The Common Roof
Patrik Drechsler & Patryk Ĺšlusarski University for Applied Arts Vienna | Institute of Architecture Studio Diaz Moreno & Garcia Grinda
Project by Patrik Drechsler & Patryk Ślusarski University for Applied Arts Vienna Institute of Architecture Winter Semester 2019 — 2020 The Other NATOs studio Díaz Moreno & García Grinda IoA | die Angewandte Professors Cristina Díaz Moreno & Efrén García Grinda Instructors Hannes Traupmann, Anna Gulinska, Gregorio Lubroth, Niklavs Paegle, Zsuzsa Peter, Indre Umbrasaite Studio Coordinator Sabine Hochrieser
Contents The Other NATOs 6 European Slums 13 Hierarchy in Roma community 45 Constitution 65 Sites 73 Conditions to be improved 105 Matter 117 Inhabitation 153 Reassembling the Social 179 Model Studies 195 Precedents 227 Catalogue of Quotes 241
The Other NATOs Excerpt from the studio brief fall 2019
Each collective, regardless of its size, agency and purpose, feels an instinctive rejection to face in a direct way with their own shortcomings, inequalities and own exclusion processes and the brutal, silent and slow violence that they generate on the most disadvantaged. Los Olvidados, (1950) The Forgotten, is the title of a film directed by Luis BuĂąuel during his Mexican period, just after what was his first great commercial success following his exile from Spain and his stage in the USA. In it, a group of children who try to survive in a landfill in conditions of extreme poverty, is depicted in its total and direct crudeness and violence, away from any moralizing or redeeming approach, following the spooky and stark description of extreme poverty and the marginalized populations of the rural Extremadura, of his previous film Las Hurdes: Tierra sin pan (1933) filmed during the Spanish Second Republic. Despite the time lapse, the two films made aware both societies in a direct and brutal way their own fears and shortcomings, and both received similar direct rejection and disapproval from them, as a direct form of denial of the stubborn and uncomfortable reality. Through both pieces, BuĂąuel reconciled the possibility of a direct approach to the crudest social realities and the attempt to build a radical cinematographic language, without mediation and lacking any supposedly ethical or moralizing message. After all, according to Richard Rorty, the radical poet and the revolutionary make explicit (violently, that is, they protest against) on behalf of society itself, the discrepancies between its own aspirations and hopes, and the way in which these are carried out, tuning themselves indirectly with the collective through their own subjective ideals.
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This publication is a depiction of a process which took place at the University of Applied Arts Vienna. We have faced ourselves with the topic which still is complex beyond measure and presented to the conditions of which the priviliged people living on the planet Earth have no awareness. During the course of work we were trying to gather as much information as possible concerning Roma community and its connection to the Romanian society both historically and in present times.
The project deals with possible ways in which architecture can influence well-being of the people who were pushed below the minimum living standard.
photo: Mugur Varzariu
The Common Roof
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The history of the Roma community just outside of Cluj–Napoca is told by repression, stigmatization and uncertain living conditions, spatially manifested in the settlements of Pata Rât. Dallas, Strada Cantonului, Colina Verde and Ramp are located in the nearest proximity to the landfill of the city, exemplifying the inhuman nature of this space. On the other hand, city waste is providing the main source of income for around 80% of the Roma living in Pat Rât. In 2019 the situation is again changing for the poorest. The garbage dump is about to be closed, disrupting inhabitants’ vague material stability and provoking their daily migration to Cluj– Napoca as informal “waste pickers” which improves conditions of the city dwellers. Our project is focused on the transition process of rebuilding Roma’s status within Cluj-Napoca in order to allow them settling back in the city. We want to provide them with the social framework manifested through the architecture inside the city’s public realm. Therefore, we want to implement a network of architectural artefacts, starting from Pata Rât and incrementally growing throughout the whole city. The system of the intervention will deal with city waste management allowing Roma to work in good conditions and minimize waste leaving the urban areas, consequently, bringing Cluj closer towards the circular economy. The first network node is set in Pata Rât, where we aim to introduce additional sources of income. By recycling and processing the sorted trash, Roma should gain more independence from the dishonest waste management companies present in the area, represented by the patrons. Starting from securing the existential necessities, we want to use the gathered knowledge of working with gathered material and transfer it to scale of construction elements, claddings, insulation, furniture and utensils. This will be eventually used for improving the dwellings of the settlement. To expand the network from Pata Rât and re-entering the city we are looking for vacant spaces in proximity to the Public Transport System of Cluj Napoca, to occupy them and install our symbiotic artefacts. The architecture of symbionts is based on a rigid framework, hosting the necessary waste renewing facilities, providing the economic resource for the Roma community (reselling the processed material). This allows for the expansion of its services and also its social structure within Cluj-Napoca. As the artefacts The Other NATOs | The Common Roof
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are occupying vacant spaces not only in a literal way, but also in the notion of empty public locations. The proposed architecture is filling the city up with additional public areas and enriching the districts by making it of use to any inhabitant from the neighbourhood. The act of gentle reintroduction is architecturally expressed by the “uniform�. Facades, visible in the city tissue are clearly differentiating between the informal and formal provision of services, introducing the new perceptibility of the Roma in Cluj as the ecological keepers of the city. Whereas the tectonics and uniform are expressing the societal values of the Roma, the cultural representation is manifested by the extraction of formal elements from Romani architecture, which are reassembled to contemporary geometries and spaces. A further contribution to implying Roma cultural habits is respecting the hierarchical orders within the communities, which are the caretakers of the network. Our project is inquiring for a long term solution to reintegrate the Roma to the city and hosting community by architecture. It is manifesting the Romany to public discourse by evoking curiosity and stimulus, presenting them as a full-fledged part of society. Patryk Slusarski, Patrik Drechsler
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The Other NATOs | The Common Roof
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Squat Vrankrijk Amsterdam squatted house, bar, event center
European Slums Informal settlements in Poland, Sweden and The Netherlands
The Common Roof
The European Slums is a research project dedicated to informal inhabiting / settlements accross the Europe with special regards for economic and sociopolitical context of the dwellers who occupy those areas. Our part was focused on the situation in The Netherlands, Poland and Sweden which adds up to the general study performed by an entire studio at Die Angewandte.
Poland Informal settlements are connected to the mostly to the economic condition of nearby industry. Other types are either associated with social exclusion (based on history of the actual buildings) or informal usage of the public lands through substantial period of time. There is no particular ethnic structure in the poor districts. In Poland, the Roma community exists in form of indepentent villages which are poor but socially acceptable. contour maps Poland Europe informal usage of public land
social exclusion
post-industrial districts
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Pekin Gdynia Informal settlement on public land Pending eviction
Pekin is a local name of informal settlement located in Gdynia, Northern Poland. People started claiming the land in 1930s, but it never got entirely formalized due to war and economic situation of the inhabitants. Nowadays Pekin is facing problem of eviction of it’s last inhabitants due to city’s plans to sell the land to the private investors. settlement satelite photo
3 km main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
European Slums | The Common Roof
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Palestyna Sobięcin Wałbrzych Post-industrial District
District used to be an independent mining village which was then incorporated into the city of Wałbrzych. After the mines were closed due to drainage of the resources the district become poor. Since 7-10 years the grounds below the existing structure are unstable due to mining damage which puts additional costs on already loaded inhabitants.
settlement satelite photo
1,5 km
main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Karb Bytom Post-industrial District
District established in parallel to the developing mining industry in Bytom. After the mines were closed due to drainage of the resources the district become poor. Since several years the grounds below the existing structure are unstable due to mining damage which puts additional costs on already loaded inhabitants.
settlement satelite photo
3,6 km
main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Bobrek Bytom Post-industrial District
Another district established in parallel to the developing mining industry in Bytom. After the mines were closed due to drainage of the resources the district become poor. Since several years the grounds below the existing structure are unstable due to mining damage which puts additional costs on already loaded inhabitants.
settlement satelite photo
4,0 km main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Zakręt Leopoldowo Włocławek Socially excluded community
The district was constructed out of buidlings which used to be para-military police (Motorized Reserves of the Citizens’ Militia; pol. ZOMO — Zmotoryzowane Oddziały Milicji Obywatelskiej) barracks. Although the inhabitants are not connected directly to the past formation they are socially excluded from participating in the city life (problems with finding the job, reduced connectivity with the city centre). Over 80% of inhabitants are using social assistance. settlement satelite photo
5,0 km
main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Containers on Średzka St. Poznań Containers for evicted people
In 2012 municipality of Poznań decided to relocate people with eviction orders to the temporary social location on Średzka Street. People were given a choice of going there or being homeless. The settlement consitsts of 10 modular steel containers with basic media. It’s in direct neighbourhood of industrial zone and metal collection points in Poznań.
settlement satelite photo
2,6 km
main areas in the settlement
location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Sweden Informal settlements are a relatively recent event in sweden appeared after the second eastern expansion of the EU in 2007. Mostly Romanian Romas have occured in Sweden and settled nearby bigger swedish cities. The settlements are also hard to track because the authorities are evicting the camps often quite quickly and additionaly the camps are often temporarily in form of caravans. After the evictions they mostly get provided with bus tickets to go back to Romania, which is rarely used. contour maps Sweden Europe
caravan settlements
temporary dwellings
evicted dwellings
festival
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Industrigatan MalmĂś Dwellings, Caravans
The Industrigatan was located in the industrial areas of MalmÜ. It contained informal dwellings as well as caravans and was used by Romani migrants as a first shelter until they would have found work in the city. But most of the Romani couldn’t find work so there was also a criminal scene developed, which lead the authorities to evict the area in 2015. settlement satelite photo
2,5 km
location in relation to the city centre
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main areas in the settlement (dashed = caravans)
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Hรถgdalen Stockholm Caravans
Around Stockholm there are several informal caravan camps appearing on different places. The camps are getting evicted frequently, therefore it is hard to follow the traces of their movement. In Stockholm they are mostly visible as beggars in the streets and due to this often seen as a threat of the good image of Stockholm.
