Slow Down, arrive Sooner
Analysis of the utilitarian cycling
conditions in Glasgow
author: Pavel Pavlov reg.no: 201337352 date: March, 2018 supervisor: Dr Ombretta Romice BSc (Hons) Architectural Studies Department of Architecture University of Strathclyde 1
Declaration AB 420 Dissertation 2017/18 BSc Honours Architectural Studies
“I hereby declare that this dissertation submission is my own work and has been composed by myself. It contains no unacknowledged text and has not been submitted in any previous context. All quotations have been distinguished by quotation marks and all sources of information, text, illustration, tables, images etc. have been specifically acknowledged. I accept that if having signed this Declaration my work should be found at Examination to show evidence of academic dishonesty the work will fail and I will be liable to face the University Senate Discipline Committee.�
Signed: Name: Pavel Pavlov Date: 08/03/2018
2
Table of Contents
Declaration Acknowledgements Abstract
2 4 5
Chapter 0 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4
Introduction Background, context and motivation Research questions Research methodology Aims & objectives
6 7 9 10 11
Chapter 1 1.1 1.2
Literature review Sustainability and how to achieve it Promoting cycling as a rational way to travel
12 13 15
Chapter 2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6
Transport network Introduction Automobile dependence Sustainable transport Active Travel Cycling - a credible transport alternative Concluded principles
16 17 18 20 22 24 30
Chapter 3 3.1 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.1.4 3.1.5 3.1.6 3.1.7
Case studies Copenhagen, Denmark Introduction Transport Automobiles Cycling in Copenhagen Specific cycling policies: infrastructure Integration with public transport Design guidelines Portland, Oregon, USA Introduction Bicycle infrastructure Bicycle culture Future plans
32 34 35 36 39 40 44 50 52
Chapter 4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.3
Glasgow Introduction Current Situation Factors, influencing travel choices Acknowledged ways forward
60 61 62 64 70
Chapter 5
Conclusions & discussion
72
List of figures Bibliography
76 80
3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4
6 7
54 55 56 58 59
3
Acknowledgements This dissertation was prepared through the continuous and invaluable supervision of Dr Ombretta Romice. I would like to express the greatest appreciation to her and thank her for immensely contributing and being constantly reliable and inspiring. I would like to thank Jac Lister for watching over us and ensuring the prosperity of the dissertation class. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to my family who endlessly guarantee for my well-being. In the end - to my friends who certainly did not help the production of this dissertation but made my journey enjoyable. Pavel
4
Abstract
Half a century after cars reshaped the urban form of many cities, the consequences of
the urban sprawl and automobile dependence become apparent. The superlative freedom offered by cars has turned into inevitably long commuting times and congestion issues. What is more, with transport being the only sector of the UK economy to project increasing global greenhouse emissions over the past 20 years, town planners are urged to claim control of the situation by reducing the necessity to use cars and promoting alternative transportation modes.
The City of Glasgow acknowledges its infrastructure-related issues and is striving to
promote a new lifestyle which is healthy, safe and entertaining. As a part of its sustainability agenda, transportation advocates identify Active Travel and cycling in particular as one of the critical areas of focus. The paper aims to examine the factors affecting the low rates of utilitarian cycling in Glasgow, as well as the sufficiency of the proposed measures by the updated Action Plan of the city. Promoting cycling as a credible travel choice can greatly benefit its economic future and social wellbeing. The paper identifies the similarities between Glasgow and other major cities across Europe and the United States and extracts useful suggestions to contribute to the current visions. At the moment, choosing to cycle is certainly a prominent challenge in Glasgow. However, sets of effective policies and initiatives implemented in other cities prove that adequate efforts and sufficient investment can greatly improve cycling conditions in the urban environment and attract a larger part of the community to cycle.
It is clear that sustainability can only be achieved through a modal shift to-
wards public transport and green modes. This requires not only prioritised investment into alternative transport infrastructure, but also careful planning which will efficiently use both space and time. Cycling has to be perceived as a unique form of a vehicle; therefore, only a radical approach which completely redesigns the current movement network can make the experience easier, safer and more enjoyable.
5
0. Introduction
figure 1: Protruding traffic
6
Background, context and motivation
Since the beginning of settlements’ history until the middle of the nineteenth cen-
tury, the traditional cities were defined by high density, mixed land use and an organic grid of narrow streets that fits the landscape. Such urban form allowed for destinations to be reached on foot and therefore was named the Walking City. Around the 1860s in Europe and the New World, however, the growth of the population and the prosperity of the industry started creating new demands. With the new transit technologies followed by an increased speed of travelling, the Old Walking Cities were bound to expand. Microscale cities with their sub-centers were formed around railway stations. Meanwhile, trams stimulated a linear development along the main streets. Both cases were marked with medium-density, mixed use stretches. A new city form was created – the Transit City, which could accommodate far more people at reduced densities. Nearly a century later, beginning before the Second World War, the automobile, augmented by the bus, progressively advanced into reshaping the city, giving birth to the Auto City. This new form tolerated low-density housing, approximately ten times lower on average than the density of the former Walking City. What is more, industrialization encouraged town planners to begin a separation of residential and business centers by zoning. In the process, the city continued to decentralize and disperse, generating a never ending demand for growth of capacity for traffic and automobile dependence (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999).
Unfortunately, with the growth of the city as a system and the related energy and
materials input required, there is an inevitable increase in waste and accordingly greenhouse emissions, resulting in a number of environmental problems and economic costs. As part of raising sustainability awareness, a major focus has been put on transportation in the past two centuries as it is the only sector of British Economy that projected a similar amount of carbon emissions in 2016 compared to 1990 (Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy, 2018). Furthermore, the current patterns of mobility in the UK have led to the recognition of a set of other problems including inactive lifestyles, resulting in overweight and obesity, pollution, limited freedom for children activities, social disconnection and social exclusion (Government Office for Science, 2007).
7
The only way to achieve the global CO2 targets is to reduce the need to travel
(Banister, 2005). The overall approach consists of a modal shift towards public transport and sustainable alternatives, regulated car usage, increased levels of shared trips, car free areas in cities and active travel (walking and cycling), all of it backed up by strong media and governmental support. Ultimately, there is no place for the car in the sustainable city. Transport should be by walk and cycle, together with new combinations of eco-public transport. Recently, an increasing amount of studies attempt to assess the economic, health, social and environmental benefits of Active Travel (Dalton, 2010).
Multiple disciplines are required to collaborate effectively in order for successful Ac-
tive Travel policies to be implemented. Government schemes like ‘Smarter Choices, Smarter Places’ aim to make walking and cycling a mode of choice for short local journeys as it will help reverse the trend towards sedentary lifestyles and will tackle health inequalities. Urban Designers are the key to redeveloping the existing transport infrastructure. They believe that sustainable regeneration of urban areas should promote cycling (Forsyth & Krizek, 2011).
Specialists agree that the current infrastructure has allowed cars to invade and rip
apart the social fabric of neighbourhoods (Montgomery, 2013). The automobile is both socially and spatially divisive - it tolerates the spread of cities which results in a demand for travelling at much longer distances than before, with space becoming something that you want to pass through rather than to stop in (Urry, 2006). Cars, unlike cyclists, can’t be involved in the activities that take place on a sidewalk or a shared space, and Jane Jacobs explicitly explains the importance of liveliness for a place (Jacobs, 2000). Cars used to promise superlative freedom and convenience, but in spite of the fantastic investments in roads and highways, commute times have steadily increased (Montgomery, 2013).
Cycling, on the other hand, addresses many of the challenges that society is fac-
ing as it reduces greenhouse gas emissions, traffic accidents and congestion as well as the sedentary lifestyle-related illnesses and the associated medical expenditures (Portland City Council, 2010). It allows you to travel three or four times faster than somebody walking while using less than a quarter of the energy - it simply makes you the most efficient
8
Introduction
traveller among all machines and animals (Montgomery, 2013). Yet, if we do not take more radical measures to turn cycling into something ‘normal’, it will continue to be practised only by a group of ‘committed, hard-core’ individuals, discourage the vast majority of volunteers and never manage to get Britain cycling (Horton, 2011).
