TEAM MEMBERS
EDITOR IN CHIEF Yamna Asim
STAFF WRITERS
ASSISTANT EDITORS
Zahara Groenewald
Chancelle Kabasu
Kiyari Kufat
Catherine Perdikis
Sarah Shah
Caitlin Elrick
Kennedy Jensen
Katherine Valentine
LETTER FROM THE EDITOR
Monday, October 14th, 2024
Welcome to issue XXI.I of The Observer, titled “Summer in Review: Civil Unrest.” This summer has been quite tumultuous as various regions around the world experienced varying degrees of civil unrest, from protests to assassination attempts, and with this issue, the Print branch seeks to examine some of these instances of civil unrest that occurred.
From Zahara Groenewald, we have an article on how Colombia’s peace treaty has been unsuccessful in curbing violence and civil strife. In her article, Chancelle Kabasu examines the attempted coup in the Democratic Republic of Congo. From Catherine Perdikis, we have an article on Haiti’s current humanitarian crisis that continues to be exacerbated by gang violence. Sarah Shah’s article analyzes the student protests in Bangladesh and how they have transformed Bangladesh’s political landscape. From Katherine Valentine, we have an article analyzing the effectiveness of the Secret Service following the assassination attempt on Donald Trump. My article discusses the doctor strikes and the eventual nationwide protests that happened in India. Lastly, for the first time ever, we have an editorial board article which discusses whether educational institutions, especially public ones like Queen’s University, should be held accountable for investing in companies and/or projects that cause legitimate harm to other people, animals and/or the environment especially when there is a public outcry and students alongside members of the educational institution are protesting for the institute to divest.
The Print branch has worked so hard over the summer to bring this issue to life and I, for one, can’t wait for you to join me in reading their articles! I want to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my team for their hard work and passion in creating this issue, and I look forward to the great work we will continue doing this year!
If you have any comments or questions, please contact The Observer at theobserver@qiaa.org. If you would like to join our team in the future, please follow us on X (formerly Twitter) (@observerqiaa), LinkedIn (The Observer), or our organization's Instagram (@queens.iaa) for hiring and other updates.
Now, there is nothing more to say besides happy reading!
Yamna Asim Print Editor in Chief, The Observer
TABLE OF CONTENTS
What is a Peace Treaty With No Peace?
Zahara Groenewald, Staff Writer
The Democratic Republic of Congo Faces Another Coup d’État, Making It the Latest in a String of African Countries
Chancelle Kabasu, Staff Writer
Haiti’s Descent Into Chaos: A Call for Urgent Global Intervention
Catherine Perdikis, Staff Writer
A Summer of Dissent: Lessons From the Bangladesh Protest Movement
Sarah Shah, Staff Writer
The Secret Service: A Test of Experience vs. Reform
Katherine Valentine, Assistant Editor
Enough is Enough: Why India’s Sexual Violence Laws Aren’t Enough
Yamna Asim, Editor in Chief
Money Matters: Who Calls the Shots on University Investments?
Editorial Board
What is a Peace Treaty With No Peace?
by: Zahara Groenewald
Across the globe, we have collectively witnessed the rise of civil unrest. Civil unrest has been a means of collective struggle against typically something political that calls for change from the government, an election, a policy, etc. However, what makes it so unique, compared to regular contestation, is that it occurs during periods of state or even international peace. The stasis of peace is what defines it. During this peaceful environment, civil unrest harbours a variety of retaliation, on the extreme end: terrorism, on the lesser: protesting In the case of the South American state nestled between the Pacific and Atlantic, Colombia has experienced small collective militias and mass demonstrations as its forms of civil unrest
Colombia has had a long history of suffering since the development and naming of its state at the hands of Spanish colonization in 1525. This piece will solely discuss the aftermath of the 52-year war that occurred during the Guerilla war timeline in 1964 after
the birth of FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), Colombia’s colossal and oldest Latin American guerrilla group.
FARC was established on Marxist ideology and therefore strongly desired the distribution of wealth held by a wealthy minority to the lower-income majority. Furthermore, they took a forceful and seemingly impregnable stance of opposition to multinational or foreign involvement in Colombian affairs. Essentially, the guerilla group stood for social justice and the prioritization of its working citizen's wellbeing, voices, and needs.
Those two reasonings were what led FARC to go toe to toe fueling a five-decade-long war alongside the Colombian government. To elaborate, the Colombian government put no effort to effectively acknowledge the amount of inequalities that were being born and bred throughout the state. Additionally, they received a plethora of foreign aid to combat the drug trade where FARC was
acting as a “middleman” between the harvesters and traders, and was involved in both the domestic and international drug trade networks.
