34 minute read
OPINYON Gretle C. Mago
Gretle C. Mago
Sino’ng Walang Kredibilidad
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Ang mahirap sa panahon ngayon, sapat na ang simpleng pagtanggi at pagsisinungaling ng awtoridad upang paniwalaan ng mga tao na ang mga biktima ang siyang kaaway. Kaya hindi agad naniwala ang Papa ko na inosente ang 93 magsasaka, aktibista, at mamamahayag nang arestuhin sila sa gitna ng bungkalan sa Hacienda Tinang sa Tarlac noong Hunyo.
Sa katunayan, sabi ko sa kanya, mayroon namang titulo o certificate of land ownership award (CLOA) ang mga pesante—may kalayaan silang gawin ang gusto nila sa lupang pagmamay-ari nila. Kung meron mang nanggugulo sa bungkalan, iyon ang mga pulis at nagbabantang mayor na si Noel Villanueva, na mula sa angkan ng may pinakamalaking parte sa kooperatiba ng Tinang. Taong 1995 pa ng igawad ang titulo sa 230 nagbubungkal ng lupa bilang bahagi ng Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) na isinabatas noong 1988.
Ngunit hindi nakumbinsi si papa. Aniya, “Hindi pa rin sa kanila ang tubuhan, ayun yung sabi ng mga pulis.” Walang respeto sa ligal na dokumentong ang estado mismo ang lumikha, ang naratibong ipinakalat ng Concepcion Municipal Police Station ay iligal na nagtitipon ang mga magsasaka upang manira ng lupa. Para sa lupong nanumpang magsisilbi sa estado, kapulisan ang nangunguna sa paglabag sa mga batas na ang pamahalaan din ang nagpanukala. Pahirapan at minsan pang humahantong sa patayan bago makuha ng mga magsasaka ang kanilang titulo, pero walang pakundangan na lang itinapon sa hangin ng kapulisan ang kredibilidad ng mga titulong ito ng pinaghuhuli nila ang mga magsasaka.
Ngunit ang ganitong karanasan ng mga pesante sa Tinang ay di lang partikular sa kanila. Nangyayari rin ito sa maraming sakahan sa bansa, sa mga magsasakang di pa rin nabibigyan ng sariling lupa, o di kaya’y di makontrol ang lupang pinagkaloob na sa kanila ng batas.
Ang tuluyang pagkakaroon ng sariling lupang sakahan ang pinoposturang pangako ng CARP para sa mga magsasaka, ngunit napatunayan nang di napaunlad ng batas ang buhay ng mga mambubukid. Paano’y bago maipamahagi sa isang magsasaka ang kanyang lupa, kinakailangan muna silang mabigyan ng CLOA at magbayad ng mataas na amortisasyon sa lupa sa loob ng 30 taon.
Makumpleto man ang dalawang rekisito, marami pa ring mapanghamak na probisyon ang CARP. Dahil patuloy pa rin ang exemption at land
Dumaluyong sa kahabaan ng Welcome Rotonda hanggang Espanya ang lupon ng mga magsasaka mula sa iba’t ibang rehiyon ng Luzon upang ipanawagan ang kani-kanilang hinaing hinggil sa mga agrikultural na palisiya ng administrasyon, Oktubre 21, 2019.
conversion, maraming lupa ang di na nasasaklaw ng CARP. Nagreresulta ito sa di pagkilala sa maraming magsasaka bilang benepisyaryo ng batas. Nauuwi rin ang maraming magsasaka sa pagbebenta ng mga hawak na CLOA dulot ng pagkalugi sa sakahan— dahil sa mahal na mga bayarin sa pagsasaka at pandarahas sa kamay ng mayayamang asyendero.
Isa sa mga paraan ng mga asyendero upang di maipamahagi sa mga pesante ang lupain ay gawin itong kooperatiba. At dahil walang probisyon upang matigil ang ganitong iskema, nananatiling kolateral ang mga CLOA ng mga pesante sa oras na mabaon sila sa utang. Sa patuloy nilang pagkasadlak sa hirap dahil sa ipinagkakait na subsidiya at suporta ng pamahalaan, napapasakamay muli ng iilang prominenteng pamilya ang kalakhan ng lupain.
Angkan ng mga Villanueva ang may pinakamalaking stocks sa kooperatiba ng Tinang—isa rin sila sa kumite nito. Kaya klaro kung saan nakapanalig ang interes at posisyong hawak ni Noel Villanueva nang siya mismo ang nagtungo sa Brgy. Tinang at nagbanta na ipapaaresto ang mga lider-magsasaka na naglunsad ng bungkalan.
Kinilala na ng hukom na ang mga magsasaka ang may-ari ng lupa sa asyenda, at ibinasura ang ikinasong malicious mischief at illegal assembly sa Tinang 83. Ngunit nakabinbin pa rin ang mga reklamo ng pulisya ng Concepcion na usurpation of real property rights, disobedience to person of authority, at bagong mga kaso ng obstruction of justice, human trafficking, at child exploitation. Habang patuloy na ipinapanawagan ang pagbabasura sa mga kaso ng Tinang 83, naghanda na rin ang kanilang kampo upang magsampa ng reklamo laban sa hepe at mga tauhan ng Concepcion PNP.
