Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Bachelor of Interior Architecture Final Year Dissertation – INTA2411 UNSW Built Environment University of New South Wales Australia 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

CONTENTS Â Abstract

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Acknowledgements

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Introduction

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Chapter One: Globalised Supermodernity: Marc AugĂŠ & the Arrival of the Non-Place

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Chapter Two: Globalised Consumption: The History of the Shopping Centre & the Evolution of the Consumption Site

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Chapter Two Appendix: Illustrations

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Chapter 3: Globalised Futures: The Contemporary Shopping Centre, the Emergence of the Globalised Consumer & the Reality of the Non-Place

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Chapter Three Appendix: Illustrations

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Conclusion

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References

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

ABSTRACT Exploring the post-2000s supermodern shopping centre typology as the postglobalised civic landscape, this dissertation investigates the relationship between the shopping centre and sociocultural and political histories, in particular, how architecture and design intend to directly reflect the zeitgeist and of a culture, place and time. Establishing a contextual framework to analyse the concepts of supermodernity and sociocultural tradition, the dissertation examines the emergence of the shopping centre and its relation to contemporary society.

Utilising French socio-anthropologist Marc Augé’s seminal text Non-Place: An Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (1992), this dissertation analyses Augé’s theories of ‘non-place’ and the loss of sociocultural identity as globalisation evaporates the boundaries previously imposed by time, history and distance upon the city, the population and the consumption space.

Establishing a contemporary application of Augé’s theories in relation to the shopping centre, the work focuses on spaces of consumption, ultimately defining these spaces as ‘non-places’; spaces devoid of any relation to their sociocultural surrounds, time or place, producing homogenous spatial experiences and encounters devoid of reality.

Investigating the conditions that gave rise to the non-place within supermodernity, the dissertation will traverse the history of shopping and the shopping centre throughout the Western European tradition, and analyse the role of consumption and the consumption site in relation to the potential loss of sociocultural meaning and relation. Through this framework, questions that this may raise for architecture and spatial design will be addressed, in particular; how to create architecture for spaces that are no longer considered places.

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr Sing d’Arcy for his advice, words of inspiration and encouragement to go beyond the expected.

To Dr Laurence Kimmel and Rachel Jahja; for their passionate, encouraging attitudes toward academia, architectural theory and my writing.

And to Beate Goik and Julia Prell for their constant support, reassurance and companionship throughout this process.

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

INTRODUCTION The evolution of the shopping centre as an architectural typology is one that has always been heavily linked with shifts in the sociocultural and political zeitgeist of society (Tsung Leong 2002: 130). The breadth and scale of the role of the shopping centre as a societal fixture has long been contested; dualistically exploring the dichotomy of the site as both a consumption-fuelled placeless space, and one of the most frequented spaces within contemporary society (Paterson 2006: 8). As modes of consumption have developed and drastically changed, the shopping centre has become one of the most adaptable, dynamic and resilient architectural typologies of the last fifty years (Tsung Leong 2002: 131).

Responding to the shifts in the sociocultural climate, the architecture and design of the shopping centre has undergone significant development, growing from the enclosed arcades of 1800s Paris and Milan, to the sprawling suburban shopping centres seen across the world today (Coleman 2006: 24).

As the architectural and social attitudes towards consumption evolved, the shopping centre emerged as the landscape of civic life in supermodern society, with the act of shopping becoming the major defining activity of public life in the 21st century; raising the question of how retail space should best respond to the sociocultural landscape of a growing globalised society no longer constrained by time, distance and access to goods (Tsung Leong 2002: 129).

Throughout his career, French anthropologist Marc Augé (1935-) has worked to define the term ‘supermodernity’, establishing a sociocultural time period focused on exaggerated notions of modernity; in particular, the excesses enjoyed since the modern Industrialised period and mass-production (González-Ruibal 2014: 7125). Proposing that supermodernity evolved from

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

the rapid spread of globalisation in the mid-20th century, Augé argued that the factual, spatial and material overabundance that originated during the Modernist period dominates supermodernity (Augé 1998: 103). In this, Augé suggested that the acceleration of time, removal of barriers imposed by distance and space, the continuation and increase of mass-production of goods, and the excess of self-reflexive individuality, define supermodernity as an exaggerated phase of Modernism itself (González-Ruibal 2014: 7125).

Utilising this contextual framework and the concept of supermodernity, Augé published Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity (1992), and began to analyse the interactions between individuals and spaces, in particular, focusing on spaces of consumption, transit and circulation, ultimately defining these spaces as ‘non-places’; spaces devoid of any relation to their sociocultural surrounds, time or place, producing homogenous spatial experiences and encounters devoid of reality (Augé 1992: 28). Applying Augé’s theories to the contemporary shopping centre typology, this dissertation will seek to analyse the rise of the non-place in retail design, unpacking the relationship between mass sociocultural developments afforded by globalisation, the rise of the homogenised shopping centre design and retail experiences, and the emergence of the shopping centre as a major civic space within a post-2000s context (Tsung Leong 2002: 130).

The first chapter of this dissertation, Globalised Supermodernity: Marc Augé & the Arrival of the Non-Place, will analyse the theories posited by Marc Augé in his central text, Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity (1992), and explore these in relation to the consumption site as the major space of the non-place in a post-globalised, supermodern setting. The chapter will also explore the influences upon the work of Augé, and the sociological and theoretical practice from which Non-Places emerged, exploring the texts of a range of sociologists and philosophers concerned with place, including Marcel Mauss (1872-1950), Michel de Certeau (1925-1986), Paul Virilio (1932-) and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961). The chapter will also establish the contextual framework for the dissertation, defining the post-globalised sociocultural and political landscape and the relation of these to modes of 7

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

consumption and the development of the shopping centre typology. Following this, the chapter will conclude by exploring alternate applications of Augé’s theories to spaces, including an analysis of the work of British philosopher Dylan Trigg (1974-) and British socio-anthropologist, Rob Shields (1966-), and the potentiality of the non-place in a post-globalised world (Shields 1992: 106).

The second chapter of the dissertation, entitled Globalised Consumption: The History of the Shopping Centre & the Evolution of the Consumption Site, will explore the origins and historical development of the shopping centre as an architectural typology, highlighting the major sociocultural conditions and technological developments that allowed for major developments within the typology to occur. The chapter will also explore the influence of prominent shopping centre architects Victor Gruen (Austrian, 1903-1980) and Jon Jerde (American, 1940-2015), and the impact of the work of both of these architects upon the evolution of the shopping centre typology, and the shopping centre of supermodernity. The chapter will conclude with a brief exploration of Augé’s theories of non-place and their relation to the current psychological and spatial techniques at play in the contemporary shopping centre, and how the historical evolution of the type enabled the supermodern shopping centre to emerge and flourish (Featherstone 2007: XXI).

The final chapter of the dissertation, Globalised Futures: The Contemporary Shopping Centre, the Emergence of the Globalised Consumer & the Reality of the Non-Place, will explore the shopping centre of supermodernity, considering the socio-cultural and political conditions of the site, the influence on the emergence of the supermodern shopping centre, and explore the question of the shopping centre as the defining civic and public space of supermodernity. The chapter will also consider how the shopping centre of supermodernity relates to Auge’s theories of non-place and the blurring of spatial boundaries in a post-globalised society, and what this means for both the future of the typology and the contemporary global society at large.

Utilising Augé’s theories to posit the contemporary shopping centre as the ultimate non-place of supermodernity, the chapter will return to the framework 8

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

established in the first chapter to explore Augé’s relationship to the shopping centre of today. Lastly, the final chapter will also analyse the rise of the globalised consumer, exploring the influence of trend and capitalist consumption habits, and how this relates to both spatial design choices by designers and allows for the shopping centre to exist as a non-place within supermodernity.

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Chapter One

Globalised Supermodernity: Marc Augé & the Arrival of the Non-Place

Fig 3.AA: Prototype Department Store, 1948, Louis Parnes, Project on the City II: The Harvard Guide to Shopping, ed C.J Chung, J Inaba & R. Koolhaas, Taschen Press, New York, USA

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Entering into an unprecedented and unparalleled period of intense globalised consumer culture on a global scale poses the question of how designers and architects best respond to the task of retail and shopping centre design (Paterson 2006: 170). Emerging from a post-2000s context, supermodernity and globalisation have not only evaporated the barriers once posed by geographical location, time and language, but have also birthed a digitallysavvy, globalised consumer concerned with trends, immediate access to goods, and the ability to consume on a daily basis (Augé 1992: 110). The spread of this globalised mode of consumption has transformed the ways in which the retail space functions and acts, challenging the relation of this typology to the sociocultural context in which it exists and functions (Paterson 2006: 186). Applying the theories posited by French anthropologist, Marc Augé (1935-) in his seminal text Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity (1992), to the current condition of shopping centres as places of consumption and public life, this chapter will seek to explore not only the breadth and application of Augé’s theories, but also contextualise the current sociocultural landscape of consumption and how others have also responded.