settlement satelite photo
10,5 km
location in relation to the city centre
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main areas in the settlement (dashed = caravans)
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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The Netherlands In the Netherlands there are currently no reports of informal settlements, which we could describe as ‘slums’. But due to the rising real estate market in the 1980s there has been a anarchistic, left winged squatting scene evolving in the big cities like Rotterdam or Amsterdam. These squatted houses often got legalized after a while or at least they were accepted by the house owners. contour maps Sweden Europe
squatted houses
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Poortgebouw Rotterdam squatted house, cultural centre
In 1980 as an effect of the rising estate market, activists squatted the old Poortgebouw, which was about to be demolished. They established it as a cultural centre in Rotterdam to give space for different exhibitions and also provide temporary shelter for refugees. It got legalized by the city authorities in the mid 80s.
settlement satelite photo
1,5 km
main areas in the settlement location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Ruigoord Amsterdam squatted village, commune
In 1960 the city evacuated the village to make space for th enew built harbour, but it has been squatted by artists in 1972 who initiated a commune which is still existing. It has been tolerated by the authorities who just built around the village and also has been legallized.
settlement satelite photo
8 km
main areas in the settlement location in relation to the city centre
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Vrankrijk Amsterdam squatted house, bar, event center
The house was also squatted in the ruring times of the 1980s by left winged groups and anarchists. They established a bar which has to be closed down and later reopened under certain conditions of the authorities. It is also an event center providing non commercial activities.
settlement satelite photo
location in the city centre
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main areas in the settlement (dashed = caravans)
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European Slums | The Common Roof
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Hierarchy in Roma community Study on expanded contexts regarding the Roma community
The Common Roof
Brief History General Origins The Romani (also spelled Romany), colloquially known as Roma, are an Indo-Aryan ethnic group, traditionally itinerant, living mostly in Europe and the Americas and originating from the northern Indian subcontinent, from the Rajasthan, Haryana, and Punjab regions of modern-day India. source Sindya N., Genomic Study Traces Roma to Northern India, New York Times, 2011
Genetic findings appear to confirm that the Romani “came from a single group that left northwestern India about 1,500 years ago”. Genetic research published in the European Journal of Human Genetics “revealed that over 70% of males belong to a single lineage that appears unique to the Roma”. They are a dispersed people, but their most concentrated populations are located in Europe, especially Central, Eastern and Southern Europe (including Turkey, Spain and Southern France). The Romani arrived in Mid-West Asia and Europe around 1,000 years ago. They have been associated with another Indo-Aryan group, the Dom people: the two groups have been said to have separated from each other or, at least, to share a similar history.Specifically, the ancestors of both the Romani and the Dom left North India sometime between the 6th and 11th century. Roma in Romania
source Cartner H., Destroying Ethnic Identity: The Persecution of Gypsies in Romania, a Helsinki Watch, Human Rights Watch, 1991
Romani people constitute one of Romania’s largest minorities. According to the 2011 census, their number was 621,000 people or 3.3% of the total population, being the second-largest ethnic minority in Romania after Hungarians.[1] There are different estimates about the size of the total population of people with Romani ancestry in Romania, varying from 4.6 percent to over 10 percent of the population, because a lot of people of Romani descent do not declare themselves Roma. In combination with the Mongol invasion of Europe the first Romani had reached the territory of present-day Romania around the year 1241. At the beginning of the 14th century, when the Mongols withdrew from Eastern Europe, the Romani who were left
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Roma girl Hungary 1940
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were taken as prisoners and slaves. According to documents signed by Prince Dan I the first captured Romani in Wallachia dates back to year 1385. The presence of the Roms within the territory of present-day Romania dates back to the 14th century. The population of Roms fluctuated depending on diverse historical and political events. Until their liberation on February 20, 1856, most Roms lived in slavery. They could not leave the property of their owners (the boyars and the orthodox monasteries). Around the year 1850, about 102,000 Romani lived in the Danubian Principalities, comprising 2.7% of the population. After their liberation in 1856, a significant number of Roms left Wallachia and Moldavia. In 1886 the number of Roms was estimated at around 200,000, or 3.2% of Romania’s population. The 1899 census counted around 210,806 “others”, of whom roughly half (or 2% of the country’s population) were Romani. In Bessarabia, annexed by the Russian Empire in 1812, the Roms were liberated in 1861. Many of them migrated to other regions of the Empire, while important communities remained in Soroca, Otaci and the surroundings of Cetatea Albă, Chișinău, and Bălți. The 1918 union with Transylvania, Banat, Bukovina and Bessarabia increased the number of ethnic Romani in Romania. The first census in interwar Romania took place in 1930; 242,656 persons (1.6%) were registered as Gypsies (ţigani). The territory lost in 1940 caused a drop in the number of Romani, leaving a high number especially in Southern Dobruja and Northern Transylvania. During the Second World War, the Fascist regime of Ion Antonescu deported 25,000 Romani to Transnistria; of these, 11,000 died. In all, from the territory of present-day Romania (including Northern Transylvania), 36,000 Romani perished during that time. The accession of Romania to the European Union in 2007 led many members of the Romani minority, the most socially disadvantaged 52
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ethnic group in Romania, to migrate en masse to various Western European countries (mostly to Spain, Italy, Austria, Germany, France) hoping to find a better life. The exact number of emigrants is unknown. In 2007 Florin Cioabă, an important leader of the Romani community (also known as the “King of all Gypsies”) declared in an interview that he worried that Romania may lose its Romani minority. However, the next population census in 2011 showed a substantial rise in those recording Romani ethnicity. Profession subgroups Roma in Romania, commonly known by majority ethnic Romanians as Țigani, includes many subgroups defined by occupation (examples): •
Boyash, also known as Băieși, Lingurari, Ludar, Ludari, or Rudari, who coalesced in the Apuseni Mountains of Transylvania. Băieși is a Romanian word for “miners”. Lingurari means “spoon makers”, Ludar, Ludari, and Rudari may mean “woodworkers” or “miners”.
•
Churari, from Romanian Ciurari, “sieve makers”,
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Zlătari “gold smiths”,
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Ursari “bear trainers”, from Moldovan/Romanian urs “bear”,
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Ungaritza blacksmiths and bladesmiths,
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Argintari silversmiths,
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Aurari goldsmiths,
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Florari flower sellers,
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Lăutari singers.
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source Crowe D., A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe and Russia, New York, N.Y.: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1995
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Nowadays the subgroups which originated from the occupation lost its original meaning although in the self-notion of Roma community they are still present as a basis for internal stereotypes which influence relationships between Gypsies themselves. “We [the Zavragii] have always worked hard. We traditionally make bricks and we work in construction. Rudari work closer to home. One day they work in somebody’s yard, some othey day in somebody else’s. They make money because they are flexible... Ursari are richer than all of us. But they haven’t evolved at all. They are still traditional, still with their long skirts and their hats. They’re not teaching their kids anything good,”
“Those people... cannot be Gypsies! Maybe they are Romanians. O r maybe they are Ursari. Th ey swear, they steal. They must be Ursari” source Serban-Temisan M., Romanian Roma women’s narratives about their sense of self in Nirenberg, J. (ed.) - Gypsy Sexuality: Romani and Outsider Perspectives on Intimacy, Clambake Press, 2011
Althought is seems rather superficial, the divisions are still strongly present in Roma communities which is why our work was later focused on structuring the social frame of the project to fit those divisions in the most natural way for the Roma community. We have decided to investigate further different groups inside the Romany which could refer to the specific community we were supposed to work with.
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Gypsy fortune-teller Antoni Kozakiewicz, 1884
The Caravans – Gypsy Camp near Arles Vincent van Gogh, 1888
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Excerpt from the graphical Expanded Context document presents existing and superficial divisions inside the Roma community.
natsia
kumpania
“Although there are many words for “group” in the Gypsy language, four primary associations can be identified: natsia, meaning nation; kumpania, an alliance of households not necessarily of the same natsia but of the same geographic area bound together for socio-economic reasons; vit sa, or clan; and familia, which consists of the individual extended family. Each associational unit is involved in the administration of justice, beginning with the smallest, the familia, which informally settles minor disputes, and extending to the larger units with increasing formality.”
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vitsa / clan
familia
“Every vitsa has a rom baro, literally meaning “Big Man,” commonly referred to as the chief.” source Weyrauch W. O. (ed.), Gypsy Law, Romani Legal Traditions and Culture, The University of California Press, 2001
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Case Study: Huedin Huedin is located at the northern edge of the Apuseni Mountains, Romania, Cluj County. It is surrounded by the villages of Nearșova, Domoșu, Horlacea and others. The town administers one village, Bicălatu (Magyarbikal). Lately, Huedin has started to be known for its ecotourism initiatives. The 2011 (census data) of the town’s population counted 9346 people, of which 59.32% were ethnic Romanians, 28.88% ethnic Hungarians and 11.45% ethnic Roma. Although the Roma population in Huedin is not the majority of its population, it stands above others because of specific expression which is represented in local architecture. As a part of the study we were researching the origins and specificity of the local designs, possible causes and reasoning behind the aesthetics. As mentioned in previous parts of this book the Roma community has strong notion of the family as the basis of the social structure. We think this is being represented by flamboyant designs of the households which are being called ‘Gypsy Palaces’. The most prominent part of this architecture is the tectonics of the roof which often symbolicaly represents the family of it’s founder, or even in some cases literally, by exhibiting the name of the family in the central part of the roof’s front.