Throughout the 52-year war, demilitarization and peace talks commenced and failed time and time again. Until November 2016, when both opposing groups signed a peace pact in Havana, Cuba, with the U.S. and the European Union (EU) present to facilitate peaceful discussions. In the deal, the Guardian stated that FARC “renounce[d] its armed struggle and beg[an] its transformation into a legal political party” as well as “agree[d] to help dismantle and discourage the business of drug crops and trafficking that helped sustain its war financially for the past three decades.” To add on, the Colombian government promised to commit to development programmes that would target and reduce the gap of inequalities in the rural sector, as well as provide reparations for victims. One of these reparations was the set up of a transition justice system specifically for crimes that occurred during the war. On the day of the pact signing, the president at the time, President Santos, stated that “today marks the beginning of the end of the suffering, the pain and the tragedy of the war. ” One could imagine the cheers of many Colombians as they gathered in Bogotá to watch the announcement live and share relief as this seemingly never-ending war had finally ended. It should be noted, that in a time where many never saw hope, the termination of its adversary demonstrated, in the words of Kristian Herbolzheimer, a mediator in the peace pact, “that no matter how complex a conflict is, if there is political will there is a political solution.”
However, despite the peace pact and the agreements made within, violence continues o ensue. Many citizens, especially those that identify as Indigenous peoples, afro-
-descendants and peasants, living in more remote areas continue to be disproportionately affected by armed conflict The violence ranges from femicides and other forms of gender-based killing to landmines, general slaughtering, crossfire, general armed violence, confinements, and countless more. To make matters worse, Colombia has many migratory routes which also places migrants at risk.
In 2016, when talks of FARC’s possible termination rumoured, The New York Times stated that “the reintegration of the rebels into Colombian society is perhaps the most urgent task for its leaders” as if opportunities are not identified and provided, these individuals will become easy targets for paramilitary groups. The cautionary rumoured prediction in fact came true and in 2017, FARC rebels formally terminated their existence, although, in the following months, its dissidents joined other armed groups. The most popular armed group being now one of Colombia’s current largest and most prevalent, the National Liberation Army (ELN).
The Colombian government was warned early on, yet did not seem to effectively implement initiatives to firstly prevent recruitment and secondly prevent continued violence against their citizens. By the latter, I mean that they did not effectively address how to disarm and dispose of war tools that have continued to be used against its citizens. The government’s neglect of its promises for investment in infrastructure and economic projects in forsaken communities and lack of effective acknowledgement of the people's voices and the armed groups, has resulted in ongoing civil unrest. In the case of the old armed groups, it is the continued terrorizing of innocents due to the lack of agenda being met. As for civilians, it is mass demonstrations and continued participation in illicit activities.
Following September 2021, what started as a migration of protest from 15 Indigenous people grew and accumulated to a mass amount of followers who were forcibly displaced from their communities nationally Many today have continued to migrate to this area in protest of the government’s lack of fulfilling its promises. Naturally, the larger these demonstrations grew, the more it was counteracted by law enforcement with many successful and failed attempts to move the shelters.
Funnily enough, the international realm, specifically the United Nations (UN) Security Council, was not only involved as another actor in the 2016 peace treaty discussions but also in the delegation of current ongoing peace talks between the Colombian government and ELN. While many international humanitarian aid networks have urged for more foreign investment in humanitarian aid, I do not believe this is the best route for its citizens. This is not due to an unwillingness to not aid the civilians, but due to a hesitation to allow more foreign stakes to cause more state instability that will only add more fuel to the civil unrest
Before the 2016 pact agreement, the U.S. had a big hand in the war on drugs. In fact, in their effort named “Plan Colombia,” they attempted and implemented many initiatives at the expense of the Colombian people. For example, their actions resulted in the movement of drug supply routes that permitted more violence onto innocents and caused a pricing decrease in cocao bean farming by enabling cocao production in neighbouring states to accumulate (aerial fumation). Their increased militarized approach enabled more human rights violations which violated the UN’s International Bill of Human Rights, and enabled the spillage of violence into neighbouring countries. According to Harvard’s International Review, Plan
Colombia has collected over six million restitution files claimed against them for its consequences of mass harm.
It is no surprise that those marginalized continue to be neglected due to the universal disregard from states for Indigenous rights and community needs. Moreover, I am certain that many, including myself, would deem the government's promises as comical, given it preaches its peace initiatives that have yet to materialize. The 2016 peace pact was created as a means to end a 52-year civil strife that not only its civilians, but opposing sides greatly suffered from. It was signed to promote a hopeful future of peace for Colombians and a future of prosperous growth for the state and its people. However, one has yet to see this peace that they so greatly desired and committed to when they placed their signatures on the document The government is seemingly attempting, albeit poorly to prevent civil unrest.
It begs the question, whether the peace accord has any significance when there is still a presence and enabling of war wrought onto its own people? The way I see it is that the peace pact might as well have not been signed, as it seems that the 52-year war reigns on At this rate, it would be naive of the government to not acknowledge the mass accumulation of civil unrest that could naturally lead to a second five-decade war. It is most certainly in the government’s interest to meet the demands of the people, and even find a means of middle ground with the armed groups. It is only one ’ s hope that peace is achieved in this peace-starved state of Colombia and that at last, eventually, it will truly achieve what the 2016 peace pact was set out to do.