The mid-1990s to early 2000s brought with it some of the most intensive technological and sociocultural developments seen since the Industrial Revolution, albeit on a wider, globalised scale (Robinson 2008: 127). Initially starting life as an economic term used to describe international trade and market systems (Scholte 2000: 33), ‘globalisation’ began to take on a more contemporary meaning as early as the mid-1970s, finding particular relevance in a post-Cold War world in the late 1980s (Robinson 2008: 129). Growing to include the international spread of information and technology, culture and increased migration, the term globalisation quickly became associated with the emergence of an unprecedented global culture (Robinson 2008: 131).

Following the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Berlin Wall (1989) and the breakdown of Communist Eastern Europe, the term began to gain traction, where the barriers seemingly separating West/East and developing/developed began to dissolve and lose significance as democracy and new modes of consumption began to spread across Europe and the world (Michie 2003: 309).

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Following this, the advent of the Internet age, and the following proliferation of the smart phone and social media have defined the post-2000s global sociocultural landscape, with the phenomenon of globalisation working to simultaneously foster the rise of the individual and scrub away notions of identity derived from social and cultural surroundings (Robinson 2008: 138).

Through these defining trends in recent history, the role of consumption and the customer in society has also undergone significant transformation (Paterson 2002: 85). The emergence of a globalised customer characterised by global trends has not only increased the scale of the commodity and consumption spectacle, but also proliferated a homogenisation of retail spaces and shopping centres for consumers who not only demand luxury, shopping experiences, but also access to a worldwide quality of consumption (Paterson 2002: 225).

French anthropologist and philosopher, Paul Virilio (1932-), wrote of this spread of this phenomenon in the mid-1980s, publishing The Lost Dimension (1984 French, 1991 English) discussing the concept of globalisation in relation to space and place. Virilio described the modern city folding into itself, losing meaning and relation to social surroundings as the world shrunk developing into “a single urban mass” as a result of advances in technology and transport (Virilio 1991: 12). Describing the increasingly tense relationship between the city and the global forces imposing upon it, Virilio suggested that the opposition between the ‘world-city’ and ‘city-world’ parallels the relationship between system and history, where the role of architecture, art and aesthetics suffers at the hands of systematic globalism (Augé 1992: XV). Virilio was followed by a number of socio-anthropologists focused on public space, applying this concept of a single urban mass to populations, where the sociocultural differences that once defined groups of people also became blurred and unreadable (Augé 1992: XV).

Beginning his academic practice in the late 1960s in Western Africa, much of Augé’s early writings focused on studying the social arrangement and workings of indigenous tribal societies of Côte d’Ivoire (Hubbard & Kitchin 12

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2011: 26). In the early 1980s, Augé began to apply his learnings from West Africa to European-based societies, writing on the social arrangement of Paris as a city, focusing on concepts of intense solitude as the city expanded, concepts of ambivalent space and non-place, and a disconnect between inhabitants of a city and the city around them (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 27).

The publication of Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity in the early 1990s signified the third phase of Augé’s academic writing, where Augé applied his existing theories about place, space and non-place in localised social groups to diagnose and theorise about the concept of non-place on a broader, global scale in a post-globalised world defined by supermodernity (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 28).

First published in the early 1990s, Augé’s Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity (1992) emerged out of a practice of anthropology and sociology heavily preoccupied with the rapid developments of globalisation, and the impact of these changes upon social constructs, spaces and individuals (Paterson 2002: 187). Non-Places was seen to not only follow the work of Virilio in The Lost Dimension (1984), but also the work of a number of French socio-anthropologists focused on cultural exchange and perceptions of place, including Marcel Mauss (1872-1950), Roland Barthes (1915-1980), Michel de Certeau (1925-1986) and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961) (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 28). Mauss’ theories surrounding individualism and the relationship between culture, society and an individual (Mauss 1979: 10) as explored in The Nature of Sociology (1979) informed the majority of Augé’s practice, with concepts of identity and its linkage with culture and ethnicity coming to the fore early in Augé’s work, and remaining heavily prevalent in Non-Places (Augé 1992: 18). Combining this practice of sociology, phenomenology and futurology, Augé quickly became a prominent voice in the sociological theories of supermodernity, with particular impact upon architecture and the built environment as urbanism continued to spread and develop (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 29).

In order to best explore the application of the theory of non-place to social identity, cultural expression and architectural character, it is essential to first 13

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

have an understanding of the relational concept of ‘place’. Defining ‘place’ as relational, historical and concerned with identity (Augé 1992: 28), Augé used the framework established by Certeau in The Practice of Everyday Life (1980), which explored the relationship between people and mass culture, and tactics of consumption in relation to space (Certeau: 3). Certeau argued that people are required to activate a space in order for it to have meaning, therefore, creating place (Augé 1992: 65). Both the use of the space by people through movement and everyday life tasks, and the experience of a person within that city environment change the meaning of that space, rendering it a place (Augé 1992: 65). Using this framework, Augé established opposing polarities between concepts of place and non-place, where place emerges as more localised, historical and meaningful space, where identities and relationships are formed and fostered through social activity and the everyday (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 28). Working to further this framework, Augé highlighted the symbiotic relationship between the two concepts, arguing that place can never be completely erased or removed, and the nonplace never totally completed (Augé 1992: 64).

Despite these pre-existing notions of place ingrained in sociological theory, Augé posited that the arrival of supermodernity challenged how individuals relate to and use space (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 27). Citing French anthropologist Louis Dumont (1911-1998), Augé suggests that the contemporary world is undergoing a ‘triple decentering’, where time, history and the individual are become removed from themselves and traditional definitions of these things are no longer relevant or applicable (Augé 1992: VIII). As a result of this triple decentering, established modes of living are rapidly changing and the individual exists in a world completely independent of their physical surroundings, with Augé referencing the potentiality of the digital age, the Internet and virtual spaces (Augé 1992: VIII). Arguing that notions of continuity across space and time shifted in the face of geographical and cultural boundaries dissolving, reducing history into pure representation for entertainment, Augé posited that the world has become constrained by uniformity and has begun to produce ‘universal sameness’, albeit inadvertently (Augé 1992: XII). Proposing that in this supermodern reality, 14

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society does not exist beyond the perpetually present, lacking history beyond the news cycle (Augé: 84), Augé described a world characterised by solitary individuality, temporality and ephemerality, as the planet folds into itself and individualism reigns (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 27).

Establishing the context of supermodernity and the concept of universal sameness, Augé proposed that spaces that cannot be defined as relational, historical or concerned with identity emerge as non-places (Augé 1992: 63).

Citing spaces of circulation, communication and consumption, Augé argued that contemporary spaces like the shopping centre, airport or highway establish non-places where social interaction and bonding become irrelevant and unachievable, and solitude and individualism govern (Augé 2000: 178).

Likening the dominant aesthetic of supermodernity to the cinematic longshot, Augé conjured images of cars moving down a highway, external shots of glittering cityscapes, arguing that the proliferation of these types of images has trained the gaze of society, providing homogenised images of the world without detail or human interaction, reducing societies to a collection of placeless places without sociocultural meaning or relevance (Augé 1992: XIII). Whilst acknowledging that place still can exist within the supermodern context, Augé argued that the non-place has begun to dominate contemporary space and experience, through proliferation of the airport, highway, transport systems, carparks, large-scale retail outlets, hotel chains, wireless networks and digital space (Augé 1992: 64) that society now spend the majority of their time consumed in and by (Tsung Leong 2002: 152).

Continuing to work with the Certeaun framework, Augé proposed that places are able to create the ‘organically social’ (such as chance encounters, community learning and expression), where the non-place works to produce ‘solitary contractuality’, defined by the swipe of a credit card or the flash of the passport, where identity is reduced to a spectacle of expected behaviours and a collection of documents (Augé 1992: 76). Establishing this specific difference related to the social conditions between the place/non-place pairing, Augé suggested that the relationship between the two is a scale for measuring the degree of ‘sociality and symbolisation of a given space’, where 15

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

not only space become homogenised in the non-place, but so too do social interactions and modes of communicating (Augé 1992: VIII). Applying these notions to the seemingly social space of the shopping centre, Augé highlighted the temporal nature of the shopping centre and the act of shopping itself, where interactions become purely transactional and consumptive regardless of their cultural context (Augé 1992: 83). Suggesting that the shopping centre perpetuates homogeneity of experience and design, Augé labelled the space defined as a non-place of pure surface without depth beyond a collection of expected behaviours and the satisfaction of purchase – a concept that will be developed further in chapter two (Paterson 2006: 190).

