"Participation by Portugal in the Slave Trade"

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Distribution:

limited

CC-77/CO~~.GOl/4

PARIS, 30 November 1977 Original: French UNrr.s~ Nil.TIOl~S

EDUCATIONhL;

SCIEJ.'I'"'I'I:nc AND CULTUP.AIJ ORGANIZATION

P.:::.rtici:_:>ation,by Port.ugnl in the slave trade: opposir.g forces; tr-::nds o-拢 opinion within Fo:r.tuguese society; effects of the slave tradl..l on Portugal's so.::io-econornic develonment

Background paper prepared by i:路1mC F.L. d:1 VEIGA PINTO

assisted by A. CARnEIFA

(CC-77/C0~7.601/COL.4)

ro1;4 Cr- - 7•7 ,.'-o·M ·- .J;'. •.) j,

The origins of the slave

tra~e

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and Portugal's monopoly

Sluve tradin0 went hand in hand with the grent Pqrtugu~se ciscoveries of th8 fj ~tcenth century. It Has prubably not initially on~ of th(::: purposes of trading expec1i·tions; but it '\':as in keeping with thG s:.?irit of the time: and people took naturally to it. -Its progressive growth was the result of chc..ngE:s in ·the econorrlic motives undGrlyinCJ Portugal's expansion.

The conquest of ceuta in 1415 marked th~ beginning of Portugal's m~ritime adventure, which subsequently started other nations off on the road to the conquest of new continents and led to the expansion of Euro?e.

The earliest navi~jators to round the coast of l=1frica were prompted mainly by two econobic motives: to discovm.: the source of production of Sudanese gold,. which had so far reached Europe via North Africa, and to find the sea route to India and her silk and spice ~ark~ts.

II But the ideals of the Crusades also played their part 1 and gave moral and religious backing t.o .the expeditions. ~'lhen the first sailor-knights rounded the coast of Africa;- they were also in sea:':"ch of the kingdom of PrestrJr John, in the' hope of making common cuusc vrith him against the infidel. Taking !1uslim prisoners vras in any case r~ga.rded as a deed of valour deserving the Church • s indulgen~e.

Thus the first l~egroes to be cnj_;tured were taken by men convinced that they were doing a great feat - and als0 a virtuous deed, since every one of the l>rretches baptized meant a soul \tlOn for God. The technique initially used to acquire the first slaves, filhamento or kidnapping, was likewise inherited from the Z.iiddle Ages: surprise a·t:.tacks were made on isolated nomad camps and the captives brought back to Portugal, <dth - as x·ecorded by Gomes Eanes de Zurara in his Guinea Chronicle (1453) - the "holy _pur_?ose of saving lost souls".

It was Nuno TrTstao who in 1411 ha<l the c1t,pious !1onour of bringing back the first Negroes direct .Er.Oru the west coast of P.frica., south of Cape Bojador: they were Zenaga nonads.

The island o:f Arguin \'/as discovereu in 1443, and on 8 August 1444 (vTrites the first public sale of slaves was held at Lagos in the presence of Prince Hem::y, instigator of the- African expeditions. The choicest slaves had previously been offered to the Church •. ~urara)

From this time on, slave trading crunc to be regarded both as a means of providing a commodity exportable to Spain and Italy and as a source of domestic and agricultural labour for Portugal itself. The l~tter aspect became increasingl~, important duriiJ.':J the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries:r as Portugal's expansion cal lee for morE:.i and more manpower. l.t that time Portugal had a population estimated at only at·ound a million-and-a-half. f-1en who went to sea or settled in the colonies needed to be renlaced; and Negro slave labour rnet this need.

A third factor,very soon came i;to the calcul~tion when it was realized how useful the blacks ";ere for sugar cultivation. This comracdity, still extremely rare, had been introduced into Europe by the Arabs. Attempts had been made to grow it in Portugal itself, in the r~lgarve, but with. only -very limited success because it took too much out of the soil. , The discovery of:. the Atlantic islands, however, \\·as: to bring abo~t the rise of the ;s:ugar .cane indust.ry and pave the way for ~he intrc~uction ,~d dcv~lopment o~ i'J;s -c.~rollary, the At~antic slave trade.