The City of Glasgow acknowledges that in order to achieve a ‘modern’ vision,
modal shifts towards sustainable transport network are essential. The City Council has prepared an Action Plan for the next 10 years that outlines planners’ desires to turn Glasgow into one of the most sustainable cities in Europe. Creating a cycle friendly city would not only greatly contribute to that goal, but will also establish a better urban environment with lower levels of pollution and congestion (McDougall, 2016). Cycling levels in Glasgow have increased by 69% between 2001 and 2011 (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, n.d.), with 6% of people in Glasgow usually or regularly travelling to work by bike. The key aims of the plan are to create an integrated network of routes that attracts more people to cycle and turn Glasgow into a healthier and a safer city.
Research questions What are the foundations of automobile dependence and infrastructure-related issues? Why is there an urge for sustainability awareness? Why is cycling a credible transport alternative? What are the points of attrition between cycling and other means of transport? What does an efficient, safe, effective and practicable cycling require? What lessons can be learnt from cities which have integrated a successful cycling infrastructure and how can they be implemented in Glasgow? What are the factors influencing people’s decisions whether or not to cycle in Glasgow? How can cycling in Glasgow be made more attractive?
9
Research methodology
The majority of information in this dissertation will be acquired through qualitative
secondary research and analysis of existing literature and statistics from research projects. A number of universities and government organisations have dedicated solid amounts of time analysing the topic and looking for potential solutions, however most of them are place-specific and will be adapted to the conditions that Glasgow provides. Reports from different study disciplines will be investigated and the information will be collated as the topic requires a multidirectional expertise in order for sufficient conclusions to be made. However, Urban Design will be the leading field of study, as it has the opportunity to make a large impact on the matter and is directly related to my personal sphere of education. Occasionally, subjective evaluation will be made, based on personal experiences.
The research for the dissertation begins with an overview of the current rates of
utilitarian cycling in Glasgow and its contribution to the overall system of transportation across the city. As a part of its Smart City agenda, Glasgow launched an Open Data website which reveals statistical information about user satisfaction, the quality of life in the city and the patterns of movement. The findings are compared to other cities across the UK, as well as the rest of Europe and America. The analysis identifies an escalating trend towards automobile reliance throughout UK and America, whilst major European cities demonstrate a prospective shift towards sustainability. In order to understand the roots of automobile dependence, a study of the historical development of industrial cities was carried. Published literature, sourced from academic teaching and community involvement, comprehensively examines the negative impact of cars on cities. Statistical data on the transport’s share of global CO2 emissions, as well as the reduced health of the population conclude the urgent demand for sustainability. Published documents by transportation planners suggest that overcoming automobile dependence requires a modal shift towards alternative transportation means. The research progressively focuses on understanding cycling as a credible mode of urban travel and the factors, which influence its credibility. Multidisciplinary advocates outline the social, health and economic benefits that adequate cycling infrastructure can have by referring to cities which have already implemented a sufficient cycling culture. Investigation of case studies split cities into two categories –
10
cities, which have successfully overcome automobile independence and are now promoting active travel, and cities, which have a historical cycling culture and now emphasize on enhancing the cycling experience. A review of the current Action Plan for Glasgow, the Active Travel synthesis and public records suggests that good examples of effective initiatives and policies can be identified from both categories of case studies. These will be used as a guide to firstly try and balance the power of motor vehicles and secondarily, improve cycling conditions and subsequently community participation.
Aims & objectives
This dissertation is going to examine the current provision of Active Travel
infrastructure, with cycling being its focus. It is going to analyse the historical intentions of the city planners as well as the present ones and compare them to existing case studies. The aim is for the dissertation to investigate feasible methods of improving cycling conditions in Glasgow. This will be done through an analysis of the relationship between drivers, cyclists and pedestrians. The investigation will be carried forward by determining the effect a more successful cycling network would have on the urban fabric of the city, in both street and city scale. A number of case studies will be analysed and possible local applications will be determined. In order to summarize the findings, innovative solutions will be researched and their local implication will be tested. figure 2: Slow Down
“An installation by Jacqueline Donachie. This piece began life as a project centred round the 100 day countdown to the start of the Commonwealth Games. Slow Down involved 100 cyclists slowly travelling through the City with a small attachment on each bike which left a line of chalk on the ground resulting in a ribbon of colours along the Glasgow streets.�
11
1. Literature review
figure 3: melting Collins Glacier, Antarctica
12
Sustainability and how to achieve it
Nearly six decades after the automobile began developing and gaining enough pow-
er to reshape the transport network in cities, a fine line becomes apparent between the car being a tool for convenience and a cause of social disconnection, hardly manageable carbon emissions, congestion and health-related issues. Professor David Banister presents a comprehensive analysis of the issues related to the impact of transport on the global environment (Banister, 2005). His book “Unsustainable Transport” highlights the need for sustainability awareness by pointing out the risks that global warming raises. He emphasizes on the fact that transport’s contribution to the subject has vastly increased – from 19.3 per cent (1971) to 28.9 per cent (2001) and it is a critical field to focus on in order for global CO2 emissions to be reduced enough for global warming to be moderated and possibly stabilized. Banister covers topics like energy intensity, public policy and the institutional and organisational constraints on change. He proposes a variety of actions but also identifies the limitations that these actions could face. He then narrows down the connection between transport and sustainable urban development to a city scale by covering land use and development, economic measures and the role of technology: “This is where the concept of sustainable urban development becomes important, as cities are seen as being the source of economic wealth and prosperity, and the centres of sustainable development. It is only in cities that many of the activities essential to the creating of wealth and well-being can take place.” Banister sets three main objectives:
- The sustainable urban development should facilitate itself but meanwhile guaran-
tee that carbon resources are used within the sustainable limits, and that the development is accessible to everyone in terms of their welfare and well-being.
- Within the context of cities, wealth-creating activities rely on transport for operat-
ing efficiently and being accessible. What is more, transport can contribute to the social well-being of the city.
- Transport is a considerable and increasing consumer of energy, therefore it
should contribute substantially to the global objective of moderating the use of carbon-based energy sources.
13
He acknowledges the fact that all the three objectives may be impossi-
ble to achieve simultaneously, however he assesses the available options and makes conclusions based on the analysis, as well as inspirations from events in developing countries and the ways to move towards a more sustainable future.
Meanwhile, Peter Newman and Jeffrey Kenworthy in their “Sustainability and Cit-
ies” outline the problems associated with growing car use and dependency and seek to ‘dispel the myths’ about the inevitability of car depended lifestyles (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). Sourced from academic teaching and community involvement, the book encourages the development of an integrated network of sustainable transport alternatives including better public transport, more attractive walking and cycling routes and traffic calming. The authors present a series of well researched case studies from around the world, which point to the proven success of such measures if they are also accompanied by supportive land policies. Similar to David Banister in his ‘Unsustainable Transport’ gives an overview of the concept of sustainability and then constricts the issue to the frame of cities, however they translate the information through a qualitative research examples, while Banister analyses the issues through quantitative data analysis.
Newman and Kenworthy generally take a more urban planning approach to-
wards the issue in comparison to Banister. They describe the development of new “urban villages” consisting of high density land uses, with shops, businesses, and leisure and community facilities all closely integrated with a better mix of residential development. As most facilities are within walking distance of people’s homes, more journeys can be undertaken by walking and cycling. These urban villages are also well linked together by excellent public transport services, which have priority over general traffic. In addition, they review how professional practises (Modernism, the Organic City, the Industrial Revolution city...etc.) have influenced our cities in the past and draw conclusions on how they could possibly help us to shape more sustainable cities for the future, as well as the effect that ethics, spirituality and community have in the sustainable city.
14
Literature review
Promoting cycling as a rational way to travel
Cycling has been looked upon from multiple disciplines as the one mode of trans-
port which potentially promotes all the benefits related to travelling in an urban environment. Journalists like Charles Montgomery have compiled these multidisciplinary opinions in order to create a more comprehensive overview on the prosperity of cycling (Montgomery, 2013). As the name of his book suggests, Montgomery’s “Happy City” identifies the perks of being on a bike from a hedonic perspective. Interviews with dedicated cyclists outline how joyful the experience can be regardless of the conditions, but their arguments are further supported by the professional explanation of psychologists. At the same time, Steven Fleming, an architectural academic and an enthusiastic cyclist, has composed an extensive catalogue of cycling-friendly cities, highlighting their unique characters (Fleming, 2013). His ‘Cycle Space’ can be translated into the personal environment that each cyclist creates for themselves – an individual, subjective and unique vision. It praises cycling as the ultimate form of transport, but also distinguishes the vast variety of human characters and respectfully corresponds to their distinctive requirements. As Steven Fleming says: “A central idea of this book is that each cyclist develops a similar cycle-space map of their city in their bicycling mind. Much about these maps depends on the individuals’ perceptions, subcultures and the way codes of behavior change from city to city.” The author presents a large number of ideas about the greatness of cycling, as well as a broad range of successful examples of cycling infrastructure and policies around the world. Fleming reviews the ideas of professionals that could influence or inspire cycling development, but also supports his arguments through a catalogue of place-specific photographs. Ultimately, he tries to promote the idea of “newly developed pockets of cities, connected by greenways…while other parts of our cities are left as they are: more or less dependent on cars”. He builds up the conceptual idea of redeveloping brownfield sites through a greenway infrastructure, but also states that “we can’t have false expectations that cycling can thrive on what has been claimed as car drivers’ turf.” Overall, ‘Cycle Space’ affirms that it is critical to understand the reasons for which people choose bicycles in order to discover the full potential of the bicycle as a compelling factor for the design of cities.