The publication of Non-Places: An Introduction to Supermodernity brought with it a number of socio-anthropologists, architects and phenomenologists who began to further explore Augé’s concept of ‘non-place’ (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 27). As supermodernity became reality in the post-2000s, theorists returned to Augé’s concepts as means of analysing the current state of public spaces - in particular, the relation of these spaces of consumption, circulation and communication to their surrounding spaces and populations (Paterson 2006: 187). British sociologist Mark Paterson (1972-) focused much of his practice on researching consumption-based theories from the origins of consumption in the early marketplace; examining the social practices that surround differing modes of consumption, particularly now in a globalised context (Paterson 2006: 2). Following the work of Certeau and Augé, Paterson published Consumption & Everyday Life (2006), which focused on exploring the development of consumption practices in a supermodern context (Southerton 2008: 428). Analysing the development of the shopping centre typology, Paterson made specific reference to Augé’s predictions about the rise of the non-place in commercial spaces, rendering not only the shopping centre itself as a non-place, but the transactional activities that occur inside impermanent experiences void of identity and connection to sociocultural context (Paterson 2006: 187).

Similarly, British philosopher Dylan Trigg (1974-) implemented Augé’s theories of non-place into his work, however, began to apply them within a 16

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

phenomenological framework in order to best analyse the individual experience of place and non-place (Rálon 2012: NP). In his text The Aesthetics of Decay: Nothingness, Nostalgia & the Absence of Reason (2006), Trigg utilised Augé’s concepts to highlight the decay of public space in the supermodern context, questioning what this means for both the individual experience and identity-forming (Trigg 2006: 186). Arguing that the supermodern spaces of the shopping centre and the airport lounge conjure up ‘nothingness’ and only suggestions of place, Trigg compared these supermodern spaces to the ancient ruins and remnants of the past (Casey 1993: 185). Trigg suggested that non-places confront the visitor with incomplete, temporal and spatial experiences, void of identity beyond surface value and a vague sense of familiarity (Trigg 2006: 187). Using the work of American spatial philosopher Edward S. Casey (1939-) in relation to Augé, Trigg argued that the non-place maintains relics of its past as a place, referencing architectural motifs that allude to another time or place (Trigg 2006: 187). However, using Casey’s concepts of ‘ultimate desolation’ within space, Trigg suggested that the non-place is an arena where desolation and the uncanny merge to produce an ambiguous ‘half-space’ that preserves the past whilst simultaneously subtracting it (Trigg 2006: 188). It is in this space between place/non-place and the uncanny/desolation, that Trigg suggested the most complex and interesting relationship between space and people exists (Trigg 2006: 188).

Despite the success of Non-Place, a number of socio-anthropologists and philosophers rebuked Augé’s theories, dismissing them as superficially neglecting the alternate ways in which individuals can inhabit spaces labelled as non-places (such as the airport or motorway) (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 30). Published the same year Non-Place was translated to English, American sociologist Rob Shields released Spaces for the Subject of Consumption (1992), an article in Lifestyle Shopping Journal that argued the concept of ‘placelessness’; coming into direct conflict with Augé’s proposal of the nonplace (Paterson 2006: 186). Describing the contemporary shopping centre as a democratised public space, Shields argued that the shopping centre poses as a sanitised slice of urban life, providing an elsewhere to the street 17

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(Paterson 2006: 187). Suggesting that placelessness does not equate a negative relation to cultural and social surroundings, Shields proposed that the shopping centre allows the visitor the chance to remove themselves from their surrounds, and inhabit a purely surface-level, superficial space, without the pressures of sociocultural and political factors imposing – in short, mindless consumption (Paterson 2006: 190).

Although agreeing with AugĂŠ that supermodernity fosters spaces of placelessness, Shields took the position of arguing the benefits of these types of spaces - using the shopping centre as an example of a placeless place that provides visitors the chance to try on and buy new identities, removed from the sociocultural and political pressures of the real world (Shields 1992: 5).

Shields argued that the contemporary shopping space is a pastiche of the real world that simply imitates society in a superficial way, becoming the perfect homage to the post-modern, and supermodern context in which we exist (Shields 1992: 106). Shields suggested that placelessness is beneficial to society in a supermodern context, as it also suggests depthlessness and racelessness, providing an array of novelty, exotica and luxury in a superficial setting (Paterson 2006: 189). Proposing that the homogenisation of spaces internationally is merely a result of the post-modern movement, Shields suggested that consuming in a Disneyland-esque pastiche of scenes (Shields 1992: 153), allows the consumer the freedom to enjoy the consumption fantasy that shopping centres are meant to offer (Paterson 2006: 189).

Traversing the contextual boundaries of the supermodern has revealed the breadth of issues facing society in a post-globalised context. As globalisation rapidly changed the way in which society functioned and the city worked, the ways in which individuals inhabited spaces also drastically changed (Robinson 2008: 127). Sociologists and anthropologists responded to this evolving context, beginning to analyse how the city was transforming itself in the face of immense change and the influence of global pressures (Hubbard & Kitchin 2011: 110). Writing about concepts of place and non-place allowed socio-anthropologists and philosophers like Marc AugĂŠ the chance to consider the future, with the theory of non-place coming to characterise spaces of 18

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

consumption, circulation and commerce for the coming decades (Paterson 2006: 186). The theoretical framework established in the first chapter of this dissertation will inform the rest of the paper, with the following chapter focusing on detailing the historical origins and evolution of the shopping centre, and highlighting the major technological and social impacts on the development of the shopping centre from its origins to the supermodern context. Keeping in mind the theoretical framework established surrounding Augé’s concept of non-place, the subsequent chapters will investigate whether or not the shopping centre is the greatest example of the non-place in supermodern society.

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Chapter Two

Globalised Consumption: The History of the Shopping Centre & The Evolution of the Consumption Site

Fig 2.AA: Escalator Sells Itself, 1949, Otis Elevator Company, Project on the City II: The Harvard Guide to Shopping, ed C.J Chung, J Inaba & R. Koolhaas, Taschen Press, New York, USA

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Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

The shopping centre as architectural typology has undergone innumerable significant transformations since its early origins in the marketplaces of Ancient civilisations (Shields 2002: 2). No other typology has had to rapidly adapt, reinvent and reposition itself like the shopping centre, reacting to sociocultural requirements, intense economic pressure, and ultimately, the expectations of its customers (Paterson 2006: 172). As consumption became more complexly intertwined with everyday life, locations for consumption evolved from spaces immersed with street culture and community life, to those separated from their surroundings; solely focused on the act of consumption in a variety of modes, and eventually, to the shopping centre of today (Paterson 2006: 11). Whilst sociocultural developments were regarded as the major motivation behind the emergence of the shopping centre as typology, the relationship between sociocultural zeitgeist, technological developments and socio-political trends have worked to establish the shopping centre of supermodern society as a complex and challenging site in contemporary life (Shields 1992: 3). This chapter will seek to explore the historical emergence and evolution of the shopping centre typology, and the sociocultural conditions and technological advancements that led to major developments within the type. The impact of influential figures including Austrian architect Victor Gruen (1903-1980) and American architect Jon Jerde (1940-2015) on the shopping centre typology and its spatial arrangement and design will frame the latter half of the chapter, exploring the relationship between existing modes of shopping centre design, and the potentiality of the future shopping centre in a supermodern context (Herman 2002: 405). The relevance of AugÊ’s concepts of non-place in relation to the current sociocultural and socio-political landscape of will also be discussed, in relation to the historical framework proposed earlier in the chapter (Featherstone 2007: XXI).

Considering the origins of spaces for consumption in ancient civilisations and their relation to community is an essential aspect of unpacking and understanding the development of the shopping centre typology of today (Coleman 2006: 19). Ancient Greco-Roman societies are generally considered to form the basis of the earliest forms of dedicated spaces of 21

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

shopping in the Western European tradition, with the Athenian Agora and Roman Forum acting as early examples of shopping and trade spaces immersed in public daily life (Coleman 2006: 20). These early examples of dedicated spaces for shopping in ancient societies act as a significant juxtaposition to the spaces of consumption that followed, in that they were intertwined with the daily workings of the community, including politics, religion, cultural expression and social activity (Shields 1992: 3). The ancient examples of spaces for shopping also highlight shopping or trade as a chore or required act to survive, rather than a leisurely activity which shopping quickly evolved into in further iterations of the typology (Klaffke 2003: 15).

Pre-Modern and early Modern Europe (11th-16th centuries) provided similar spaces for shopping, where the centrality of community spaces like the village green and the town hall emerged, with shopping and communal activity surrounding these types of spaces (Coleman 2006: 20). It was also during this time that the concept of a shop began to be established, with merchants creating spaces to sell speciality goods away from the traditional marketplace as early as the 13th century (Coleman 2006: 20). From these early examples of spaces for shopping, the earliest notions of the typology of the shopping centre were being established - the act of consumption began to slowly separate from civic life into specific established spaces, and by the end of the early Modern period it was clear that shopping had begun to occupy a significant role in society and needed specific spaces to accommodate this (Shields 1992: 3).