-~. . ' ..·· . . . . .. \\ ~. ·. 'I'h.e Spaniards had earlier introduced sugar cultivation. into ,the. C1mary ... .·Islands 1 . Ufiing the. Guanches as :slaves., .· Princ6' Henry,_ ~rho had been granted by · the Crown a trading monopoly for the newly-discovered territories, followed their example in Hadeira and the Azores. The Negroes turned out to be more docile as labourers than 'the Guanches 1 ))and wer~~ '~very soon being re-exported from Portugal to the islands. Demand gr~\'1 rapidly in consequence I compelling the '

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• CC-7'7/COl£?.601/4 - page:: 2 tradE'rs tc introduce c:. less "primitive" method of acquisition than l:idnapping.

They had ~uickly realized that the filhamcnto system was excessively bad for t:;:-ade: for the :::o:1stal peoples had soon learnt to beware of ships, ar.d avoided going on to the beach so as not to be taken prisoner. The tru.derz therefore sought to establish normal tr~ding relations on a barter basis; and for this they very early used the first captives as interpreters. The role of.the latter was very important for the development of the trading system. The Venetian Ca da l·~osto, employed in tht:: service of the Portuguese Cro\m, records that somG slaves, once t~ey had been baptized and could speak their masters' language, were put aboard caravels and sent back w~ong their kinsmen: they then became freed men when they had brought in four new slaves. They also furnished valuable information, t0th ge~raphical - e.g. about deposits of precious metals and commercial - such as lists of goods in demand among the natives, and their habits and customh:~_ Once the Portuguese realized that they could acquire slaves by a peaceful exchahge of goods, which the chiefs and their go-betweens were avid Zor, a regular trade began to operate. There was, after allJ a meeting of supply and demand: for slave~./'- fomed part of the social system among the peoples of Senegambia and Guinea, and it was normal to sell one's own kind if they were prisoners of war or ~~re under sentence for adultery, felonies or magical reasons.

It was also a more retined way of getting rid of hotheads and undesirables than by putting them to death. The traders were therefore to find the same ease of e}:;change all round the coast of Africa.

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The Portuguese, moreover, were also rea9ing the benefit of the much ~ore long-standing internal trade which had been set U,? by the ll.rabs. Trans-Saharan trade started from the Sudan, which furnished gold and slaves taken by the Islamized Sahel peoples in forays on the area to the south. One route was via the staging-post of Hoden in the Sahara, where the captives were split up: some were bound for Barco, on tho coast of Cyrenaicar whence they were se:nt on to Tunis and Sicily, whil~ others were taken to Arguin to be sold to the Portuguese in e~.:change for horses, wheat and textiles.

This trading system l~d the Portuguese Cro-vm in 1455 to buile a fortress at Arguin. As Jaime cortesao has shm-m 1: the foundation of Arguin marked a turning-point in the organization of Portuguese trade. Conquest and its corollary, the<kidnapping and forcible taking of·slaves, were re:;>laced by peaceful trade accompanied by a sho";."!_ qf force in the shape of the building of a fortress - which could in case of need serve as a refuge. The establishment of Arguin was also to set the pattern for buildings subsequently erected all along the coast of Africa, not only by the Portuguese but also by their Europear"··:Jfivals. Arguin likewise served as a port of call for ships sent to reccnnoiti·e the south; and the trade- soon began to thrive. Ca da l~osto .in 1455 reckoned the number of slaves brought to Portugal annually at 700-eog ..../. A special administration, la Casa dos Escravos, was set lup in Lisbon, and[tne customs house. in the capital recorded the entry of 3,589 slaves from 1486 to~1493, not including arrivals from Lagos.· C.R. Boxer puts ti1e ·number of slaves captured by the Portuguese in Africa between 1450 and 1500 at 150,000~ · ~

