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Visual Anthropology
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Visible Knowledge: A Test Case from South India Ulrich Demmer
Online publication date: 16 August 2010
To cite this Article Demmer, Ulrich(2004) 'Visible Knowledge: A Test Case from South India', Visual Anthropology, 17: 2,
107 — 116
To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/08949460490430316 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949460490430316
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Visual Anthropology, 17: 107–116, 2004 Copyright # Taylor & Francis, Inc. ISSN: 0894-9468 print=1545-5920 online DOI: 10.1080/08949460490430316
Visible Knowledge: A Test Case from South India Ulrich Demmer
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The study of visual knowledge has become a vital concern in Visual Anthropology. As a cultural resource beyond language and the written word, visual knowledge transmits and maintains core social concepts as well as moral values of a culture. Yet, despite its significance, how visual knowledge is generated and achieved is rarely studied in detail. The present article focuses on the Jenu Kurumba, a tribal community of South India, and explores the performative production of visual knowledge and its meanings.
A number of anthropological studies [e.g., Banks and Morphy 1997] point out that knowledge and behavioral resources of a culture are obtained and transmitted through visual modes. While in many cultures knowledge is primarily passed on verbally or textually, in some societies we are rather dealing with what Gillison [1997: 171] has called ‘‘visual knowledge.’’ In particular, two elements characterize visual knowledge. First, it mediates a basic knowledge regarded as vital for the culture concerned and, secondly, it is made visible in specific ‘‘practices of visualization.’’ Thus, among the Gimi, a tribal people of New Guinea, as well as among some tribal communities in the northwestern Amazon (Dasana, Tatuyo, Tariana), cultural and social knowledge is transmitted primarily through seeing and looking at things [Gillison 1997]. Knowledge that is shown and can be seen, for example the showing of ‘‘sacred flutes’’ in Gimi culture, is regarded as a superior form of knowledge; words and speeches, in contrast, are said to be of a deceitful nature. Moreover, this is so in particular ritual performances, which are regarded as the proper media of representation. The Gimi ‘‘sacred flutes,’’ for example, are presented to the young men of the community only during the initiation rituals. Comparable data have also been provided for the Kashinawa in Peru. As Keifenheim [1995] shows, Kashinawa culture is marked by a range of sociocultural oppositions as ‘‘own and other,’’ ‘‘identity and alterity,’’ or the ‘‘human and the supernatural.’’ Yet, the visual theory of this culture places these oppositions, and the differences they entail, against an ultimate and undifferentiated reality. The latter is regarded as the original unity of all things, and it is highly valued. Moreover, the knowledge of that reality is mediated through visualizing practices ULRICH DEMMER is Associate Professor in anthropology at the University of Munich. He has published extensively on the poetics and rhetorics of ritual performance and has produced an interactive CD-ROM on this subject. He is currently doing research in the anthropology of media.
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like face-painting, weaving, and most important, hallucinogenic visions obtained in trance performances. Both features are relevant for the Jain in India too. As Banks [1997] shows, in Jainism the body is ascribed an important role because it is only through corporality that a human being might attain release from the cycle of rebirths. Accordingly, the body is represented in painting as well as in sculptures in a spectrum of different styles, ranging from the extinguished body to the idolized, up to the individualized and living body. All representations of the body, however, point to the close and vital relationship between the Jain philosophy and doctrines on the one hand and the role of the body as a vehicle towards release on the other. As Banks [1997] makes clear, Jain visual knowledge is characterized by its manifold visualizations of the body which, paradoxically, express and make visible the idea of liberation from itself, namely from the body. In addition, these ‘‘media of liberation’’ are employed in ritual practices, for example in the puja, where they are worshiped and made the center of attention. Faced with the body and its meanings in the ritual process, the devotees can draw relations between the religious doctrine (e.g., release) and their own physicality. Actually, the visualization of the body has so central a role in Jain religion that Laidlaw [1995: Chap. 4] speaks of an ‘‘embodied ontology.’’