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Nested Culture Roma traditions, although never written down, were carried with multiple changes through the generations ever since migration from India. Traditionally they developed strategy of separation from the outside world and they seem to follow own rules which in their own opinion are superior to those of the community in which they are nested. Great deal of that explains Walter Weyrauch in Gypsy Law, Romani Legal Traditions and Culture: “Gypsy sources consistently assert the superiority of their legal system, noting the following three elements: Gypsy law acts as a cohesive force serving to protect Gypsy interests, rights, traditions, and ethnic distinctiveness; Gypsy law is more democratic than any other law because it does not discriminate against individuals without financial or other influence; and because Gypsy law has maintained its basic form, even though older methods of punishment have given way largely to banishment or social ostracism, it must be more nearly perfect than other laws, which appear to be undergoing constant change.� While many of the rules used daily by Gypsies may seem irrational to the outside observer they are a concern to be regarded as private lawmaking process which in the end can influence nationwide politics. In modern juridical process private lawmaking is taken out of the debate, but for Roma community it still stands representing their culture and traditions of the ancestors.
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kumpania association
40 clans of Roma in Romania
natsia nation
Strada Cantonului
familia extended family
Dallas
punct de colectare
Colina Verde
Wastefill Garbage Ramp
diagramatic mapping of social stucture refering to the researched situation in the context of the Roma community of Pata Rat and it’s connections to the outside world
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Climat de France Fernand Pouillon, Algiers, 1957
The Climat de France was planned by French architect Fernand Pouillon, as a reaction to the worsening social climate in the French colonial territories. Its 4.500 dwelling units have been planned for around 30.000 people with a market place of 15.000 m² as the central public space. The project is based on rasters in different scales refering to a big scale of the landscape and a small human scale. Another main urban strategy aimed to have different typologies of an enclosured landscape. The architect was also trying to apply vernacular elements and combine them with the modern elements of the Western architecture. Nowadays due to hosting twice the amount of people and paradoxly to its size, it has become a sheltered hot spot of criminal activities in Algier. It has become a fortress, which also was used as a hideout in the riots of the arabic spring. Landscape Architectural Model
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Empty Space Paysage Interieur Rhytm - Grid
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Rhytm & Grid as key principles of the design
Dwellings Grid 60 x 60 cm
particular solutions patio type
particular solutions
Overall Layout
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Dwellings Grid 60 x 60 cm
single exposure type
double exposure type
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Constitution Project definition, guidelines, statements, manifesto
The Common Roof
Prologue The history of the Roma in Cluj–Napoca has been specified by repression, stigmatization and uncertain living conditions, spatially manifested in the settlements of Pata Rât. It is located next to the landfill of the city, exemplifying the desperation as it is a toxic time bomb, while on the other hand providing the main source of income for around 80% of the Roma in Pat Rât. In 2019 the situation is again changing for the Roma. The landfill is about to be closed, leaving the uncertainty of income and starting a daily migration back to the city of Cluj–Napoca, being present as informal “waste pickers”.
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Manifesto Our project is about the formalization the waste managing process informally conducted by Roma in Cluj Napoca to provide the social framework for further development. We want to implement a network of symbiotic artefacts, providing the necessary facilities to introduce a circular waste managment. We want to re-enter the city in approximation to the Public Transport System of Cluj Napoca, occupying vacant spaces. We want the settlements of Pata Rat as the starting point of the network, which will in reverse profit from the transition of matter, knowledge and new bonds. We want the act of gentle reintroduction architecturally expressed by its “uniform�, the facade, clearly differentiating between informal and formal provision of services, introducing the new visibility of the Roma in Cluj as the ecological guards of the city. We want to identify the actants in the network, based on the hierarchies of the Roma traditions, connected to work related factors like experience, income and grade of education, addtitionally providing a confidence in self representation in the city.
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Rules the network — the artefacts are introduced throughout the city adapting the vacant spaces of the city. rigid framework — the nodes are hosting necessary waste renewing facilities, supporting the formalization process. Artefacts are providing the economic resource for the Roma community allowing expansion of its services and also its social structure within Cluj-Napoca. expandable framework — artefacts are fulfilling city with extra public space making it of use to any inhabitant from the neighbourhood. uniform — the new introduction of the Roma needs an adequate appearance of the artefacts, expressing the contemporary notions of self identification. romani and romanians — participation in the artefacts in specific and shared spheres, creating the basic comfort for further integration. circular economy — we want to close the Pata Rat landfill by keeping all the waste in the city, bringing it closer and closer towards the circularity of resources.
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Constitution | The Common Roof
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Sites: Pata Rât & Cluj-Napoca
The Common Roof
Cluj-Napoca commonly known as Cluj, is the fourth most populous city in Romania,and the seat of Cluj County in the northwestern part of the country.
Pata Rât area just outside of Cluj-Napoca which houses city’s landfill and industrial facilities, it’s also home to 1500 people living there informally of which majority has Roma origins
Cluj-Napoca Cluj County, Romania
Commonly known as Cluj, is the fourth most populous city in Romania, and the seat of Cluj County in the northwestern part of the country. Geographically, it is roughly equidistant from Bucharest, Budapest and Belgrade. Located in the Someșul Mic river valley, the city is considered the unofficial capital to the historical province of Transylvania. From 1790 to 1848 and from 1861 to 1867, it was the official capital of the Grand Principality of Transylvania. As of 2011, 324,576 inhabitants lived within the city limits (making it the country’s second most populous at the time, after the national capital Bucharest), marking a slight increase from the figure recorded at the 2002 census.The Cluj-Napoca metropolitan area has a population of 411,379 people, while the population of the peri-urban area (Romanian: zona periurbană) exceeds 420,000 residents. The new metropolitan government of Cluj-Napoca became operational in December 2008. According to a 2007 estimate provided by the County Population Register Service, the city hosts a visible population of students and other non-residents—an average of over 20,000 people each year during 2004–2007. The city spreads out from St. Michael’s Church in Unirii Square, built in the 14th century and named after the Archangel Michael, the patron saint of Cluj-Napoca. The boundaries of the municipality contain an area of 179.52 square kilometres. Cluj-Napoca experienced a decade of decline during the 1990s, its international reputation suffering from the policies of its mayor at the time, Gheorghe Funar. Today, the city is one of the most important academic, cultural, industrial and business centres in Romania. Among other institutions, it hosts the country’s largest university, Babeș-Bolyai University, with its botanical garden; nationally renowned cultural institutions; as well as the largest Romanian-owned commercial bank. Cluj-Napoca held the titles of European Youth Capital in 2015 and European City of Sport in 2018.
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Site | The Common Roof
Site | The Common Roof
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Biserica Romano-Catholicǎ Sfântul Mihail 1316
Piața Muzeului
Biserica Romano-Catholicǎ Sfântul Mihail 1316
Piața Muzeului
Casa de Cultură a Studenţilor
Biserica Sfântul Petru XIX
pera Națională Română luj-Napoca
Catedrala Mitropolitană Adormirea Maicii Domnului Opera Națională Română Cluj-Napoca
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Opera Națională Român Cluj-Napoca
Casa de Cultură a Studenţilor
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Stadionul Dr. Constantin Rădulescu
Water Tower
Water Tower
Cluj-Napoca Railway Station
Biserica Sfântul Ioan Botezătorul
Centrul Comercial Central Strada Piezișă
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multifunctional sports hall dico si tiganas
multifunctional sports hall dico si tiganas
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national library extension
football stadium dico si tiganas
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During the design process we were focused on searching for the places in the city which could be linked to Pata Rât. Either literally (airport) or symbolically (kindergarden built after eviction of Roma families to Colina Verde).
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In our search we were discussing possibilities of acting with city’s transportation network, landmarks and finally the vacant spaces, this will be shown in the next parts of the book.
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Pata Rât Excerpt from: Berescu, C., Celac, M., Ciobanu, O., Manolache, C., Housing and extreme poverty, The case of Roma Communities, Ion Mincu University Press
Pata Rat settlement is located at five kilometers far from Cluj. Here one finds two communities - one developed in a spontaneous way, in fact a periurban satellite settlement, the other - a colony created on a narrow plot of land between a railroad and a ordinary road, created following the evictions from town. The fist one, called by its inhabitants “Dallas”, might be the most notorious of Roma settlements. It displays a metabolism comparable with that of the conquest of the West by American pioneers - people works, occupy available land, speculate, and exploit every opportunity. The other one, named Cantonului Street, is an unhappy initiative of city’s administration and an example for the shortcomings of the urban policies enforced by police methods. Dallas settlement shelters about 600 dwellers, living in close proximity on approx. two hectares in shelters of all kind - barracks, a few wooden houses and a single brick house. Two kilometers away from this point, the waste pit of the City is located. Some inhabitants were born there, live and work daily in the waste pit. Some sheds could be found within the waste pit and on the pit’s fringes. Children are put at work to collect sellable waste - a busy activity, economically profitable. Economie vigour is decisive for “Dallas” as compared to other communities we visited; the people work, they do not hang around, and tend to complain less than those do at Pata Rât 2, who live in tin houses with electricity. It is the only community where we found many animais and cars. There are also a dispensary and a prayer house. From our discussions, we understood that, for some of them, collecting materials was a season activity. Besides houses made of tin panels, there are approximately 40 improvised clustered shelters. The fires take place quite often, destroying two-three houses at once. As the seulement is 5 km away from Cluj, the firefighter, whose intervention would be useless, cannot get there in time. 90
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The cheap of materials covered with a tarpaulin is a former/future house. His house was demolished two days ago and told to come here, near the railway. The Cluj police are, thus, the major actors in the urban policy regarding extreme poverty. They were evicted two years ago from an apartment. They still have a fitted carped stretching on earth now, the cabinet and the gadgets. All objects defining normal living are present. Around this apparently normal room, they patched a skeleton of rare boards leaning on some poles. The faรงade is made of some cardboards and plastic sheets. The roof, of plastic sheets over which they placed some rocks, will stay until the next eviction, when they will waste half of their belongings, as it happened when they came to the railway. There are people who never lived in a wall house; they were born on town fringes, in a hut that was demolished and moved by the police once in two years.