Sumibol ang bungkalan sa Tinang bilang produkto ng mas humihinang bisa ng CARP sa paggiit na ang lupa ay dapat sa mga magsasakang benepisyaryo nito. Di na ito nakakagulat, gayong ang lumikha ng batas ay hasyendera rin. Sa kasalukuyan, muling ipinasa ng Makabayan Bloc sa Kongreso ang House Bill 1161 o Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill, upang libreng maipamahagi ang lupa sa lahat ng magsasaka sa bansa. Inaasahang mas magiging epektibo ito sa pagsisigurong makakamtan ng mga pesante ang kanilang karapatan, at nang di nakalulusot ang interes ng panginoong maylupa.
Sa patuloy na pagpapalaganap ng mga bungkalan, walang maliw na pagsuporta at pag-oorganisa kasama ang mga magsasaka, naniniwala akong mananaig din ang katotohanang ang lupang pinaglaanan nila ng buhay upang palaguin ay marapat na mapasakanila. Alam kong inosente lang din ang aking ama sa patuloy na pagbabaluktot ng mga kasinungalingang pumapaligid sa kanya. Kaya ang iniisip ko ngayon, at pinagsisikapang pagbutihin, ay kung papaano pa makikibahagi sa pagsulong sa kamalayang kinikilala ang kapasidad ng mga pesanteng paunlarin ang ating mga buhay—gamit ang sariling ahensya at solusyong sila mismo ang magbabalangkas at magpapanukala.
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Youth members, environmental organizations and advocates mobilized at Plaza Miranda, November 29, 2019. The protest action was held days before world leaders convened for COP25 in Madrid.
The Global South Must Reckon its Role in Calls for Climate Justice
Daniel Sebastianne Daiz It is deplorable that poorer nations are forced to implement carbon-cutting measures, while top polluters remain business as usual.
The US Supreme Court has burned its last semblance of legitimacy. Just last month, the court went from striking down gun control laws–weeks after a school mass shooting–to eliminating the long-standing right to abortion. And a week later, the court sided with the pleas of large fossil fuel companies which will have a wide-ranging impact that will inevitably affect more than their country.
In its last decision of the 2021 term, the court ruled to strike down the order of the US Environmental Protection Agency for power plants to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions to meet the US reduction targets. It was a 6-3 ruling, with the court’s right-wing justices in the majority and the liberals in dissent.
For most climate risk countries like the Philippines, it is a perilous plight. Because the US is the second largest carbon contributor, any international effort to combat global warming without US involvement is immaterial. Without the US even carrying its weight, the world will miserably fail in its collective and urgent task of averting a climate catastrophe.
The US government, however, can do something. But the fact that Biden–who even ran on a platform of holding the oil and gas industry accountable for their pollution–and his administration have, so far, done nothing to counter the court’s ruling only reveals his administration and his party’s hypocrisy and cozy relationship with big polluters.
With a body politic bankrolled by fossil fuel lobbyists, the US has lost its ascendancy in advocating for an effective and binding climate pact. Such an abdication of responsibility in dealing with the threat of climate change is unacceptable and now requires bolder action from the wider international community to hold top polluting countries accountable. The geopolitical contradiction could not be clearer: It is deplorable that the Global South is forced to implement carbon-cutting measures, often to the detriment of its vulnerable sectors, while top polluters remain business as usual. In fact, the richest 10 percent of the world’s population is responsible for 52 percent of carbon emissions from 1995 to 2015 while the poorest 50 percent only contributed 7 percent, according to Oxfam and the Stockholm Environment Institute. Simply put, climate change is tied to wealth inequality.
The onus of making the case and making visceral the oft-tragic consequence of climate change, specifically, falls on countries like the Philippines. In such a scenario, those at the reticle of a climate disaster become the advocates for a more rightful stewardship of the environment and a more equitable dispersal of climate responsibilities and contributions.
Economic anthropologist Jason Hickel opined that, collectively, the Global South can implement protectionist policies to “cut off [the] flow of wealth” to developed nations. With higher tariffs and better labor policies in often exploited nations, he argued, global pollutants would be forced to reduce production and, consequently, emissions.
But trade wars would be a disaster in countries like the Philippines whose economies are strongly tied to larger foreign economies like the US and China. Still, resource-rich nations could assert more control over their wealth by implementing domestic policies aimed at eliminating inequalities within their borders.
Here, for instance, the government could restrict the privileges of foreign mining corporations. After all, mining remains to be one of the most destructive industries in the Philippines–ravaging the country’s natural resources and displacing communities despite delivering disproportionate contributions to the economy. And in that way, the Global South would be less dependent on richer nations, giving the former a larger sway at the international negotiating table.
And indeed we need that higher bargaining power, both in the short and long term. Under the scheme called climate financing, industrialized nations would give money to the Global South in exchange for implementing climate resiliency and shifting to greener energy. However, it appears that such agreements are closer to loans rather than grants.