RITUAL AS A VISUAL PRACTICE As those and other studies [Banks and Morphy 1997] show, practices of visualization cover a broad spectrum from painting, photography, and ritual to horticulture [Hendry 1996]. Yet rituals have a most suitable role, because in many cultures they are the outstanding media of knowledge transfer and socialization and often provide visible ‘‘blueprints’’ of cultural systems for those who perform them as well as for the anthropologist [Morphy 1994]. Moreover, as Geertz [1973] and many other ritual scholars have shown, rituals often represent social concepts, moral values as well as meaning systems, and help to regenerate society when it is faced with crisis and conflict. Rituals achieve this in different ways. In some cases, symbolic and meaningful action constitutes the ritual process [Turner 1969], while another type of ritual action consists of merely enacted and repetitive meaningless behavior [Humphrey and Laidlaw 1994]. James Fernandez [1986] has shown, however, that ritual actors predominantly use the former symbolic type of action to visualize cultural and social concepts. Ritual actors perform meaningful images in a process that Fernandez called the ‘‘performance of metaphors’’ [ibid.: 20]. In Jenu Kurumba (South India) rituals exactly this metaphorical type of ritual action constitutes the performances. It is in particular in the death rituals that the performance of metaphorical action is employed. In fact, the death ritual is organized around three ‘‘key metaphors’’ which, seen together, make for a performed allegory of community. Its performance visualizes the Jenu Kurumba idea of how they understand their own society and what social life is really all about. In a first metaphor, the performance depicts their society as a moral community and a cooperative household. A second figure depicts it as an
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encompassing community including not only the living but also the ancestors and the deceased. Finally, the third metaphor imagines this encompassing community as a ‘‘tradition of argumentation’’ where people are continuously required to engage in verbal debates on moral values and social relationships.
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COMMUNITY AS A HOUSEHOLD A death ritual proceeds in a series of symbolic actions or scenes. In the first sequence, called the ‘‘cutting and bringing of leaves,’’all male participants walk in a kind of procession to a nearby river or a waterhole. Guided by musicians who play a special tune, they are going to get branches with green leaves that are needed later on to build a small hut. The ancestor and the spirit of the dead person will be made to sit in this hut, entertained with music, dance, and food, and thus, they will be made happy. After reaching the river, the priest (yajman) selects a special tree (onge-mara) with green leaves and performs a puja at the root of this tree. A bit later one of the younger participants climbs up the tree and cuts down enough green branches to build a small hut. Thereafter, all other participants carry these branches ceremoniously back to the ritual place. Holding the branches above their heads and accompanied by music, the men walk in a line and shout joyfully. Once they have reached the ritual place, they circumambulate (counterclockwise) a prepared wooden frame three times and put the leafy branches on that frame or simply down onto a heap. Then the musicians stop playing and the first sequence ends. After a period of rest the second scene, called the ‘‘bringing of water,’’ is performed. In this sequence all the people present walk back to the river in a kind of procession led by the music. The women carry water vessels, while the priest brings two small clay pots. After reaching the river bank, the yajman performs a puja (as before an offering of bananas, coconut, incense, and parched rice) in front of the water vessels and small clay pots. Then one of the small pots is ceremoniously filled with water and from then on the ancestor is said to reside in it. Later on, the whole group ceremoniously returns to the ritual place. Two children, carrying the small pots, walk in front, behind the musicians, and three to four women follow, carrying big water pots on their heads, pots that were filled with water from the river before. When they approach the ritual place, other male participants join them with foodstuffs (bags of rice, oil, vegetables, etc.) and firewood. Finally the group circumambulate the wooden frame and the heap of green branches three times, shouting loudly and joyfully in rhythmic voices. Immediately after the cicumambulation, the small clay pots, the foodstuffs and the big water pots are put down, and a fire is made with the firewood. Then the priest builds a small hut (udi-mane; literally it means a ‘‘dry hut,’’ interpreted as a ‘‘hut of protection’’ because no rain can come inside) with green branches and the two small pots put in this center. If green branches are left, they are used to build a bigger leaf-hut side by side with the small one. In that bigger hut, the cooking
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undertaken by some of the male participants takes place. Finally, the yajman erects a wooden pole (ranga kamba) in the vicinity of the udi-man, adorns it with small green branches and performs a puja in front of it. Then, gradually, the musicians start to play, and the people start to dance in circles around the ranga kamba. This dancing lasts the whole night, and the dancers will only take a break when the food is ready. First, the ancestor as well as the spirit of the dead will get an offering of cooked food and incense. Thereafter, the living, too, will be served by the people who cooked it. As with every other action in ritual context, this communal eating is ceremoniously performed and the people sit and eat in a quadrangle. Finally, the following day, the unification of the dead and the deity is ceremoniously enacted. The spirit and the deity, both still in their clay pots, are now brought in a procession, again led by music, to a tree in the forest. At the bottom of this tree, the priest erects a small stone (approx. 7 inches in height), performs a puja (as usual with incense, bananas, coconut and parched rice), and then pours the water of both pots onto the stone. This is interpreted by the participants as their ultimate contribution to ‘‘making the spirit sit in the company of the deity’’ [Figure 1]. The ritual of the dead, then, makes visible a key metaphor of that culture, namely the community as a household. In the process of the ritual, people realize an image of the community as a space of actually lived solidarity and
Figure 1
The image of community as visualized in the Jenu Kurumba death ritual.
