THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Perceptions and Representations of the French Banlieues Yannick Scott
ARCO13
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Peripheral Banlieue collage: by Yannick Scott
THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Perceptions and Representations of the French Banlieues Yannick Scott Extensive industrialisation throughout France amid the Nineteenth and early Twentieth century resulted in labour shortages in many major French cities. Subsequent immigration from surrounding European countries as well as colonial societies in the Maghreb region of North Africa ensued, expediting the growth of industrial working class communities1 living in peripheral suburbs known as banlieues. Post World War II, French governments encouraged immigration between the Maghreb region, notably Algeria, and France in order to facilitate urban reconstruction and economic growth. However, repercussions of a nation at war exposed France to overcrowding and housing shortages. Consequently, many families, predominantly but not exclusively migrant, were forced to live in bidonvilles, ephemeral ‘in terms of both the quality of materials used and the legality of their existence’2. The period that followed, commonly termed ‘les trentes glorieuses’3 gave rise to substantial suburban growth in which over ‘three million’4 habitations à loyer modéré (high-rise social housing properties) were constructed in an attempt to confront the housing crisis and replace bidonvilles. Unfortunately, the duration of this economic prosperity was limited, ending in conjunction with the 1973 oil crisis which had considerable impact upon France, who were heavily reliant upon oil for electric generation5. The sequential economic recession, accompanied by factory closures and unemployment, also exacerbated underlying notions of social deprivation and segregation within banlieues. The location of these housing developments, formerly praised for their convenient proximity to industrial workplaces, now became unsuitable and impractical in light of recent circumstances. Low income and unemployed residents, unable to afford relocation, experienced a decline into both geographical and social isolation. Peripheral French suburbs have since become evocative images of social and physical marginalisation, criminality and violence, synonymous with recent riots and accentuated by their critical position in French popular discourse. This essay aims to explore the significance between said representations and issues of national identity, integration and subaltern communities within France and how inherent, stigmatised perceptions of French banlieues might be changing. 1 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 2 Barros, F, ‘Bidonvilles: from colonial policy to the Algerian War’, Metro Politics EU, http://www.metropolitiques. eu/Bidonvilles-from-colonial-policy.html, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 3 Knapp, A, Wright, V, ‘The Government and Politics of France’, (London: Routledge, 06 April 2006), p. 24. 4 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 5 Unknown, ‘History of Nuclear Power’, XTimeline, http://www.xtimeline.com/evt/view.aspx?id=53242, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 3
Introduction Extensive industrialisation throughout France amid the Nineteenth and early Twentieth century resulted in labour shortages in many major French cities. Subsequent immigration from surrounding European countries as well as colonial societies in the Maghreb region of North Africa ensued, expediting the growth of industrial working class communities6 living in peripheral suburbs known as banlieues. Post World War II, French governments encouraged immigration between the Maghreb region, notably Algeria, and France in order to facilitate urban reconstruction and economic growth. However, repercussions of a nation at war exposed France to overcrowding and housing shortages. Consequently, many families, predominantly but not exclusively migrant, were forced to live in bidonvilles, ephemeral ‘in terms of both the quality of materials used and the legality of their existence’7. The period that followed, commonly termed ‘les trentes glorieuses’8 gave rise to substantial suburban growth in which over ‘three million’9 habitations à loyer modéré (high-rise social housing properties) were constructed in an attempt to confront the housing crisis and replace bidonvilles. Unfortunately, the duration of this economic prosperity was limited, ending in conjunction with the 1973 oil crisis which had considerable impact upon France, who were heavily reliant upon oil for electric generation10. The sequential economic recession, accompanied by factory closures and unemployment, also exacerbated underlying notions of social deprivation and segregation within banlieues. The location of these housing developments, formerly praised for their convenient proximity to industrial workplaces, now became unsuitable and impractical in light of recent circumstances. Low income and unemployed residents, unable to afford relocation, experienced a decline into both geographical and social isolation. Peripheral French suburbs have since become evocative images of social and physical marginalisation, criminality and violence, synonymous with recent riots and accentuated by their critical position in French popular discourse. This essay aims to explore the significance between said representations and issues of national identity, integration and subaltern communities within France and how inherent, stigmatised perceptions of French banlieues might be changing.