In fact, in June, the previous administration signed a loan with the Asian Development Bank to fund infrastructure development and implement domestic climate policies. In exchange for some unsure climate action, the government, once again, placed the future generations at a fiscally precarious position. The current administration, meanwhile, appears to understand the problem but remains tight-lipped about its future actions.
There is not much time left for tinkering around at tentative resolutions. Problems that threaten humanity’s existence require the boldest and most radical solutions. If anything, we are still eons away from reaching concrete and permanent steps for climate action, both domestically and globally.
Nothing could be more appalling and revulsive than the fact that six right-wing unelected politicians could sink the world’s slightest hope of real climate action from the US. Yet it presents a critical opportunity for those at the receiving end of climate wrath to unite against these big polluters and demand that bold action is needed, and it is needed swiftly.
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Regina Gail B. Navata
How Nurses Viewed Duterte’s ‘Hero Rhetoric’ During the Pandemic
On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization declared COVID-19 a global pandemic, putting government leaders and health care workers key bearers of an urgent and effective pandemic response. With the ongoing crisis, a global discourse emerged where different leaders all over the world regarded their health care workers as heroes in a rhetorical war against COVID-19 including former President Rodrigo Duterte.
This study aimed to understand how the public messages of Duterte created a hero rhetoric toward Filipino health care workers and consequently, how this rhetoric impacted their communicated identities.
Guided by Kenneth Burke’s Dramatism (1969), the researcher conducted a rhetorical analysis on 15 selected messages delivered by Duterte, focused on the act-agent ratio. Seeing Duterte’s public speeches as a drama, the scene being the COVID-19 pandemic in the Philippines called for crisis responders as agents who primarily are the Filipino health care workers. For their acts, the most emergent were their service at the frontlines and expressions of dissent against the distressing working conditions they were made to endure. To fulfill these acts, Filipino health care workers have an agency in their bodies which subsequently carry out their purpose of saving the Filipino nation from a failing pandemic response of the Duterte administration. The rhetorical analysis, focused on the act-agent ratio, revealed that the performance of Filipino health care workers’ saving and dissenting acts shape and influence who they are. Duterte has ascribed the roles of primary bearers to end the pandemic and trained fighters of the COVID-19 war to the Filipino health care workers. By doing so, he has largely considered them as heroes worthy of praise. However, Filipino health care workers, in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, have shown vulnerability and some have died in battle. Furthermore, contrary to the protagonistic image of heroes, they have also shown capability in opposing the hostile treatments toward them in the forms of call-outs and their migration. Through the pentadic ratio analysis, Duterte’s motives of silencing dissent from critics and absolving himself of accountability for a failing COVID-19 pandemic response emerged.
Through Michael Hecht’s (2004) Communication Theory of Identity analysis of the identities of three Filipino nurses, their personal layer reflected their self-concepts of being nurses before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, which have always been associated with positive feelings such as happiness, pride, and self-fulfillment. However, when the COVID-19 pandemic arrived, feelings of fear, doubt and hesitation emerged especially as they were called to serve the frontlines. For their enacted frame, the participants asserted that there is no difference in the quality of their
Groups of health practitioners, scientists, and migrant workers expressed their dismay over the poor handling of the rapid spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) at a press conference led by the Coalition for People’s Right to Health, March 12, 2020.
performance of the duty to care before and during the COVID-19 pandemic. When they are outside the wards, they believe that they still enact the same identity when they are at work. However, the COVID-19 pandemic gave them a new space—social media—to be an extension of who they are. At the relational frame, the participants consider their relationships with family, partners, colleagues, and patients as sources of comfort and inspiration both pre-pandemic and pandemic times.
Furthermore, the results showed that the pandemic challenged their relationship with acquaintances due to the stigma and discrimination brought by the stereotype of being carriers of COVID-19. For their communal identity, their struggles as healthcare workers in the Philippines, such as having no time for loved ones, low compensation and inhumane working conditions, have only been amplified by the public health crisis. For these reasons, they reject the notion of heroism ascribed to them, especially the one that comes from the Philippine government.
The participants do not see any impact of the hero rhetoric on them because it is unrepresentative of who they are and how they are being treated, especially in terms of financial compensation. One of them also expressed that even before the pandemic, the nursing profession has long been honorable, thus the current crisis does not really change how they perceive themselves and their profession. Most importantly, for the participants, their heroization is an act devoid of genuine transformative power. It only appears to be a clear deflection of policy changes and true support which leaders must provide them.
The implications of this study both highlight how a president’s rhetoric impacts the consciousness of healthcare workers during a crisis and how it is important to prioritize the welfare of healthcare workers so that they would not have to choose between fulfilling their physiological needs and being of service to the nation.
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Regina Gail B. Navata is a recent graduate of BA Speech Communication. From 2020 to 2021, she served as the chairperson of the sole organization for speech majors and enthusiasts in the university, the UP Speech Communication Association. She currently teaches English and reading to young learners. Her research interest centers on crisis communication especially in local contexts. She likes spending her free time on reading, watching productions, and biking.
