense of self importance that may not translate well into wider society - or even make a difference within Durham. The mentioned decision was made by the University, and no students were asked for advice. Attempts to tackle issues beyond student control could result in undermining the value of student politics and voices. More generally, this could be seen as a distortion of the political world in the sense that students are not guaranteed to make change and could feel disillusioned.

In many ways, the state of student politics in Durham is strong and crucial in giving students a taste of democracy. The SU gives opportunities for changemaking, for example, the “Register to vote” campaign encouraged voting in elections, empowering individuals to make decisions and providing a rudimentary basis for future engagement. This is indiscriminate in its wide-reaching audience; not limited to certain subsections. Similarly, current campaigns such as ‘Pincident’ that have created “an anonymous mapping tool… which records experiences of harassment” are tailored to the student population. These are important examples of student politics that have high engagement and show the value of Durham’s initiatives.

The JCR and MCR with their associated referendums could be seen as perfect, more limited exposure to the political world. “Should the role of senior student become sabbatical?”, asked a recent referendum and students are encouraged to attend debates and vote. So much value can be gained from passing responsibility to students who attend Durham as it gives a sense of ownership and satisfaction with the university experience. Unfortunately, many students do not engage with these activities; whether they simply do not appeal or have not been publicised in an engaging matter, it is a serious point to consider if student politics is to be as universally welcomed as possible.

Between political party, feminist, environmental, minority group societies and more, there are myriad ways to get involved. Student politics remains an important part of life at Durham it is definitely alive and well. In some ways it is hard to avoid it. By reading Palatinate itself there is engagement. Although there are numerous shortfalls, and whilst the state of interest in Durham and perhaps any university is by no means perfect, the work that continues with the aim of ultimately improving student participation must be commended.

Annie Bell

Education has been one of the hardest hit areas of societies worldwide since the outbreak of Covid-19. Whilst here in the UK, schools are almost entirely back to normal, educational institutions in Uganda have remained fully closed for over 77 weeks. A result of such factors as a lack of resources and delay in vaccine-rollout, this is the largest and longest school closure globally, rendering an entire generation premature school leavers and putting their futures, and Uganda’s, in jeopardy.

It cannot be overstated how intrinsic a good education is for the development of self and the benefit of others. ot only does it provide the hard skills necessary to enhance one’s employability and contribute to boosting economic growth and GDP, but it enriches you with passions and serves as a powerful tool for social cohesion and mobility. Moreover, it increases one’s capital and enhances the chance to control one’s own life. The Ugandan government has made no secret about how highly it values education, labelling education as a vital factor in its ‘Vision 2040’ for economic growth. Although the country introduced free and universal primary education in 1997 (which saw an astronomical rise in student enrolment), its standards are still far from that offered by its private schools, which make up the majority of educational institutions in Uganda. As well as developing academic ability needed for the workplace, education supplies infants with the chance to develop the attributes gained through social interaction, such as selfesteem and teamwork. Education has also been proven to promote peace, suppress issues such as terrorism and discrimination from their core and even reduce infant mortality and increase human life expectancy. It sparks concern, then, that denying educational opportunities from an entire generation will set back the years of positive social developments in Uganda and cause the nation to emerge out of the pandemic in a far worse condition than perhaps the rest of the world.

The Ugandan president ordered educational institutions to close initially for only 30 days back in March 2020. With this mandate, children were supplemented homework activities to last throughout the limited time frame; they were not equipped to continue their education into the unprecedented months that accumulated. As a complete lockdown was implemented, it became almost impossible for parents to travel to schools to collect learning supplies, and although Zoom lessons were attempted, access to home computers and sufficient Wi-Fi is sparse. This issue is particularly exacerbated in rural areas of the country, where there were already blatant attainment gaps and disparities in resources. Education is a key component in reducing poverty, and it seems it will now be even harder for the rural population to compete with urban areas.

Uganda’s political system seems mired and ineffectual. The old tyrant Yoweri Museveni, who toppled Idi Amin in 1986 and seized power, will celebrate his 36th year in power next January - one of the longest serving heads of state. Mr Museveni has been described as “authoritarian” and therefore there is little surprise that education policy is not top of the priority list for a government concerned mostly to maintain its own power.

Girls are particularly hardhit by this crisis. The closure of schools has seen child marriages and teenage pregnancies sore, and government policy requires pregnant girls to refrain from attending school from the early months of pregnancy until the baby is six months old. This is estimated to account for almost 60% of school dropout cases in Uganda. This has pernicious outcomes on a girl’s life chances; since education increases agency, the independence of women is severely threatened when the very tool that provides them with it is taken away.