The centrality of the Industrial Revolution (1760-1840) to the evolution of the shopping centre typology is undeniable, with both social advances and technological developments of the Industrial Revolution having numerous impacts upon the growth and establishment of spaces for consumption and shopping across Western society (Hinshaw & Stearns 2014: 123).

Technologically, the mass production afforded by the advances during the Industrial Revolution enabled innumerable developments to building technology, with glass, iron and steel being able to be mass produced and quickly transported (Deane 1965: 103). These developments meant that structures not only increased in size and scale exponentially, but also allowed 22

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

for large-scale windows and glazing to become a reality, foreshadowing the future developments of the shopping centre typology (Coleman 2006: 34).

Mass production also meant an increased number of lower cost goods and products suddenly became available for consumption, including household goods, clothing and furniture, and needed places to be sold and displayed, as well as customers to purchase them (Coleman 2006: 30). This change in the market drastically altered the role of both the consumer and producer, with the consumer having greater access to a wider range of cheaper products, and the profits from these goods going to fewer, larger producers; a stark juxtaposition to the previous models of artisan producers and manufacturers producing goods for the wealthier classes (Coleman 2006: 30).

Concurrently, the Industrial Revolution also transformed the sociocultural composition of society, with the rise of the Middle Class meaning that a whole new class of people with both free time and disposable income for the first time needed spaces to inhabit and frequent, and goods to purchase (Deane 1965: 142). The social affordances allowed by the Industrial Revolution drastically changed labour conditions and the working week, as the concept of the weekend and of leisure time began to emerge, meaning that social spaces and activity needed to cater to this (Hinshaw & Stearns 2014: 123). The emergence of the concept of leisure time remains one of the major driving forces behind the transformation of the shopping centre typology, and remains a major aspect in the design of contemporary shopping centres, and the attitude toward the supermodern shopping centre as the new civic space (Tsung Leong 2002: 130). The combination of these sociocultural and technological developments greatly affected the zeitgeist, making the emergence of specific spaces for consumption and shopping inevitable (Shields 1992: 3).

The genealogy of the contemporary shopping centre finds its footings within two major architectural landmarks that emerged to facilitate spaces for consumption - the arcade and the department store (Shields 1992: 3).

Originating in France in the 1700s, the shopping arcade was the first architectural space that separated the act of shopping from everyday street 23

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life, where shopping began to evolve into an elevated, spectacle-based leisure activity independent of its sociocultural surrounds (Benjamin 1892: 10).

French architect Jacques Lemercier’s Galeries de Bois (Paris, 1786) (Fig 2.01) is often heralded as the first example of the shopping arcade, after the original building was transformed from royal residency to shopping arcade to facilitate the growing needs of the Parisian bourgeoisie in the face of mass urbanisation and a densely populated city (Coleman 2006: 30). Taking significant inspiration from the Middle Eastern and African concepts of the souk and the bazaar, Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II (Milan, 1865) (Fig 2.02) and the Burlington Arcade (London, 1818) (Fig 2.03) represent some of the most architecturally important examples of the shopping arcade, where contained artificially lit spaces for shopping began to proliferate, shielded from weather and the street outside – all afforded by advancements made during the Industrial Revolution (Coleman 2006: 24).

Following the proliferation of the arcade across European, Australian and North American contexts, the department store was the next major evolution of the typology that enabled patrons to visit a single, contained space that housed a broad range of goods and products for sale (Shields 1992: 3).

Largely inspired and informed by Joseph Paxton’s Crystal Palace (London, 1851) (Fig 2.04) and the concept of the world fair and great exhibition popular across Europe and North America in the 1800s, the department store grew out of a tradition of expansive spaces designed to showcase a range of international goods for sale in a single location, with the sole aim of consumption and spectacle (Auerbach 1999: 200). Generally regarded as the first department store, Le Bon Marche (Paris, 1852) (Fig 2.05 and Fig 2.06) pushed the typology beyond the street-like structure of the shopping arcade, into a large-scale multi-level, interconnected open plan shopping environment that established architectural and interior principles still present in retail design today (Coleman 2006: 34). Design elements such as increased vertical scale, sprawling staircases (later, the escalator) and overlooking galleries were major trends in department store design that remain relevant to today’s shopping centre, with shoppers being able to observe other shopper’s activity and consumption to further perpetuate the cycle of consumption (Coleman 24

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2006: 34). The department store not only established architectural tropes for retail design moving forward, but also established modes of shopping, including a wide variety of goods for sale at fixed prices, as well as the implementation of capitalist marketing retail principles to appeal to and attract a wider base of customers (Coleman 2006: 34).

The architectural retail precedents established by department store design in the 1800s and 1900s remained relevant for a significant portion of history within the typology of the shopping centre, with development of the type impacted by the Great Depression and the World Wars (Coleman 2006: 41).

Three major technological developments enabled the progression of the shopping centre typology in the late 1890s and early 1900s, with the invention of the escalator (1890s), air conditioning (1902) and mass availability of the automobile (early 1900s) all having major repercussions for the future of the shopping centre (Coleman 2006: 41). Revolutionising circulation and viable retail space within larger scale retail spaces, the escalator is typically regarded as the most significant invention to the modern shopping centre (Fig 2.07) (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 337). Creating fluid transitions between retail spaces, the escalator was quickly implemented into department stores, and was seen as a tool that added a vertical dimension to the shopping experience, allowed access to previously unattainable retail space, and was able to pull people from street level into a spectacle of all encompassing shopping (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 341).

Similarly, the advent of air conditioning in 1902 (Fig 2.08) enabled the constant regulation of retail environments, creating a comfortable working environment for employees, whilst also ensuring that cycles of production and consumption continued uninhibited by external factors (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 94). Improvements artificial lighting technology and electricity also enabled the shopping centre typology to evolve further, with extended shopping hours becoming a reality, regardless of seasonality or time of day, and the ability to light displays, stores and fitting rooms effectively still relevant to the contemporary shopping centre (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 94).

Advances in air conditioning in conjunction with developments in artificial 25

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lighting saw retail spaces grow beyond the constraints of time and climate, extending trading hours and beginning the complete separation from external factors on the consumption experience still seen in today’s contemporary shopping centres (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 94).

Concomitantly, the mass spread of the automobile in the early 1900s saw a whole population of consumers mobilised and able to access spaces of consumption with ease, speed, and the ability to purchase more (Shields 1992: 4). The spread of the automobile, particularly in suburban areas, mobilised the population, increasing access to shopping environments, and worked to frame the shopping centre as the new epicentre of the modern social urban environment (Shields 1992: 4). Typically positioned at the intersection of major feeder roads and surrounded by residential housing and schools (Fig 2.09), the shopping centre proved to be the modern town hall, and quickly became a centralised part of local communities (Shields 1992: 4).

The increased use of the automobile as means to arrive at the shopping centre also challenged the typology to accommodate for parking facilities, creating a need that remained a major requirement of the shopping centre typology and design moving forward (Coleman 2006: 47).

The developments allowed by these three main technological advancements redefined the shopping centre typology, and still remain relevant to the typology today, in particular, the Augéan concepts of transitory spaces as non-place as the customer travels from their homes in a car, on a highway, to a shopping centre without interaction with the surrounding community or site during this process (Augé 1992: 83). Similarly, the containment and trapping of individuals in meaningless cycles of consumption is another idea explored

by Augé, and the advent of air conditioning, the escalator and artificial lighting all perpetuates these ideas (Augé 1992: 84).

Contemporaneously, the sociocultural landscape was also undergoing significant development, in particular, the role of the female consumer in relation to the shopping centre and the act of shopping (Bowlby 2000: 24).

Throughout the history of consumption the act of shopping has generally 26

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socially been considered a feminine activity, with the female population still accounting for the majority of retail traffic and purchasing power in contemporary society (Chung 2002: 505). The establishment of the department store in the early 1800s saw the emergence of a new urban space for women, who had previously been reviled to domestic environments and roles within the home, allowing female consumers the chance to shop for leisure rather than a practical task focused on providing for the family unit (Chung 2002: 506). In response to the emergence of the female as the major consumer, department stores began to capitalise on the fact that other urban environments did not cater to females, creating dedicated spaces for female shoppers to shop, eat and go to the bathroom; amenities that had never before existed for women outside of the home (Rappaport 2000: 23). These deliberate inclusions for female shoppers also began to change the interiors of consumption spaces, with shopping environments mimicking traits of domestic environments in order to attract female shoppers and make them feel more comfortable, for example, soft furnishings and decorative elements (Chung 2002: 505). These early efforts to attract and cater to female shoppers not only reshaped the typology moving forward, but also raised the role of the shopping centre as public, civic space as early as the 1800s (Chung 2002: 506).