This study, entitled “A Rhetorical Analysis of President Duterte’s Hero Rhetoric and its Impact on the Communicated Identities of Filipino Healthcare Workers during the COVID-19 Pandemic,” was Navata’s undergraduate thesis. Her adviser was Charles Erize Ladia.
Overwhelmed and Understaffed
UPD PsycServ Grapples with Long Waitlists as Some Clients Express Dismay
» Students struggle with the deterioration of their mental health, especially during the virtual setup. Now more than ever, the call for PsycServ’s institutionalization is amplified.
Ysabel Vidor
EDITOR’S NOTE: This article focuses on mental health problems and contains details about those who have experienced such medical conditions. The Department of Health’s crisis hotline can be reached at 1553 (landline); 0966-351-4518 and 0917-899-USAP (8727) (Globe/TM); and 0908-639-2672 (Smart/Sun/TNT). Before the pandemic, Miguel*, a secondyear political science student, was always eager to attend his classes. For him, it was his coping mechanism for his problems at home. But since the pandemic necessitated remote learning, he no longer had enough social interaction.
There were days, he said, that the longing and solitude would reach the point that they severely affect not only his mental health but also his physical well-being.
“Usually, I fall down to the floor kasi hindi ko talaga magalaw paa at kamay ko. Minsan kailangan ko rin umiyak pero hindi ko pwedeng lakasan kasi maririnig ng pamilya ko. Hindi na rin ako nakakaattend ng classes dahil sa stress tungkol sa acads,” Miguel said.
These occurrences have urged him to seek professional help by opting
In 2020, PsycServ shifted to a telepsychotherapy approach to cater to UP Diliman constituents during the pandemic.
to avail of the free mental health services provided by PsycServ, a special project under the UP Diliman (UPD) Office of the Chancellor that offers free psychosocial services for the university.
He signed up for consultations in June 2021 but was only able to start the therapy sessions two months later. Owing to a limited number of consultants, PyscServ told its clients that the time from signup to the first therapy session could take weeks, if not months.
“Paano kung pressing ang issue o may emergency? At least more than one person I know ay nadi-discourage to seek help dahil dito. Noong na-receive ko ang email kung ready na nga for the consultation, nakalimutan ko na nagsign up nga pala ako,” Miguel lamented. It has been two years since the shift to remote learning, but still, students have had difficulty coping with the new setup. As such, many have experienced mental health problems, triggered by their academic requirements and the pandemic.
Diagnosis
PsycServ, by default, only offers eight therapy sessions. Miguel explained that his was extended by a few more. However, the sessions ended even before he could feel better, so he was advised to sign up again. He does feel the need to continue, he said, but it would again take months to get a slot.
His experience is not an isolated case. Belle*, a student from the same program, recalled that on her first signup, she also waited for two months to get a slot. After their session lapsed, she tried applying in May. PsycServ admits that it takes a long time for clients to start their consultation, as indicated in their sign-up sheet which shows that waiting time could last from two to four weeks, depending on demand. Should there be an emergency, PsycServ advises the students to seek help through the National Center for Mental Health or the Natasha Goulbourn Foundation hotline instead.
“Na-disincentivize ako noong una [dahil sa waiting time], pero noong second time, kailangan ko na talaga mag-sign up so nag-antay ako,” Belle said. A psychiatrist outside UP diagnosed her with major depressive disorder and her symptoms include isolating herself from others and having rapid changes in her appetite.
In 2020, PsycServ shifted to a telepsychotherapy approach to cater to UPD constituents during the pandemic. In that setup, clients are given the option to hold their therapy sessions via video call, phone call, and the like. However, the remote therapy sessions have proven to be futile for some students, like Miguel.
“At that point in time, may epekto naman, pero after the session, ganoon pa rin siya ka-intense. It made me want to seek more help pero siguro outside the institution na kasi matagal talaga ang waiting time,” Miguel said.
The Mental Health Act mandates universities to uphold the rights of their students by providing psychosocial mental health services. And while PsycServ is just one of UPD’s units that cater to the UP community’s mental health (the others being the Office of Counseling and Guidance, University Health Service, and Ugnayan ng Pahinungod), it has yet to fully attain that role.
“Iskolar ng bayan pero hindi inaalagaan? It’s part of student welfare. Lahat kailangan ng therapy and mental health services kahit
walang [diagnosed] condition talaga,” Miguel added.
Prognosis
PsycServ clinic manager Claudine Tecson said that since they shifted to telepsychosocial therapy, they have been receiving sign-ups around the clock. There was even a time when they had to hold off accepting new clients.
“Before the pandemic, the slots were limited because of the 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. office hours. Since March 2020, 24/7 open na ang sign-ups. We had to stop accepting new sign-ups except for emergencies,” Tecson said.
But telepsychotherapy has pitfalls. “Usually habang magkausap kami madi-disconnect on both ends. Although okay naman ulitin, nawawalan na [kami] ng momentum,” Miguel said, recalling how connectivity problems often hampered his therapy sessions.
Tecson said PsycServ therapists use their mobile data or internet connection for the telepsychosocial sessions as it is not funded by the university. “We tried to propose a budget for it, but the reimbursement takes so much time. More than a year na pero hindi pa rin nare-reimburse,” Tecson said.