The Democratic Republic of Congo Faces
Another Coup d’État, Making It the Latest in a String of African Countries
by: Chancelle Kabasu
Nearly five months after the re-election of President Félix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (the DRC), an attempted coup d’état was foiled in Kinshasa, the nation’s capital city. In the early hours of May 19, 2024, dozens of men armed with submachine guns and rifles breached the Palais de la Nation, President Tshisekedi’s official residence, along with an attempt on the home of Vital Kamerhe. Kamerhe is the Deputy Prime Minister of the Economy, an ally of Tshisekedi’s, and at the time of the coup he was favoured to become the speaker of the National Assembly; a role he has since been elected to. President Tshisekedi was not present at the time of the three-hour attack, as it has been reported that the Palais is not his primary residence. Similarly, Kamerhe and his family were unharmed as his guards thwarted the attackers before they could gain access.
Several people were injured in the shootouts that ensued following the breach, and three
people were killed, including two security officials and Christian Malanga, the leader of the attack. Malanga’s family sought political asylum in the United States when he was a child, and he remained a resident of the country. He was a former military captain in the Congolese army, a politician, and founder of the United Congolese Party, a party he founded while living in the United States after contesting the DRC’s parliamentary elections in 2011 and being imprisoned by former President Joseph Kabila
Africa is no stranger to coups. Since 2020 Mali, Niger, Chad, Guinea, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Gabon, and GuineaBissau have all seen attempted military coups with over half of them successful and some countries undergoing more than one. The DRC sits outside of this well-known ‘ coup belt’, but itself has had several attempted and successful coups including that on President Tshisekedi earlier this
summer and an alleged one he faced in 2022 Since its independence from Belgium in 1960, a total of seven coups and coup attempts have occurred in the DRC.
Decades of colonialism leading to conflict and poor governance have left the country in a devastating humanitarian crisis, and its political system exposed. In 1960, after only two months of official independence, the DRC’s first coup d’état took place when future president and dictator Col. JosephDésiré Mobutu (known later as Mobutu Sese Seko) overthrew Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. Mobutu would do the same in 1965 to President Joseph Kasa-Vubu securing his place as president for the next 32 years.
Mobutu’s rule overlapped with the 1994 Rwandan genocide which saw more than 300,000 Tutsi minorities fleeing to the DRC. Rwandan’s began regrouping with the goal of restoring a Hutu government, killing Tutsis in the DRC in the meantime. The first Congo War brewed as Rwandan troops were sent to the DRC after Mobutu was accused of harbouring those who perpetrated the genocide Congolese and Tutsi-dominated rebel groups instigated a coup to overthrow Mobutu in 1997 which ended the war. Forces were led by Laurent-Désiré (Laurent) Kabila, leader of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL), who would serve as the DRC’s president until his assassination in 2001.
Prior to his death and the succession of his son as president, Kabila attempted to force out Foreign troops from Rwanda and neighbouring countries This sparked the backing of a new rebel group by Rwanda, the Rally for Congolese Democracy, and the second Congo War which spanned from 1998-2003.
As president, Joseph Kabila, the son of Laurent Kabila, did little to improve the
country’s history of mismanaged governance, remaining in office long past his two-term limit. Both he and his father looted public funds during their time in power which totalled over $5 billion. During his 18year presidency from 2001 to 2019, Kabila also faced two foiled coups.
Rwanda’s support for rebel activity in the DRC remains an issue. It is reported that Rwandan and Ugandan armies back the rebel groups that terrorize the DRC today. The most prominent group is the March 23 Movement (M23), which has wreaked havoc on hundreds of thousands of Congolese, many of whom have lost their lives and been forced to flee their homes. It is the existence of these rebel groups that enables the environment that incites coups such as the one faced earlier this summer and without significant change, it may not be the last.
The DRC’s natural resources have posed both a blessing and a curse to the nation, serving as the largest contributor to the economy while also making it a target for foreign influence for centuries. When the world has needed a resource, the Congolese have suffered greatly to provide it from rubber to copper, then industrial diamonds, and onto the highly sought-after cobalt today. It is due time for the world to give something back to the Democratic Republic of Congo: recognition, acknowledgment, and concrete action in the form of repercussions for those perpetuating human rights violations. Many actors in the international community. benefit greatly from the exploitation of the DRC’s resources. Without consequences for their complicity, the DRC risks a continued future of political strife.
Haiti’s Descent into Chaos: A Call for Urgent Global Intervention
by: Catherine Perdikis
With widespread violence, disintegrating infrastructure, and millions of people in desperate need of humanitarian relief, the situation in Haiti has reached a critical and devastating stage Increased crime has worsened the situation, as armed groups have taken over vast areas of the nation, especially in Port-au-Prince, the capital. Amidst acute scarcities of food, water, and medical care, diseases like cholera have reemerged, plunging millions particularly children into extreme poverty. The world community has voiced concern, but the reaction has been insufficient and poorly funded. Given the severity of the crisis, the global community has a moral obligation to intervene and provide assistance to prevent further suffering and the destruction of the Haitian population.