Due to losses in family income throughout the pandemic requiring children to work, it seems that even when schools do open again, it is likely that many will not be able to return. Likewise, as the government has struggled to sufficiently pay teachers, many staff have had to find alternative sources of income and are unlikely to return to teaching. Since transmission rates are relatively low, it is absolutely requisite that the country increases its vaccine take-up in order to allow children back into schools. These young people are the country’s future and leaving education so prematurely is likely to have profoundly damaging effects not only upon Uganda’s economy and development, but on personal agency and life opportunities.

Politics

Domestic A century of Northern Ireland: can it survive another?

Joe Rossiter

Deputy Politics Editor

This year, Northern Ireland marks 100 years since its establishment in 1921. The anniversary has raised old issues of identity and political strife, as well as the future of the region as a nationalist First Minister after next year’s Assembly election becomes a realistic possibility.

The centenary has been marked with a backdrop of deep division, a mood which has characterised so much of the region’s history. At a commemoration event, Catholic Primate Archbishop Eamon Martin said that partition “institutionalised difference”, remaining a symbol of “cultural, political and religious division between our communities”.

Irish president Michael D Higgins declined an invitation to that event, saying its title – an event to “mark the centenaries of the partition of Ireland and the formation of Northern Ireland” – politicised the issue. Higgins also noted his disappointment at being addressed as the president of the Republic of Ireland rather than that of Ireland. His absence, alongside that of Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill, shows the delicate political situation that still exists across the whole island.

From its creation, Northern Ireland formalised division, embedding separation with a border between the North and the Republic. As it was born of violence, so fighting continued, with the bloodiest period coming during the Troubles, when around 3,500 people died. This ended in 1998 with the Good Friday Agreement, largely ending organised violence in the region.

This unstable history – physical clashes mirrored by intense political friction – continues into the present, where an August Lucid Talk poll found that 68% of voters are in favour of a border poll, with 37% believing it should come in the ne t five years. The volatile environment could be exacerbated by next year’s Assembly elections: Sinn Féin are polling as the largest party, which would entitle them to nominate the First Minister. It would be a huge symbolic victory and the first nationalist to hold the role.

That person could be party leader Michelle O’Neill. If the defining theme of this decade is a potential border poll, then that of the last is surely the shift in Northern Ireland’s political leadership. O’Neill succeeded Martin McGuinness, a Troublesera inn in figurehead, in 2018. Peter Robinson, a DUP founding party member, stepped down as their leader in 2016 to be replaced by Arlene Foster, succeeded since by Edwin Poots and Jeffrey Donaldson. These changes speak to a subtle but important shift in Northern Irish politics: both main parties have moved on from their Troubles-era leadership, vital in moving to a more cooperative future which leaves behind the toxicity and mistrust of an era dominated by armed struggle. In practise, however, this is challenging, three years of deadlock after the 2017 Assembly election symptomatic of enduring political and social fault lines. As another Stormont vote approaches, the non-sectarian Alliance party are polling in third place, perhaps signalling new trends in identity as

If non- the peace generation comes of age. Their sectarianism is rise comes as fresh the future, it has a issues of belonging are thrown up in a long way to go post-Brexit world. In the 2020 powersharing agreement, some demands for an Irish Language Act were met after years of DUP resistance. This eventual acknowledgement and institutionalisation of Irish identity, with similar provisions for the Ulster Scots language, starkly exposes the failure of efforts to build a cohesive society over the last century and more recently a preference for institutional paralysis over tough questions of leadership. Gridlock in government generally means the debate over controversial issues moves out of formal structures. Examples of this are numerous; earlier this year, loyalist violence broke out in response to the Northern Ireland Protocol, part of the UK’s Brexit agreement with the EU. Many unionists have criticised the measure, which means that there are some customs checks on goods flowing between orthern Ireland and Britain, for diluting the union. If non-sectarianism is the future, it has a long way to go. After a century of existence, the only thing clear in Northern Ireland is the lack of stability. Institutionalised division has meant a failure to reconcile deeply engrained identities. While the largest unionist party’s support wanes, the nationalist cause appears to be picking up momentum as Sinn Féin surge across the island. With Northern Ireland increasingly isolated from the British mainland and governmental attitudes to the region remaining largely indifferent, it seems unlikely. at present that it will survive a second century.

(Rosie Bromiley)

Levelling up? Broken promises on Northern transport

Hannah Redman

Anyone who has walked up North Road recently will appreciate the claim that funding for public transport in the County Durham area is woefully short and inadequate, with temporary bus shelters littered across the narrow pavement as work on renovations to the original bus station continues.