15
4. Transport network
figure 4: Division, Glasgow
16
Introduction
Society has become more urbanized and we have now reached the point where over
half the world’s population of 6 billion people lives in cities (European Commission, n.d.). The global trend towards urbanization and economic factors promoting agglomeration should support sustainable urban development. In addition to the city being the centre of vitality, opportunity and wealth, it is the necessary supporting infrastructure (water, waste, electricity, communications and transport) that also needs to be provided so that the city can ‘work’ (Banister, 2005). While it is complex, it is also essential to achieve good transport and communication. The point of cities is multiplicity of choice (Jacobs, 2000). However, taking advantage of this multiplicity of choice would be impossible if we were not able to get around easily, neither will this variety of choice even exist if it cannot be stimulated by cross-use. What is more, the economic foundation of cities is trade – trade in ideas, services, skills, goods and personnel, and all of them rely and demand efficient, fluid transport and communication. Even manufacturing occurs in cities because of the advantages related to trade, not because it is easier to manufacture things in cities (Jacobs, 2000). In a way, the transport network is a reflection of the economic progress of a city and its domestic lifestyle.
figure 5: Transport diversity
17
Automobile dependence
The automobile has turned into an icon of the 20th century by guarantying reliable
availability in a close proximity. It makes us feel safe and isolated from the dangers outside, and provides us with luxury (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). It used to promise superlative freedom and convenience, but in spite of the fantastic investments in roads and highways, commute times have steadily increased (Montgomery, 2013). In addition, increased city accessibility by cars is always accompanied by declines in service of public transport. The declines in transit passengers are always greater than the increase in car passengers. What is more, the more accessible districts are for cars, the larger the decline in total cross-use of the district by people is. As one of the responsibilities of transportation is to permit and encourage cross-use, this becomes a serious matter for cities (Jacobs, 2000).
figure 6: Congestion
18
Transport network
One of the reasons for prioritizing driving is the state that driving your own car puts you
into in comparison to the transit users or even their own passengers – psychological state know as mastery: being in charge of your life. The boost in status a car can offer and the biochemical response – a blast of testosterone for man, irrespective of the surrounding conditions (audience). The problem, however, arises from the boundaries that urban traffic puts to these hormonal responses – “a car fails to deliver the experience of freedom and speed that it would be able to in a world of open roads. The urban system neutralizes their power” – in a way drivers get swallowed in the homogenous canvas of congestion (Montgomery, 2013). The biological effect of being stuck in traffic however is devastating – your system gets filled with adrenaline and cortisol, that in short-term get you excited and more aware, but in long-term can make you ill. It can compromise your immune system, your blood vessels and bones will weaken and your brain will begin to die off from stress. Being stuck in traffic usually causes ‘road rage’. It is a factor that provokes hostility and can affect your fear centres, resulting in dead cells in the hippocampus, which leads to shortened life expectancy.
The obvious solution to congestion – building more roads – simply produc-
es more traffic, creating a hedonic treadmill of construction and frustration (Montgomery, 2013). Paradoxically, even the creator of the shopping mall – one of the causes of urban fragmentation, Victor Gruen, outlined that providing more space for cars increases the demand for use of cars and hence for even more space (Hass-Klau, 2015). This, however, by no means should lead us to the conclusions that cars are to be completely denied. As Jane Jacobs said: “Life attracts life.” In places where pedestrian separation is attempted as a kind of abstract superiority and as a result many other forms of life and activity end up unaccommodated or suppressed just in order for this superiority to work, the whole arrangement loses its attractiveness. Taking pedestrians in cities into consideration cannot be separated from consideration for city diversity, vitality and concentration of use (Jacobs, 2000). If a city lacks diversity, people in large settlements are probably better off in cars than on foot. Otherwise, the space ends up being an ‘unmanageable vacuum’, which is by no means preferable to unmanageable traffic.
19
Sustainable Transport
A city should always be striving for sustainability and in order to achieve this goal, trans-
port will always be one of the crucial focuses. Transport creates significant consequences through congestion, urban pollution, greenhouse gas emissions, noise, accidents and a multitude of other factors (Banister, 2005). In addition to the external costs, there are important social and distributional consequences as not everyone has or will ever have equal access to motorized transport. What is more, the only sector of the UK economy which has not reduced its greenhouse emissions in the past 30 years is transport (Department for Transport, 2018).
Newman and Kenworthy, however, suggest four steps required to transform an
Auto City to a “Sustainable City” (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999). The beginning of this process should be set by revitalizing the inner city – regeneration of abandoned areas, which will lead to densification and walkability. This should involve traffic calming measures and the necessary social infrastructure. The next step is about development focused around the existing rail system – ensuring that the area can facilitate the market for higher-density, mixed-use development, replacing the park-and-ride facilities with bike-and-ride and integrated bus timetables with the rail services. The third step is about discouraging further urban sprawl – this requires parallel actions of changing investment in motorways that take people out of the cities to greenfield sites, and changing zoning processes in order to protect rural land at the city periphery. The last step involves extending the transit network into disconnected suburbs, and building new urban villages or sub-centers where the residential-only suburbs lack such. This will give an opportunity for many more local services to be provided and gives a possibility to teach other crosscity destinations by using public transport rather than a car (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999).
20
Transport network
figure 7: Share
21
Active Travel
figure 8: Lifestyle
Traditionally, cycling and walking have experienced
a lack of sufficient attention within the transport research field and have been considered of a lower status than motorised transport modes. However, this trend has shifted and funding focuses on evaluating the benefits of Active Travel from multidisciplinary perspectives. The current patterns of movement have been related to a large number of issues: climate change as a result of transport emissions, social disconnection and health issues, arising from sedentary lifestyles (Government Office for Science, 2007).
The health sector has demonstrated an increasing
interest in the effect of Active Travel on health and obesity. The statistics project 63% of men and 53% of women currently achieve the government’s physical activity targets of 150mins moderate/ 64mins vigorous/ combination of both per week (British Heart Foundation, 2015). It is clear that walking and cycling can potentially provide a form of exercise which is easy, cheap and convenient.
“Active
forms
of
travel are important for their contribution to increasing physical activity, and therefore, to improving physical and mental health. Increasing active travel also contributes to better health by reducing the impact of obesity, climate change and air pollution, and can help build
figure 9: Elderly couple
22
more
connected
munities�
(Muirie,
com2017).
Transport network
An Active Travel study demonstrates that “commuting physical activity, independent
of leisure time physical activity” can be associated with healthier levels of cardiovascular risk factors and therefore reduce the occurrence of such diseases (von Huth Smith & BorchJohnsen, 2007). What is more, it is apparent that proportionally women could benefit more of active travel than men, maybe due to the amount of other, leisure time physical activity, which women in general are known to take less part in (World Health Organization, n.d.). Therefore, there should be a raised awareness of the contribution of regular active travel amongst women.