Large portions of the nation have been taken over by armed groups, especially in cities like Port-au-Prince. These groups have committed various violent crimes, such as blah
murder, kidnapping, and sexual assault, instilling an atmosphere of terror and lawlessness. The violence is driven by economic desperation, political motivations, and the power vacuum created by the weaker state. The gangs, some of which have political ties, are operating with increased confidence and impunity. Over 2,500 people were slain, injured, or abducted in just the first half of 2024, according to reports from the United Nations (UN). Thousands more have been displaced by the violence, and many of them are now living in appalling conditions with little access to needs like food, water, and healthcare. For example, Port-au-Prince was under a state of emergency until June 8, 2024 and curfews have been strictly enforced nightly from 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. Violent crimes such as murder, armed robbery, kidnapping, assault, and carjacking are frequent, particularly in remote areas and at night Gang violence is concentrated in certain areas, becoming more severe in Port-au-Prince and assumptions
spreading to the Artibonite region.
Gang members are kidnapping groups of people and assaulting residential neighborhoods more frequently as of recently, thus controlling the area. Vigilante gangs have been attacking and killing suspected gang members in several Port-auPrince neighborhoods and the regions since April 2023, worsening within the summer of 2024. The Haitian people are increasingly fearful regarding their daily survival and future as a nation.
The humanitarian situation in Haiti has reached catastrophic levels, with millions of people in urgent need of assistance The UN estimates that 5.5 million people, including 3 million children, require humanitarian aid. The collapse of essential services has left many without access to food, clean water, and healthcare. The situation is particularly dire for children, who are not only at risk of malnutrition and disease but are also being recruited into armed groups. The resurgence of cholera has added another layer of complexity to the crisis, as limited access to clean water exacerbates the spread of the disease Efforts by the UN and other humanitarian organizations to deliver aid are being hindered by the blockade of key transport routes by armed groups, leaving critical supplies stranded and worsening the suffering of those in need
International agencies like the UN have acknowledged the Haitian situation for many years. The UN has repeatedly drawn attention to the nation's worsening circumstances, highlighting the need for humanitarian assistance, the rise in power of armed groups, and the resurgence of diseases such as cholera. The international community has expressed deep concern over the situation in Haiti, but efforts to stabilize the country have been obstructed by the lack of a coherent and sustained blahha
intervention strategy. Resolutions have been approved, reports have been released, but significant action to stabilize Haiti and offer long-term assistance has not taken place on the necessary scale. For example, the UN's 2024 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan severely lacks in funding The lack of resources has left millions at risk, with little hope for immediate relief. An immediate need exists for a more robust international response, considering the gravity of the humanitarian situation in Haiti This entails stepping up humanitarian assistance as well as deploying peacekeeping teams to deal with the armed groups that intimidate the local populace and obstruct vital supply lines. Without quick action, Haiti runs the possibility of collapsing completely, which would be disastrous for its people, having a destabilizing impact on the surrounding area. The world cannot afford to overlook the humanitarian crisis that will continue, as inaction would only exacerbate the suffering of millions.
The humanitarian situation in Haiti poses profound moral dilemmas regarding the readiness of the international community to tolerate the nation's ongoing suffering From an ethical standpoint, ignoring the suffering of millions of Haitians children and families without access to food, water, and medical care calls into question the international community's commitment to justice and human rights. The circumstance makes us consider if we are ready to give some places more weight than others in light of strategic or commercial considerations, or if we value all human lives equally Disregarding the suffering of Haiti not only transgresses international human rights norms but also sends a dangerous signal to other countries that vulnerable populations in weak regimes can be abandoned in the absence of sufficient assistance or action. In addition to governments and international organizations, individuals, nonchalantnessesss
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and civil society all play vital roles in resolving the Haitian issue. Donations and volunteer work directly assist those in need, while advocacy and awareness-raising can put pressure on world leaders to take action. NGOs frequently provide vital supplies, healthcare, and educational services in areas where state institutions have failed, serving as vital lifelines Meanwhile, people can help these groups by contributing money or giving their time and expertise as volunteers. By seeing the catastrophe in Haiti as a community duty, we can encourage international solidarity to support relief efforts and hold world leaders accountable for their actions on behalf of the Haitian people.
Going back in time, Haiti has a long-standing colonial history with France. France first landed in Saint-Domingue, also known as Haiti now, in 1967. This was highly valuable for the French as they profited immensely off the slaves. Saint-Domingue (Haiti) alone produced roughly 40 percent of the sugar and 60 percent of the coffee imported to Europe. Questions arise when considering the impact of France’s colonization on the present and future of Haiti. Is it fair to ask France for humanitarian aid relief for the Haitian people? If succeeded, will this be used as a precedent for other countries to seek reparations from their past colonial countries as well? How will this affect the entities of the international realm and power dynamics?