Despite a number of open air, unified malls being created and significant progression in the typology of the supermarket, it was not until 1956 that the concept of an enclosed shopping mall emerged, when Austrian architect, Victor Gruen (1903-1980) created the first enclosed shopping centre in Southdale, Minneapolis (Fig 2.10) (Herman 2002: 739). Emerging within a North American context and quickly spreading, Gruen’s shopping mall redefined the typology and utilised the technological developments of the last century, creating a modern space for consumption based on treating shopping centre design as a type of new urbanism and urban environment – where Gruen’s shopping centre created a new template for urbanity from the neighbourhood to the metropolis (Coleman 2006: 46). 1950s United States provided the perfect context for Gruen to explore this new urbanism, where suburbanisation and urban sprawl had quickly created new cities that needed 27

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infrastructure and anchoring architecture, with the shopping centre proving the perfect solution (Fig 2.11) (Herman 2002: 739).

The socio-political context also proved advantageous to Gruen’s new model of urbanisation and shopping, with the mass culture machine reassuring paranoid Post-World War 2 consumers that capitalist culture was beneficial to family life and attaining the desired lifestyle of leisure and convenience, in the face of the communist threat (Paterson 2006: 10). Treating the shopping centre as a city within itself, Gruen employed urbanism practices and focused on creating large-scale, aesthetically pleasing spaces that disoriented the consumer upon arrival, leading them into a series of unplanned impulse purchases in the face of the overwhelming experience of the modern shopping mall (Fig 2.12) – this later became known as Gruen Transfer (Gruen 1941: 121). Gruen aimed to design spaces that facilitated shopping as an opportunity for social activity and recreation in an enclosed environment, in turn, creating the modern equivalent of the Ancient Greek Agora or Town Square with the shopping centre acting as ‘mall-cum-civic space’ of the 20th Century (Gruen 1941: 120).

Following the establishment of Gruen’s new urbanism model for the shopping centre in the 1950s, the typology quickly developed and reacted, with this type of shopping centre spreading internationally (Herman 2006: 742). The proliferation of Gruen’s model also allowed for a number of developments in shopping environments, with the emergence of big box shopping in the 1960s with Walmart and supermarkets reacting to the organisational and planning concepts posited by Gruen (McMorrough 2002: 201). During the next quinquagenary, the shopping centre as typology cemented itself as an anchor within everyday community life, with urban planning typically highlighting the shopping centre as the core of public life in central area developments, particularly across the United States and Europe (Coleman 2006: 45).

Responding to the centralisation of the shopping centre as space for public life and leisure, the typology began to expand further, beginning to include spaces of hospitality, entertainment, novelty, recreation and public life within the shopping centre, further cementing Gruen’s concepts of the shopping 28

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centre as the new city (Fig 2.13) (Gruen 1941: 121). In conjunction with the growth and expansion of the shopping centre typology in traditional forms, a number of other typologies were seen to begin borrowing spatial and organisational concepts from the shopping centre, with the rise of duty free shopping in airport terminals in the late 1950s (Fig 2.14), and museums and art galleries mimicking retail-based spatial arrangement to attract patronage – suggested by Augé in Non-Places (1992), and explored in the previous chapter (Augé 1992: 83).

Gruen’s established model for shopping centre architecture remained the prominent international style adopted for shopping centres until the mid1980s, when American architect Jon Jerde (1940-2015) challenged the model with his concept of ‘experience architecture’ and the design of the five level San Diego shopping centre Horton Plaza (1985) (Fig 2.15 and Fig 2.16) (Herman 2002: 404). Moving away from Gruen’s design methods to intimidate and visually assault the customer, Jerde aimed to subjugate and control the consumer via a threefold strategy of amplification, bombardment and entertainment (Herman 2002: 404). Framing his approach as one that takes shopping to an environmental climax, Jerde’s model for shopping centre design positions itself as the revenge of the real urban against Gruen’s sanitised model of urbanism, playing with the chaos and confusion of the city as means of bombarding the consumer (Graham 2016: 130). Building on these concepts, Jerde’s vision of the contemporary shopping centre comprised of meandering, dislocated circulation paths, excessive spatial stimulation via overblown scale and illogical spatial organisation, and bewildered shoppers, all with the end aim to play up the farcical nature and spectacle of shopping spaces in contemporary society (Fig 2.17 and Fig 2.18) (Herman 2002: 406). Jerde’s break with Gruen’s model saw a much more experience-based method of shopping centre begin to emerge, mimicking concepts seen in the very early department store, with the addition of fountains, light shows, theme restaurants, gardens and novelty introduced by Jerde into a number of his shopping centre designs (Herman 2002: 745).

Jerde’s impact upon the typology in conjunction with the foundational work of Gruen have informed the majority of the existing spatial elements that remain 29

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

apparent in contemporary shopping centre examples, where shoppers frequent the shopping centre for an experience beyond one of pure consumption, but also some level of entertainment, social interaction and enjoyment of the new civic space, albeit a potentially confusing and overwhelming one (Herman 2006: 406).

Reflecting upon the theoretical framework established in the previous chapter and the sociocultural historical methodology used in this chapter, Augé’s concept of non-place remains relevant and central to the exploration of the emergence of the contemporary shopping centre (Paterson 2006: 187).

Examining the socio-political and sociocultural conditions that gave rise to not only the contemporary shopping centre, but also the arcade, department store and early shopping centres, it is essential to note that all of these spaces were focused on consumption initially, but in the process of their creation, removed the act of consumption from its surrounds (Coleman 2006: 20). Where initially, the act of shopping was intertwined with the public life of a community, the sanitisation and demarcation of consumption into spaces removed from their sociocultural surroundings, time and place, allowed Augé’s concept of nonplace to slowly emerge (Augé 1992: 84), coming to fruition in both Gruen and Jerde’s models of shopping centre design aimed at bombarding and controlling the consumer (Herman 2006: 404). Coupled with the inclusion of spaces of transit to and from the contemporary shopping centre, and the blurring of boundaries between spaces of consumption of everyday life, the shopping centre has found itself at the centre of public life, but also completely removed from its communal surroundings – an idea to be further explored in the following chapter (Paterson 2006: 187).

Considering the historical underpinnings of the shopping centre typology has revealed the intense interrelationship between the shopping centre and the sociocultural makeup of a place (Paterson 2006: 30). The impact of political developments and technological advancements upon the typology are undeniable, with the shopping centre emerging as one of the major typologies of the contemporary world, despite the challenges it has faced to flourish (McMorrough 2002: 194). Through the work of architects Victor Gruen and 30

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Jon Jerde, concepts of urbanism, spectacle and control of the customer were explored, with these ideas remaining pertinent to the shopping centre of supermodernity to be elaborated on in the following chapter (Herman 2002: 404). By examining the models for the shopping centre established by these influential architects, the evolution of the typology, both spatially and socially, was explored, creating a historical basis for the emergence of the contemporary shopping centre, and the sociocultural conditions surrounding its emergence and prosperity (Herman 2002: 405). The sociocultural and historical framework established in this chapter will inform the final chapter of this dissertation, focusing on exploring the shopping centre of supermodernity and examining the emergence of the globalised consumer in a post-globalised supermodern society. Using Marxist theory to explore the socio-political ramifications of the emergence of this consumer, the chapter will elaborate on concepts of the consumption site as a political one concerned with commodity and control. Revisiting the theoretical framework established surrounding AugÊ’s concept of non-place, the final chapter will posit the contemporary shopping centre as the new non-place and explore the contribution of the new consumer to the site as a non-place. Â

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Chapter Two

Globalised Consumption: The History of the Shopping Centre & The Evolution of the Consumption Site ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig 2.00: Exterior of Canal City in Hakata, 1996, Jon Jerde,, Hakata, Japan, JERDE Photographers < http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/canal-city> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 2.01: Interior Image of Galeries de Bois in 1789, Jacques Lemercier, 1876, Paris, Brown University Library , USA, 2012. < https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/mar/30/galeriesde-bois-paris-history-cities-50-buildings> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.02: Interior Image of Galleria Vittorio Emanuele 1789, Guiseppe Mengoni,1880, Milan, Giacomo Brogi, Italy, 2007. <wikipedia.org/wiki/Galleria_Vittorio_Emanuele_II#/media/F ile:Brogi,_Giacomo4608MilanoOttagono_della_Galleria_Vitt orio_Emanuele_ca._1880.jpg> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