6 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 7 Barros, F, ‘Bidonvilles: from colonial policy to the Algerian War’, Metro Politics EU, http://www.metropolitiques. eu/Bidonvilles-from-colonial-policy.html, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 8 Knapp, A, Wright, V, ‘The Government and Politics of France’, (London: Routledge, 06 April 2006), p. 24. 9 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 10 Unknown, ‘History of Nuclear Power’, XTimeline, http://www.xtimeline.com/evt/view.aspx?id=53242, [accessed 11 April 2013]. THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Yannick Scott
Integration In-te-gra-tion (n) 1. An act or instance of combining into an integral whole 2. An act or instance of integrating a racial, religious, or ethnic group11 ‘People who threaten our certainty of expectation are usually excluded – an expression of ‘homo sacer’, an old Roman law describing people ‘outside of society’, void of values – waste’12. Despite a long history of immigration in France, the role of immigrants and their place in society has often been seen as a temporary solution to economic contingency. The necessity of integration was, therefore, inherently secondary and social exclusion of France’s manual labour force became acceptable. The arrival of families and incidental generations propelled them into the public imaginary as a threat. In this way, immigrants have been extensively detached from the homogenous French identity, founded upon the republican ideology of a nation ‘equal regardless of their social, ethnic, religious or other backgrounds’13. These principles have provided a foundation towards the construction of ‘Frenchness’ and subordinate integration policies, developing the thesis that, ‘once you’re French, you’re French and that is it’14 rather than celebrating multiculturalism. This conception may also be attached to the French colonialist mentality of conceited inferiority towards it’s colonised people. When exploring the realities of integration for ethnic minorities originating from post-colonial states in North Africa, this becomes particularly relevant. The policies of integration, based on a fabrication of equality, only serve to disguise the implicit rejection of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, presupposed as having ‘nothing worth of preservation’15. L’affaire do voile Islamique, referring to the perpetual Islamic scarf controversy over the past two decades, provides an example of this oppressive secularity within France. Although prevailing anti-immigration discourses focus on immigrants from the Maghreb, prejudicial discussion has been demonstrated towards any predominant migrant group who present a ‘threat’16 to French societal structure, through perceived alterity. For 11 ‘Integration’, Oxford Dictionary of English, (Oxon: OUP Oxford; 2 edition). 12 Hamdi, N, ‘The Placemaker’s Guide to Building Community’, (London: Earthscan, April 2010), p.55. 13 Unknown, ‘French Republic’, France Républicaine, http://www.france-republicaine.fr/french-republic.php, [accessed 04 May 2013]. 14 Orlando, V, ‘From rap to Rai in the mixing bowl: Beur Hip-Hop Culture and Banlieue Cinema in Urban France’, Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 36, No. 3, Winter 2003. 15 Hargreaves, A, ‘Perceptions of Ethnic Difference in Post-War France’, in Ireland, S, Proulx, P (ed.), ‘Immigrant Narratives in Contemporary France’, (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger), April 2001, p. 17. 16 Grewal, K, “The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007) p. 52. 5
instance, Italian migration to France between World War One and Two instigated criticism suggesting that they were largely unassimilable, as a direct result of Italian Catholicism in lieu of French Christianity. However, such allegations have ironically been rewritten in the present to promote such European immigration and integration as exemplary. Accusations of France’s failed integration has therefore been reassigned to those of North African origin, their ‘incompatible’17 Islamic beliefs and reluctancy to assimilate in accordance to nationalistic values. This misconception, constructed through popular discourse, conflicts sociological findings that demonstrate significant cultural adherence amongst second and third generation immigrants, a large majority of whom are Muslim. Suggesting instead, that even ‘through the practice of a language, through learning of a culture, through the wish to participate in an economic and political life’18, one is not French and any level of absorption is incapable of surpassing somatic distinctions. Anti-immigration anxiety might, for that reason, be consistent with the integration of immigrants within society rather than their alleged incapacity to assimilate. Conventional images of immigrants generally depict a person of ‘coloured’ skin rather than a white person of European origin. This can be attributed to the growing number of post-colonial migrants from the Maghreb moving to France post World War Two, generating a more ethnically varied French Population. As a result, the word ‘Immigrant’ is practically equatable to ‘Arab’ or ‘Maghrebian’ in popular discourse. However, this ethnicity has been excluded from the construction of the national French identity, leaving visible minorities to be exposed as ‘others’19. Despite being officially recognised as French by the state through full citizenship, and often even Français de souche (French-born), ethnic minorities in France often face the predisposition that approximates their skin colour with a subordinate status of nationality. The term ‘othering’ is used to refer to such discrimination based on visible racial markers. Indicators of othering concerning experiences of discrimination, racism and rejection of ‘Frenchness’ show that acceptance is more readily given to white Europeans than other ethnoracial groups20. Evidently, the concept of ‘Frenchness’ is not supported by acquired nationality or cultural integration but structured through an exclusive image of who looks ‘French’. Under contemporary circumstances, this renders migrants from North-Africa the most distinguishable, reaffirming anxiety around national identity and integration. However, the discourse surrounding immigration and ethnicity in France is usually approached indirectly 17 Grewal, K, “The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007) p. 52. 18 Schnapper, D, ‘La France de l’intégration’, (Paris: Gallimard, 22 March 1991), p. 63. 19 Patrick, S, ‘French National Identity and Integration: Who Belongs to the National Community?’, (Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute, 01 May 2012), p. 13. 20 Patrick, S, ‘French National Identity and Integration: Who Belongs to the National Community?’, (Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute, 01 May 2012), p.13. THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Yannick Scott
though the means of discussing problems assigned to the banlieue, a site illustrative of the social and economic marginalisation of immigrants. Initially emblematic of aspirational, low cost housing in the suburbs, banlieues have since become a permanent, stigmatised, location for first and second generation immigrants. Within this context, I will explore the representations of the banlieue and their impact upon fears of identity and national security.
Representation Rep-re-sen-ta-tion (n) 1. The state of being represented 2. The expression or designation by some term, character, symbol or the like21 ‘The benevolent impulse to represent subaltern groups effectively appropriates the voice of the subaltern and thereby silences them’22. Originally used to refer to suburban developments predominantly inhabited by a working class community, the term banlieue has since been corrupted through political and media discourse to denominate an area of immigration with corresponding impoverishment, violence and racial conflict. The banlieue first developed a stigma for poverty and unemployment following the end of les trente glorieueses and the onset of the national recession in 1973. Predominantly occupied by an urban working class community comprising those relocated from squalid bidonvilles and transitory housing, the development of the oil crisis and subsequent factory closures, brought mass unemployment and sequential poverty to the banlieues. Unemployment and poverty rates remain considerably higher in banlieues than the national average23. However this may be resultant of obvious discrimination by certain employers; ‘simply reference to their address is often sufficient to disqualify them’24. Additionally, there is a larger proportion of adolescents living in banlieues than in the rest of France which has resulted in many representations being attached with young people. Perpetual anxiety surrounding the banlieues, which has become intensified in recent years, can also be attributed to it’s increasing association with urban violence and ‘violent 21 ‘Representation’, Oxford Dictionary of English, (Oxon: OUP Oxford; 2 edition). 22 Morton, S, ‘Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’, (London: Routledge, 10 Jan 2004), p56. 23 Unknown, ‘France’s troubled suburbs: Forgotten in the banlieues’, The Economist, http://www.economist.com/ news/europe/21572248-young-diverse-and-unemployed-forgotten-banlieues, [accessed 02 May 2013]. 24 Hargreaves, A, ‘Perceptions of Ethnic Difference in Post-War France’, in Ireland, S, Proulx, P (ed.), ‘Immigrant Narratives in Contemporary France’, (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger), April 2001, p. 11. 7