The lack of private space also became a hindrance for those who still live with their families. “Napakanipis ng pader ng room ko and katabi ko yung living room. Minsan, ang topic namin sa session ay about sa pamilya so I need to lower my voice,” Miguel noted.
Tecson understands that some of their clients do not have private space at home. Hence, they had to adjust and hold sessions through messaging. But, she said, it does not maximize the benefits that clients can get from the therapy sessions.
“Masyado kaming maraming ginawa kasi mabilis yung paggawa ng guidelines and procedures with doing telepsychotherapy work,” she recalled of PsycServ’s shift to a remote setup. “It was really hard for us.”
A usual session lasts for an hour. Both Miguel and Belle feel that the duration is insufficient for them to fully open up about their thoughts and emotions. In the case of Miguel, after his therapy sessions ended, his anxiety and despair were just as severe prior to signing up.
“Although I signed up for it knowing na may limit, di naman ako nabigla na natapos na. Pero noong nawala siya, bumabalik pa rin sa akin yung mga nangyayaring bagay. I realized na hindi ko na masasabi kasi tapos na yung session,” Miguel said.
Prescription
So long as PsycServ remains as a mere “special project” under the chancellor’s office, it will continue to experience setbacks. For UPD constituents, its institutionalization is a way to guarantee that the university puts its constituents’ mental health with great importance.
For one, its therapists are non-UP contractual workers whose contracts are reviewed and renewed annually. Some came from other universities and some worked part-time. They are on a “no-work, no-pay” basis and do not receive benefits, like paid leaves, unlike permanent UP employees do.
“We want PsycServ to be a permanent program in UP. For us, it’s security and stability for our work. It is a tedious process to renew every year if you’re a non-UP contractual. Sometimes, the pay even gets delayed,” Tecson said.
The lack of institutionalization does not only hamper their operation but also PsycServ’s ability to hire more therapists. Tecson shared that some applicants for therapists withdraw their application upon knowing the measly salary.
While PsycServ has been regularly submitting proposals to institutionalize their office, it has yet to be approved. This, despite Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo’s pledge to institutionalize PsycServ during the 2020 chancellor selection. Without the security of institutionalization, PsycServ can also be easily abolished by a future UPD chancellor.
“Institutionalizing PsycServ would mean mas mabibigyan ng importance ang trabaho ng therapists. One way of improving the services is compensating them better and that’s through institutionalization,” Belle said.
A 2022 study by the World Health Organization showed that the prevalence of mental health conditions such as anxiety and depression increased by 25 percent since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic— further justifying the need for improving psychosocial services.
But for the meantime, Miguel expressed the need for the return of in-person mental health services. “Ang daming nalulugmok dahil sa pandemic. If pwede na, it’s time for face-to-face services to be held pero kasama dito ang pagaddress ng pangmalawakang ligtas na balik eskwela,” he said.
And even if in-person sessions resume, Tecson said that telepsychotherapy services will continue for those who cannot come to campus.
Belle emphasized the need to prioritize mental health and improve the services. “I think, especially sa pag-reopen ng schools, kailangan na ng face-to-face sessions. Mental health is a huge aspect of our lives. We cannot just disregard it. Iba pa rin ‘pag na-institutionalize [ang PsycServ] as it would improve the mental health services kasi you are giving them more budget,” she said.
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*Not their real names.
About the illustrator:
Miggie Bacungan is a visual communication student at the UP Diliman College of Fine Arts. They are a freelance illustrator that tackles facets of identity.
Adam Torres
Outside the Halls of Congress
» Parliamentary struggle must not be the end of the conversation. As Zarate sets off from Congress, he endeavors to take on different avenues for change and resistance.
Being a legislator is no easy job— especially so if you are known for having critical positions on the sitting administration’s policies. Former Bayan Muna Rep. Carlos Isagani Zarate knew this, yet he still took up the role.
For nine years, Zarate’s work would start the moment he woke up, checking the news and reviewing policy briefs. At Batasang Pambansa, he would convene his staff, attend committee meetings, and plenary sessions—during which he, at times, got the ire of his fellow lawmakers, or heard whatever new accusation the regime threw at him. Then, instead of clocking out from work at 5 p.m., he spent late nights meeting constituents.
Bracing for his life after his stint in the House of Representatives, the former solon spoke to me with a firm tone of humility and competence, distant from the so-called “hypocrisy” and “chauvinism” that the Duterte administration antagonized him for. If the passionate lilt to Zarate’s voice was any giveaway, it was that his call for public service was far from over. To him, it was never contingent on his position as a lawmaker, but rather a firm continuation of his commitment to activism. In the actuality of a Marcos administration, the space for progressive politicians in the halls of Batasang Pambansa continues to shrink. Nevertheless, the seasoned lawmaker refuses to despair—the fight is not just within the halls of Congress.