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Pata Rât aerial view
Strada Cantonolui
Dallas Colina Verde
The Ramp
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field trip notation
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field trip notation
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source smallstepproject.org
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source patapurses.blogspot.com
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Connections Excerps from: Vincze, E.,Urban Landfill, Economic Restructuring and Environmental Racism.
Compelled to use Pata Rât as home and workplace, the population of the area has increased from four families living there in the 1960s (in the centre of the old landfill) to nearly 1500 individuals living there today in four different settlements: Dallas, garbage dump, Cantonului street and new Pata Rat/Colina Verde. Out of them circa 42% were moved there by local authorities under different circumstances, but probably under the same “justification” that constructed a humiliating “argument” between people-to-be-moved there and the environment (while many of them are not working on the landfill). Roma people make up the overwhelming majority of inhabitants. — Starting with the end of 2002, the mayors’ office has relocated to Pata Rât area (more precisely to Cantonului street) – one by one or in small groups – families evicted from other parts of the town (Byron street, NATO block of Gheorgheni, Hangman’s House, Cipariu Square, the basements of blocks in Mănăştur, former working class neighbourhoods, etc.) by administrative measures. Today, more than 130 families live on the Cantonului street, which hosted only 5 families at the beginning of 2003. Above those settled here by authorities, over half of the families established there informally and “willingly”, some of them have come from outside Cluj, many through lines of various underground economic networks. The population in Cantonului colony is extremely heterogeneous. It is grouped and fragmented on nuclear or extended families, having a set of extremely tense, even violent relations of cyclical mutual contestation, and a high level of mistrust regarding any kind of internal or external organization susceptible of intervening in the inner order. It is also marked by relations of financial dependence related to usury, procurement, and informal commerce with electricity. — Newcomers to Pata Rât are those 300 persons evicted from Coastei street under the regime of Mayor Apostu in December 2010, where 98
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they constituted a relatively cohesive community (a mosaic of several kinship networks, but also families not related to them). They hold on to the idea that they belong to the city; school and workplace have linked them to the town. They were moved into 40 apartments of modular houses allocated to them on contractual basis as “social dwellings” on the site named by authorities “Colina Verde”; other 30 or so families who did not get any alternative housing after eviction during winter time and remained practically without a dwelling, were told to build “illegal” shelters on parcels given to them “informally”. During the almost two years of living there, they showed capacity to organize and manage themselves: they made efforts for sending their children to their old schools, tried solving access to public transport, and began building new shelters and extended infrastructure of utilities. Probably, their capacity building and mobilization has been aided by the involvement of many local and international organizations (gLOC, Amnesty International, European Roma Rights Centre), which intervened to support community claims addressed to local authorities. — In 2005, authorities put a sign on the entrance to the new landfill stating that it does not meet the standards required by European legislation and it is closed (de facto it still functions even today). The garbage dump closed again, apparently in July 2010, when the owner (relative of the manager of the sanitation company) faced huge penalties under the pressure of the European Union. Despite this fact, the landfill that closed for many times has been reopened in July 2012 by the Regional Agency for Environment “for sorting recyclable waste”. But this is not possible to do, because domestic waste is not selectively collected across the town. Meanwhile, the county’s new prefect (belonging to the Socio-Liberal Union) contests procedures for establishing the new waste management centre in Pata Rât. Those procedures were launched by the former prefect (on the part of Liberal-Democrat Party) and were delayed for several years due to contested public tenders.
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Network Map possible locations of nodes
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Pata Rât
Network nodes — different types Urbanized areas
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Our Sites In our designs we have decided that our approach to the place of intervention should reverse the processes stated by the city officials including evicting people from the city and placing them next to the landfill. Our goal is to close the landfill and Pata Rat as places where no human being should be brought up from childhood to adulthood. Therefore we came up with network of artifacts which could be located in the city densifying it and bringing back the two communities together. We are focused especially on the vacant spaces (of existing architecture) which are wasted by not being occupied and which are reflecting the direction that city is developing. As stated in our Constitution the first node of this network is going to be built on Pata Rat, but as we are pursuing the goal on introducing circular economy (more on this in chapter ‘Matter’) we want to spread towards the city and argue that it has full potential of providing place to work and live to all of possible cultures. Our example is vacant space on top of the existing market building in the area of Cluj called Mǎrǎști, on the Boulevard of 21st December 1989. The area is characteristic for its socialist architecture consiting of many multi-familiy housing blocks including one of the longest residential buildings in Europe.
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unfinished construction /vacant rooftop space
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car access to the rooftop
covered vacant spaces horizontal market
vertical market
offices
restaurants
main access
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Conditions to be improved studies of applied strategies in an urban context
The Common Roof
The transition of the Roma from Pata Rât to Cluj Napoca also brings along the transition of improvable conditions Specific focus on the qualities that require improvement for both communities (Roma and Romanian). Or qualities that in which they can help each other for the common benefit.
Time By making the source of income, the base of providing physical necessities, in Pata Rât independent from the patrons, we want to introduce our network as an opportunity to create sellable goods out of recycled materials.
By developing the network to provide urban solutions to the specific conditions of their context, Roma and Romanians profit equally, setting the framework for social mobility.
While already reaching out to the city’s issues, the improvement of the dwellings in Pata Rât is crucial and also developing as the network itself is growing and reaching out new ressources.
Pata Rât
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Formalization
elines
Development
Inhabitation
Cluj Napoca
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Conditions | Pata Rât Although we see the long term goal of our project to leave Pata Rât our research of conditions to be improved started on Pata Rât, specifically the magazin alimentar. This is not only the local supplyer of goods, but also the place where the collected trash is getting sold to the patrons. The patrons controll the market and a lot of people in the settlements owe them money and are not even allowed to leave the place without their approval. To guarantee financial independence from the patrons adn indepently providing their own existential minimum we see the most urgent condition to improve is to provide a sustainable source of income, as the foundation for every further step. Furthermore, we are aware that during the long transition process the Roma will still be living on Pata Rât, which makes improvements for their dwellings and homes necessary. We are also tackling on the issues of the waste itself due to our circular economy which is not only providing the ressource for improvements, but also is actively shrinking the amount of waste on the site of Pata Rât Magazin Alimentar Pata Rât google maps
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CRAFTING
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Homeless Vehicle Krzysztof Wodiczko, New York, 1988 - 89 source https://walkerart. org/magazine/ krzysztof-wodiczkos-homeless-vehicle-project 22.10.2019
The Homeless Vehicle Project was a direct response to the homelessness problem of the 1980s, which was caused by the Reagan’s economic politics. It disturbed conventional view on the designed objects which were now addressed to the single homeless man collecting cans and bottles on the streets of New York. The prototype from 1988 consisted in “(...) a hinged metal unit, which could be extended to provide sleeping, washing, and toilet facilities as well as a can-storage compartment. The product had been tested by a panel of homeless «consultants» and adapted to the precise subsistence needs of its prospective users.”
Krzysztof Wodiczko, Homeless Vehicle, 19881989 (5th Avenue, New York, 1988), photo courtesy Museum of Art in Łódź
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Conditions to be improved | The Common Roof
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Conditions | Cluj-Mărăști As our proposal is situated in the district of Mărăști in Cluj Napoca, we have analysed conditions to improve in this specific context under the premise that both communities (Roma & Romanians) are gaining value out of it. “I wanted to say that in the neighborhoods of Cluj there are no socializing places, that the housing blocks do not inspire the desire to go out and admire or search for activities around them, that there are no sports or leisure areas nearby. of our homes. I also wanted to suggest that we have in front of the blocks a lot of garbage and in the evening the air, especially in the summer, is difficult to breathe, that we live more in cars than in people, that the green spaces are few, many are unoccupied and many of them disappear. And as a last thought I would like to say that the city of Cluj needs urban regeneration, that it needs to be “humanized” neighborhoods through culture and recreational activities, that it wants to know its people and that it needs cultivation and care for the personality of these many different worlds in the neighborhoods.” Veronica Onea, clujul de idees project, cluj.com
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Conditions to be improved | The Common Roof
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Klunkerkranich Germany, Berlin, 2013 source https:// klunkerkranich.org
The Klunkerkranich has been established in 2013 in Neukรถlln in Berlin as a modern rooftop bar. It is built on the top floors of a parking garage and is now hosting a bar, a restaurant, a garden, a playground and an event location. Although it is not a public space, in a sense of non commercial use, but it is providing an accessible public space contrary to the contemporary notion of the rooftop in the city.
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Plan https://www. zitty.de
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Photo Julian Nelken
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Metro Cable Caracas Urban Think Tank, Venezuela, Caracas, 2013 source archdaily.com
The Metro Cable car system is integrated with the Caracas Metro system. It has a length of 2.1 km and uses as transportation a funicular system with a capacity of 8 passengers each. The total system capacity is estimated at about 1,200 people per hour in each direction. Two of the stations are located in the valley itself and serve as connections with the public transport system of the capital. The 3 additional stations will be located on the mountain, along the route in plots that concentrate fundamental community needs such as: accessibility, adequate pedestrian circulation patterns and constructive sustainability. All this under criteria of minimum expropriation and demolition of existing houses.
interior of the house photo Bartek Warzecha
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Conditions to be improved | The Common Roof
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Matter Revaluation of the unwanted
The Common Roof
Pata Rât is dominated by the landfill, a product of mismanagment and unwillingness to provide changes. Our project aims to revalue the sources given and introduce a circular economy. Starting in Pata Rât and expanding with the network to the city, opening up new sources.