confrontations between suburban youths and the police’25. Precedence may be taken from the series of uprisings emerging from within the Parisian suburb, Clichy-sous-Bois, in 2005. Responding to the deaths of two teenagers who were hiding in an electrical substation in an attempt to evade the police, the ensuing riots that spread throughout France were highly publicised. Although an extreme example, the residual images of vandalism accompanied an increasingly negative representation of these peripheral housing estates. Subsequent aggravation has been elicited through journalistic voyeurism and sensational headlining, depicting juvenile delinquency as a catalyst towards ‘organised crime and terrorism’26, posing a ‘threat to French society and social order’27. This conception of urban violence has also been widely affiliated with aggressive masculinity, particularly in the past decade through extensive media coverage of certain cases relating to sexual attacks in the banlieues and the long standing debate surrounding Muslim head scarves. In conjunction with this criminalisation, the world ‘banlieue’ has also become interchangeable with les étrangers (foreigners) and ‘ethnic alterity’28. Whilst immigrant populations are often disproportionately higher within socially deteriorating peripheries than in other areas of France, this can be indicative to the racial discrimination some immigrant families face when procuring accommodation. However, it is presumed, and sometimes suggested through popular discourse, that the societal declination and urban violence is the product of ethnic immigration into these communities. Under this context media persons and politicians have likened banlieues to the highly racialised ghettos in the United States. Media coverage of the riots has served to augment this perception by presenting the rioters as predominantly ‘young men of North and sub-Saharan African origin’29. Ironically, emerging anti-racist campaigns have largely supplemented this ethnicised perception of the banlieue. Alongside such representations, the banlieue has become progressively identified with the growing fear of Islamic fundamentalism. The beginnings of which stemmed from the 1995 bombings in the Paris Métro30, where Algerian Islamic terrorists were predominantly held responsible. The attacks of September 11 provoked further fear and critical discussion surrounding national security in France, with the ‘youth of the suburbs’ depicted as 25 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 26 Grewal, K, “The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007) p. 44. 27 Grewal, K, “The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007) p. 44. 28 Hargreaves, A, ‘Perceptions of Ethnic Difference in Post-War France’, in Ireland, S, Proulx, P (ed.), ‘Immigrant Narratives in Contemporary France’, (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger), April 2001, p. 11. 29 Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/academic/faculty/ tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. 30 Dejevsky, M, ‘Bomb kills 4 in Paris Metro’, The Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/bomb-kills4-in-paris-metro-1593213.html, [accessed 02 May 2013]. THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Yannick Scott
‘sympathisers with the radicals’31. More recently, the 2005 riots provided French popular discourses with an excuse to link extremists and the banlieues rather than to address prevailing socio-economic conditions and stigmatisation within banlieues. Additionally, it is a popular misconception that no Christians live on these troubled estates. Although, this is partly based demographic reality: Islamic immigrants constitute 45.5%, 41.5% of immigrants are Christian32. Through this constructed image of urban violence, immigration and religious extremism, the banlieue has consequently become representative of a subaltern community; ‘fear of the banlieue has become fear of the étranger in general’33. More specifically, a fear that the foundations of French republicanism are being subverted by juvenile ethnic minorities who invoke the capacity to be both French and Other simultaneously. Towards dismissing such inherent fears, I will analyse more positive interpretations of emerging urban subcultures in France.
Subculture Sub-cul-ture (n) 1. The cultural values and behavioural patterns distinctive of a particular group in society 2. A group having social, economic, ethnic, or other traits distinctive enough to distinguish it from others within the same culture or society34 ‘Jusqu’ici tout va bien, jusqu’ici tout va bien, jusqu’ici tout va bien... mais l’important, c’est pas la chute, c’est l’atterrissage’ - ‘So far, so good, so far, so good, so far, so good...but what is important is not how you fall, it’s how you land’. 35 It might be assumed that the objective for subaltern groups of the banlieues to attain Political and Media representation is unequivocal, however these forms of representation do not necessarily bestow the specific interests of banlieue residents or ensure ‘their voices will be heard’36. That said, representations within the ethnic minority press have helped to dispel 31 Cesari, J, ‘Ethnicity, Islam, and les banlieues: Confusing the Issues’, SSRC.org, http://riotsfrance.ssrc.org/ Cesari/, [accessed 02 May 2013]. 32 Unknown, ‘Faith on the Move’, The Pew Forum on religion and Public Life, http://features.pewforum.org/ religious-migration/map.php#/Destination/France/all, [accessed 02 May 2013]. 33 Grewal, K, “The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007) p. 46. 34 ‘Subculture’, Oxford Dictionary of English, (Oxon: OUP Oxford; 2 edition). 35 Kassovitz, M, ‘La Haine’, Motion Picture, (Studio Canal, 31 May 1995). 36 Morton, S, ‘Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’, (London: Routledge, 10 Jan 2004), p57.