Fated Coincidences
Zarate’s activism started with an encounter brought by his inquisitiveness as a student journalist. He was in Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya joining a student press competition, when he overheard a conversation between two clergymen about the killing of Zacarias Agatep, a priest who spoke out against local monopolies. It was at this moment that he was faced with the reality of Martial Law. Fueled with curiosity, he started to piece together the string of killings and arrests, and followed the stories of Ninoy Aquino, Dante Buscayno, and other activists of the time.
Amid the intimidating state policy, he persisted as a student journalist and pushed to revive campus publications in Ateneo de Davao University. It is not difficult to see that his hardhitting stances in Congress would hail from these early endeavors for truth and justice. His call for public service was far from over. To him, it was never contingent on his position as party-list representative, but rather a firm continuation of his commitment to activism.
Zarate consistently excelled in school, but he did not want to limit his education to the four corners of a classroom. “Major ko ang activism, minor in accountancy,” he laughed while telling me how this had molded his critical nature and views on public service.
The former lawmaker had planned to enter the seminary at first, but his encounter with Vicente Mirabueno brought him to a new direction. Mirabueno was the lawyer who defended him from expulsion for his activism which, ultimately, allowed him to graduate college. In 1988, the lawyer, who was then a coordinator of the Free Legal Assistance Group, was assassinated in General Santos City.
“Na-inspire ako sa mga public interest lawyers at human rights lawyers during the time of Marcos dahil sinakripisyo nila yung career nila, yung buhay nila para sa iba,” said Zarate. He spoke with no tinge of regret as public service indeed became his alternate vocation.
Ceaseless Strides for Change
Zarate went above and beyond the conventional confines of a lawmaker. His typical day of committee meetings was accompanied with on-theground community consultations and participation in people’s protests. For him, legislation is only one of the many arenas where the people can actively call for change.
“There are really moments that money cannot buy, [at yun] yung nasa piling ka ng masa dahil appreciated nila yung ginagawa mo—na dinadala mo yung boses at issues nila sa loob at labas ng Kongreso kahit na minsan sabihin ng iba na napaka-suntok sa buwan nito,” he said with a wide smile. Zarate was able to serve his people with a critical mind and an earnest heart, but this made him a fine target of the administration’s witch hunts.
Among his career highlights was the abolition of the pork barrel system
In an effort to express their dismay over the administration’s failures, around 10,000 individuals from sectoral groups united for a mobilization at UP Diliman.
where he, along with then Bayan Muna party-list Rep. Neri Colmenares, successfully filed a petition against the disbursement acceleration program. Their action was met with hostility from fellow politicians. He recalled one instance when a senior legislator tempted him into trying pork rather than dismissing it early on. Zarate apologized and told him, “Sorry sir, ayaw ko sa pork kasi vegetarian ako eh.”
And on the day the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) was struck down, the session hall was noticeably despondent. “Makikita mo talaga na marami sa kanila doon, if not all of them, nandito lang para sa PDAF. Yun ang main concern nila.”
In the nine years that he spent in Congress, the former legislator had 286 principally authored bills, each championing a different facet of the people’s agenda. These laws include the Mental Health Act and the Masustansyang Mag-Nanay Act, both interventions for their titular areas in healthcare. The solon believes that many of the bills passed by Congress are supplementary to the major calls for irrigation, mining, and agrarian reform which are watershed bills consistently supported by the Makabayan Coalition.
For almost a decade in legislative work, Zarate constantly contended with traditional politicians whose interests are threatened by the pro-people bills that his coalition forwards. Often singled out by Duterte, Zarate was no stranger to disparaging propaganda and false accusations linking him with the communist rebels. Up until the day of the elections, fake information on the disqualification of several opposition candidates and parties circulated across the country.
Now with Ferdinand Marcos Jr. set on continuing his father’s legacy, the former lawmaker told me, “Talagang we have to brace ourselves na mayroong malawakan at all-out assault doon sa karapatang pantao at even social justice, kaya on all fronts iyan.”
Moving Forward
Zarate’s spirited character is a stark contrast to the atrocities he had seen during Marcos Sr.’s regime. Today, he is witnessing the political comeback of a family that showed no remorse for the lives it had ruined more than 36 years ago. But this is no reason for hopelessness.
Zarate expects the intensification of human rights violations given the president’s intention to continue Duterte’s unfinished pursuits, especially in counterinsurgency and war on drugs. And without Bayan Muna in Congress for the first time in 20 years, there will be more legroom for repressive and anti-people policies carried by traditional politicians of the House supermajority.
“In all the administrations after Marcos [Sr.], tuloy-tuloy lang yung pagiimplement nila ng neoliberal policies which, ultimately, failed to address yung problem of massive poverty,” he said. Much of this is attributed to the fact that the majority of elected representatives come from wealthy and dynastic political families. According to him, for as long as Congress remains a conservative institution, it will remain to be an obstacle for genuine representation and progressive policies.
Zarate emphasized the importance of remaining vigilant and active during these turbulent times; that while our system is riddled with institutional inequalities, pure reformism will not solve the root of the problem. It is through the vibrant mobilization of advocacy groups and mass initiatives that we can truly propel the government to act with accountability for the next six years and beyond.