Geoff Vigar, a lecturer in Town and Country Planning at the University of Newcastle,
carried out an examination of local authorities have implemented sustainable travel initiatives. It becomes evident that transport issues such as car-dependency have been outlined as congestion issues rather than fully recognizing the extent of the concerns, such as carbon emissions (Vigar, 2002). This critically concludes that cycling is perceived as an ‘add-on’ that comes in place after space for cars on the roads is resolved rather than a fundamental factor for reducing commuting times and increasing number of trips being made by sustainable modes.
figure 10: Variety
23
Cycling - a credible transport alternative
Cycling should be looked upon as a creditable mode
of transport and as such, it deserves at least as much attention as any other type of transport. In terms of practicality, cycling can achieve longer distances faster than pedestrians, making it a rational way of getting about in large, dispersed developments. It would not be realistic to think that sustainable regeneration of urban areas, especially ones with lower densities and a number of activity centres, would conclude that walking is the entire solution (Forsyth & Krizek, 2011). “A more holistic approach would involve cycling;”
As humans we are programmed to be in motion and it’s
a part of our basic physiology. Walking is the most significant example of the different experience between being in a vehicle and accomplishing movement by yourself. Robert Thayer, a professor of psychology at California State University says: “We are talking about a wider phenomenon here than just walk more, feel more energy. We’re talking about walk more, be happier, have higher self-esteem, be more into your diet and also the nutritiousness of your diet. Walking works like a drug, and it starts working even after a few steps”. In a way, cycling has the potential to grant a similar, but amplified experience. It gives you freedom. It makes you feel as if you can reach new heights, regardless if it is in terms of speed, thrill or health. It is similar to running, but gives you control over your body that is translated into the vehicle and allows to travel three or four times faster than somebody walking while using less than a quarter of the energy. It simply makes you the most efficient traveller among all machines and animals (Montgomery, 2013). 24
Transport network
figure 11: Cycling for everyone
25
figure12: A family trip
26
“A more comprehensive urban design strategy would make that experience delightful as well as safe;”
The majority of the cities in Britain currently leave it to the
people to fit themselves to cycling, which often requires a willingness to ‘battle’ with a generally hostile transport environment. These people usually perceive the conditions as too difficult and dangerous and instead of expecting them to yet try and cycle effectively, planners should emphasize on changing that environment so that it becomes easy, safe, convenient and obvious to cycle – somehow ‘normal’ (Horton, 2011). It is also important to acknowledge the fact that the types of cyclists differ – there are the already dedicated ones, who are out there fighting with the world, ones that are willing to do it, but are scared and ones that do not do it due to the discomfort it causes. These different types each require a different approach in both design and perception. Nevertheless, regardless of the differences, what matters the most is that everyone using pedal power is untied by a need to make it home safely, when they inevitably find themselves commuting in dangerous conditions (Fleming, 2013).
27
“If
cyclists
have
substantially
different
experienc-
es and needs then urban design needs to stretch its
repertoire
to
acknowledge
that;
pedestrian-,
auto- and even transit oriented design is insufficient.”
Some cities find it particularly challenging to retrofit or
allocate sufficient space for cycling paths due to the constraints that the existing road network offers. However, with smart and careful considerations a convenient cycling network can always be established if priorities are set correctly – after all, designing a city should make it easy for its users (Bicycle Culture by Design: Mikael Colville-Andersen, 2012). This means accepting cycling simply as a different form of a vehicle and hence taking a more radical approach which involves redesigning our infrastructure so that it provides specific characteristics that would make cycling its own stereotypical core. This will circulate the focus of experts in different fields around the same field of interest.
28
figure 13: Allotment
Transport network
Although cycling paths are one of the first signs of new
infrastructural intents, even they do not necessarily accommodate the needs of every cyclist. Often, vehicular routes offer a better experience and thus people chose them regardless of the inconvenience that they offer. Cyclists generally tend to include individual routes in their ‘cycle-space’ maps based on personal preferences, but interestingly these routes can be perceived as safe havens. The greatness of cycling in an urban environment is the chance to experience the place you live in, allowing you to choose your preferred routes and making you a part of the local picture. Unlike cyclists, cars can’t be involved in the activities that take place on a sidewalk or a shared space (Jacobs, 2000). In a way, being in a car makes you a spectator, like a safari tour through the urban jungle. Therefore cyclists, unlike drivers, contribute vastly to the liveliness of a neighbourhood or a street. figure14: Desire paths
29
Concluded principles Essentially, most non-cy-
Where provision of ded-
Cycling paths do not nec-
clists and recreation cy-
icated cycling space is
essarily accommodate the
clists would only con-
lacking, it is vital for effec-
needs of every cyclist. Of-
sider cycling regularly if
tive restrictions on traffic
ten, vehicular routes offer a
the urban environment is
speeds, parking and ac-
better experience and thus
made safe for them (Hor-
cess to be applied on all
people choose them re-
ton, 2011). Therefore, it
residential routes. At the
gardless of the inconven-
is critical that all arteri-
moment, 20mph speed
ience that they offer. This
al and other busy roads
limits and resident-only ac-
means that a safer cycling
in the urban areas are
cess by car is already being
experience would not rely
provided with dedicated
applied, however drivers
only on dedicated space,
space for cycling, sepa-
do not yet entirely com-
but also on a reshaped
rated from both motorized
ply with these restrictions.
driving culture, which re-
traffic
and
pedestrians.
spects cyclists on the road.
123 30
Transport network
Setting goals of physical-
Commuting time should
It is important for people to
ly separating pedestrians
be looked upon as a ne-
learn to distinguish the pri-
from automobiles is an
cessity not only for getting
mary purpose of vehicles,
over-simplified
‘solution’
from one point to anoth-
and make an efficient use
which does not promote
er, but as an opportunity
of its advantages. Cars are
city diversity and there-
to recap the experience
not to be neglected, how-
fore can create as many
of the day, to socialize,
ever an optimised road
issues as it might solve. A
have time by yourself –
network would be able to
smart transport network
“a ritual that can alter our
provide a better driving,
should tackle the existing
very sense of who we
cycling and walking ex-
conflict between pedes-
are and what is our place
perience – faster, happier,
trian and vehicular traffic
in the world” (Mokhtar-
and self-reflecting. Once
not only by utilizing the
ian & Redmond, 2001).
we learn how to prioritise
conditions that space cre-
our toolset choice prop-
ates, but also by the ones
erly, we can create an en-
that time offers – result-
vironment that responds
ing in an environment that adapts to the demands of the community throughout the different times of the day (Breines, 1974).
4
56 to
everyone’s
needs.
31
5. Case studies
figure 15: Train station parking, Amsterdam
32
figure 16: Seized opportunities, Amsterdam
33
Case study.
Copenhagen
figure 17: Shared journey
34
figure 18: Preferences
Introduction
Copenhagen is the capital of Denmark. It has an ur-
ban population of 1.3 million and metropolitan population of nearly 2 million, which makes it the most populous city in the country (StatBank Denmark, 2017). It is also the cultural, economic and financial centre of Denmark and one of the major financial centres of Northern Europe. The city was ranked as the third richest when it comes to gross earnings in 2012 (and first in 2009) (UBS, 2012). In 2014 the British magazine “Monocle” put Copenhagen number one in the list of “The World’s Top 25 Most Liveable Cities” for the third time, highlighting among other characteristics the scale of the city, its architecture, clean harbor and the effectiveness of its transport system and bicycles (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). What is more, the city is ranked the world’s “smartest city” due to factors such as the city’s healthy start-up ecosystem and sustainable profile, but also receiving top scores in digitalization of the public sector and smart building (Copenhagen Capacity, 2017).
35
Transport
Copenhagen has set a goal of becoming 100% carbon-neutral by 2025 and takes
lead when it comes to investing in clean energy – busses that run on clean fuels, green cloudburst solutions and cycling infrastructure across Greater Copenhagen. As a result of its efforts, the city comes on top of the Regulatory Indicators for Sustainable Energy Index by the World Bank, offering exemplar quality of regulations and policies for access of energy, renewable energy and energy efficiency (Copenhagen Capacity, 2017).
figure 19: Carbon Reductions, Copenhagenasgow
36
Case study. Copenhagen
Transport, however, contributes to approximately 22%
of the city’s total carbon emissions, with road traffic itself accounting for 70% of transport emissions (The City of Copenhagen, 2012). At the same time, the population growth rate in Copenhagen is expected at a rate of 1000 new residents per month until 2025. The city council (Københavns Kommune) acknowledges the fact that with increase of population the demand for transport and subsequently the percentage share of traffic emissions is likely to rise whilst emissions from other sectors will be dropping (The City of Copenhagen, 2012).