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cooperation, an image that can be experienced and seen. In ritual, it becomes alive — performed and visualized.
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THE ENCOMPASSING COMMUNITY A second image that is performed in the death ritual also relates to the Jenu Kurumba conception of sociality. This metaphor depicts the community as an encompassing social fabric, including not only the living but also the ancestors and the dead. According to the Jenu Kurumba worldview, the ancestors and the dead live in the underworld. Nevertheless, the latter can interact and communicate verbally with the living. This, however, happens only in ritual contexts. In ritual performances the ancestors as well as the souls of the deceased can embody themselves in the shamans of the tribe and, thus embodied, they are able to interact and to talk with their living relatives. In the death ritual this is performed in several scenes. In the first sequence it is the ancestors who distribute the green branches to the living. In fact, the living need the ancestors’ cooperation to perform the first scene and bring the branches to the ritual place. The same holds true for the second phase. When the living have performed the puja at the river bank, they invite the spirit of the dead person to join in the ritual. Moreover, when they come and embody themselves in the shaman, they also fetch the water from the river and distribute it to the women. Without the support of the dead, the living cannot enact this second scene and are unable to bring the water to the ritual place. Thus, the ancestors and the dead demonstrate their solidarity with the living and their belonging to the moral community. However, their relationship with the living is no one-way street. The ancestors and the dead not only help and support the living, but they also demand solidarity and assistance for their part. Thus, as the performance proceeds, these ancestors may indicate with gestures that they want to drink a cup of water or the dead may demand to smoke a bidi, a kind of local cigarillo. Usually, the living provide both to them. Apart from those ‘‘wordly’’ desires the supernaturals, and in particular the dead, show also that they themselves also have very human feelings. Thus they point out their suffering and their need for help, they bend down and hold their paining sides, they are given sticks to walk with because they indicate their weakness and they complain, cry, or even embrace their close relatives. At other times, however, they also show their happiness and start to dance in a circle with their living relatives. The most important act of solidarity, however, is the achievement of the death ritual itself. According to Jenu Kurumba belief, a person continues to live after death. Yet, the spirit of the dead needs to reach the underworld where the ancestors and the other dead are already ‘‘at home,’’ otherwise the deceased will henceforth exist as angry and lonely spirits roaming around in the forest of the upper world. It is, therefore, the ultimate aim of the death ritual to help the dead reach the underworld and its inhabitants. From this it follows that the dead need the help and solidarity of their living relatives. This image is celebrated most elaborately in the final scene of the ritual.