At this crucial juncture, the Haitian people must choose between a future of instability and pain or one of healing and optimism. Inaction will cause the situation to worsen, giving rise to armed groups and the collapse of vital services. However, swift international action can aid in Haiti's recovery and reconstruction. Acting now will determine blah
whether Haiti emerges from its hardships or descends even farther into anarchy. This catastrophe challenges our shared commitment to compassion and human rights worldwide By standing together in solidarity, leaders and citizens worldwide can show unity, together building a future where Haiti can prosper.
A Summer of Dissent: Lessons From the Bangladesh Protest Movement
by: Sarah Shah
This summer, the streets of Bangladesh erupted into chaos, as thousands of students clashed with security forces in what became the bloodiest era in the nation’s history since the country’s independence from Pakistan in 1971.
What started as protests against the reinstatement of a job quota system evolved into protests against Bangladesh’s “iron lady”, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and her increasingly autocratic party, the Awami League In a characteristic display of authoritarian force, her administration deployed security forces, including the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), as well as the police Their use of lethal weapons have resulted in a death toll of over 1,000 people.
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, unable to quell the escalating violence or both the domestic and international criticism, ultimately stepped down and fled the country
country, marking a dramatic shift in Bangladesh's political landscape.This turn of events signaled not only a victory for the protesters but also a profound moment of change for the nation.
The 2024 Bangladesh protests offer a powerful blueprint for student advocates, showing how movements succeed through critical analysis of power structures, leveraging opportunities for dissent, and uniting people under a shared identity. By drawing on the lessons of the Bangladeshi students who turned isolated issues into platforms for systemic change, built momentum through social cohesion, and stayed resilient in the face of repression modern student movements can harness the same strategies to challenge entrenched institutions and drive meaningful progress.
Lesson 1: Leverage key pressure points to ignite broader movements
Bangladesh had already endured years of
controversy under the Hasina government From election manipulation, to media suppression and human rights violations, there were many potential catalysts for mass protests. Instead, it was the job quota system that acted as the key pressure point, igniting a larger movement. Why?
The job quota issue was uniquely positioned to galvanize the population. On June 5th, the High Court reinstated a job quota system that reserved 56% of coveted civil service positions to a specific group, of which 33% are allocated to the descendants of freedom fighters who fought during the 1971 Liberation from Pakistan. This left only 44% of government positions to be filled based on pure merit a serious concern to young, educated Bangladeshis facing an already challenging job market.
These concerns are reflected in Bangladesh’s economic context Bangladesh’s economic growth under Hasina has been impressive by most measures. The growth has averaged 6.2% annually over the past two decades and `
the country is set to graduate from the United Nation’s Least Developed Countries list in 2026. This was primarily driven by the ready-made garment (RMG) industry, following the “flying geese paradigm” in which developing economies adopt industries from other nations who have advanced past labour-intensive industries. It has created millions of jobs requiring unskilled labour, but the economy hasn’t reached the point of developing more advanced industries for skilled, educated labour. The result is a mismatch between education and the labour market: graduates face a higher unemployment rate of 11%, as opposed to their peers with no formal education, who have a rate of 3%. The quota system compounds this job crisis.
Unlike more abstract or complex political issues, the job quota symbolized clear institutional favouritism. Further, the economic context exacerbated existing frustrations in a very black-and-white way, making the issue easy to understand and rally behind The job quota was an issue that would resonate broadly and spark mass mobilization. It was the right entry point to start a larger conversation. When organizing a protest or advocacy movement, choose the right pressure point—an issue that not only aligns with your cause but also resonates with the broader public. By focusing on a concrete, widely felt grievance, advocates can create a platform that leads to larger systemic conversations.
Lesson 2: Critically analyze power and seize opportunities for change
However, the quota system represents more than economic inequalities–it is also emblematic of the political dynamics that defined Sheikh Hasina’s rule. Many critics say the country's economic progress came at the cost of democracy and human rights. Hasina has long been accused of enacting
authoritarian measures such as enforced disappearances, detentions, and extrajudicial killings to suppress her opponents and the media. This is a stark contrast to the multiparty democracy she once championed.
Like her previous authoritarian tactics, many argued that the quota system functions as a political tool designed to consolidate loyalty to the ruling Awami League. Hasina's father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of Bangladesh, is still revered as the "Father of the Nation." His role in the country's independence solidified the Awami League’s ties to those who fought in the 1971 war. Hence, the quota system which reserves jobs for descendants disproportionately benefits groups that are already likely to support Hasina, given her and the party’s deep ties to the movement. This dynamic raises questions of whether the quota system ensures that government jobs are filled with loyalists so that the party can maintain its grip on power.
The students saw this abuse of power clearly and used the quota system as a vehicle to express their frustration with the entire government. What began as a protest against a job quota quickly morphed into a larger critique of a regime that had long used policies to entrench its power. By July 29th, the demand for Sheikh Hasina to step down was made. This resourcefulness turning an isolated policy into a platform for broader dissent is a powerful form of democratic bricolage, acts that make use of whatever opportunity arises to make a larger, political and pro-democratic point. By occupying any space that opens up, students took advantage of the moment to express their desire for change. As student advocates, we don’t need to wait for perfect conditions to raise our voices. Like the students in Bangladesh, we can use whatever issue or platform is available to push for deeper change.