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th

Fig 2.03: North Entrance of Burlington Arcade in 19 Century, Samuel Ware, 1818, London, Getty Images Australia, 2003 < https://www.gettyimages.com.au/detail/news-photo/northentrance-of-burlington-arcade-westminster-london-19thnews-photo/463957403> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.04: Front entrance of Crystal Palace Exhibition Hall, Joseph Paxton, 1851, London, Getty Images Australia, 2003 < https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/news-photo/exteriorof-the-north-transept-of-the-crystal-palace-london-newsphoto/463915825> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Â

Fig  2.05: Interior of Le Bon Marche, Aristide Boucicaut, 1852, Paris, Getty Images Australia, 2010 < https://www.gettyimages.com.au/detail/newsphoto/department-store-in-paris-bon-marche-here-c-1900news-photo/89863648?#department-store-in-paris-bon-marchehere-c-1900-picture-id89863648> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.06: Exterior of Le Bon Marche, Aristide Boucicaut, 1852, Paris, Getty Images Australia, 2010 < https://www.gettyimages.com.au/detail/newsphoto/department-store-in-paris-bon-marche -departmentstore-in-paris-bon-marche-here-c-1900> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 2.07: First escalator installed in London’s Harrods department store, Photographer Unknown, 1890s, London, ALPHR Images, 2001 < http://www.alphr.com/technology/1008212/escalatoranniversary-facts> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.08: Advertisement for early air conditioning in shops, Photographer Unknown, 1934, USA, Project on the City II: The Harvard Guide to Shopping, ed C.J Chung, J Inaba & R. Koolhaas, Taschen Press, New York, USA

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 2.09: Gruen’s Whittier Downs Mall at the centre of the suburban landscape, Photographer Unknown, 1956, Los Angeles, Mall Hall of Fame, 2018 <http://mall-hall-of-fame.blogspot.com/2007/05/100th-shoppingcenter-to-be-inducted.html> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.10: Gruen’s Southdale Mall (the first enclosed shopping mall), Victor Gruen, 1956, Minnesota, Leanna Garfield, 2017 < https://www.businessinsider.com.au/first-shopping-mall-ussouthdale-center-history-photos-2017-8?r=US&IR=T#/#in1956-the-southdale-center-debuted-in-edina-a-growingminnesotan-suburb-of-15000-at-the-time-eight-hundredworkers-built-the-mall-which-cost-20-million-to-construct-1> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Â

Fig 2.11: Exterior of Southdale Mall showing surrounds, Victor Gruen, 1956, Minnesota, Leanna Garfield, 2017 < https://www.businessinsider.com.au/first-shopping-mall-ussouthdale-center-history-photos-2017-8?r=US&IR=T#/#in1956-the-southdale-center-debuted-in-edina-a-growingminnesotan-suburb-of-15000-at-the-time-eight-hundredworkers-built-the-mall-which-cost-20-million-to-construct-1> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.12: Gruenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Westland Shopping Centre centre court interior, Victor Gruen, 1965, Detroit, Harry Berotia, 1966 <https://www.pinterest.com.au/pin/289708188520506113/> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 2.13: Jon Jerde’s Freemont Street Experience, Jon Jerde, 1995, Las Vegas, Sylvaian Sonnet, 1999 <https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/architecturedesign-blog/2015/feb/13/jon-jerde-the-walt-disney-of-americanshopping-malls th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.14: Heathrow Terminal 5 Shopping, Rogers Stirk Harbours & Partners, 2007, London, VCG Photographers, 2007 <https://www.caixinglobal.com/2018-02-13/heathrow-shopapologizes-for-anti-chinese-discrimination-101211308.html> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 2.15: Horton Plaza exterior, Jon Jerde, 1985, San Diego, JERDE Photographers, 1985 <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/horton-plaza> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.16: Horton Plaza exterior, Jon Jerde, 1985, San Diego, Photographers, 1985 JERDE <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/horton-plaza> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

 Fig 2.17: Zlote Tarasy exterior//interior, Jon Jerde, 2007, Warsaw, JERDE Photographers, 2007 <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/zlote-tarasy> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 2.18: Lerthai Centre interior, Jon Jerde, 2018, Shijazhuang, China, JERDE Photographers, 2018 <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail-lerthai_centre > th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Chapter Three

Globalised Futures: The Contemporary Shopping Centre, The Emergence of the Globalised Consumer & The Reality of the Non-Place

Fig 3.AA: Bourke Street Melbourne Escalators, 2016, GPT Group, Melbourne, Australia.

Available <https://www.pinterest.com.au/pin/358951032772349508/> th Accessed: 11 May 2017

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The emergence of the supermodern shopping centre can be attributed to a series of interconnected phenomena across sociocultural developments, technological advancements, shifting political power structures and the rapid development of globalisation as discussed in early chapters of this dissertation (Paterson 2006: 2). Occupying a dichotomous space within contemporary society, the shopping centre appears as both a site dedicated to everyday mindless consumption and shopping, and the major civic, public landscape of supermodern society – questioning how the typology became so fraught with socio-political conditions, and what this means for the future of the shopping centre (Tsung Leong 2002: 130). Utilising a theoretical framework established by German philosopher Karl Marx (1818-1883) in his text Capital (1867) and later readings of the text, in conjunction with the Discipline & Punish (1975) by French philosopher Michel Foucault (19261984), this chapter will examine the supermodern consumer as both a victimised mindless consumer, and one that is a product of its socio-political surroundings contributing to the rise of the non-place (Paterson 2006: 142).

Following this, the chapter will analyse the supermodern shopping centre, identifying common traits across the type, highlighting where these traits have arisen, and why they work to define the supermodern shopping centre as a typology constantly blurring the boundaries of space and time (Paterson 2006: 188). Applying the framework established surrounding Augé’s concept of nonplace, the final part of the chapter will seek to posit the contemporary shopping centre as the new non-place in light of the relationship between the globalised consumer and the globalised shopping centre, and explore the relationship of Augé’s theories to the consumption site.

The birth and subsequent rise of the globalised consumer has become one of the defining aspects of the contemporary shopping centre, and its transformation in a post-2000s context (Stillerman 2015: 54). The standardisation of consumption patterns post-World War 2 is generally viewed as the beginnings of the major impact of globalisation on available goods, international brands and the homogenisation of consumption lifestyles (Stillerman 2015: 52). As social groups across the United States, Europe and Asia began to have increasing access to products and information, the 33

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concept of lifestyle-based consumption began to emerge and disseminate across the world; typically in the form of white American middle class families in advertising or television shows (Holt 2004: 3). As time progressed and lifestyles began to differentiate, so too did the consumer experiences required, meaning that both the market and the shopping centre needed to adapt (Stillerman 2015: 53). The differentiation of lifestyles is considered to have begun with the youth counterculture movement of the 1960s, where individualism and reactions towards homogenised culture began to challenge social norms and individual self-expression came to the fore via fashion, music and consumption choices (Stillerman 2015: 53). The assertion of individual choice and focus on personal lifestyle led to the emergence of numerous contemporary notions of the consumption-lifestyle, where particular lifestyles are promoted and marketed by individuals themselves via social media and community interaction (Holt 2004: 4). British sociologist, Mike Featherstone (1946-) defined the ‘aestheticisation of everyday life’ in Consumer Culture & Postmodernism (2007), discussing the connection between consumption of goods and perceived social status and ability to identify with a particular group through lifestyle choices (Featherstone 2007: V). Considering this concept in relation to brand status and culture, individuals consume brands they feel reflect notions of their identity and personal brand in order to establish and understand their own identity (Stillerman 2015: 54).

Analysing the establishment of lifestyle-consumption and its impact upon patterns of shopping and the development of the shopping centre type, it is important to reflect upon theories surrounding the development of capitalism, particularly in a post-World War 2 Western setting (Stillerman 2015: 52).

German philosopher Karl Marx published his seminal text Capital in 1867, releasing a socio-economic study and analysis of capitalism, the economy and the consumer (Paterson 2006: 16). Although during this time, the full breadth and scale of shopping and the shopping centre was yet to have reached its supermodern potential, the concepts discussed by Marx in Capital remain relevant when viewing consumption today (Stillerman 2015: 8). One of the major concepts discussed by Marx focused on the idea of ‘commodity fetishism’, wherein goods became innately more desirable to consumers 34

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

based on their origins and status-giving power, rather than their usefulness as a commodity (Paterson 2006: 10). Marx theorised that through desirability and willingness to consume, the consumers themselves created the value for the object; fetishizing consumable goods and instilling them with power and control over the way consumers act, respond and continue to shop (Paterson 2006: 16). Reflecting upon this Marxist concept, the effects of commodity fetishism have not only remained relevant, but arguably increased over consumers (Paterson 2006: 16). Therefore, with desire to consume effectively controlling consumers, it is essential that the contemporary shopping centre not only responds to this, but also satisfies this through goods and brands available, layout and circulation, and increased shopping experiences that reflect the power of the consumable object (Paterson 2006: 151).

