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C O NTE NT S Acknowledgments
vi
Introduction
1
Chapter 1: First Encounters with the Southern Ocean
5
Chapter 2: Into the Ice with Resolution
19
Chapter 3: The South Shetland ‘Seal Rush’ and the ‘First’ Discovery of Antarctica 41 Chapter 4: The Threshold of the Continent
71
Chapter 5: The Dawn of the ‘Heroic Age’
115
Chapter 6: Nationalism and the Antarctic ‘Exploration Rush’
143
Chapter 7: Triumph and Tragedy: the Race to the South Pole
201
Chapter 8: The Aftermath of the South Polar Obsession
247
Chapter 9: Commercial Whaling and Territorial Claims
311
Chapter 10: The Changing Role of Ships
353
Chapter 11: A New Era in a ‘Continent for Science’
389
Chapter 12: Whalers, Scientists and Tourists
441
Epilogue
495
Appendix 1: Sail Plans of Representative Ships
498
Appendix 2: Guide to Currency Conversion Rates and Purchasing Power
500
Appendix 3: Ice Classification of Vessels
502
References
504
Glossary
517
Bibliography
522
Index
529
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Masts, sails and rigging were altered according to Lazarev’s instructions, but Mirnyi turned out to be a very slow sailer and had great difficulty keeping up with Vostok, which could average 10 knots, and sometimes had to double reef to stay in touch.
Figure 3.11a Model of Captain Thaddeus Bellingshausen’s sloop-of war Vostok used for his circumnavigation of Antarctica, 1819–1820, during which he became the first to sight the Antarctic continent. (COURTESY OF THE CENTRAL MUSEUM OF THE RUSSIAN NAVY, ST PETERSBURG)
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Figure 3.11b Model of Captain Mikhail Lazarev’s sloop-of-war Mirnyi on which he accompanied Captain Bellingshausen’s circumnavigation of Antarctica. (COURTESY OF THE CENTRAL MUSEUM OF THE RUSSIAN NAVY, ST PETERSBURG)
Figure 3.12 Sheer lines and deck plan of sloop-of-war Mirnyi commanded by Mikhail Lazarev. (PLAN AFTER I. SCHMIDT81 BY PERMISSION OF VEB HINSTORFF, ROSTOCK)
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Borchgrevink was honoured in Norway as a Knight of St Olaf, in the United States, and in Scotland with the Silver Medal of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society, but in England the reception was cool. In part this reflected disappointment with the meagre scientific results,54 and the fact that Borchgrevink had lost Hanson’s zoological notes, which led to acrimonious controversy. Bernacchi’s meteorological observations, on the other hand, were found to be very valuable. Borchgrevink’s behaviour clearly alienated many of the scientific establishment in England but it is also hard not to suspect the jealous hand of Clements Markham in his reception. Both Bernacchi and Colbeck swiftly received honours from the Royal Geographical Society, but it was not until 1930, long after Markham’s death, that Borchgrevink was awarded the RGS Patron’s Medal. Southern Cross was soon sold and fitted out again for sealing by Baine Johnston & Co. of St John’s, Newfoundland. She took part in the March 1901 seal hunt under the command of Captain Darius Blandford, returning to Harbour Grace, Newfoundland, with a record 26,500 harp seals captured in fewer than eleven days.55 Her subsequent career was much less successful and after 1909 her activities were confined to the Gulf of St Lawrence where the ice was less heavy (suggesting that Markham’s comments about dry rot were not far-fetched). Contemporary reports state that in March 1914, returning from the seal hunt, she was caught in an intense storm and lost with all 173 hands. (There is some confusion about her fate as she was also reported to have been lost off Cape Race, outside the Gulf of St Lawrence, and that thirty badly frostbitten crew members were rescued.56) This was the worst tragedy ever experienced during the Newfoundland seal hunt, and it coincided with the loss of seventy-seven men from the SS Newfoundland, stranded on the ice during the same storm.There was much speculation that Southern Cross was overloaded and might, because of her round bottom, have capsized, but in fact the cause of the disaster is unknown.57 However, as a result of the tragedy, the Newfoundland government passed regulations which restricted cargoes to a maximum of 35,000 seal pelts (seldom achieved) and required all ships to carry radios. While the scientific results of the Southern Cross expedition were modest and those of the Belgica were not fully recognised for nearly forty years, both made major contributions to Antarctic exploration, not least by showing that survival through the Antarctic winter was possible. In both cases, old wooden sealing barques built in Norway and purchased for an aggregate cost of less than £11,000 ($55,000) proved more than equal to Antarctica and the Southern Ocean. Both expeditions suffered from limited support. In the case of Belgica the constraint was financial, while the Southern Cross expedition lacked any support from the British scientific establishment.When Borchgrevink returned in 1900, the impact of the 1895 International Geographical Congress was fully apparent; no fewer than four Antarctic expeditions were being prepared, and a fifth would soon follow. Superficially conceived in a spirit of international scientific cooperation, this massive increase in Antarctic exploration actually took place at a time of burgeoning nationalism in Europe.The most compelling motives underlying most Antarctic expeditions during the next two decades were competition, national pride and territorial avarice.58 142