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Circular Economy
Humid Fraction
Cluj Napoca Pata Rât
Dry Fraction
Sorting
Pata Rât is dominated by the landfill, a product of the mismanagment and unwillingness to provide changes. Our project aims to revalue the sources given and introduce a circular economy. Starting from Pata Rât and expanding with the network to the city providing new sources to introduce a circular economy.
Sources
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Sor
Pata Rât Improvements
Mterials
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Upgrade / Invention
Storage
Processing
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Cluj Napoca Network
Application
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Sources The sources are varying from Pata Rât to the city, as the landfill receives small tiled products, such as plastics, metals cardboard or glass. The city is providing a different range of possibilities as there is also the possibility of gaining ready mades such as bulky waste or building components from deconstructions. As the network is growing the sources are growing.
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Pata Rât
Plastics HDPE, PET, PP, PET, PVC, PS, PE
Paper & Cardboard Newspaper, Magazines, Packages, Office Goods, Milk Cartons, Envelopes, Shopping Bagst
Metals Aluminium, Steel
Glass Bottles, Cups, Lightbulbs, Window Glass, Jugs
Bulky Waste Ready Mades - Beds, Lamps, Carpets, Shelf, Tables, Chairs
Building Components Window Frames, Door Frames, Steel & Wood Beams, Bricks, Plaster, Window Glass
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Cluj Napoca
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Rebeauty Vandkunsten, Materialnomaden source https://www. vandkunsten. dk, https://www. materialnomaden.at
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“Rebeauty-design for disassembly and reuse” is a project developed by materialnomaden together with the department for design and sustainability of the TU Vienna, in 2018. Together with the guest professor of Vandkunsten, Søren Nielsen the students developed designs, based on the materials they found in the “Grellgasse”. This material source, served as the main inspiration to bring refurbished materials into a new context, which lead to the development during the semester to create 1:1 prototypes, whcih were showcased.
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Rotor Deconstruction Belgium, Deconstruction Company source https://rotordc. com
“Rotor Deconstruction is an autonomous side-project of Rotor, a Brussels-based non-profit firm engaged in promoting and facilitating the reuse of building components as a strategy on the path towards a more resource-efficient materials economy.� - https://rotordc.com, 15.02.2020
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Sorting Sorting is one of the essential elements in the waste management. It is currently conducted by Roma in Pata Rât and in Cluj Napoca and it is the main source of income to bring the sorted trash to the patrons, shady businessmen of the local sanitary companies. It is therefore also one of the few daily interactions between the city and the dwellings of Pata Rât. In general the sorting of trash is the starting point of the material recycling process, as the processing methods usually work one on specific material. In the industry, there are more advanced technologies regarding the sorting of different waste, but the manual pre- or postsoritng has to be done by hand. We have been analysing the spatial implications of the sorting processes. Romani Waste Pickers in Cluj Napoca, picture: Nicoleta Pop
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Density Sorting
Manual Sorting
Air Pressure
Magnetic Sorting
Filtering
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Processing In our proposal, we focused on the recycling and reusage of plastics. This is based on various properties plastic is bringing within. Firstly, it is the most available and accessible material in Pata Rât, additionaly generating the lowest value compared to the effort collecting it. Secondly, it is easy to recycle with basic equipments and can be improved step by step without potentially rising costs. Thirdly, it can be used for various applications on the dwellings for improvements, especially as insulation materials. Last of all, the varieties of the recycled plastic usage can empower the creativity of the Roma to improve their dwellings, construct further spaces or simply gain a more sustainable source of income. The actual processing of plastics is always following the same scheme. It is starting from sorting the plastics to its different kinds such as PET or HDPE as well as sorting them by colors. In the next step the still unhandy and unshaped parts are getting flaked either by hand or by machines, like used in the precious plastics project. The last step after cleaning the flakes is the melting process. The temperature is depending on the kind of plastic but is minimum around 200°C. The mass can be either extruded or directly melt in a negative form. By adding air pressure also yarns and textiles can be produced.
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Precious Plastic sources https://www. preciousplastic. com, 22.11.2019 ,
Precious Plastic is an open source, based community providing and sharign knowledge about recycling plastics on a low budget base. The website is offering different diy plans for machines, can bes used for plastic recycling.
Precious Plastic Assembalge Line
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Matter | The Common Roof
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Trashpresso sources https://trashpresso.com, 16.02.2020
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The goal of Trashpresso is the reduction of waste and creation of valuable design products made by recycled products, specifically plastics. Therefore, Miniwiz invented the Trashpresso system which is baed on three main steps, the size reduction, the purification and the reshaping.
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Trashpresso 1
Circular Textile Lab
Melt Spinning
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Waste 2 Wear sources https://www. waste2wear. com, 22.11.2019
Waste 2 Wear is a company, providing a recycable process from PET to Polyester, producing yarns and in a last instance wearable and functional textiles, which can provide high quality and resistancies against environmental conditons.
production process
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Application The processed plastic can be transformed into different single elements or yarns, for further use. According to the projects timeline the easiest way to gain profit from the circular economy is to sell the remanufactured elements instead of the raw materials. This is not only providing a more sustainable income, but also teaches a creative and craftful work with the material. The next logic step is to improve the dwellings, wether it is to improve its building physics or the inner comfort. This could be achieved by insulation, bricks or fabric from reused plastics. As our project is aiming to reinfiltrate the city, the plastic is also the main building material for our artefacts. The architecture itself is becoming an incrementally growing public artefact, nonverbally showcasing the revaluation of the Roma community in the city.
Tiles
Elements
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Panels
Improvements
Insulation
Fabric
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covered facade
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foundations — attachments to existing structure wind protection — membranes Mmmbranes open at the top to distribute natural light reflected from the underneath the roof tiles rainwater goods vertical ties — attachment to existing vertical structure inflatable insulation for enclosed spaces raised modular floor internal insulation for already enclosed spaces basic structure — reinforced plastic frames
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open facade
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Strandbeest Theo Jansen, Netherlands, 1990 - present source https://www. strandbeest. com, 26.10.2019
The Dutch artist Theo Jansen is an engineer/artist who has developed several sculptures which walk on the beach only driven by the winds. This is achieved by its biomechanical parts made only by PVC tubes, joints and PET bottles serving as the muscles. The materials are chosen because they are easy affordable, while at the same time extremely resistant to weather conditions. They also have the industrial measurements, which makes them easy preparable for transport.
Bruchus Primus
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Compliant Mechanisms Theo Jansen, Netherlands, 1990 - present source https://en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Compliant_mechanism, 26.10.2019
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In mechanical engineering, compliant mechanisms are flexible mechanisms that transfer an input force and displacement at one port to an output force and displacement at another port through elastic body deformation. These may be monolithic (single-piece) or jointless structures.
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Inhabitation Study on recycable, applicable solutions
The Common Roof
First Node of the Network We start our network in Pata Rât next to the Strada Cantonului settlement where the vacant warehouse can be temporarily transformed into the workshop which has two main purposes. Primarily to make it a school where Roma already skilled in sorting different kinds of waste can learn also how to transform the material into inflated insulation, molded tiles or fabrics; to upgrade old building material into usable construction elements and to redistribute those elements into the settlements for improving inhabitation conditions. Secondly, to show how we can implement strategy of squatting the vacant spaces in the city of Cluj.
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Reclaimed material comes back to Pata Rât to improve conditions of it’s temporary/permanent housing
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Example of dwelling improvement Fabric internal insulation
resting air is preventing the air convection flow responsible for transmission of the heat
this is dependent on the form and thickness of the air chambers, as well as on the amount of layers
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Fabric Internal Insulation
self expression can be established by ornamentic shaping of the air chambers...
... or simply by the usage of traditional or contemporary textiles as an additional layer
inflatable insulation can be upgraded to the existing dwellings
adapting the expanding or decreasing needs of changing typologies
as it is selfmade membrane it is easy to patch and fix the insulations
in constant danger of eviction the transportable inflatables can provide a minimum degree of certainty
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Nudown Jackets source https://www. nudown.com, 22.11.2019
Nudown jackets is an american company based in Nevada. They have patented a series of inflatable winter garments, insulated only by air. The jackets are out of waterproof and windtight textiles providing the right envelope for the air insulation. The grade of insulation can be managed by a little handpump, adapting the needs of its owners.
photo courtesy, https://www. nudown.com, 22.11.2019
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The node is composed out of three elements: 01. Vacant warehouse Place to store sorted material and workbenches to process it through cleaning, melting and assembling. 02. Test area Space where new building constructions are tested after the elements have been produced. 03. Distribution area Plateau where newly produced material is given back to the Roma communities according to needs.
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Squatting In order to discover process of squatting we have researched through informal settlements culture in the Netherlands and other projects. Finally we decided to describe the process basing on an example of The Accidental Room — artist hidden residence in the Providence Mall (Providence, USA) and form our steps of inhabiting the space based on that. Here is what Michael Townsend did to live informally in fully functioning mall: 01. Discovery — Space was accedible from the outside by 30 cm wide (in the narrowest place) gap between two structural walls 02. Securing — 70 sqm part of the space was isolated from the rest of the mall by wall with door to ensure privacy of future dwellers, building material was brought inside as well as water and necessary equipment. Rubble was taken out in the middle of the day through the mall.