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certain apprehensions surrounding the banlieue and re-articulate it’s identity. However, It is argued that the rise of Hip hop culture and the banlieue film genre in France might provide a more accurate representation, whilst challenging French republican values and policies of integration, ‘allowing the oppressed to at last fight the powers that be’37. In crude opposition to their constructed peripheral identity, banlieues and their subaltern communities are favourably spotlighted in the above mentioned subcultural discourses. French Rap / Raï music has gained increasing popularity in mainstream French culture since the 1980s, accounting for ‘between 15% and 20% of record sales’38 in 2000. Raï is a composite music style that has developed through the hybridisation of traditional Algerian vocal styles and French pop, often expressing controversial themes, as the word Raï denotes. Akin to Rap, Raï challenges prevailing socio-cultural and political conditions. Materialising from the realities that living in the banlieue presents, Raï seeks to confront hegemonic conceptions, stereotyping and stigmatisation. As a result, French Rap has, to a certain extent, successfully served to readdress politically-mediated barriers between being ‘French’ and ‘Other’. In affiliation with the popularity of Rap music in France, the emergence of Cinéma de banlieue over the last few decades has attempted to confront the stigmatised images projected by the French Media and the residual effects of colonialism, something that cautious mainstream productions often fail to approach. Such enthusiasm that surrounds this genre, demonstrates the changing perceptions of street culture and the right to be different, a notion that is not necessarily exclusive to France. La Haine, directed by Mathieu Kassovitz and released in 1995, has become a ‘cult classic’39 within this genre. La Haine exposes a day in the life of three young, male, banlieue residents of multi-ethnic and religious backgrounds; Vinz (Jewish), Saïd (North African Arab), Hubert (Black, African). Rather than highlighting ethnic diversity as the reasoning for their engendered subaltern identities - as would be assumed through Spivak’s perspective40 - the main characters are instead united through the inherent marginalisation of the banlieue and a shared future, seemingly bereft of prospects. Although the film is unapologetic in it’s black and white production, depicting the ‘reality’ of life in the banlieues, it also provides respite during intermittent scenes illustrating the surfacing Hip hop culture in urban peripheries. In addition, La Haine serves to critique the position and responsibility of the media with the stereotypical representation of banlieues, exemplified in a confrontational scene between a team of news reporters and the three protagonists. Whilst the news team attempt to interview Vinz, Saïd and Hubert, assuming their involvement in recent rioting by simply being residents in the 37 Potter, R, ‘Spectacular Vernaculars: Hip-Hop and the Politics of Postmodernism’, (New York: State University of New York Press, 31 August 1995), p.23. 38 Orlando, V, ‘From rap to Rai in the mixing bowl: Beur Hip-Hop Culture and Banlieue Cinema in Urban France’, Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 36, No. 3, Winter 2003, p.404. 39 Siciliano, A, ‘La Haine: Framing the ‘Urban Outcasts’’, ACME E-Journal, Volume 6 (2), 2007, p. 225. 40 Noonan, P, ‘A short Essay applying Du Bois and Spivak to ‘La Haine’’, Tumblr, http://www.tumblr.com/tagged/ le%20haine?before=18, [accessed 03 April 2013]. THE SUBALTERN VOICE: Yannick Scott
banlieue, their presence is met with hostility. This negativity towards the media is precisely the banal activities that are reappropriated and made ‘fit for consumption’41 in popular discourse. Although sometimes criticised for it’s authenticity, banlieue cinema, in keeping with it’s musical counterpart, has a political agenda; ‘all art is propaganda and ever must be’42. The establishment of contemporary French ‘Hip hop’ culture epitomises the way in which representations of France’s multiethnic subaltern communities are being reconfigured in such a way that allows voices of the banlieue to be finally heard.
Conclusion The French national identity is established upon republican aspirations of equality and unification, allegedly achieved through the rejection of cultural and ethnic alterity. However, through the analysis of political and media representations of the banlieue, portraying it as a highly ethnicised, racialised and criminalised peripheral site, issues of culture and ethnic diversity are indirectly addressed and shape fundamental fears in French society. Marginalisation of the banlieue is almost accepted as necessary in popular discourse through it’s implied association with Islam and violence. It is therefore often assumed that integration of such communities would ultimately invite negativity into societal France. Nevertheless, emergent cultural forms from the 1980s continue to permeate the mainstream, promoting alternative representations to hegemonic perceptions. ‘Jusqu’ici tout va bien, Jusqu’ici tout va bien, Jusqu’ici tout va bien…mais l’important c’est pas la chute, c’est l’atterrissage.’ - ‘So far, so good, so far, so good, so far, so good...but what is important is not how you fall, it’s how you land’.43 As this expression from La Haine suggests, it’s not the social declination of the peripheral suburbs that bears significance, what is important is that the contemporary French population encourage a new concept of ‘Frenchness’ founded on an accepted existence and integration of ephemeral ethnic and cultural differences.