Reflecting upon the potential for consumers to be controlled and directed not only by consumable goods and the pressure to consume, but also respond to spaces dedicated to controlling and directing consumption, the work of French philosopher Michel Foucault in Discipline & Punish (1975) comes to the fore (Stillerman 2015: 55). Foucaultâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work examined the potentiality of the human body and mind, establishing the concept of a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;docile bodyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;; that a human body could be controlled, targeted and transformed through power structures, susceptible to uninterrupted, constant coercion to control and establish behavioural patterns (Sargiacomo 2009: 274). Although Foucault originally explored this concept in relation to the soldier and prisoner, the concepts established in Discipline & Punish have increasingly become applicable to the behaviour and control of consumers (Shields 1992: 32), where through a capitalist Marxist framework, consumers are conditioned from a young age to mindlessly mass-consume (Paterson 2006: 146). It is here that the work of architects Victor Gruen and Jon Jerde, discussed in chapter two, comes into further relevance, where the shopping centre begins to play into these concepts of commodity fetishism and docile bodies; controlling and subjugating the consumer by creating an uninterrupted, controlled environment for mindless consumption, and using the potentiality of the consumer body for revenue (Paterson 2006: 146).

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Following the establishment of lifestyle-consumption and concepts of commodity fetishism and the docile body, the impact of the trend cycle and mass consumption upon supermodern consumers is one of the most powerful tools of not only marketing agencies, but also the supermodern shopping centre (Shaw, Dibeenhi & Walden 2010: 68). As mass-production continued to dominate the market into the 21st Century, the production of items, particularly clothing and household goods, began to rely on the trend cycle and advertising to assert dominance in a market flooded with available goods and choice for consumers (Stillerman 2015: 27). Regarded to have begun in France in the 1970s, structured trend forecasting for fashion designers became a major aspect of business and success, playing on socially embedded notions of status anxiety, desirability of the product and lifestylemarketing established earlier (Shaw & Koumbis 2013: 45). The proliferation of lifestyle-consumption and self-marketing via social media in a post-2000s context has only worked to solidify the importance of trend to consumption patterns, and therefore the spaces that house them - the shopping centre (Shaw, Dibeenhi & Walden 2010: 68). With immediate access to international goods and products, the inexorable trend cycle and mass-consumption has not only contributed to the emergence of the supermodern shopping centre, but also the appearance of the non-place within it (Augé 1992: 188). The shopping centre sets the scene for this type of consumption to occur, creating experiential and spatial translations of these ideas, which will be clarified later in this chapter (Paterson 2006: 190).

Analysing the typical traits that have come to characterise the contemporary, supermodern shopping centre, three main attributes come to the fore - the emergence of the experience-based activity within the shopping environment, exaggerated architectural aspects that have previously been typical to the typology, and the establishment of the shopping centre as the ‘parasite of the city’ (Tsung Leong 2002: 131). Through the proliferation of these three main attributes, Augé’s theories of non-place can be readily applied, examining the global homogenisation of the supermodern shopping centre and its contribution to the loss of place within space, as discussed in chapter one (Paterson 2006: 190). By the 1980s, the big-box model of shopping mall was 36

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well established across the US and in Europe, spreading to Australia and Asia in the following decade, aided by the suburbanisation of cities (Chung & Palop-Casado 2002: 632). The physical size of the shopping centre began to grow, with prefabricated structures allowing for the scale of shopping to increase, coupled with the cheap land and rent in suburban areas with a growing population of consumers readily available (Chung & Palop-Casado 2002: 633). After the shopping centre had successfully dominated both size and scale, the developments that occurred from the mid-1990s toward the supermodern shopping centre worked to further cement the shopping centre as the civic landscape of supermodernity (Chung & Palop-Casado 2002: 633).

The early 1800s models of the department store were the first to establish concepts of spaces for leisure, rest and meals within the shopping environment, and these ideas have remained relevant to contemporary shopping centre design to this day (Chung 2002: 506). The suggestion that a shopping centre could be more than a purely goods consumption-based location is one that American architect Jon Jerde began to exploit and explore in his practice in the 1990s, creating what ‘shopping/entertainment hybrids’ aimed to inject chaos, bombardment and excitement into the shopping environment (Herman 2002: 405). Through the inclusion of cinemas, hospitality precincts, gymnasiums, theatres, residential towers and office spaces within retail space, Jerde’s practice began to define the shopping centre of supermodernity, blurring traditional notions of space and place to create an all encompassing shopping centre (Herman 2002: 406).

Jerde’s Mecenatpolis (2012) in Seoul, South Korea (Fig 3.01 and Fig 3.02) provides an example of his practice of combining spaces to create new retail environments, with the fusion of public space, shopping environment, hospitality, theatre, residential and office towers all located above a train station (Castello 2018: 204). Similarly, Jerde’s landmark San Diego shopping centre, Horton Plaza (1985) (Fig 3.03 and Fig 3.04) was designed as a new urban landscape to revitalise a deserted area of the city (Gordon 1985: 2). In response, Jerde not only transformed the existing shopping environment through new circulation paths and bold colour choices, but also included 37

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entertainment and dining facilities, office spaces, and worked to connect the shopping centre to the existing circulation paths of the city (Herman 2002: 406).

Reflecting upon the work of Jon Jerde and his impact upon the supermodern shopping centre, the blurring of spaces within retail environments began to transform the way in which the shopping centre was not only designed, but also considered by the customer (Herman 2002: 406). Considering contemporary examples of the shopping centre (for example, Emporium (2014) in Melbourne, Australia (Fig 3.05) or Tokyu Ginza Plaza (2016) in Tokyo, Japan (Fig 3.06)), Jerdeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s merging of the retail environment with a range of other typologies is undeniably present in the typology today; with hospitality centres, residential and office spaces and public leisure spaces now a major part of any contemporary shopping centre (Herman 2002: 403).

Through this, the future of the shopping centre as an experience-based hub of not only shopping, but also leisure, entertainment and living, has been asserted, with the shopping centre taking on Gruenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s concept of a new city within itself to a greater scale in the supermodern age (Bloom 2017: NP).

Playing with exaggerations of pre-existing traits that characterise the typology is another architectural choice that has become synonymous with the supermodern shopping centre (AugĂŠ 1992: 98). Following similar principles seen in the work of Jerde and Gruen, the contemporary shopping centre is typically seen to use existing aspects of shopping centre design in exaggerated and overblown ways as means of overwhelming and subjugating the consumer (Herman 2002: 403). The use of the escalator in the supermodern shopping centre is one of the easiest ways to see significant development within the type, with the circulation tool used to not only emphasise and enhance the scale of the structure itself, but to also control and disorientate the consumer whilst in the space (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 341). Looking at numerous examples of the escalator in contemporary supermodern shopping centres including Illum (2018) by 1+1=1 Architects in Copenhagen, Denmark (Fig 3.07), the New Gerngross (2011) by Love Architecture & Design in Vienna, Austria (Fig 3.08) and MyZeil (2012) by 38

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Studio Fuksas in Frankfurt, Germany (3.09), it is clear that there is not only a homogenisation of the stylistic elements used in the supermodern shopping centre, but also a exaggeration on the scale and use of the escalator (Weiss & Tsung Leong 2002: 349). Through the deliberate architectural choice to overstate and amplify the traits seen in the modern shopping centre, the supermodern shopping centre starts to assert itself as an exaggerated, further sanitised version of the shopping centre, a concept explored by Augé in his work relating to supermodernity itself (González-Ruibal 2014: 7125).

The emergence of the concept of the shopping centre as a parasite of the city or suburbs emerged from the work of Gruen and his theories based around the shopping centre as new urbanism and the new city (Tsung Leong 2002: 385). Spreading over the urban landscape as means of organising circulation and utilising the urban environment, the early shopping centres of the 1950s used breadth and scale to dominate the city, and asserted the typology as both the centre of the new city and centre of public life (Tsung Leong 2002: 385). As the typology progressed, the supermodern shopping centre began to be defined by its ability to connect consumption environments with those of transit or circulation, removing consumers from the urban environment and containing them in a space removed from time, place and the surrounding society (Augé 1992: VIII).

Using this Augé established concept to review the supermodern shopping centre, the analysis of a number of major shopping centre precincts in major cities around the world reveal an endless, disconnected journey from point of arrival (for example, a train station or port), circulation through the city, and the consumption space, all without the consumer having to interact with the surrounding area (Augé 1992: VIII). Sydney’s Town Hall Train Station, Queen Victoria Building, Pitt Street Mall & Westfield Sydney exemplify this trend toward containment of customers perfectly, with the map of the Sydney CBD (Fig 3.10) clearly showing a disconnected circulation path defined by spaces of transit and consumption, or as Augé would label them, non-places. The notion of the shopping centre as a form of parasitic architecture that both consumes and utilises the city to survive is one that is particularly relevant 39

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

when considering the role of the shopping centre in contemporary civic life (Paterson 2006: 109) – is the shopping centre living off the city, or is the city living off and through the shopping centre?