Currently, the transportation infrastructure in the Great-
er Copenhagen area is very well-established. The airport is the largest in Nordic countries, with 29 million passengers in 2017 (Copenhagen Airports, 2018). The metro, as well as the rail network of the city are a part of a flourishing public transport system. The city accommodates a ferry connection to Oslo, Norway, as well as the longest combined road and rail bridge in Europe, The Øresund Bridge, which connects Copenhagen and Malmo, Sweden (Øresundsbron, 2000). Copenhagen is also ranked as the most bicycle friendly city in the world by the Copenhagenize Bicycle Friendly Cities Index 2017, followed by Utrecht and Amsterdam, Netherlands (State of Green, 2017). The city has invested over €134 million over the past ten years in cycling infrastructure and facilities.
The City of Copenhagen is striving to make cycling, walk-
ing or using public transport the most attractive means of transport. If the residents decide to still use automobiles, the goal is that the majority of them use electrical, hydrogen or hybrid-powered cars or new fuels like biofuels (The City of Copenhagen, 2012). In order for the city to achieve its Zero-Carbon plans for 2025, the transport system has to significantly contribute to the agenda of making a greener, smarter and healthier city. 37
The major goals outlined for 2025 are: - 75% of all journeys in Copenhagen are on foot, by bicycle or by public transport; - 50% of all journeys to place of work or study are by bicycle; - 20% more passengers using public transport compared to 2009; - Public transport is Carbon Neutral; - 20-30% of all light vehicles use new fuels like electricity, hydrogen, biogas or bioethanol; - 30-40% of all heavy vehicles use new fuels.
figure 20: Share, Copenhagen
38
Case study. Copenhagen
Automobiles
Similarly to most cities of the western world, au-
tomobile traffic started to dominate the streets of Copenhagen significantly in the 1950s. In spite of Denmark being one of the most expensive countries to buy and use a car due to taxes and registration fees, cars are still the most popular mode of transport in Greater Copenhagen (The City of Copenhagen, 2012). The current figures show that 34% of all journeys in the urban area are made by car, compared to 27% by bicycles.
However, in the early 1960s, a progressive-thinking
local architect, Jan Gehl, became one of the frontrunners of the new sustainability and liveability agenda in Denmark. He revolutionized urban development by focusing on the space between buildings and by prioritising pedestrians and cyclists in the city design (Finnsson & Co, 2015). During the time, the city started reducing car parking in the city centre, transforming streets to pedestrian zones as well as installing cycle tracks in them. According to him, Copenhagen’s traditional main street, Stroget, was converted to a pedestrian promenade by 1962. Gehl’s thoughts have been embedded in urban planning in Denmark and abroad until today.
figure 21: Stroget
39
Cycling in Copenhagen
Cycling in Copenhagen, unlike many other major western
cities, has been a tradition carried for over a century. Initially, in the end of nineteenth century bicycles were brought in, but at the time only the upper class could afford them (Santos Canals, et al., 2006). However, with the reduced costs following mass production, bikes became more popular and their numbers increased drastically. In the period of a decade until 1900 the number of cyclists raised approximately ten times, reaching more than 30 000, and streets became dominated by bicycles. In the next 7 years than number doubled, and by 1934 there were approximately 400,000 bicycles in Copenhagen (Cycling Embassy of Denmark, n.d.). What is more, in 1905 the first cycling organisation in Europe was founded – The Danish Cyclists’ Federation, with its main objective being improving conditions for cyclists. During the 1920s and 1930s, trams and bicycles were prevailing on the streets in larger cities, and that determined the need to keep transport distances to a minimum and densify all urban functions within structures. Later on, around the mid-1950s, cars started gaining increasing popularity and it was only until 1970s when the energy crisis hit and growing environmental awareness led authorities and planners switching their focus back to the problems that cycling was facing and bicycle traffic started taking a greater part of traffic planning. (Cycling Embassy of Denmark, n.d.) At that point the cycling network was partially completed, however the many missing links have been realized over the past four decades, with the current designated bike lanes infrastructure reaching over 390 kilometres (State of Green, 2017).
40
Case study. Copenhagen
figure 22: Memoirs
41
All levels of policy planning in Copenhagen have integrated
cycling (Fietsberaad, 2006). The investments in infrastructure that the city provides are the foundation of the local cycling culture and the reason why citizens can enjoy it. Although cycling suffered a decline after World War Two, the bicycle preserved its reputation of an important mean of transport for Copenhageners (Cycling Embassy of Denmark, n.d.). Cycling has been and still is socially acceptable and the people practising it come from all social classes and income groups. It is a common thing to see local politicians riding their bicycles to work (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.).
At the moment in Copenhagen there are more bikes than
cars, and this success is owed to the strong political leadership according to the head of the Danish Cycling Federation, Klaus Bondam (Cathcart-Keays, 2016). The community in Copenhagen chooses to cycle because it is convenient, safe, fast, enjoyable and affordable, and environmental concerns are one of their least priorities when choosing to do so (Santos Canals, et al., 2006). In 2012 the highest level of daily activity by cyclists in the last 50 years was measured - approximately 1.27 million kilometres (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.).
42
Case study. Copenhagen
figure 23: Standardization
43
Specific cycling policies: infrastructure CYCLE TRACKS
At present, the majority of the main cycling network
in Copenhagen is completed. With over 390 kilometers of designated bike lanes, there is almost no place in the city that cannot be safely reached on a bicycle. This infrastructure consists of tracks, as well as ‘reinforced cycle lanes’ – a mixture of cycle lanes, marked on the roads, sections of cycle tracks and traffic islands, which physically separate cyclists from the motorized traffic (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.)
figure 24: Allocated space
44
Case study. Copenhagen
Although the current network offers unlimited permeabili-
ty, the current challenge that planners are starting to face is how to accommodate the constantly growing population and consequently the increasing number of people choosing to commute by bicycles. The more attractive the new cycling conditions become, the harder it is for the current infrastructure to accommodate the rising density of the city. Copenhagen, however, is considered one of the smartest cities in Europe due to its innovative ways to tackle such issues. The focus of the Danish authorities has switched to optimizing the current network in order to create and efficient traffic flow. One of the current solutions is the ITS (Intelligent Traffic System) that transforms the street from a static to a dynamic function (The City of Copenhagen, Traffic Department, 2011). This is translated into a street that can adapt to the space demand at particular times of the day, for example certain sections can be made one-way for cars, just like cycle tracks can be widened during rush hour by taking over space from the sidewalk, which respectively can be widened during the day when there are more pedestrians than cyclists. This is indicated by LED lights in the asphalt which indicate the prioritized transport form at the current time. The system allows the streets to follow the natural rhythm of the city, instead of the opposite, which results in more vitality and a more pleasant urban space (The City of Copenhagen, Traffic Department, 2011).
45
Another addition to the cycling infrastructure in Co-
penhagen are the Green Cycle Routes, which are a more relaxed, natural and quiet alternative to the main network of cycle along streets across the city (CSGN, n.d.). These not only offer a greener environment, but are an answer for commuters who live outside the boundaries of Copenhagen and have a longer way to cycle. The routes are also a place for pedestrians who are running or exercising, as well as people who cycle for recreation and leisure, as they endeavour an opportunity to enjoy the various greenspaces, habitats, amenity parklands and open public spaces away from traffic. The Green Routes connect essential destinations and districts across Copenhagen and can be retrofitted within an existing dense urban setting. To date, there are 58 kilometres of Green Cycling Routes, with a ratio of typically 20% pedestrians to 80% cyclists.
figure 25: Green route
46
Case study. Copenhagen
A study in 2010, the Bicycle Account, showed that
there are significantly lesser cycling activity in the suburbs and part of the attention of planners was focused on people who are commuting from other municipalities and who travel at distances up to 20 kilometres (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). The concept of ‘Bicycle Superhighways’ was proposed in order to keep the high standards across the boundaries of the municipalities. The new Superhighways are planned routes, which connect strategic destinations, including residential neighbourhoods, educational institutions and workplace. In addition to them being as fast and direct as possible and involving few stops and green waves across traffic lights, they are also designed to offer a good comfort level through a smooth pavement, high maintenance and extra additions such as bicycle pumps, footrests and countdown signals at intersections (Supercykelstier, n.d.).