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After the nightly performance of good and happy relatedness between the living, the ancestors and the dead, the living help the dead to move down into the underworld and join the ancestors. To achieve that, the people bring both of the small water-filled jugs, in which the ancestor and the dead still reside, to a tree in the forest. Once the procession reaches that tree, a small stone is decorated and a puja is performed. Finally, the yajman pours the water of both jugs onto that stone, and with this act the Jenu Kurumba say, the ancestor and the dead go down together into the underworld. Another mode of visualizing the significance of the ancestors and the dead for the community is to underline and dramatize their presence. A range of such ‘‘keys to performance’’ [Bauman 1986] is used by the shamans. The act of embodiment itself is already a dramatic performance. When the shamans are getting possessed, they tremble violently, tumble, throw their arms up, or fall to the ground. This latter, however, is always prevented by some of the relatives who stand close by and quickly catch them. Once the shamans embody the supernatural beings, their peculiar style of moving serves to focus attention on them. At those times, the ritual place becomes a kind of arena in the center of which the shamans pace back and forth. Sometimes they stop walking but even then they appear restless, their speech is choppy and breathless. Many of the living, in contrast, are accorded the role of spectators keenly observing the shaman in the center. Others, however, are picked out by the shaman. They are brought forward to stand in a row and face the shaman in order to talk with the ancestors and the dead. Other strategies underline the authority of the shamans. Thus, each is equipped with a wooden stick, and they employ specific gestures and mimicty for the same purpose. The embodied ancestors forcefully raise their hand or a finger when they want to point out something, or they turn around in the circle, thereby pointing in all four directions with an outstretched arm or with the stick. Sometimes, they look around as if searching for somebody, but continue their pacing in the arena a bit later. In other scenes, they point to the soil and then into the sky, thereby underlining their competence for all realms of the community, for the underworld and for the upper world of the humans. Moreover, the shamans visualize the embodied supernatural beings as guardians of the moral order and the community. As already mentioned, they bring some of the living from the periphery to the center and make them stay in front. At those times, the ritual area looks like a ‘‘court hearing’’ where the embodied ancestors (or dead) ask the living to account for their behavior and sociality. Often, they also dramatize their anger at the misbehavior and mistakes of the living. They stamp on the ground with their feet, they may smash their sticks, they lift their voices or they even use their sticks to draw circles around certain individuals, in order to mark out those people as particularly misbehaving. However, the living are not without power either, but defend themselves: they contradict the ancestors and remind them of their moral obligations too. These performed images make clear that the moral community not only rests on cooperation and solidarity, but is also basically an encompassing unit unable to exist without the support and moral guidance of supernatural beings. The ‘‘good community’’ is realized only as an encompassing order which includes the ancestors and the dead as active members of the social fabric.
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COMMUNITY AS A ‘‘TRADITION OF ARGUMENTATION’’ A third metaphor represents the encompassing moral community as a ‘‘tradition of argumentation.’’ Intersected into the sequences of symbolic action mentioned so far, the ritual participants accomplish a number of ritualized public debates. We have already pointed out that, according to the Jenu Kurumba worldview, the shamans embody the ancestors and the dead in such a way that the supernatural beings are not only able to interact with but also able to speak with the living. Accordingly, the main interlocutors are the shamans (representing the ancestors or the dead) on the one side and their living relatives on the other. The discussions are performed in the center of the ritual arena and they are arranged like court hearings. The shaman, representing the ancestor or the dead, selects a number of close relatives of the person for whom the ritual is held. Those people are made to stand in a row facing the shaman, who is pacing to and fro in front of them. With a pitched voice and using his performative tools mentioned above, the shaman, acting as the dead person him- or herself, dramatizes the social memories and moral relationships of the living and the dead. At the same time, they request the living to make good those mistakes and to perform the death ritual in a proper way, without which the dead cannot reach the underworld. Usually the living show respect for the dead. They remain reserved and listen attentively. Gradually, however, they start to defend themselves. They speak back and remind the dead person how they have supported him or her. But they also point to his or her own failures and moral mistakes. Yet the principal aim of the debates is not to show the conflicting relationships of the people but to make visible their reconciliation. The living express that with gestures and mime, openly committing themselves to the moral values of the community and to a good relationship with the dead. The shaman in turn, also using symbolic gestures and mime, shows his consent and his reconciliation. In summary then, the performance of that metaphor translates the idea of the cooperative household into the image of public discourse. Through the visualization of the debates in the ritual arena and in using aesthetic and performative means like gesture and mime the participants make public an image of community as a ‘‘tradition of argumentation.’’ That picture makes visible that the ‘‘good’’ community requires not only cooperation and solidarity but also the committed involvement of its members in public moral discourse, and that the community is based on continuous moral negotiations among the living, the ancestors, and the dead. IMAGINING SOCIAL STRUCTURE When we analyze visual knowledge and relate it to the social system or to the meaning system of a culture, it becomes evident that it is often, the most basic knowledge that is transmitted that way. The Gimi of New Guinea, for example, have a social system that is characterized by male dominance with social, political, as well as religious power lying almost exclusively in the hands of men. Moreover, this power is based on a corpus of secret knowledge that is forbidden to women. Accordingly, when the Gimi transmit that knowledge they visualize it in the rites of
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initiation and thus ‘‘show it’’ to the young men. Yet, as Gillison [1997] makes clear, at the same time, they conceal it from the women who are not allowed, for example, to catch even a glimpse of the holy flutes that are presented and used in that ritual. Visual knowledge, then, is a basic resource that reflects the social as well as the meaning system of that culture— even when, as Battaglia [1997] has shown, it attempts to conceal critical aspects. The same holds true for visual knowledge in South Asia. Thus Pinney [1992] reveals how the aesthetic of Indian photography and Hindi films reproduces key notions of the Hindu social system, most notably the Hindu concept of the person. As we mentioned above, among the Jain, too, their visual culture represents basic aspects of their religion and belief system. The visual knowledge of the Jenu Kurumba also reflects central aspects of their social system. As with many other gatherer-hunter people in the world, they have an egalitarian social order: they have no headmen, no political leaders, nor any stratified social system. Gender relationships, too, are rather egalitarian. Thus, women and men carry out all kinds of work, they take care of the children, and they both take part in rituals. Accordingly, nobody is excluded from the performance of visual knowledge. On the contrary, everybody related to the dead is expected to take part in the performance. All males bring leafy branches, women carry the water, the sons, daughters, and affines of the dead bring food. Further, the other unmarried members of the kindred contribute the firewood, affines cook food, other male members play the music, and the elder and experienced people, both women and men, are expected to talk with the shaman. Indeed, women are often the most important interlocutors in those debates. The metaphor of the household points out that here the ‘‘good community’’ is achieved only through the cooperation and the solidarity of all of its members. The image of the encompassing community underlines that ancestors and even the dead are committed to that system. Moreover, the image of the community of discourse makes clear that in this egalitarian community nobody actually has the power to force somebody else to do something or to coerce others to stick to the moral values. Instead it requires continuous involvement in moral negotiations where not force but only persuasion and good arguments can ‘‘move’’ others to do something. Based on dialogue, the moral community is also an egalitarian community. CONCLUSION It is one of the key premises of visual anthropology that vision and ‘‘what is worth seeing’’ are socially, culturally, constructed. Our study shows that this holds true for the reverse as well; cultural meanings and concepts of society or community are obtained through the visual. Yet, from that perspective, knowledge is not simply appropriated through visual perception, but it is mediated by what Banks and Morphy [1997: 21] have called a visual understanding, a system of ‘‘how things are seen and how what is seen is interpreted.’’ The Jenu Kurumba death rituals clearly constitute such a visual system. In it, the performance of metaphors gave ritual action meanings that could be seen, experienced, and gradually reconstructed in their totality by all those taking part. As seen in other modes of visualization in India, core cultural or social concepts are made public and given meanings. Moreover, the ritual as a visual system,
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rather than generating random aspects, represents a knowledge that is basic to the cultural and social identity of the people. While the Jains concentrate on the body and Hindu culture puts a particular stress on the person, it is predominantly a concept of community that is performed in the Jenu Kurumba death ritual. In fact, the successive ‘‘staging’’ of social images — bringing twigs, water and foodstuffs, building a hut, cooking and dancing, and so on —results in an allegory of the community, the meaning of which can not be mistaken. The actors perform the ritual as a process where, as James Fernandez [1986: 42] has argued, metaphors can be taken literally and at face value. Social life is reconstructed as a household where relatives take care of and help each other. In the ritual they gradually realize an image of ideal social life as protection, support and mutual care. Moreover, conflicting relationships are not concealed but made visible and — most importantly — overcome through reconciliation. This process manifests the basic features of the social structure of this gatherer-hunter community —its egalitarian ethos, its encompassing character and the continuous negotiation of social and moral relationships.
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