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03. Making at home — Space was developed to be apartment fullfiling basic needs, although having there toilet was a problem, the most of the household appliances were provided. Most of them were purchased directly at the mall. 04. Unreal Future — After eviction of the secret apartment, the topic of living in the mall was expressed by the artist in visualizing the full apartment designed and positioned in the very centre of the mall with all the missing features of the squatted space.
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02. Securing
01. Discovery
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03. Making at home
04. Unreal Future
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The Accidental Room Michael Townsend, Providence, USA, 2014 source https://99percentinvisible. org/episode/ the-accidental-room/
Accidental Room at the Providence Mall — Leftover place in the space between old and new part of the building, discovered and squatted by the artist Michael Townsend. “Townsend’s daily running route took him past the construction site, and he watched as the building slowly took shape. There was one particular part of the building that kept catching his eye. Amidst all the bustle of construction, there seemed to be a spot where nothing was going on.” When he got there, Townsend discovered that the long, dark canyon formed by the two walls was still accessible from the ground. The entrance was hard to see at a glance, but it had never been sealed off. The room was tall and narrow, filled with the byproducts of the mall’s construction six years earlier — things like broken 2×4’s, screws and plastic zip ties that hadn’t even been worth removing. The room had basically been forgotten. “It was big,” Townsend remembers, “It was a big space that served no other purpose. It wasn’t a storefront and it wasn’t a stairwell … it was just… big!”
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interior of the inhabited space Photo by Tummerkind
Providence Place Mall sky bridge Photo by Jef Nickerson
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Squatting process implementation on site 02. Securing — Insulating and preparing enclosed spaces for main waste renewing work
01. Discovery — Survey of vacant spaces in proximity to the public transportation network, space area is reflected in the district waste processing coverage 182
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04. Future — Estabilishing public space which will be given back to the Romanians and used by both communities
03. Making at home — Start of waste processing, redistributing renewed goods to the neighbourhood
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The Keret House Jakub Szczęsny Centrala, Poland, Warsaw, 2009 source archdaily.com
Built between two existing structures from two historical epochs, the narrow infill is more of an art installation that reacts to the past and present of Warsaw. Although the semi-transparent, windowless structure’s widest point measures only 122 centimeters, it’s naturally lit interior doesn’t seem nearly as claustrophobic as one would think. The Keret House will serve indefinitely as a temporary home for traveling writers, starting with Israeli writer Etgar Keret.
interior of the house photo Bartek Warzecha
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Oase No. 7 Haus-Rucker-Co, Berlin, 1972 source http://architectuul.com/
Oase No. 7 was designed as part of the Documenta 5 exhibition in Kassel, 1972. The Cloud by Coop Himmelb(l)au was also designed to be featured in Documenta 5, however it remained unbuilt. Oase No. 7 is a transparent sphere with a diameter of 8 metres, the sphere was placed in front of the main facade on the Friedericianum. A catwalk made of standard tubular steel sections projected through the window from the interior of the building into the transparent sphere. A tubular steel ring was fixed to this footbridge, at a slight distance from the faรงade. This ring formed the external support for a PVC foil shell that formed a sphere when inflated into shape by an air pump.
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Inhabitation | The Common Roof
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Halley VI British Antarctic Research Station Hugh Broughton Architects, South Pole, 2013 source description by the architect
Halley is the most southerly science research station operated by the British Antarctic Survey (BAS) and is located on the 150-metre thick floating Brunt Ice Shelf, which moves 400 metres per annum towards the sea. Snow levels rise by 1 metre every year, and the sun does not rise for 105 days during winter. Temperatures drop to -56ºC and winds blow in excess of 160 kph. Access by ship and plane is limited to a 3-month summer window. A research station has been occupied continuously at Halley since 1957 and in 1985 scientists working there first observed the hole in the ozone layer. Halley V was completed in 1992. Its occupation became precarious, having flowed too far from the mainland to a position at risk of calving as an iceberg. As the station’s legs were fixed in the ice it could not be moved and so in 2004, BAS organised an international competition to select designers for a new station.
assembled station photo: James Morris
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Triple glazing Þxed to GRP mullions incorporating blinds for winter black out Dobson spectro photometer Access hatch with mechanical geared opening allows regular ozone readings Access walkway Insulated GRP structure to meteorological observatory Bridge link to roof deck on neighbouring science module Castellated beam allows service connectivity across module ceiling space Fire barrier 1 3 GRP encapsulated insulated winch beam for lifting of science equipment to working level Balcony Drop down galvanised ladder for Þre escape Painted GRP cladding incorporating PIR closed cell foam insulation 10 Intrumescent coated steel space frame substructure 2 Hydraulic operated GRP encapsulated insulated steel leg Steel skis used as spreader foundation and for relocation 5 Pultruded GRP grille to air intake and extract protects inner aluminium grilles from wind borne ice particles (spindrift) Insulated double skin ßexible connectors between modules 8 Ice level
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Halley VI Antarctic Research Station Science Module Section 9
Hugh Broughton Architects AECOM
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Triple glazed rooßight centred over spiral stair Double glazed curved oval cockpit rooßight allows full views of auroral displays in winter Painted GRP cladding incorporating PIR closed cell foam insulation with overall U-value of 0.113W/m2k Painted glass Þbre faced Fermacell wall linings with integral movement joints Lebanese cedar veneered curved wall panels to stair hub Solid balustrade to upper landing of spiral stair Satin stainless steel, cherry and glass spiral stair Gym TV lounge and meeting room Service distribution to upper level Intrumescent coated steel superstructure Bar lounge with historical photos mounted on wall 11 Servery Service distribution to lower level within space frame9 substructure Hydraulic operated CHS leg wrapped in high performance insulation and mandrel wrapped with GRP skin 2 Steel skis 18 Pultruded GRP grille to air intake and extract Insulated double skin ßexible silicone rubber connectors between modules
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Halley VI Antarctic Research Station Social Module Section Hugh Broughton Architects AECOM
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Intumescent coated steel space frame substructure Intumescent coated steel superstructure arranged around perimeter to maximise internal ßexibility Hydraulic operated cassette within paired steel RHS structure Steel CHS leg wrapped in high performance insulation and mandrel wrapped with GRP skin Solid EPDM thermal break between ski and leg Lehman steel skis used as spreader foundations for relocation Steel 'centre boards' lock modules to the ice under severe wind load Ice surface GRP cladding incorporating PIR closed cell foam insulation with overall U value of 0.113W/m2/K Insulated GRP thigh cladding to bracing at leg connection to space frame Triple glazed rooßights with 27% light transmission factor and U value of 1W/m2/K, structurally glazed into GRP panels Insulated double skin ßexible silicone rubber connectors allow for differential settlement between modules Pultruded GRP grille to air intake and extract protects inner aluminium diffuser grilles from spindrift (small particles of wind borne ice)
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layout all levels
sketch axonometry building process
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sketch moving process
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Reassembling the Social How to bring the communities together?
Nesting In the topic of Reassembling the Social we are coming back to the findings from studies on autonomous lawmaking which stands at the base of Roma spoken tradition carried over generations. We have been looking at other examples of condensation of culture within foreign space and came up with many similarities to acts of Roma. Most of those acts are performed in Roma way using available materias or resources which then are based on the area that they are currently nesting. In a way we find it very natural as in state of extreme poverty one must adapt to the enviromental conditions quickly in order to survive. Historical antipathy towards Roma has strenghened their sense of self in which they decided to secude themselves from the outside world even if from our perspectives they were the ones that suppose to assimilate. We have discovered that the Roma are being accepted mostly when coming from the background of their historical profession which is best seen in music scene. One of the most accurate depiction of the process mentioned above is the poster promoting world tour of Gypsy Brass Band Fanfare Ciocărlia who put set of loose over-exaggerated music instruments on top of locally produced in Romania Oltcit car. Following this notion we have started to search for other cultures’ spatial respresentation which was eventually acknowledged by hosting community and led to general acceptance.
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Fanfare Ciocărlia — Gypsy Brass Band Culture promotion, introducing the tradition into the worldwide reckognition range
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Our project in the social sphere is about creating the framework in which Roma people can be accepted again in the city.
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Therefore we think about it as a uniform through which their actions are legitimized and accepted.
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The important conclusions were brought to light after studies of San Francisco’s Chinatown and its tragic history. The district which was the first open expression of Chinese culture on American soil brought peace into lives of its inhabitants after series of disturbances and spreading of urban myths which put the Chinese community in a position of unwanted guest. After spatial legitimization of their dwellings Chinese people were seen from entirely different perspective evoking curiosity instead of fear and disgust.
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San Francisco Chinatown T. Paterson Ross, A.W. Burgren, San Francisco, 1907 onwards
source 99pi.org
American Chinatowns began to expose their culture in a sketchy and exaggerated manner after the disaster of 1906 when the earthquake struck San Francisco. As a result of many ethnical and economicly based debates the Chinatown was rebuilt by the design of T. Paterson Ross with an enginer A.W. Burgren.
Chinatown at night
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Chinatown before the earthquake of 1906 photo: Arnold Genthe
Chinatown at night
bedroom module section
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The Gateway Arch (Dragon Gate) on Grant Avenue at Bush Street in Chinatown.
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The San Francisco earthquake result 1906 photo: Arnold Genthe
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Placing our intervention on top of the existing building is our transformation of concept of being nested in a culture to spatial conditions specific to Romany.
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Sir John Soane’s Museum Sir John Soane, London, 1792 – 1823
source wikipedia. com
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Sir John Soane’s Museum is a house museum that was formerly the home of the neo-classical architect John Soane. It holds many drawings and models of Soane’s projects and the collections of paintings, drawings and antiquities that he assembled.