41 Siciliano, A, ‘La Haine: Framing the ‘Urban Outcasts’’, ACME E-Journal, Volume 6 (2), 2007, p. 8. 42 DuBois, W.E.B, ‘Criteria of Negro Art’, The Crisis, Vol. 32, October 1926, pp. 290-297. 43 Kassovitz, M, ‘La Haine’, Motion Picture, (Studio Canal, 31 May 1995).
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Bibliography Books: Grewal, K, ‘‘The Threat From Within’ - Representations of the Banlieue in French Popular Discourse’, in Killingsworth, M (ed.), ‘Europe: New Voices, New Perspectives’, (Melbourne: The Contemporary Europe Research Centre, The University of Melbourne, April 2007). Hamdi, N, ‘The Placemaker’s Guide to Building Community’, (London: Earthscan, April 2010). Hargreaves, A, ‘Perceptions of Ethnic Difference in Post-War France’, in Ireland, S, Proulx, P (ed.), ‘Immigrant Narratives in Contemporary France’, (Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, April 2001). Hargreaves, A, ‘Immigration, ‘race’ and ethnicity in contemporary France’, (London: Routledge, 22 November 1995). Knapp, A, Wright, V, ‘The Government and Politics of France’, (London: Routledge, 06 April 2006). Morton, S, ‘Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’, (London: Routledge, 10 Jan 2004). Patrick, S, ‘French National Identity and Integration: Who Belongs to the National Community?’, (Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute, 01 May 2012). Potter, R, ‘Spectacular Vernaculars: Hip-Hop and the Politics of Postmodernism’, (New York: State University of New York Press, 31 August 1995). Schnapper, D, ‘La France de l’intégration’, (Paris: Gallimard, 22 March 1991). Various, ‘Oxford Dictionary of English’, (Oxon: OUP Oxford; 2 edition). Journal Articles: DuBois, W.E.B, ‘Criteria of Negro Art’, The Crisis, Vol. 32, October 1926. Orlando, V, ‘From rap to Rai in the mixing bowl: Beur Hip-Hop Culture and Banlieue Cinema in Urban France’, Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 36, No. 3, Winter 2003. Siciliano, A, ‘La Haine: Framing the ‘Urban Outcasts’’, ACME E-Journal, Vol. 6 (2), 2007.
Films: Kassovitz, M, ‘La Haine’, Motion Picture, (Studio Canal, 31 May 1995).
Online articles: Barros, F, ‘Bidonvilles: from colonial policy to the Algerian War’, Metro Politics EU, http:// www.metropolitiques.eu/Bidonvilles-from-colonial-policy.html, [accessed 11 April 2013]. Cesari, J, ‘Ethnicity, Islam, and les banlieues: Confusing the Issues’, SSRC.org, http:// riotsfrance.ssrc.org/Cesari/, [accessed 02 May 2013]. Dejevsky, M, ‘Bomb kills 4 in Paris Metro’, The Independent, http://www.independent.co.uk/ news/bomb-kills-4-in-paris-metro-1593213.html, [accessed 02 May 2013]. Mcneill, T, ‘Les Années banlieues’, Murray State University, http://campus.murraystate.edu/ academic/faculty/tsaintpaul/banlieue.htm, [accessed 11 April 2013]. Noonan, P, ‘A short Essay applying Du Bois and Spivak to ‘La Haine’’, Tumblr, http://www. tumblr.com/tagged/le%20haine?before=18, [accessed 03 April 2013]. Unknown, ‘Faith on the Move’, The Pew Forum on religion and Public Life, http://features. pewforum.org/religious-migration/map.php#/Destination/France/all, [accessed 02 May 2013]. Unknown, ‘France’s troubled suburbs: Forgotten in the banlieues’, The Economist, http:// www.economist.com/news/europe/21572248-young-diverse-and-unemployed-forgottenbanlieues, [accessed 02 May 2013]. Unknown, ‘History of Nuclear Power’, XTimeline, http://www.xtimeline.com/evt/view. aspx?id=53242, [accessed 11 April 2013]. Unknown, ‘French Republic’, France Républicaine, http://www.france-republicaine.fr/frenchrepublic.php, [accessed 04 May 2013].
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