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CHAPTER 6 Nationalism and the Antarctic ‘Exploration Rush’
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T
he International Geographical Congress of 1895, which provided the foundation for the outburst of Antarctic exploration that occurred at the start of the twentieth century, was replete with noble sentiments about cordial international cooperation in furthering the causes of science and geographical discoveries. However, this was also the apogee of European national Romanticism and the quest for national prestige, and the staking of territorial claims was at least as strong a motive as scientific cooperation. By 1900 Antarctic expeditions were being prepared by Otto Nordenskjöld in Sweden, Erich von Drygalski in Germany, William Bruce in Scotland and, propelled by the inexorable Sir Clements Markham, by Robert Falcon Scott in England. These were soon joined by the first French expedition, led by Jean-Baptiste Charcot. Though the competition was intense, it did not preclude cordial and gentlemanly relations and some cooperation between the leaders.
Discovery and Scott’s National Antarctic Expedition, 1901– 1904 The first expedition ready to leave, just five days ahead of the German expedition, was the British National Antarctic Expedition. Like so many of Markham’s activities, the expedition had been mired in controversy since its inception, partly due to tension between the Royal Society’s scientific objectives and Markham’s thirst for the glory of reaching the South Pole. The tortuous path to eventual departure has been recounted by Markham1 and by Holland2 and in several more objective accounts byYelverton,3 Savours,4 Baughman,5 and Skelton and Wilson.6 Apart from Markham’s machinations, which included continual disagreements with the highly respected scientist Sir John Murray who eventually resigned, other obstacles included a huge 33-person Expedition Committee. Markham also feuded with the scientific director, Professor J. W. Gregory, who also resigned because of Markham’s insistence that the scientific programme should be controlled by a naval commanding officer.The ambitious expedition objectives eventually agreed were geographic exploration of the Ross Sea sector of Antarctica with a magnetic survey of regions south of 40º S, and meteorological, oceanographic, biological, geological and physical research. The funds required for the enterprise, originally estimated at £150,000 ($750,000) presented another major obstacle.The Admiralty declined financial assistance, but agreed to second several officers including the overall commander, and eventually most of the expedition personnel as well. Markham’s protégé, Robert Falcon Scott, was appointed as commander in May 1990, together with Royds, Barnes and Skelton from the Royal Navy, and Shackleton and Armitage from the RN Reserve. The expedition was sponsored by the Royal Society and the Royal Geographical Society, but they raised only £14,000 ($70,000) in the first year and only a donation of £25,000 ($125,000) from a paint manufacturer, Llewellyn Longstaff, allowed Markham to order a ship. Eventually, the British government agreed to match other contributions, and by August 1990, £93,000 ($465,000) had been raised.7 144
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Markham has frequently been criticised for wasting money on a new ship instead of purchasing an old whaler or sealer.8 Apparently he did consider a sealer, but believed that those available were unsuitable because the magnetic research planned required a ship without iron or steel.This demand was soon relaxed to one without iron or steel within 9.15 m (30 feet) of the magnetic observatory9 and eventually to measures such as fitting hemp shrouds rather than wire. The Expedition Committee (primarily naval officers of Arctic vintage) originally hoped to use the old HMS Discovery from the 1875–1876 Nares Arctic expedition, built in 1872 by the Alexander Stephen shipyard in Dundee as the whaler Bloodhound and regarded as the acme of British whaler design. However, the Admiralty decided that she was now too frail for polar work, and recommended commissioning a design from Colin Archer in Norway. However, national prestige was at stake, and Markham was also under pressure to have the ship designed and built in Britain. He eventually yielded and had the ship designed by W. E. Smith, Chief Constructor at the Admiralty.10 Smith had a somewhat chequered career: he designed the royal yacht Victoria and Albert, which turned out to be highly unstable and under-ballasted when she was launched.11 During the First World War, he was fired on the insistence of the First