Reassembling the Social | The Common Roof
Section and the Basement Floorplan Fragment
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Can architects adv of the com We are no
Can architectur spatial needs of Certain
vocate for culture mmunity? ot certain.
re advocate for its community? nly yes.
Model Studies Catalogue of models developed through the course of the project
The Common Roof
Expandable Spaces — primary iteration
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Constitution
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Bus Stop
incremental deck development — lightweight open form patchwork materiality
base formalization — planned materials calm, heavy form mass materiality
hexagonal grid — adaptability to the site
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view deck
office space / playroom
cafe
groundfloor plan 1:100
bus stop
storage furniture workshop
social room
refurbrished furniture sale furniture workshop
groundfloor plan 1:100
section 1:100
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public transport — goods to upcycle
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Train Station
metropolitan train station new mean of public transportation increasing efficiency of the network
additional services space for expanding services connected to the ecological repourposing of the waste
workshop level sorting, cleaning and repourposing recycled materials showroom / shop recycled materials can be viewed and tested here
bus station connection to the existing city communication network
redirected car traffic prioritizing public transportation over private cars
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waste delivery / sorting beginning showroom / retail bus stop groundfloor retail storage / redistribution
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sorting — visible process transport / evaluation cleaning mold workshop yarn workshop fabric workshop administration / social rooms parts receiving storage and redistribution
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train station developing services and retail
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waste delivery / sorting beginning showroom / retail bus stop groundfloor retail storage / redistribution
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roof shaping inflatables, shading, forming
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primary roof structure
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sorting — visible process transport / evaluation cleaning mold workshop yarn workshop fabric workshop administration / social rooms parts receiving storage and redistribution
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incremental structures
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train station developing services and retail
train station base
workshop level
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Nodes Strategies Node Inner City
Node Bus Station
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Node Post Socialist
Node Pata Rât
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Sketches
Presentation Notes
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Design Studies
Models | The Common Roof
Facade Studies
Design Studies
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Form Finding
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Basic portion of grasshopper script for roof generation
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Other Models
Expanded Context
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Matter
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Site
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Squatting
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Inhabitation
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Inhabitation
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Competition Proposals
Portal to the Invisible city
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Occupying Publicness
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The Common Roof Proposal
The Common Roof
Our project is about the reintegration of the Roma community living in Pata Rat, into Cluj Napoca. We want to formalize their current, informal work in the city’s waste management and give them an architectural uniform by introducing a network of parasitic artefacts. We want to occupy vacant spaces in the city and turn its waste management into waste reusing, employing the expertise of the Romany and principles of the circular economy. The proposal is the example of the network node that serves both city of Cluj Napoca and Roma community. City is being directed closer towards the circular economy and the previously excluded community can be a crucial part of this process. Occupying the vacant spaces and giving them back to the public gives us opportunity to use our environment to its fullest while supporting neighbourhood with functions which were excluded during to the uncontroled growth of the infrastructure. Roma community is being brought closer to the citizens legitimizing their work as green workes and bringing positive image of Roma as a neighbour. The proposal consists of waste recycling and processing station as well as public spaces which is being taken care of by the Roma. It is visible from the street level to manifest their presence in the public space.
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Overall Axonometry
01.....entrance & communication 02.....sorting & storing 03.....processing line 04.....assembling workshop
Processing Floor Plan
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01.....communal kitchen 02.....playground 03.....community centre 04.....sports 05.....sportfields 06.....terrace 07.....cultural
Rooftop Public Space Plan
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01.....entrance market 02.....market hall 03....communal kitchen 04.....entrance proposal 05.....cultural 06.....terrace 07.....entrance garage 08.....sorting & storing 09.....community centre
Long Section
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Small wind protection Natural light at the eyesight
Moderate wind protection More light reflecting surfaces
One sided wind protection Even light distribution (directional)
Facade Studies
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One sided wind protection Even light distribution (directional)
Moderate wind protection Even lighting
Full wind protection Top lighting
Facade Studies
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Physical Model
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Physical Model
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Proposal Walkthrough
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Catalogue of Quotes Study on specific informal settlements
Pop I. N., Baciu C., Briciu C., Tofana V., Bican-Brişan N., 2015 Informal sector participation in solid waste management — study case: Cluj-Napoca, Romania. Ecoterra 12(3):36-41. → Conditions to improve Data on informal work in Cluj-Napoca
“According to this study, in 2010 there were an estimated number of 2,366 street pickers that collect approximately 4,600 tons of recyclable materials per year, 400 itinerant waste collectors that mostly collect metals, and an estimated number of 793 permanent dump pickers that recover around 12,230 tons annually.” “According to the study estimation, the quantity of waste recovered annually or diverted from landfilling through the informal sector represented 8% of the total waste produced in Cluj-Napoca, meanwhile through formal sector there are recovered 8,900 tons annually, equivalent to 5% of the total quantity of generated waste.“ “Although not taken into consideration by local authorities, different stakeholders involved in waste management are interested, and start to pay attention to the informal recycling sector.”
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Vincze, E.,Urban Landfill, Economic Restructuring and Environmental Racism.
Environmental racism functions at the intersection of polluting the natural milieu, and of marginalizing social categories inferiorized by racial identification. They said, “no people live there” or “you find there only one ethnic group” as if they were not human beings and their life did not count. —
In the case of societies in advanced marginality too, internal hierarchization is an important element of self-identification and of othering. Almost every category of person finds someone related to whom they can prove their moral superiority, while all assume their Roma or Gypsy identity.
Expanded Context
Petty “patrons” are usurers that facilitate the functioning of the current waste management system. They are also the persons who link the landfill (the invisible work of those who collect and sort garbage) and the outside world Even if, by necessity, they try to adapt to these new living conditions by improving their dwellings or extending them, symbolically they emphasize their distance from this space. The victims of environmental racism suffer of absolute vulnerability, and above of this, they are told that they should be grateful that they were allowed to live and work in that location.
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Weyrauch W. O. (ed.), 2001, Gypsy Law, Romani Legal Traditions and Culture, The University of California Press → Reassembling the social → Expanded Context
irrationality “Many of the rules of Romaniya or, as Lee calls it, the marimé code, make no sense to the outside observer. The rule that the presence of women on higher floors of a house pollutes the occupants of lower floors appears to be irrational.” private / autonomous lawmaking “Law is an existential condition in which men are carriers of rights and duties, privileges and immunities. No formal structure supporting the system of law need be visible. Those accustomed to seeing law only in its formal institutions, in terms of statutes, decisions, judges, legislators and administrators miss the point. Law can be found any place and any time that a group gathers together to pursue an objective. The rules, open or covert, by which they govern themselves, and the methods and techniques by which these rules are enforced, is the law of the group. Judged by this broad standard, most law-making is too ephemeral to be even noticed. But when conflict within the group ensues, and it is forced to decide between conflicting claims, law arises in an overt and relatively conspicuous fashion. The challenge forces decision, and decisions make law.” “At trial, in appellate courts, and in negotiations, a skillful lawyer avoids referring directly to private lawmaking. Instead an attorney merely hints that his case draws support from private lawmaking, while overtly reasoning in terms of statemade law.“ “In practice, private lawmaking pervasively influences the legal process. The sensitivity of lawyers and policymakers to private social norms often determines whether legislation is effective, whether cases are won or lost, or whether a legal argument is persuasive.” organisation “Although there are many words for “group” in the Gypsy language, four primary associations can be identified: natsia, meaning nation; kump-
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ania, an alliance of households not necessarily of the same natsia but of the same geographic area bound together for socio-economic reasons; vitsa, or clan; and familia, which consists of the individual extended family. Each associational unit is involved in the administration of justice, beginning with the smallest, the familia, which informally settles minor disputes, and extending to the larger units with increasing formality.” “Every vitsa has a rom baro, literally meaning “Big Man,” commonly referred to as the chief.” “Gypsy sources consistently assert the superiority of their legal system, noting the following three elements: Gypsy law acts as a cohesive force serving to protect Gypsy interests, rights, traditions, and ethnic distinctiveness; Gypsy law is more democratic than any other law because it does not discriminate against individuals without financial or other influence; and because Gypsy law has maintained its basic form, even though older methods of punishment have given way largely to banishment or social ostracism, it must be more nearly perfect than other laws, which appear to be undergoing constant change.” evidence “Rules of evidence play a critical role in Gypsy law. They encourage a broad scope of inquiry and, contrary to non-Gypsy proceedings, are not designed to keep out information which is only remotely related to the controversy. Neither exclusionary rules nor rules against hearsay evidence exist;270 the parties or their spokesmen may speak freely and at length about their grievances. Similarly, the witnesses may present their testimony colorfully and expansively. In short, they may refer to past events, use exaggerations, and try to gain the favor of the judges and audience. The presentation of facts does not focus on clarifying a single issue.”
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Berescu, C., Celac Oana, M., Manolache, C. C., Housing and extreme poverty. The case of Roma communities.
Steps cannot be jumped over. Any drives to force on advancement would lead to turning back on a lower step → Matter
If the material value of the project is too high, it will surpass the tenants’ assimilation potential Thus, the individuals feel trapped on the level they stand. They learn to cooperate and adjust to the permanent state of poverty and develop status-quo strategies If a family/community is introduced on the escalator and finds that there is some chance to access a better condition, it will be motivated to develop not only adjustment but also advancement strategies Anytime someone moves to a higher step, he/she should see the next higher one and thè fact that he can reach it. Such strategies motivate the individual’s actions by making him aware of his potential to access a better living standard, The solution should be looked for in a concerted action including: Correct organization of thè community space (roads and alleys, parcels, évacuation of wastes under safe sanitary conditions, of rainwater and garbage). Job opportunités. Access to éducation and health services. Appropriate maintenance
→ Hierarchy
We should get in touch with the community leader. If there is no such person, they should be encouraged to form an initiative group that will elect a leader in a natural, unconstrained manner. It is necessary to hâve a mediator, an educated person, able to communicate with the administration and committed to community problems; the person should know the community directly. Ideally, that could be a missionary, a priest, or a teacher.