“Ang mahalaga ngayon ay ang pagtatasa at pag-iipon muli ng lakas, ang paghandaan ang mga susunod na laban sa administrasyong ito, at we take pride na mayroon pa rin tayong Bayan Muna’s loss in the elections is not an end to fighting for the people’s agenda but rather, a wake-up call to those who still believe that an electoral victory is all that it takes to advance democracy.
tatlong kinatawan sa Makabayan.” He added that the coalition will continue to be a fighting force for new politics, regardless of heightened attacks. Bayan Muna’s loss in the elections is not an end to fighting for the people’s agenda but rather, a wake-up call to those who still believe that an electoral victory is all that it takes to advance democracy.
Nearing the end of our talk, I asked Zarate what he intends to do now that he won’t be going to Congress anytime soon. “Unemployed ulit,” he laughed, “but employed by the people.” He will still go back to communities, lobby for bills, and maybe advise the Makabayan Bloc when needed. But instead of sitting in plenary sessions and committee meetings, he will return to defending the marginalized in courts.
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EDITORYAL
Panata sa Pagmartsa
Sa lipunang nilulunod sa kasinungalingan at maling kasaysayan, may talab ang talino sa paghawan ng landas upang lumaya mula sa mga nanlalansi sa bayan. At ang pagtatapos ng mga iskolar ng bayan ay panimula lamang ng mahabang pakikipagbuno sa baluktot na lipunan.
Lunan ang pamantasan ng malayang daluyan, tagisan, at tunggalian ng mga ideya. Marapat, dahil ito ang mga kundisyong nagpapasibol sa mga iskolar ng bayan na, lisanin man ang unibersidad, magiging panghabang-buhay na gampanin ang pangunguwestiyon sa umiiral na kalagayan ng mga bagay. At naunawaan natin—sa klase, sa mga nakakasalamuha’t napapakinggang kwento—ang umiiral na di pagkakapantay-pantay ng kapangyarihan at ang resulta nitong pagpapahirap sa kalakhan ng taumbayan. Di nagbigay ng preskripsyon ang mga guro sa kung ano ang mga wastong ideya, bagkus, itinuro paano kilatisin ang mga isyu’t palagay.
Ito ang ibinigay ng unibersidad sa ilang taong pamamalagi natin dito: ang kakayahan nating bumuo ng sariling pagtatasa ayon sa kasalakuyang kondisyon, at kumilos nang lapat sa ating pangangailangan. Ito nga ang nagpahintulot sa marami sa ating magsilbi sa mamamayan sa iba’t ibang larangan—mula sa paglikha ng lunas sa sakit, pagdisenyo ng mga makinaryang magpapadali sa paggawa, pagtuturo sa mga walang akses sa pag-aaral at paglahok sa pagkilos ng taumbayan.
Kaya naman sa panahong ang paraan ng mga maykapangyarihan ay paninindak, kung saan ang pundasyon ng rehimen ay kasinungalingan, subersibo ang pagiging maalam, kaaway ang mga iskolar ng bayan. Takot na mauga ang kasalukuyang sistemang iniingatan at maalisan ng kapangyarihan, nire-red-tag
Ang pananatili sa toreng garing habang lantarang pinaniniwala ang mga tao ng maling impormasyon at kasinungalingan ay magbubunsod lamang ng lalong pagkitil sa katotohanan at sa kung anong wasto.
ng pamahalaan ang akademya, pinaparatangang kuta ng mga rebelde. Hindi natapos ang pagpipinta nilang kaaway ang mga iskolar nang bumaba sa pwesto si Rodrigo Duterte. Bagkus, lalo lang tumindi ang panunuligsa sa pagkakataong maupo si Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Anupa’t kumalat ang panawagang ipasara ang Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, o di kaya’y palitan ang pangalan nito sa Bagong Lipunan University.
Pinagmumukha ng nakaraan at kasalukuyang rehimen na ang pagwawalang-bisa nila sa mga institusyon ay paraan ng pagbabalik sa ordinaryong mamamayan ng kapangyarihan; na ang kaalaman ay nililikha at nakokontrol di na lang ng mga elitistang pantas, kundi pati nilang ordinaryong mamamayan. Bunsod na rin ito ng populistang pamumuno ni Duterte—sinamantala ang kawalangtiwala ng mamamayan sa mga institusyon sa gitna ng tumitinding krisis pang-ekonomiya at panlipunan. Ang pag-upo ng mga kunong dehado, mga pinalayas sa Malacañang ay tila pagbawi ng kapangyarihan ng mga mahihina, paghihiganti sa akademyang sa matagal na panahon ay siniraan sila. At upang sementuhan ang naratibo, naglabas ng alternatibong kwento ang mga Marcos na ngayon naman ay ibinabandera ng kanilang mga taga-suporta, panabla sa mga libro at lekturang inihahapag ng mga pamantasan.