According to the new Cycling Strategy, in 2025 the
Green Routes, the Superhighways and the most congested bicycle routes in Copenhagen will compose a high quality section of the network - PLUSnet. Its objective is 3 lanes in each direction on 80% of the network, and two lanes each way on bidirectional stretches, which will allow for cyclists to travel safely and comfortably at a speed that suits the individual (The City of Copenhagen, Traffic Department, 2011). It will also allow people to cycle next to each other and communicate without blocking faster passers-by.
figure 26: Little conveniences
47
PARKING
In 2002, a survey showed that more than two thirds of cy-
clists were not satisfied with the conditions for parking in the city, and it turned out to be the worst aspect of the city’s cycling infrastructure (Santos Canals, et al., 2006). As a result, a new policy states the need for a constant supervision on bike parking, as well as a number of actions which would improve the conditions: removal of abandoned bicycles, shops were permitted to install cycle racks on the pavement if there was enough room available, and in residential areas there was a permission to limit parking for cars in exchange for bicycle parking (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.).
The Danish Cyclists’ Federation acknowledged the fact
that there was a lack of adequate bicycle parking guideless and the quality of the current provision was not remarkable (Cycling Embassy of Denmark, n.d.). In 2007 the Federation, in collaboration with the Council, published a Bicycle Parking Manual which sets out a series of principles for quality bicycle parking planning which outlines the importance of attractive parking at the right location with a sufficient provision of spaces, efficient racks and stands, as well as adequate maintenance. Some of the principles were incorporated in the new CPH 2025 Climate Plan such as: “half of the cycle parking spaces should be roofed, former minimum car parking spaces to be replaced by maximum limits, and residential-only areas to have a minimum of bicycle parking spaces and a maximum for cars” (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.).
48
Case study. Copenhagen
One of the innovative solutions implemented is the ‘flex
parking’ which optimizes the use of shared space and resources in particular locations, mainly outside school. During school hours the parking spaces are to be used by bicycles, whilst after school hours they can be used by cars (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.).
Another common concept is the Cargo bike – which
approximately 17% of local families have. They are specifically used for transporting children or shopping, and a quarter of their owners determine their cargo bikes as a direct replacement for a car. The problem with these is that because of their larger gauges they require extra parking space and new solutions are being trialed by the city in order to provide convenient parking for these (The City of Copenhagen, Traffic Department, 2011). figure 27: Gentleman on a cargo bike
49
Integration with public transport
In 2010, the Danish State Railways announced that bicy-
cles would be made free on all their trains, which was launched though a comprehensive awareness campaign. The decision was made based on a business model – free bikes on the trains meant more passengers. The ‘experiment’ turned out to be extremely successful, with number of passengers taking a bike on board rising from 2.1 mil to 9 mil, with a total passenger increase of 20% (Copenhagenize Design Co, 2016).
This lead to redesigning the layout of the train carriages
in order to meet the demand, with the result being so-called Flex Zones with fold up seats and bike racks beneath each seat. What is more, DSR are aiming towards providing 25% of lockable parking spaces at stations and 50% covered for the suburban train system (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). All of these incentives are supported by small-scale projects that ensure that facilities are used correctly. For example, the ‘Bicycle Butler’ project ensures that bicycles are locked at the correct place, and if not – they get reassigned to the appropriate racks and serviced, leaving a note to remind the cyclists to park appropriately next time (Cycling Embassy of Denmark, n.d.).
50
Case study. Copenhagen
figure 28: Culture-specific advertising
figure 29: Bikes allowed
51
Design guidelines
In 2013, the City of Copenhagen published ‘Focus on cy-
cling: Copenhagen guidelines for the design of road projects’, which aims make sure that all road projects reflects cycling demands to the greatest extend possible (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). Copenhagen’s cycling infrastructure is based on accessibility, safety, coherence, directness, obvious design and comfort. Separating bicycles from motorized traffic is identified as expensive to achieve, however it can considerably contribute to the safety and comfort of its users. It is also easier for cyclists to create their individually preferred ‘mental maps’ of the cycling network if the design is systematic and follows main roads.
Intersections are where most of the traffic accidents oc-
cur and this is where cyclists usually feel unsafe (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). As a result of that, the authorities emphasize their focus on implementing infrastructure changes like set-back stop lines for cars, as well as crossings for cyclists – all aiming to provide safe, easily passable crossings. In mixed traffic, the guidelines promote design with measures for reducing speed.
The cycling lanes in Copenhagen have been de-
signed with a kerb on both sides, providing cyclists with their own dedicated space (The City of Copenhagen, n.d.). In recent years, the width of a standard lane has increased and the exceptional PLUSnet aims to incorporate three-lanes. Newly proposed and retrofitted tracks will accommodate an estimated 50% growth of bicycle traffic corresponding to objectives of the 2025 Plan (The City of Copenhagen, 2012).
52
Case study. Copenhagen
figure 30: Assurance
53
Case study.
Portland, Oregon
figure 31: Events
54
Introduction
While cities like Copenhagen and Amsterdam are respon-
sible to endure and perfect the already existing for centuries cycling culture, there are other examples that in spite of their contrasting background have still managed to develop and pursue similar targets for their transportation network. The city of Portland, Oregon can be distinguished from any other American city because if it’s cycling culture and infrastructure. It has been consistently ranked as the most Bicycle-friendly city in the U.S. and often serves as an example for metropolitan cities who are striving towards greener transportation systems. However, Portland did not become a cycling wonderland overnight, but through a series of major events and characters which have shaped it.
55
Bicycle infrastructure
Cycling in Portland is a part of a much larger system of sustainable transportation
development. The city itself is unique in a way that it is a part of an elected regional government, Metro, which covers the whole Portland Metropolitan Area and serves to address issues surrounding quality of life and the environment which exceed municipal boundaries. The transportation infrastructure in the city is driven by planners at Metro and within the city government, as well as the actions of TriMet – the body, responsible for organizing public transit in the region. Through collaboration from all parties, Portland has become home to an expansive network of bus, light rail, commuter rail and streetcar lines, as well as an aerial tram, which helped Portland to be named the #1 city in America for transit by U.S. News & World Report in 2011 (Rose, 2011). What is more, it has become evident that Portland is attracting people who are specifically seeking to live car-free lifestyles, and an expansive transit network is a crucial factor to make that possible (Keep Going [Fixed-Gear Short], 2016). As a result of prioritizing accessibility and environmental sustainability, planners in Portland were among the first to formally integrate bicycles into their transportation network. In the 1990s the city was the first in the nation to hire a Bicycle Coordinator, Mia Birk, who initiated a campaign for greater bicycle accessibility. Through collaboration with a few innovate planners and an ambition to be the best in the nation, Portland gradually built up the 330+ miles of on and off-street bicycle facilities. Nevertheless, Birk explains in her book Joyride that the process to reach where Portland stands now was much harder than what many people assume. Through years of hosting small community meeting In order to accumulate resident support for infrastructure changes, often resulting in insouciance or contempt. It took unyielding resident engagement as well as collaboration with the City to first create space on the street for cyclists, and then to begin educating the residents to what these new spaces meant. Birk also points out that she and her colleagues successfully put efforts into implementing European-style cycling amenities like protected waiting areas for cyclists at stoplights and bike-activated signals at busy intersections which could be rarely seen in other places in the United States at the time. Portland often pushed for such installations before they became a part of the national guidelines, making them even more difficult to implement regardless of their relevance. The struggle, however, was worthwhile,
56
Case study. Portland
as simple infrastructure amenities as these are the key to reassuring the residents that they are welcome in the street on a bicycle. Another Portland innovation is the ‘Sharrow’ – share-the-road arrow, a traffic sign which identifies neighborhood streets as bike boulevards due to the low levels of car traffic and their access with main cycling corridors. Wayfinding signage is generally found throughout the city for both residents and tourist convenience such as signs displaying the direction and distance via bike route to surrounding amenities in the relatively dense city centre. Guidance of this type encourages residents to use their bicycles more often, for both short and lengthy trips. figure 32: Keep Portland Weird
57
Bicycle culture
In addition to the built environment, Portland accommodates a bicycle-crazed cul-
ture with the motto: “Keep Portland Weird”. A festival called Pedalpalooza is one of the numerous rides and events that cyclists in the city organize every year. During a three week period in June the streets are flooded with bicycles and rides of all kinds – anyone can lead a themed bike ride about anything and anywhere. The variety stretches from the world’s largest Naked Bike Ride to rides that stop in a few neighborhood parks for short yoga sessions, from “Freak Bikes” to “Double Decker Bikes”, and all of these are an expression of the resident’s invitation to the unique local cycling culture. The festival becomes a demonstration of the fact that anyone, regardless of their experience, ability or style can find their own ‘cycle-space’ and is welcome on a bicycle on the streets of Portland.