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Vincze, E., Spatialization and racialization of social exclusion. The social and cultural formation of ‘Gypsy ghettos’ in Romania in a European context The social and cultural formation of “Gypsy ghettos” mirrors a larger phenomenon happening across borders, that is the trend of territorialisation of social exclusion coupled with territorial stigmatization (Wacquant, 2007). These are processes by which precarious social categories (created by economic mechanisms and stigmatized by concepts that blame the poor for being poor) are placed into marginal (for the most of the time polluted) locative spaces. ...the articles highlight that the spatial marginality of Roma might serve simultaneously as a weapon of “confinement and control” for the dominant, and an “integrative and protective device” for the underprivileged Roma population are social contexts in which being Ţigan or Rom, as identified by the majority population, means being excluded” Gypsy ghettos” formation, shaped among others by the non-intervention (neglect or tolerance) or by the adverse intervention of local authorities (slum clearance)
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Arendt H., 1958, The Human Condition, The University of Chicago Press → Reassembling the social —
“Plurality is the condition of human action because we are all the same, that is, human, in such a way that nobody is ever the same as anyone else who ever lived, lives or will live.” “It weighs heavily in favor of Socrates that he alone among the great thinkers—unique in this as in many other respects—never cared to write down his thoughts; for it is obvious that, no matter how concerned a thinker may be with eternity, the moment he sits down to write his thoughts he ceases to be concerned primarily with eternity and shifts his attention to leaving some trace of them.“ “The modern individual and his endless conflicts, his inability either to be at home in society or to live outside it altogether, his ever-changing moods and the radical subjectivism of his emotional life, was born in this rebellion of the heart.” “(...)the rule by nobody is not necessarily no-rule; it may indeed, under certain circumstances, even turn out to be one of its crudest and most tyrannical versions.” “Instead, society expects from each of its members a certain kind of behavior, imposing innumerable and various rules, all of which tend to «normalize» its members, to make them behave, to exclude spontaneous action or outstanding achievement.”Through many ages before us—but now not any more— “Through many ages before us—but now not any more—men entered the public realm because they wanted something of their own or something they had in common with others to be more permanent than their earthly lives [...] There is perhaps no clearer testimony to the loss of the public realm in the modern age than the almost complete loss of authentic concern with immortality, a loss somewhat overshadowed by the simultaneous loss of the metaphysical concern with eternity.” Historically, it is very likely that the rise of the city-state and the public realm occurred at the expense of the private realm of family and hous hold
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“The public realm, in other words, was reserved for individuality; it was the only place where men could show who they really and inexchangeably were.” “Excellence itself [...] has always been assigned to the public realm where one could excel, could distinguish oneself from all others.” “He has entered the vita activa and chosen its way of permanence and potential immortality.” The human condition comprehends more than the conditions under which life has been given to man. Men are conditioned beings because everything they come in contact with turns immediately into a condition of their existence.
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Habermas J., 1964, The Public Sphere: An Encyclopedia Article, New German Critique → Reassembling the social —
“A portion of the public sphere comes into being in every conversation in which private individuals assemble to form a public body” “Only these organized individuals could participate effectively in the process of public communication; only they could use the channels of the public sphere which exist within parties and associations and the process of making proceedings public which was established to facilitate the dealings of organizations with the state.“ “By “the public sphere” we mean first of all a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed.” “There is no indication European society of the high middle ages possessed a public sphere as a unique realm distinct from the private sphere” With the interweaving of the public and private realm, not only do the political authorities assume certain functions in the sphere of commodity exchange and social labor, but conversely social powers now assume political functions. This leads to a kind of “refeudalization” of the public sphere.
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Henaff, M., Strong, T., Public Space and Democracy
“As opposed to sacred space, however, it does not belong to or manifest anyone. Furthermore common space is not public space, for it is not a human construct.” “ The necessity of shared knowledge is precisely the requirement of democracy.” “Hence information cancels itself through overinformation. Polititcal public space dissoles into overexposure of the social. Public and private are mixed, as are role and individual, the essetnial and the anecdotal, major decisions and “new in brief” “What is characteristic of a decentered network is that each entry is as good as any other because each node, being linked multiply to several others, finds itself in rapid succession in contact with all the others.” “A common thread in the preceding essays is th erecognition that the achievment of democracy canot be seperated from development of shared information.”. “.. information itself is in fact not democratic”
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Semper, G., The Four Elements of Architecture
“Architecture, like its great teacher, nature, shoukd choose and apply its material according to the laws conditioned by nature,...” “If the most suitable material is selected for their embodiement, the ideal expression of a building will of course gain in beauty and meaning...” “It (the hearth) is the first and most importnant element of architecture. Around it were grouped the three other elements: the roof, the enclosure and the mound...” “Wickerwork was th essence of the wall” “Hanging carpets have remained the true walls, the visible boundaries of space...” “Only at a later time, and scarcely earlier than the Roman period, did the construction of the wall [...] and the nature of its material become treated as a decorative element.” “The roof among the three defensive elements of architecture, must have been predominant” “Combinations and the cross-breeding of various architectural elements, [...] must have preceeded the creation of the greek temple. “Antique polychromy lost its historical basis once the wall’s material and construction received their high artistic value with the Romans.” “Where, however the nature of the material is not pleasing, or precaution should be taken for its exterior preservation, or where the neever-changing demands of comfort, warmth and cosiness, and so on prescribe an interior dressing for the wall...” “The climate and even the customs of a country must be considered in the selection of th ecolor key and the subject matter...”
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Bennett, J., Vibrant Matter
“As I encountered these items. they shimmied back and forth between debris and thing-between. on the one hand. stuff to ignore [...] the second moment, stuff exhibited its thing-power: it issued a call. even if I did not quite understand what it was saying. At the very least. it provoked affects in me: I was repelled by the dead (or was it merely sleeping?) rat and dismayed by the litter. but I also felt something else: a nameless awareness of the impossible singularity of that rat. that configuration of pollen. that otherwise utterly banal. massproduced plastic water-bottle cap.” “When the materiality of the glove, the rat, the polleo, the bottle cap, and the stick started to shimmer and spark, it was in part because of the contingent tableau that they formed with each other, with the street, with the weather that moming, with me.” “10 this assemblage, objects appeared as things, that is, as vivid entities not entirely reducible to the contexts in which (human) subjects set them, never entirely exhausted by their semiotics.” “lt hit me then in a viscera! way how American materialism, which requires buying ever-increasing numbers of products purchased in ever shorter cycles, is antimateriality.” The sheer volume of commodities, and the hyperconsumptive necessity of junking them to make room for new ones, conceals the Vitality of matter.” “Sullivan reminds us that a vital materiality can .never really be thrown “away,” for it continues its activities even as a discarded or unwanted commodity” “[...] thing-power arises from bodies inorganic as well as organic. “ “This composite of glass. skin cells. glue. words, laws. metals, and human emotions had become an actant. Actant, recal], is Bruno Latour’s term for a source of action; an actant can be human or not, or, ,most likely, a combination of both.”
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“An operator is that which. by virtue of its particular location in an assemblage and the fortuity of being in the rigbt place at the rigbt time.” “[...]swarming activity inside my head was itself an instance of the vital materiality that also constituted the trash?” “If matter itself is lively, then not only is the difference between subjects and objects minimized, but the status of the shared materiality of all things is elevated” “But a philosophy of nonidentity and a vital materialism nevertheless share an urge to cultivate a more careful attentiveness to the out-side.” “While the smallest or simplest body or bit may indeed express a vital impetus. canatus or clinamen. an actant never really acts alone. Its efficacy or agency always depends on the collaboration. cooperation, or interactive interference of many bodies and forces” “Spinoza’s conative bodies are also associative or (one could even say) social bodies, in the sense that each is, by its very nature as a body, continuously aff ecting and being affected by other bodies” “Spinoza also says that every mode is itself a mosaic or assemblage of many simple bodies...” “Assemblages are ad hoc groupings of diverse elements, of vibrant materials of all sorts. Assemblages are living. throbbing confederations that are able to function despite the persistent presence of energies that confound them from within” “Assemblages are not governed by any central head: no one materiality or type of material has sufficient competence to determine consistently the trajectory or impact of the group.” “There was never a time when human agency was anything otber tban an interfolding network of humanity and nonhumanity; today tbis mingling has become harder to ignore.”
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Here causality is more emergent than efficient, more fractal than linear. instead of an effect obedient to a detenninant, one finds circuits in which effect and cause alternate position and redound on each other.
“Why speak of the agency of assemblages. and not. more modestly. of their capacity to form a “culture,” or to “self-organize,” or to “participate” in effects? Because the rubric of material agency is likely to be a stronger counter to human exceptionalism, to, that is. the human tendency to understate the degree to which people. animals. artifacts. technologies and elemental forces share powers and operate in dissonant conjunction with each other.” “An assemblage owes its agentic capacity to the vitallty of the materialities that constitute it.” “Deleuzeinvented the notion of “adsorbsion” to describe this kind of part-whole relationship: adsorbsion is a gathering of elements in a way that both forms a coalition and yet preserves something of the agential impetus of each element.” “To the contrary, such a notion broadens the range of places to look for sources”
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University for Applied Arts Vienna Institute of Architecture Winter Semester 2019 — 2020 The Other NATOs studio Díaz Moreno & García Grinda IoA | die Angewandte