Ngunit di nakakagulat ang kawalan ng tiwala ng ordinaryong mamamayan sa mga institusyon gaya ng mga pamantasan, lalo pagdating sa kakayahan ng mga itong tunay na maglingkod upang pagaanin ang buhay ng taumbayan. Mahabang panahong pinatakbo ang mga ahensya ng pamahalaan ng mga edukado, ang iba pa’y produkto mismo ng UP. Ngunit habang pinamumunuan nila ang mga departamento, ang mga palisiyang pinatutupad nila ay lalo lang ding nagpapahirap—malayo sa tunay na kailangan at kahingian ng masa. Ilan sa mga ito ang TRAIN Law, ang pagpaparami ng imported na produkto sa lokal na merkado, ang lalong pribatisasyon ng mga pampublikong serbisyo.
Di nakakagulat kung ang mga estudyanteng minsang bumigkas ng
Nagkasa ng iglapang protesta ang mga nagsipatapos bitbit ang panawagan na sundan ng mga nagsipagtapos ang yapak ng mga magigiting na Iskolar ng Bayan na sina Chad Booc, Kevin Castro, Renz Lee at Kerima Tariman na walang maliw na nagsilbi sa sambayanan hanggang sa kanilang kamatayan.
May 3,475 mag-aaral ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas Diliman ang nagsipagtapos sa naganap na ika-111 Pangkalahatang Pagtatapos sa UP Diliman Ampitheater, Hulyo 31.
“mula sa masa, tungo sa masa” ay sila ring nagiging pahirap sa mamamayan. Paano’y nananatili ang oryentasyon ng edukasyon sa pagsisilbi sa kasalukuyang lagay ng mga bagay, sa sistemang walang ginawa kundi kumuha sa mga maralita.
Pook ang pamantasan ng malayang tagisan ng mga ideya, iyon ang humuhubog sa kritikalidad ng mga estudyante rito. Ngunit kung ang primarya pa ring rason ng pagkakaroon ng kaalaman ay para pagsilbihan ang interes ng iilan, tuluyan na ngang nawawalan ng bisa ang ating edukasyon.
Ngayong lumalala ang panlipunang krisis, kasabay ng pagpipintang subersibo ang pagkakaroon ng kaalaman, ang pagiging kritikal, lalong nagiging wasto para sa ating makiisa sa laban kontra panggigipit ng estado. Ang pananatili sa toreng garing, ang pananahimik at pagkikimkim habang lantarang pinaniniwala ang mga tao ng maling impormasyon at kasinungalingan ay magbubunsod lamang ng lalong pagkitil sa katotohanan at sa kung anong wasto. Higit sa pangunguwestiyon sa lagay ng mga bagay, higit sa pagtasa sa mga kondisyon, higit sa pagiging kritiko ng lipunan, ang pinakamahalagang hakbang para sa iskolar ng bayan ay kumilos. Sa ganoong paraan nakuha ng mga tinitingala natin ngayong martir ang kalayaan mula sa madilim na panahon ng diktadura.
Hindi natin inilalapat ang sarili bilang tanging awtoridad ng katotohanan at kawastuhan, tanging solusyon ng problema sa bayan, anupa’t ang mapagmataas na pagtinging ito ang nagtulak sa atin palayo sa taumbayan. Ngayong pinipilit na pagtunggaliin ng pamahalaan ang ordinaryong tao at silang nagmula sa matataas na mga pamantasan, ang pinakamabisa nating opensiba ay ang pilit nating pagbalik, pakikiisa sa kanilang marapat nating paglingkuran.
Lumulubog at nakikisalamuha tayo sa kanila upang maintindihan ang kanilang mga hinaing, at makapagisip ng paraan paano makakatulong na solusyunan ito gamit ang anomang nakuha natin sa klase. Ibinabalik natin sa kanila ang lahat ng ating natanggap sa pamantasan—ibinabahagi ang proseso ng pag-alam, edukasyong panabla sa maling impormasyon, at kalayaang subukin ang nambabaluktot sa kasaysayan upang depensahan ang sarili sa sinomang yumuyurak sa kanilang karapatan.
Kung tutuusin, hindi lang dapat nakukulong sa pamantasan ang espasyo ng malayang daluyan at tagisan ng ideya. Hindi lang dapat sa mga silid-aralan natututunan ang kritikalidad. Sa isang lipunang hindi tinutugis ng maykapangyarihan ang mga iskolar ng bayan, ang bawat kanto ng bansa ay lunsaran ng pag-aaral.
Ngunit hanggang di pa natin nakakamit ito, instrumental ang bawat estudyanteng magsisipagtapos ngayon sa paghawan ng landas patungo sa lipunang iyon. Sa pagkuha natin ng diploma, nagmamatyag ang sambayanan—paano natin ookupahin ang espasyo sa mas malawak na mundo, anong panig ang kikilingan, sinong pagsisilbihan, at kung makakaya ba nating isangkalan ang buhay para makiisa sa kanila.
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Sa pagkuha natin ng diploma, nagmamatyag ang sambayanan— paano natin ookupahin ang espasyo sa mas malawak na mundo, anong panig ang kikilingan, sino ang pagsisilbihan, at kung makakaya ba nating isangkalan ang buhay para makiisa sa kanila.
PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN CARNIVAL OF HORRORS
Brace yourselves for another round of the most agonizing and seemingly never-ending ride of your life.
Cover illustration by Kaxandra Salonga