The city is also hosting a monthly Open Streets event – Sunday Parkways. Urban roads
are temporarily closed to automobile traffic and that allows pedestrians and cyclists to take over the street, which forms an eight mile-long block party through residential neighborhoods and local business corridors. Local companies and organizations set up tents and activities along the stretch which target communities. The routes are changed every month so that residents can be introduced to a new of the five quadrants of the city and potentially draw new participants along the way. Around 60% of Portlanders were familiar with the even within the first five years of its existence, which confirms Sunday Parkways’ success (Maus, 2008).
Portland is leading the national rates of bicycle commuting, with 6.1% of the
city’s working population cycling as their primary mode of transit. Even though a respectable figure, advocates in the city would like to see rates increasing, as commuters are still two-to-one male-to-female. For many there is still a feeling that cycling is for young hipsters on single speed bikes or commuters decked head-to-toe with gear.
58
Case study. Portland
Future plans
While Portland can praise itself with an exceptional for America cycling infrastructure
and culture, many people still thing that it is not enough. Local advocates no longer are striving to be the best in the nation, but look at iconic cities like Amsterdam, where 27% of trips are made on a bicycle. “When businessmen ride by in suits, just as many women pedal confidently to the office in heels and a pencil skirt, and no one feels concerned enough to wear a helmet, then you have made it as a premier bicycle city” (Geller, 2008). 14.5% of Portlanders chose bicycling as their primary or secondary commuting mode in 2006, yet planners still have a long road to walk before they achieve ‘The Amsterdam Look’.
A number of strategic plans and initiatives aiming to make cycling the standard
choice of transport for tor Portland are being implemented in Portland. The Climate Change, Action Plan, Regional Transportation Plan, Portland Plan, and Bicycle Master Plan all include measures to make cycling a safer, more accessible transit option. All of these are long-term plans pointing at a better infrastructure, policy and programming around cycling. In addition, advocates hope that the new look of Portland will be supported by a new bicycle-share system, which will fill in some of the gaps in the public transit system.
figure 33: Sunday Parkways
59
6. Glasgow
figure 34: Plundered cycle lane
60
Introduction
The City of Glasgow is the economic heart of the West of Scotland, thus it’s so-
cial and economic well-being is essential to the rest of Scotland (OECD, 2002). During the past three decades the city has gone through a decline in many of the traditional industries which employed Glaswegians. As a result, Glasgow, just like many other British cities, has suffered a painful transition from an industrial to a post-industrial city. However, after many years of poverty, growth and employment has started steadily increasing in spheres such as tourism, retail, software development, creative industries and financial services (Glasgow Centre for Population Health, n.d.).
According to Richard Florida, an urban studies theorist, economist, and social sci-
entist, this new knowledge-based economy is driven by the so-called “Creative Class” – young professionals, working in either the Super-Creative Core (designing new commercial or consumer goods, creating ideas or technologies on a daily basis) or the knowledge-based industries (healthcare, finance, business, etc.) (Florida, 2010). Florida predicts that the economic future of our cities depends on where these individuals chose to live, work and play, and attracting them has become a strategy for economic development in many struggling cities. This idea has guided the urban planning efforts of many post-industrial cities like Glasgow, as they strive to create a more livable urban environments in the hopes of attracting the creative class and stimulating the local economy. The group tends to put more emphasis on the ‘livability’ of a city than on their prospects of finding a job there while choosing a where to live and work. They evaluate lifestyle amenities such as the prevalence of restaurants, outdoor activities and cultural institutions present in a particular city or neighborhood as a way of determining how livable it is.
Cycling infrastructure is an essential component of creative class-oriented development
strategies. Florida’s young professionals desire lifestyle amenities that include diverse transportation and recreation options, with an emphasis on bicycle and pedestrian-oriented ways of interacting with the built environment. They appreciate bike lanes and practical commuting infrastructure to get to and from their downtown offices during the work week. Additionally, they desire off street trail systems for recreational rides after work or on weekends, as places they can experience their environment in an active way – either biking, running or walking.
61
Current situation
The City of Glasgow is currently drawing attention of sig-
nificant investment into regeneration (McDougall, 2016). It is essential for Planning Authorities to acknowledge the recommendations given by ‘Get Britain Cycling’ and ensure that forthcoming major projects will play their role in encouraging more people to cycle (All Party Parliamentary Cycling Group, 2013). The city, however, is constrained in its attempts for further improvement by the deeply-rooted issues related to the existing infrastructure (Anderson, 2013). These issues could be tackled only by bold, significant measures. The layout of the city historically allowed for pedestrian movement, still, over time, the majority of the streets and spaces in the city centre gradually got dominated by motor vehicles, which constrain the freedom of movement and subsequently the enjoyment of the city (The Scottish Government, 2010). Over the last 40 years the patterns of adult commuting (to work) have changed dramatically, with 48% more people commuting by car in 2011 compared to 1966, while pedestrian and bus commuting rates have dramatically dropped to 11% each (Muirie, 2017). The fragmentation of the social fabric is intensified by the tight offset of the city centre grid, which generates a high frequency of junctions, the lack of green space, as well as the divisive character of the M8 Motorway, the River Clyde and the urban form to the east.
62
Glasgow
When it comes to cycling, while it is encouraging to see
that there are signs of increasing interest, the current statistics show levels of approximately 1.6% commuting trips being made by bicycles (Muirie, 2017). What is more, the wealthier class prevails amongst the cycling community: people in the most deprived groups are three times less likely to cycle that the ones in the least deprived. This identifies the possibility for investment in infrastructure and initiatives to strengthen current disparities in health, as they would only contribute to people who already cycle.
figure 35: City Centre, Glasgow
63
Factors, influencing travel choices
Prospective visions have become a common thing across all levels of government,
including the Department for Transport (OECD, 2002). A distinction, however, needs to be made between statements of good intention and a meaningful long-term vision which understands the city in all of its contextual aspects. When it comes to cycling, planning authorities need to fully understand what the roots of the problem are in order for competent actions to be taken. The finalized vision should illustrate a state of infrastructure, which makes cycling easy, safe, comfortable, enjoyable and accepted as the ‘normal’ way of moving around the city for the majority of its community (Horton, 2011). The five main demands used to measure the quality of a cycling infrastructure are: directness; safety; cohesion; comfort and attractiveness (Cycling Embassy of Great Britain, n.d.). Translating these nouns to factors, which influence travel choices in Glasgow:
1. Directness mising
Directness travel
refers
times
to
while
both
distance
minimising
the
and
time
amount
of
and
is
delays
about at
opti-
junctions.
TOPOGRAPHY - Glasgow’s topography is the result of the river and glacial de-
posits, with the Northern portion of the city rising away from the river with a series of hills formed by glacial deposits, while the South side is flatter, there are still lower and less dense hills (Mantho, 2015). However, considerate planning would use the gaps between these hills to create a network system of convenient cycling gradients. 64
Glasgow
figure 36: Gradients
65
2. Safety
When it comes to travel choices, safety is usually the most
influential factor. It involves both road safety, which requires cyclists to be as separated as possible from motor traffic and determining critical points of encounter, as well as personal safety – mainly related to cycling routes crossing through deprived areas with a reported lack of pathways and street lighting (Muirie, 2017). Cycling advocates are convinced that it is essential that the urban environment is made safe for cyclists. Research has proved that most non-cyclists and recreational cyclists will only consider cycling regularly if they are separated from motorised traffic (Horton, 2011). What is more, effective restrictions are required on traffics speeds, parking and access on all routes which do not incorporate dedicated cycling and pedestrian paths in order to provide a convenient environment to travel. 3. Cohesion
Cohesion refers to the extent to which a bicycle network
connects up with destinations – points of departure and arrival. It ensures that cyclists are able to reach existing cycling routes in a short distance and that the routes are accessible to anyone.
66
Glasgow
figure 37: Surface
67
4. Comfort
CLIMATE – The weather in Glasgow is one of the biggest
challenges that cyclists in the city are facing. While Glasgow projects the highest number of days it rains in the UK (Met Office, 2018), rainfall only causes discomfort. The bigger issue are the wind gusts, which could greatly increase the risk of accidents. Careful planning, however, would ensure that official cycling routes are not designed through spaces, where wind ‘channelling’ is created by the surrounding buildings (Parkinson, 2015).