According to recent survey data from the ffice for ational Statistics, County Durham is one of the most deprived areas of the country. It is fair to say that public transport is vital for a large proportion of residents in the North East to get to work or school.

Yet, over recent years, the funding that local councils have been able to provide to help subsidise and renovate public transport has been minimal – but hope was on the horizon. In conjunction with the ‘levelling up agenda’ in other public sectors, national government offered £3bn to local council and bus operators to revolutionise North Eastern public transport. In a similar vein to Transport for London’s vision the hope was for cheaper fares, low emission buses and only needing a single ticket to travel on the network (like the Oyster card). However, The Northern Echo recently reported that the money offered to innovate bus networks outside of London has been cut in the Budget to £1.2bn. North East council leaders fear for their £800m share, with one figure describing the government s changing financial pledges as “disingenuous”.

People need a cheap, reliable bus network that delivers for them

This £1.2bn is designed to be a “bus transformation” deal according to the government, who wish to deliver on their manifesto pledge to ‘level up’ local public transport networks in the North of England, in line with high standards in the capital. Investment in bus transport networks in the North East is sorely needed, with some rural areas (such as Northumberland) being completely inaccessible using the current public transport network. With rising prices on other goods and services stretching the wages of the poorest to the limit, people need a cheap, reliable bus network that delivers for them – ‘levelling up’ could not come fast enough.

Recent news of cuts in funding to the proposed HS2 rail network and Northern Powerhouse rail lines not receiving funding to service the city of Bradford on a refurbished line connecting Manchester and Leeds shows the increasing precarity of the funding prospects of North Eastern public transport. HS2 was a key Conservative manifesto pledge over the past decade to deliver levelling up of the orth if this flagship scheme has been altered beyond repair, what hope is there for bus renovation plans in County Durham?

Last week, six major Northern newspapers ran a joint headline calling on leaders to “deliver what you promised”, as Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham criticised the government’s “patronising” mentality on the issue.

The discontent is clear and could have ramifications for Conservative electoral prospects in future. As the country emerges from the pandemic, voters in Red Wall seats will be expecting returns on the promises made in 2019, though it seems that these may not materialise as expected. Whether blamed on postpandemic finances or other logic, Burnham’s discontent could be prescient.

With the recent reinstating of the ‘night tube’ in London, and the plans to invest further in Manchester’s tram network, it can only be hoped that the £800m does materialise for the North East, as it would bring with it greater access to jobs and truly sustainable ‘levelling up’.

International

Politics

Maddy Burt Politics Editor

It started as a fairy tale, a story of a Prime Minister swept off their feet by the media. Following three years of protests and a resignation from the standing Prime Minister in 2018, Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed swept into the position with promises of reform and plans to reach out to the Eritrean government to resolve the border conflict. e wasn t democratically elected, but he pledged free elections in August 2020, and a smooth transition away from autocracy.

Abiy’s lofty talk of reform was soon reinforced by action. He released thousands of political prisoners and dropped a ban on extreme political parties, while backing a woman, Sahle-Work Zewde, to be president. He was propelling the nation towards democracy and hope.

The Financial Times reported that Abiy was ‘Africa’s new talisman’, while The Guardian praised ‘Ethiopia’s democratic awakening’. These stories proposed enthusiastically that the hopes of the Horn of Africa rested on him, and he alone held the power to bring about much needed economic and political reform.

Media outlets continued to shine praise on Abiy, neglecting his less admirable intentions in ending a fro en conflict with Eritrea around a border dispute, re-establishing diplomatic relations between the two nations. it was only befitting, many outlets concluded, that he had won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his actions in ending the war.

There were celebrations as the first flight between the neighbouring countries took place after two decades of hostility. Families were able to reunite with borders once again opening. The fact a tyrannical leader was condoned in the process was quickly pushed to the footnotes of articles.

In a

Tigray

Amhara Eritrea

Addis Ababa

(Paul Kagame via Flickr)

( hado o via i imedia ommons)

manner suiting to his character, Donald Trump announced his own disappointment that he had not been awarded the prize himself, that wasn’t to take away from Abiy’s achievement across headlines. The Times concluded enthusiastically that the committee made an ‘excellent judgement’ by giving the award to Abiy. Certainly, the article ran with vigour, he was not just a man of rhetoric; he signalled a new era of promise for Africa.