Seemingly small or technical issues can become the starting point for challenging larger systems of power, whether we ' re fighting for fairer campus policies, equity, or broader social justice.
Lesson 3: Gain momentum by leveraging social cohesion and a unified identity
Despite violent crackdowns, internet blackouts, and curfews, the thousands of students could not be deterred. Their success comes down to a movement that was too large to be contained, and students too committed to shrink back in fear. The ability to mobilize such large groups even in the face violence is a result of strong social cohesion.
The Protest to Policy Framework is a guide to support nations in their transition to democracy, and it identifies key factors in the success of successful movements. One of those is social cohesion, or the relationships and norms that create a natural attachment and group allegiance to a community The stronger an overarching identity is, the more likely it is that key actors will come together to forge a common vision for the future. Bangladesh’s deep-seated sense of identity was forged in the fires of their liberation in 1971. The people rallied around their distinct Bengali identity, which had long been suppressed, and the memory of this struggle is embedded into the nation’s collective consciousness. This social cohesion is what permitted the students to build broad networks of support, including private universities, public institutions, and secondary schools nationally. The horizontal organization linked diverse groups, regardless of geographic or socioeconomic differences, through decentralized organizing, making it more difficult for the government to isolate or suppress them. Even in the face of violence, social cohesion tied each individual to something bigger than
than themselves, allowing them to remain resilient.
For student advocates, the lesson is clear: a movement cannot progress without unity and social cohesion Building a shared identity, fostering connections between diverse groups, and creating a collective vision are essential for long-term success. At Queen’s, this means student leaders need to focus on creating inclusive, cross-campus coalitions that represent the interests of different student groups. Much like the Bangladeshi students, Queen’s activists should work to link their cause to broader, more universal values that resonate across groups. Whether it's about justice, equity, or shared frustrations with institutional power, fostering a strong, unified identity within a movement will make it harder for opposing forces to divide or marginalize the group.
The 2024 Bangladesh protests this summer illustrate how the right issue, combined with strategic activism, can ignite widespread dissent. They underscore the power of student movements in confronting entrenched systems of power and show that our objectives, no matter how far they seem, are within reach.
The Secret Service: A Test of Experience vs. Reform
by: Katherine Valentine
During the election period, the media's spotlight inevitably shines on political figures and government officials. The primary agency tasked with maintaining the security of these officials is the Secret Service. This responsibility was entrusted to them following the assassination of President William McKinley in 1901, after which the agency ' s mission expanded to include a focus on protecting high-profile individuals. A decision which marked a shift in the secret services approach to external threats.
The attempted assassination of Donald Trump this summer has increased public concern over the Secret Service's effectiveness. Citizens and voters are questioning the agency ’ s ability to respond to real-time threats. It is vital for the greater voting body to understand the inner workings of the secret service, while acknowledging the limitations they face in fulfilling their responsibilities.
In 2011, the United Nations 65th General took
Assembly, which took place in New York City, demanded 200 Secret Service agents for foreign leaders. Marc Ambinder, an American journalist, noted a clear example of the agency ' s effectiveness during the motorcade of Israeli President Shimon Peres. A photographer crossed a barricade while swinging his backpack, instigating a potential threat. Within moments, a Secret Service agent and an NYPD officer handled the situation without harm. This incident shows the agency ' s effective threat response and cooperation with local law enforcement, during this pre-planned event.
In contrast, the recent attempted assassination of Donald Trump involved more unpredictable variables, such as weapons, timing, and setting. The Trump rally involved higher unpredictability because it was an open-air public event, where there were more access points than the Peres motorcade. The rally had a wider time frame, leaving room for uncontrolled attendees and risks. This raises concerns about
about whether the Secret Service’s real-time response capabilities match their efficacy in controlled environments. While the response to Peres’ motorcade showed strong coordination, incidents like Trump's assassination attempt tested the Secret Service's adaptability to threats where variables are far less predictable.
Leadership within the Secret Service has also come under scrutiny. In 2012, Julia Pierson was appointed as the agency ' s first female director. Her employment directly followed concerns about a male-dominated culture that had contributed to misconduct. Specifically, an incident in a hotel in Cartagena, Colombia brought intense scrutiny It was revealed that service agents brought 20 prostitutes back to the hotel days before President Obama arrived for the annual Summit of the Americas. Pierson’s tenure was cut short after a series of security lapses, specifically when an Iraq War veteran jumped over the White House fence and entered through the front door.
Pierson's removal raises questions about whether her employment was a step toward gender equality or a performative gesture that lacked institutional support. Additionally, her quick dismissal highlights the high level of accountability expected, but prompts concerns about whether new leaders are given enough support to face the agency ’ s challenges.