Sea Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill. In December 1899, the new ship designed by Smith was ordered from the Dundee Shipbuilders Yard, who underbid Vickers for the contract by £30,663 ($153,315).12 After the design was modified, the eventual price was £34,050 ($170,250)plus £10,322 ($51,610) for the engines. The new ship, named Discovery, was the first ship to be built specifically for research and exploration in Britain since Halley’s Paramore. Smith had an opportunity to build an ideal polar ship and to choose between two distinct philosophies of ship design: a traditional ‘slab-sided’ whaler/sealer hull or the innovative ‘saucer-shaped’ hull of Colin Archer. Unfortunately, the result turned out to be much less than ideal, perhaps reflecting too many conflicting opinions amongst Expedition Committee members. Some innovations were incorporated, but the new Discovery was essentially a conservative, conventional whaler like those built for many years in Dundee or Svelvik. These were strongly built to resist ice, with flared bows for ice-breaking, but the main emphasis was on passage-making capability during long ocean voyages to hunting grounds. Archer’s Fram built for Nansen’s North Pole expedition (see chapter 7) was quite different, being designed to withstand prolonged entrapment in Arctic ice by popping up under intense ice-pressure rather than getting crushed.This was achieved by a double-ended round-bottomed hull with a saucer-shaped cross-section. Like all Archer’s designs, Fram was very seaworthy, but the unusual hull shape and shallow draught meant that it was slow and subject to rolling on long ocean voyages. Smith did incorporate some of Archer’s ideas in Discovery, but rejected a saucer-shaped midsection because of concerns about seagoing capacity in the Southern Ocean.13 Even so, Discovery rolled abominably, reaching arcs of 74º in the South Atlantic, 94º in the Southern Ocean,14 and arcs of 100º several times per minute during her later Arctic career.15 Smith considered, but rejected, bilge keels as he felt that they would impede work in ice,16 but detachable bilge keels were eventually installed during a refit in 1925.17 145
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Figure 6.27 The Antarctic voyages of Jean-Baptiste Charcot on Français (1904–05) and Pourquoi-Pas? (1908–1910). (MAP DRAWN BY LEENA BAUMANN, UNIVERSITY OF BASEL, BASED ON MAPS BY D. E. YELVERTON126 AND S. KAHN127)
After leaving messages at a cairn on Wiencke Island they continued to push southwards towards the point at which de Gerlache was forced to turn out to sea by impenetrable ice. They tried to pass through the narrow, ice-choked Lemaire Channel but the feeble, unreliable engine produced many tense moments and Français frequently touched bottom. Progress was soon impossible and they turned back out to sea. Before heading farther south, they located a suitable winter anchorage for Français on the north side of Booth Island (de Gerlache’s Wandel Island).125 Over the next few weeks they tried to force their way through the maze of small rocky islands in the Grandidier Channel to de Gerlache’s turning 196
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Figure 6.28 Français anchored off Port Charcot with sails hoisted for drying. (COURTESY SERGE KAHN, GLÉNAT, GRENOBLE)
point. They reached the southwest corner of Renaud Island at 65º 58' S, 66º 22' W, but bad weather forced them to turn north to their winter haven, ‘Port Charcot’, at Booth Island. Français’s anchorage was exposed to winds from the northeast so a boom was rigged across the bay to protect her from ice floes, and the ship was moored bow-first very close to the ice edge to protect the bowsprit.The sails were removed, the funnel and the topmasts taken down and an awning was rigged, while several prefabricated wooden sheds were built on shore. Charcot was concerned that the ship might be lost during winter storms, 197
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The Lauritzen ships and other ice-strengthened ships like the John Biscoe II and Piloto Pardo continued to play an important support role, particularly along the Antarctic Peninsula, but it was soon clear that the ships available were not really adequate to support the massive increase in scientific activity that followed implementation of the Antarctic Treaty. Most ships were too small and lacked satisfactory scientific facilities, but the main problem was the dearth of icebreakers to ensure reliable supply in the notoriously difficult and unpredictable Antarctic ice conditions. The situation was particularly difficult along the coasts of Wilkes Land and Dronning Maud Land in East Antarctica, dramatically demonstrated by the Nella Dan, specially designed for Antarctic support work, which was beset in heavy ice for fifty days in 1985.When the Antarctic Treaty came into force in 1962, the only icebreakers active in Antarctica were the General San Martin, American Glacier and the ageing Wind-class icebreakers. They were soon joined by a new icebreaker, Fuji (AGB-5001), specially built to serve the Japanese Antarctic Research Expedition (JARE).