And then, the inevitable shattering of the fairy tale, as the illusionary figure the media had created crumbled before their eyes. The papers found Abiy embroiled in a war in Tigray against the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which had displaced thousands and left thousands more without access to food following a governmentinduced blockade. The fall from grace in the Western purview was sudden and name quickly came to be preceded by ‘tyrant’ rather than ‘saviour’ amid reports of a humanitarian catastrophe. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize became an inconvenience at best, and, at worst, a poor look for a committee that has made a number of bad judgements in its time: giving the award to Henry Kissinger two years before the fall of Saigon, or Barack Obama shortly before his decision to extend American presence in Afghanistan. The committee appealed to Abiy to make peace with the TPLF, but their pleas fell on deaf ears.

Questions were asked: how did Abiy change so quickly from reformer to tyrant? How was his fall from grace so spectacular in its severity?

The answer was obscured between the lines of reporting about Ethiopia. There was never as much of a shift in Abiy’s character as portrayed by media outlets. Gaps in the stories created a more dramatic picture of discontinuity in Abiy’s actions and character than that occurring on the ground.

artsanshi has im ued ritng on the on i t

Abiy’s role in signing a peace deal with Eritrea was less about promoting peace and more about surrounding Tigray in a move to control the TPLF, intentionally appealing to a western audience in the process. The TPLF had been in de facto power since 1991, until Abiy’s appointment as Prime Minister. They had undermined Abiy from the beginning of his rule as much of his democratic and economic reform was aimed at dismantling their ongoing power in the economy, state apparatus and army. They continued to form the regional government of the Tigray state and posed a major threat to Abiy’s federal power.

The conflict, which has been ongoing for over a year now, cannot be reduced to a distinction that only suggests it is an offensive from the federal government on the people of Tigray. Opposition to the government comes directly from the Tigrayan Defence Forces, the armed forced of the Tigray state, and the TPLF, the state’s governing party. Civilians in the Tigray region, many of whom signed up for the TDF, are now under the leadership of the TPLF. urther, the fighting stretches beyond Ethiopia’s borders. Eritrean troops, who entered the conflict at biy s behest, have committed many of the most notable atrocities. big front of this conflict was the use by both sides of “digital warriors” to fill social media with allegations of violations from the other side. Just as dangerously, many of these partisan claims have been picked up by western journalists and academics in their writing, who fervently take one side or another. These anti-Abiy voices hold the power to majorly influence western policy makers.

Such failure through partisan writing mirrors the failure of the media to grasp Abiy as more than a one dimensional figure from the onset. The voices that should be listened to, including Ethiopian voices and the voices of victims, are rarely given the publicity they deserve ahead of western voices – who are not offering a comprehensible or consistent picture of the conflict. rominent outlets such as CNN are now pursuing a line solely in the favour of the TPLF, often citing sharing misleading takes on the conflict in the process and therefore not thoroughly acknowledging victims throughout the country.

It is much more complicated than many report or discuss, and yet some fundamentals deserve to be acknowledged. For example, the conflict was instigated by the TPLF attacking a federal army base. Amnesty International has reported on war crimes from all sides of the conflict, including from Eritrean troops and Amhara militias who are allied with Abiy. The TPLF have a very poor democratic record and tried to undermine Abiy’s regime for years. On the other hand, Abiy has continued to side-line Tigrayans in his government, and done much to take away their power. There have been arrests in Addis Ababa, the capital city, of Tigrayans for apparently no reason other than their ethnicity – rather than concrete connection to the TPLF.

Noted academics working on the Horn of Africa, such as Alex de Waal and Kjetil Tronvoll, have written widely on the conflict for major western news outlets, from the BBC to The Guardian, and yet routinely report with clear partiality for the Tigrayan side. This obstructs other fundamentals in the conflict. When speaking to Dr Jacob Wiebel, a historian of modern Ethiopia at Durham University, he expressed concerns around the partisanship that has imbued the writing of many academics on the conflict, including non thiopian academics.

There are a few important points to bear in mind as the TPLF is reported as closing in on Addis Ababa. For one, although the TPLF seems to be stronger than the federal government at the moment, it will struggle to control Addis in light of widespread antiTPLF sentiments and it has no legitimate claim to power.

For another, it would be another humanitarian crisis if Addis becomes blocked off from supply lines, as there already is a major and unresolved humanitarian crisis in Tigray. However distant a prospect this remains, peace negotiations and real political compromise on all sides remain the best hope of beginning to draw this year of atrocities to a close; even if this means the Tigray region follows a similar path to Eritrea two decades ago of pursuing independence, or is afforded significant autonomy within the Ethiopian federal state.

For now, it is essential that reporting on such a conflict in a post-truth world does not promote a narrow-minded approach to viewing the struggle. The challenges of a world that is reluctant to accept fact cannot be resolved by reducing our capacity to recognise more than one narrative. All this will do is obscure the real suffering and grievances felt acutely across Ethiopia right now.