Leadership in the Secret Service often requires experience in crisis situations, which leaves citizens speculative about the agency ’ s experience in effective crisis management, and constant replacements and reforms. For example, after the Trump assassination attempt, at least five agents were placed on leave. Kimberly Cheatle, the director of the Secret Service, faced intense questioning from Congress, leading to her resignation.
This situation raises an important question: bit
until Secret Service agents are tested in realworld crises, can their capabilities be considered legitimate? As citizens, we must acknowledge that agents may sometimes make mistakes when responding to unexpected crises. The unpredictable nature of their job should be considered when evaluating their performance. This is because real world experience cannot guarantee a successful response in every situation. Ultimately, the Secret Service should encourage learning from flawed responses rather than rushing to terminate or push for resignation from their agents. This way, agents' instincts are not undermined, and are encouraged to manage unpredictable threats.
Enough is Enough: Why India’s Sexual Violence Laws Aren’t Enough
by: Yamna Asim
This article discusses sexual assault and it may be triggering for some readers. The Kingston Sexual Assault Centre’s 24-hour crisis and support phone line can be reached at 613-544-6424 / 1-800544-6424. For on campus support, community members may email Barb Lotan at bjl7@queensu.ca.
During the second week of August, medical professionals across India went on a strike. Except for emergency cases, hospitals and clinics shut their doors and turned away patients. This massive strike, which soon turned into a nation wide protest, was in response to the brutal rape and murder of a female physician trainee at her place of work
We don’t know the name of the victim, as under Section 288 of the Indian Penal Code, the names of sexual assault victims can’t be published in any public domain, especially if the victim is dead. What we do know is that the victim was a 31-year-old woman who worked
worked as a physician trainee at R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital. On August 8, after working an approximately 36 hour shift, she went to sleep in a seminar room at the hospital and was found dead the following morning by her colleagues. Her autopsy confirmed that she was sexually assaulted and murdered.
Immediately after the news of her assault broke out, doctors and other medical professionals started walking out of major Indian hospitals, demanding a safer working environment and stricter laws that would protect doctors from violence. Violence against doctors has been an on-going issue in India, with a study done by The Indian Journal of Psychiatry reporting that 75% of doctors state that they have experienced workplace violence. Due to the pressure from the strike, the Indian Federal Health Ministry officials are considering introducing legislation in Parliament that will specifically prohibit violence against doctors
doctors. While this is a step in the right direction, it is not enough to address the issue at hand which is that the horrific crimes didn’t occur because the victim was a doctor, it was because she was a woman
There has been an ongoing epidemic of violence against women in India for quite some time. According to India’s National Crime Records Bureau, around 45,000 rape cases were investigated in 2022 and of those cases, just over 5000 went to trial. It is imperative to note here that the actual number is way higher as due to the social stigma surrounding rape and other factors like inadequate resources or support, many rape cases go unreported. Additionally, it is also important to emphasize here that this massive strike turned into a nationwide protest regarding sexual violence against women is not India’s first.
In 2012, a 23-year-old female, who was also in the medical field, was gangraped by six men while she was on a public bus. The injuries she sustained during her assault, which included being assaulted by an iron rod and having 95% of her intestines pulled out of her body with it, were so grave that she later succumbed to them. Massive protests broke out all over India when the chilling details of her assault and death became public knowledge. As her name couldn’t be publicly revealed, the protestors named her ‘Nirbhaya’, which means fearless, and along with demanding justice for her, they demanded wider changes in the system that would protect women.
Some changes were introduced after the Nirbhaya protests like the passing of The Criminal Law Act in 2013 which amended several provisions of the Indian Penal Code, the Indian Evidence Act, and the Criminal Procedure. Through this Act, new offenses like acid attacks, voyeurism, stalking and sexual harassment were recognized and included
included in the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, this Act also sought to make existing offenses more strict by broadening or incorporating new definitions of acts like rape and trafficking Futhermore, the government also introduced the death penalty for perpetrators of rape.
While legal protections against sexual violence are crucial, they alone are not enough to prevent the epidemic of sexual violence that India is plagued by. This is evident by the fact that despite the above mentioned changes being enacted in 2013, sexual violence against women has not decreased and has in fact, gotten worse. According to a government report in 2018, it was stated that across the country, on average, a woman reports being raped every 15 minutes and this is only the average number that gets reported. If we factor in the fact that most cases of rape and sexual violence don’t get reported, the average women being raped every 15 minutes is much higher.
What is needed in India right now is a massive change in the cultural and societal norms that currently place the blame for sexual violence on women. There are endless rules placed on women, from being told to dress ‘modestly’ to not traveling alone at night or even going out at night at all, as otherwise it's considered that they are ones placing themselves in a situation where they will get assaulted. The idea here being that they are the ones ‘inviting’ the men to assault them and that they should have ‘known better.’