Following these established traits of the supermodern shopping centre and returning to the Augé-based framework established in the earlier chapter, the consideration of the supermodern shopping centre as a non-place comes to the fore. Augé described the supermodern spaces of consumption as ones defined not only by the act of mindless consumption disconnected from time and place, but spaces of solitude and anonymity, raising the question of individual and social identity in the supermodern shopping centre (Augé 1992: 98). Through this framework, Augé not only suggested that the spaces themselves had become placeless and stripped of identity, but that the users within them were partaking in a series of actions completely devoid of identity or relationship to their sociocultural surrounds (Augé 1992: 98). The work of Jerde and the evolution of the supermodern shopping centre typology elaborates on Augé’s ideas of spaces folding into one another, as established typologies begin to blur and merge together to create new expressions of the city and public life (Augé 1992: XV). Through the removal of time, place, history and identity from space, the supermodern shopping centre works to not only disable and control its patrons, but also establish a space conditioned purely by the act of consumption, whether direct (through shopping, consuming of food and entertainment) or indirect (through the consumption of space within the shopping centre for recreation) (Augé 1992: 84).

The relationship between the establishment and rise of the globalised consumer, the development of traits typical to the supermodern shopping centre, and the rise of the non-place in post-2000s shopping environments is one that is complexly interrelated and intertwined with sociocultural and political constructs and thinking (Paterson 2006: 190). Through an examination of the conditions that allowed the rise of the post-globalised consumer, including the role of Marxist capitalism, the docile body and the establishment of lifestyle-consumption, the global consumer has become defined as a consumer not only concerned with immediate gratification and 40

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access to goods, but one that is also concerned with the innate status embedded in goods and products (Stillerman 2015: 55). Following this, the emergence of exaggerated traits of modern shopping centre design within the supermodern shopping centre connect with the theories of Augé’s supermodernity as an exaggeration of modernity (Chung 2002: 506).

Together with the rise of the globalised consumer, these placeless conditions present in the supermodern shopping centre begin to bring up questions of identity, social relation and connection of the shopping centre to the surrounding site (Augé 1992: VII). Analysing both of these aspects through the frame of Augé’s work and the non-place, the relationship between consumers, consumption and consumption spaces is brought to the fore, with the non-place being able to exist in a space that is disconnected from not only the surrounding site, but working against the consumers themselves (Paterson 2006: 146).

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CONCLUSION Through this dissertation, the role of the supermodern shopping centre within supermodern society was considered and analysed. Reviewing the contextual bounds of supermodernity established by sociologist Marc Augé throughout his practice, concerns of spatial and personal connection to time, society and place were explored and investigated. Through a methodological framework established in the first chapter, the dissertation focused on utilising Augé’s Non-Place: An Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (1992) to analyse the importance of place within supermodernity in reaction to Augé’s notion of the non-place and its rise in a post-globalised world (Augé 1992: VII). Exploring the theoretical background of Augé’s work and the sociological community from which he emerged, considerations of how individuals use and relate to spaces came to the fore. Exploring how the supermodern city was transforming and changing traditional notions of place, time and identity, the notion of the supermodern shopping centre as the ultimate example of the non-place in contemporary society was beginning to be examined.

Elaborating on the historical origins of consumption, shopping and the shopping centre, the second chapter of the dissertation worked to establish a contextual framework for the study. Examining not only the historical origins of the shopping centre, but also the sociocultural and political conditions that gave rise to change within the typology, the second chapter focused on developments within the type that led to the emergence of the shopping centre of supermodernity. Examining the work of central shopping centre architectural figures Victor Gruen and Jon Jerde, the relationship between the shopping centre, urbanism and experiential architecture was established, with the shopping centre growing into a new civic role as the city centre from the 1950s onward. Establishing these models of the shopping centre before moving into the supermodern, post-2000s context, the second chapter of the dissertation worked to establish a timeline of social, political, technological and architectural developments that occurred that facilitated the rise of both the supermodern shopping centre, and the appearance of the non-place in these spaces.

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The final chapter of the dissertation worked to establish a threefold relationship between the birth of the global consumer, typical traits of the supermodern shopping centre, and the rise of the non-place within shopping centre architecture. Through an examination of the emergence of lifestyleconsumption, importance of status and access to goods, the globalised consumer was defined as one that is conditioned by society to consume regularly and without thought (Skillerman 2015: 8). Arriving at the appearance of the non-place within the supermodern shopping centres, the typical traits that have emerged in the supermodern shopping centre worked to illustrate and establish both the homogenisation of shopping environments across the world, but also illustrate the exaggerated notion of supermodernity and the spatial translations of this idea (AugĂŠ 1992: VII). Analysing these concepts through the methodology established in AugĂŠâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work on the non-place, the complex relationship between consumers, consumption and consumption spaces was explored, with the non-place arising a spaces disconnected from time, history and the consumers themselves (Paterson 2006: 146).

Reflecting on the dissertation, the potentiality for future research is immense and considerable, with a number of avenues relating to the non-place, supermodernity and the role of the shopping centre yet to be fully explored.

Future research surrounding specific retail environments and the spatial reactions to the concept of non-place, as well as research focused on the relationship between consumer behaviour and shopping centre design psychology are pertinent points of research not fully addressed in this dissertation. Given the contextual time period of writing in a world of mass change, 24-hour news cycle and access to a constant digital world, the potentiality for these concepts to transform, grow and become even more relevant as supermodernity progresses also presents alternate research opportunities.

Considering the contribution of this dissertation to architectural discourse and future studies, the questions raised regarding the importance of place in polarity to place remain a central issue for spatial designers today. Global 43

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society on the whole appears to be at a precipice for mass change and development across global markets and political change (Featherstone 2007: XV), however, as the dissertation asserted, global consumers have become conditioned to expect and accept homogenised spaces removed from their surrounds (Paterson 2006: 149). Raising questions not only concerned with the future of society itself, but also the place of the supermodern shopping centre in contemporary society â&#x20AC;&#x201C; is the shopping centre the new civic space, and is mindless, endless consumption purely a reflection of sociocultural values of contemporary society?

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Chapter Three

Globalised Futures: The Contemporary Shopping Centre, The Emergence of the Globalised Consumer & The Reality of the Non-Place

ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig 3.00: Exterior of Fremont Street Experience,1995, Jon Jerde, Las Vegas, JERDE Photographers < http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/fremont-streetexperience> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 3.01: Exterior of Mecenatpolis in Seoul, 2012, Jon Jerde,, Seoul, South Korea, JERDE Photographers < http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/mecenatpolis> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 3.02: Exterior and interior of Mecenatpolis in Seoul, 2012, Jon Jerde,, Seoul, South Korea, JERDE Photographers < http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/mecenatpolis> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 3.03: Jerde’s landmark Horton Plaza, 1985, Jon Jerde,, San Diego, USA, JERDE Photographers <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/horton-plaza> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 3.04: Aerial shot of Jerde’s landmark Horton Plaza, 1985, Jon Jerde,, San Diego, USA, JERDE Photographers <http://www.jerde.com/places/detail/horton-plaza> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 3.05: Emporium Shopping Centre, 2014, GPT Group, Melbourne, Australia, Aaron Pocock <https://architectureau.com/articles/emporium-melbourne/> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 3.06: Tokyo Ginza Plaza, 2016, Nikken Architects, Ginza, Tokyo, Koji Fuji <https://www.archdaily.com/800092/tokyu-plaza-nikkensekkei/5836c2f2e58eceb2e9000041-tokyo-plaza-nikkensekkei-photo> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 3.07: Illum, 2018, 1+1=1 Architects, Copenhagen, Denmark, 1+1=1 Architects <https://www.visitcopenhagen.com/illum-gdk412279> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Fig 3.08: The New Gerngross, 2011, LOVE Architecture & Design, Vienna, Austria, Jasmin Schulter <https://www.archdaily.com/121986/the-new-gerngrosslove-architecture-and-urbanism> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Fig 3.09: My Zeil Shopping Centre, 2011, Fuksas Design, Warsaw, Poland, Karsten Monnerjahn <https://www.archdaily.com/243128/myzeil-shopping-mallstudio-fuksas> th Accessed: 10 May 2018

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

Â

 Fig 3.10: Map of Sydney CBD highlighting consumption and transit tracks, 2018, Edited by author

Supermodernity & the Shopping Centre: The Post-2000s Rise of the Retail Non-Place Jack Peacock

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