CYCLING LANES – It is important to dedicate cycling
lanes not only for safety reasons, but for the comfort aspect of cycling. A smooth rolling at optimised energy input can greatly contribute to persuading more people to cycle, especially when it comes to the elderly population (Hölzel, et al., 2012). 5. Attractiveness
Attractiveness refers to both the surrounding environ-
ment and to social safety.
68
figure 38: Proposed cycle routes
Glasgow
figure 39: Crystalised streets
figure 40: Obstacles
69
Acknowledged ways forward
Altogether, the potential for placemaking is significantly
affected by these issues as they discourage human activity in the public realm (Anderson, 2013). The basic principle is that good places attract people, people attract more people, and more people generates demand, therefore this activity is essential for achieving positive regeneration and development. Even though these issues are mainly related to movement, they reflect the health of the city’s environment and how its residents and visitors perceive it. This is vital for the economic and social wellbeing future of Glasgow, as it influences people’s choices on where to live, work, visit and invest. If Glasgow is determined to evolve and become a competitive destination, a radical shift in the balance between motor vehicles, pedestrians and cyclists is inevitable (Horton, 2011). The efforts will be rewarded with a significant increase of the quality of city centre’s streets and public spaces, as well as improved accessibility from surrounding neighbourhoods.
70
Glasgow
figure 41: Gutter
71
7. Conclusions
figure 42: Scenic route?
72
Every person who has tried cycling in Glasgow would
probably agree that the conditions for cycling are far from satisfying. The good thing, however, is that Glasgow City Council, as well as the cycling advocates for the city, acknowledge the majority of the issues related to the low cycling rates and have the wonderful intentions of improving them. Useful examples from other cities have already been successfully implemented in the city – like the bicycle hire scheme. Operated by Nextbike, the scheme currently offers 500 bikes for public hire at 53 locations across the city and is experiencing an increasing interest (Glasgow City Council, 2018). Part of the reasons for its prosperity come from the lack of private ownership and subsequently lack of need for maintaining your own bike, which could be pricey, time consuming and generally too difficult to do. This, on the other hand, indicates that in order to make cycling convenient for everyone and reduce the need for personal maintenance, there should be a sufficient investment into maintaining the existing routes, which involves better road surfaces that are specifically designed for bikes, as well as regular cleaning services.
73
When it comes to cycle paths, the city has recognized the
challenges that the local topography creates and has already started to thoughtfully identify routes which involve more accessible gradients. As most people who are already dedicated to cycling in the city have made their own psychological maps of routes, it is important for planners to give the rightful opportunity for community involvement when identifying the current desired paths and determining the routes of the future cycling network expansion.
figure 43: Unacknowledged ambitions
74
Conclusions
Glasgow also has to identify which are the features of the
city that offer unseized yet opportunities. Usually, a city’s network of rail corridors, canals, docklands and similar are its most rational network and is where originally residential and commercial districts gathered around. Planners usually keep the areas of waterfront promenades and old rail-line routes free of cars and these areas usually tend to be flat as the land follows these elements. This combination of car absence and flatness are the two things which attract cyclists (Fleming, 2013). It is therefore crucial for the city to embrace the river Clyde and continue developing its waterfront. A good example for a successfully developed waterfront is the Manhattan Waterfront Greenway. It has made bicycle transit possible for thousands of people who would have otherwise been discouraged by the on-street routes (Margolies, 2011).
figure 44: Waterfront Greenway, Manhattan, New York
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What is more, new bike routes could potentially at-
tract new investments in a similar way that towns developed around the train stations. The New York High Line, despite the fact that it is forbidden for bicycles, is a good inspiration. The park costs around $153 million but has brought an estimated $2 billion of investment in new developments (Shevory, 2011).
figure 45: Broken dreams
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Conclusions
The fact that local cycling advocates are recognizing rel-
evant examples from cities with already established cycling culture is promising. To some extent it validates the set-out visions for the city as realistic. Scepticism, on the other hand, arises from the fact that the new Cycling Action Plan outlines that £15 million have been invested into cycling infrastructure since 2008, while local Government and Planning Minister Derek Mackay states that £2.6 billion have been invested in infrastructure for the city since then. This means that less than 0.6% of this investment has been dedicated to cycling and confirms the little attention that cycling generates. Hopefully the next £1.13 billion City Deal will devote a larger portion to cycling in order for the optimistic visions for sustainability of the city to be achieved.
Finally, but most importantly, a set of consistent and ef-
fective policies, initiatives and if necessary – restrictions has to be applied, which re-educate drivers and pedestrians to be aware of cyclists and respect each other on the road. It is very easy to realize how hostile the environment currently feels to cyclists but at the end of the day, regardless of the differences, what matters most is that everyone makes it home safely.
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List of figures cover : Author’s
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figure 1: Protruding traffic. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 2: Slow Down. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 3: melting Collins Glacier, Antarctica. Online Image. Flickr. author: United Nations/ Es 12
kinder Debebe. [14/02/2018]
figure 4: Division, Glasgow. Online Image. Google Maps. [20/02/2018]
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figure 5: Transport diversity. Online Image. Flickr. author: Graeme. [26/02/2018]
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figure 6: Congestion. Online Image. The Times. author: ALAMY. [26/02/2018]
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figure 7: Share. https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/ 21
file/679334/2016_Final_Emissions_Statistics_one_page_summary.pdf. [08/01/2018]
figure 8: Lifestyle. Online Image. Flickr. author: Orion Alexis. [24/02/2018]
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figure 9: Elderly couple. Online Image. Flickr. author: Mister G.C. [24/02/2018]
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figure 10: Variety. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 11: Cycling for everyone. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 12: A family trip. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 13: Allotment. Online Image. At War With The Motorist. author: Joe Dunckley. [26/02/2018]
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figure 14: Desire paths. Online Image. Flickr. author: Im Evans. [24/02/2018]
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figure 15: Train station parking, Amsterdam. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 16: Seized opportunities, Amsterdam. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 17: Shared journey. Online Image. Cycle Chic. author: Zane Kraujina. [24/02/2018]
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figure 18: Preferences. Online Image. Cycle Chic. author: Zane Kraujina. [24/02/2018]
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figure 19: Carbon reductions, Copenhagen. State of Green. http://kk.sites.itera.dk/apps/kk_ 36
pub2/pdf/983_jkP0ekKMyD.pdf [20/01/2018]
figure 20: Share, Copenhagen. State of Green. http://kk.sites.itera.dk/apps/kk_
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pub2/pdf/983_jkP0ekKMyD.pdf [20/01/2018]
figure 21: Stroget. Online Image. Flickr. author: Dan. [23/02/2018]
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figure 22: Memoirs. Online Image. Flickr. author: Mikael Colville-Andersen. [24/02/2018]
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figure 23: Standardization. Online Image. Flickr. [22/02/2018]
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figure 24: Allocated space. Online Image. Cycle Chic. author: Zane Kraujina. [24/02/2018]
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figure 25: Green route. Online Image. Flickr. author: Ronjeff. [24/02/2018]
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figure 26: Little conveniences. Online Image. Flickr. author: Yannick. [22/02/2018]
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figure 27: Gentleman on a cargo bike. Online Image. Flickr. author: Alex Berger. [22/02/2018]
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figure 28: Culture-specific advertising. Online Image. Pedalpalooza. author: Mikael Colville-An-
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dersen. [28/02/2018]
figure 29: Bikes allowed. Online Image. Flickr. author: Clotilde Imbert. [24/02/2018]
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figure 30: Assurance. Online Image. Flickr. author: Cian Ginty. [24/02/2018]
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figure 31: Events. Online Image. Flickr. author: Tangobiker. [24/02/2018]
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figure 32: Keep Portland Weird. Online Image. Flickr. author: michele8500. [24/02/2018]
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figure 33: Sunday Parkways. Online Image. Flickr. author: BikePortland. [24/02/2018]
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figure 34: Plundered cycle lane. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 35: City Centre, Glasgow. Online Image. Google Maps. [20/02/2018]
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figure 36: Gradients. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 37: Surface. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 38: Proposed cycle routes. Glasgow City Centre Transport Strategy 2014-2024 [08/01/2018] 68 figure 39: Crystalised streets. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 40: Obstacles. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 41: Gutter. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 42: Scenic route? (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 43: Unacknowledged ambitions. (Author’s photograph digital)
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figure 44: Greenway Waterfront, Manhattan, New York. Online Image. Flickr.
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author: The City Project. [24/02/2018]
figure 45: Broken Dreams. Online Image. Flickr. author: Ronnie Fleming. [24/02/2018]
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