M ODERN JAPANESE , A MERICAN, A RGENTINIAN AND S WEDISH ICEBREAKERS
The Japanese Antarctic Research Expedition was initiated with establishment of the Syowa base at 69º 00' S, 39º 39' E in Lützow-Holm Bay in 1956. An old ice-strengthened ship was used, the Volochaevetz, launched at the Kawaminami shipyard in Nagasaki in 1938. She was one of three ships ordered as part payment to Russia for the South Manchuria Railway but, because of growing tension between the Soviet Union and Japan, she was never handed over and was completed as the Chiryō Maru for the Tatsunan Kisen shipping company. In November 1939, she was requisitioned by the Imperial Japanese Navy and renamed S ōya. During the Second World War she was involved in operations at Truk Lagoon in the southwest Pacific, then became a lighthouse supply ship until she was overhauled and modified for use in the Antarctic in 1956. As modified, she had a helicopter deck installed
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and displaced 4,100 tons and was 83.3 m (273 feet 3 inches) in length and 13.5 m (44 feet 4 inches) in beam and, with her steam engine replaced by diesel engines, had a speed of 12.4 knots. She served in the Antarctic until 1962 but was not powerful enough for the heavy ice conditions around Lützow-Holm Bay, and had to be helped in 1957 by the Russian Ob. In 1965 Sōya was replaced by Fuji and became a rescue ship for the Maritime Safety Agency in Japan, before becoming a museum ship in Tokyo in 1979. Built by Nippon Kokkan K.K. Fuji was launched in Yokohama in 1965. She was a conventional icebreaker with a raked bow at 30º like the American icebreakers, displacing 8,036 tons, 100 m (328 feet) in length, 22 m (72 feet 2 inches) beam and 8.98 m (29 feet 6 inches) draught with an 8-cylinder MAN diesel engine driving four 2,420 KW generators and four 2,250 KW electric motors delivering 12,000 shp to two propellers aft.15 She could break through 0.8 m (2 feet 7 inches) of level fast ice at 3 knots, and had a cruising speed of 15 knots with a range of 46,000 km (28,580 miles). She carried a crew of 200 and 60 scientists, had a cargo capacity of 500 tons and carried three helicopters. In 1965 she re-established Syowa Station, which had been closed in 1962, and carried out extensive geophysical studies in the Southern Ocean. She served JARE
Sōya (Volochaevetz) 1938
Sōya 1959
Facing page: Figure 12.13a The Japanese expedition ship Sōya, lauched as the Volchaevetz in 1938, which established the Japanese base Syowa at Lützow-Holm Bay in 1956, and made regular voyages to the Antarctic until 1962. (COURTESY OF THE MUSEUM OF MARITIME SCIENCE, TOKYO)
Above: Figure 12.13b Profile plans showing Sōya as launched in 1938, her final Antarctic trim, and a cutaway showing internal arrangements. (COURTESY OF THE MUSEUM OF MARINE SCIENCE, TOKYO)
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