There was a documentary about Nirbhaya called “India’s Daughter” that was released in 2015, and it was the only time an interviewer was permitted to interview one of Nirbhaya's rapists. The man, who was the bus driver that night, stated that “A decent girl won’t roam around at nine o ’clock at night” and that “ a
girl is far more responsible for rape than a boy.” He then added that Nirbhaya would have survived if she had just been silent and not fought back during the assault. His defence lawyers echoed similar sentiments, with one stating that if his daughter had ‘disgraced herself,’ meaning gotten raped, “he’d douse her with petrol and set her to fire himself.”
No amount of laws meant to curb sexual violence can be effective in a society where the onus is on the women to prevent sexual violence. This blaming of women creates a vicious environment where the labels of the perpetrator and the victim get switched. Instead of being victims of assault, women get punished for breaking the ‘rules’ and are seen as perpetrators ‘inviting’ or ‘encouraging’ the men, who are then often seen as victims. Furthermore, this misguided onus of preventing sexual violence being solely on women not only exempts men from responsibility but also from muchneeded conversations about sexual violence and the role they can play in its prevention.
Almost every Indian or Pakistani woman knows about Nirbhaya’s case, and if not hers, there’s someone like her they know about. I heard about Nirbhaya’s case when I was still in Pakistan and it shocked me to my core More than being scared, I remember feeling angry. Angry for her but also at the people who thought it was okay to say that she should have expected it to happen since she was out during the night or that men will be men and she should have known better. Coexistence with men shouldn’t require putting limitations on what women can do, where they can go or what they can wear. Women shouldn’t have to fear walking alone at night, or traveling on buses, or taking a nap at their place of work. How many more innocent lives do we have to lose before we acknowledge this?
Money Matters: Who Calls the Shots On University Investments?
by: The Observer’s Editorial Board
On September 19th, 2024, Queen’s University announced that the institution is “adopting a standard practice of not issuing university statements that take an institutional position on global or domestic affairs.” Although the University claims that it can no longer take an institutional position on various political issues, choosing to abstain from making official statements while investing millions in arms manufacturing and oil and gas companies are hardly the actions of an institution that claims to be apolitical As a publication that explores the harmful impacts and implications of a myriad of global issues, The Observer believes Queen’s University should be held accountable for continuing to make hypocritical investments
The Observer is a student-run academic magazine, and therefore understands better than anyone the significance of open discussion and freedom of thought on a university campus. We applaud the idea of an academic institution that fosters these
values However, Queen’s University’s choice to neglect transparency and ignore students and faculty’s calls to disclose and divest from projects that cause legitimate harm instead challenges these principles. Universities are one of the most normatively influential institutions in society, and it is of our belief that the actions of all academic institutions should reflect their duty to society as well as to their students, faculty, and community partners.
According to Queen’s University’s Responsible Investing Policy, responsible investing is defined as “investment approaches that take environmental, social, and governance (“ESG”) factors into consideration” This policy bears in mind the communal and societal influence that university investments possess. It is through this channel that in May 2024, the Queen’s University Apartheid Divest (QUAD) was able to submit a special request for the Principal’s Review Committee for Responsible Investing, which ultimately led
to the establishment of a divestment committee, in hopes that Queen’s would halt its investments within the State of Israel. As of October 2024, Queen’s has yet to resolve this issue. This demand for divestment is often retorted with the claim that it is “easier said than done” for universities to adjust their investment portfolios. However, this situation closely resembles the 1987 case in which Queen’s divested $23 million from Apartheid South Africa, following student protests.
Additionally, across Canada universities such as McGill University, University of British Columbia, and University of Toronto have committed to partial or full divestment from fossil fuels as a result of student-led movements. Alternatively, in 2015, Queen’s ruled in favour of maintaining investment of its pooled endowment fund in fossil fuels; it is estimated that as of February 2024, Queen’s still has $32 million invested in fossil fuels.
These cases prove that Queen’s does have a history of effectively divesting from projects that violate the ideology of students and faculty, but demonstrates little consistency in determining which investments should discontinue. Why is this the case? Currently, there is a lack of accountability for the effective employment of the Responsible Investing Policy. The policy may outline that investments should fall within Queen’s’ goals of environmental, social, and governance factors, but it ultimately leaves the final decisions to the will of its portfolio managers. Queen’s might claim “the institution cannot, except on matters directly relevant to its functioning as a university, speak on behalf of the whole community”, but by investing millions in companies such as Exxon Mobil and Lockheed Martin, which profit directly off of the destruction of the environment and the harm of innocent people, it is speaking on behalf of the Queen’s
Queen’s community loudly.
Students, as contributors of tuition and one of the beneficiaries of investment income, have a right to be both informed of and have a say in which projects and companies a university invests in. As a public institution, Queen’s University’s goal should be bettering its community, instead of investing in companies that directly defy what the students and faculty stand for. Considering “special requests” and establishing divestment committees would be effective steps toward ensuring students’ voices are uplifted within the community, if a stricter Responsible Investing Policy is developed which all parties involved can adhere to. It is only then that Queen’s can foster an “inclusive environment where ideas can be expressed and explored with openness, tolerance, and academic rigour” as it alleges to desire.
www.theobserver-qiaa.org