Then; as territories suitable for colonization were discovered, sugar cane cultivation was int:roduced into them, entailing a ··need for manpower which had to be brought from ·:the coast of .Africa. This was why, ··after the discovery of the Cape ·Verde archipelago; the· King-of PortugaLin ·t466 granted· the first· settlers a monopo~y of .the slave trade on.the African coast opposite the archipelago, both to .provide >iabour--·for the plantations and also to ·help populate these uninhabite~ territories. They were, however, forbidden to sell the slaves outside. · · ···· u'

CC-77/CONF.601/4 -

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As the trnde L<crc~sedr the Crow~ wished to control it - without, however, being able to take it i!'l hand directly. :Lt therefore t:ought to derive profit fror.1 the trade while keeping its o~m risk to a ainimum; accordingly it set up a farming-out system, the contratos. In 1469 Afonso V g~ant2d Fernao Gomes the first contract, giving. him the exclusive right t'-' the Guinea trad2 for five years (subsequently extended for a further three) in return for an annual lum::_JSUiil pa:.r1nent to the Crown anc <ln obligation to C:iscovcr a hundred leagues of coast a year, working south'!tlard frum Sierra Le0ne. The Arguin trade and thf\t of t:1e coastal belt, which hacl been granted to the inhabitants of Cape Verde, i:e.::e excluded :::roLl the contract. Fernao Gomes \'Tas successful in his enterprise, and thanks to his initiative the islands of Sao Tome and Princi~e '~ere 2iscovered Letween 1470 and 1~72. Thus the contract system, which was to operate throughout the duration of the Atlantic trade, ca~e into being. The Spanish asiento was based on a similar system for the delivery of slaves. l:eam:h1lo the gold traffic \o;ao increasing in volumt::, thoug~1 t.hc Portu;ul:se failed to reach the mines and had to be content with trading on the coast. In 1482 they built a fortress, sao Jor'Je da l~inu., \olhich made oossible a great expan3ion of trade in tnat are~. Ironically, one of the bar·tr.r itens the Portuguese used to obtain gold dust was slaves, brought mainly from Benin.

FroiU 14'83 om'lards Diogo Cao 1 s voyages of discovery opened the doors of Central Africa to the Portuguese, through the intermediary o£ the Kinc;dorn of Kon<Jo. Thus .:mother C(;ntre of the slnve trada came into hein'] ccmtempor.:-.m;ously wi.th the col~niza.tion o~ Siio Tow3, where the cultivation o.f ougar cane quichly developed. The first settlE:rs on the isla.nd \\'ere deportees and converted Jewish r.l·.ilO.ren - "new Christians" - who were m&::ried off to sla~res brought initi:tlly from Guinea and subsequently from Konryo. This mestico society soon bcc&~e slGvetracers, after the inhe.bitants of Sao Tome had obtaine:d from the King the privilege of resgatc or purchase on the hfrican coast opposite the archipelago.

T•Jhcn the Portugu.-.:se reached the mouth of the Zaire (Congo) River they found them!O.elves, for the first ti:ue in Africa, in contact with ~ powerful, .,.reE;organized kingdom. 'I·he first embassy ito arrive at the capit.al, P.J:.>anza, situated upstream in the interior: ''7as we.ll re;ceived by the Sove:rE'ign, Hho was receptive to European b1aliefs and skills. Despite some vicissitudes, after the accession in 1505 of the manikongo Dom Afonso a very special relationship grew up between t!1e Portuguese Crown and this Z'-1fxicun monarchy. Dom Afonso •.·tas genuinely anxious to tra11sforn1 his country with the help of the whites, while preserving its independence. Several members of the royal house went to Lisbon, and Catholicism became the State reli«;_;ion. Nevertheless the real interests of the Portuguese Cro,.m in the early sixteenth century were elsewhere; anC:, although the King of Portugal kept up a correspondence with the oanikong~, and sent him missionaries and craftsmen, Dom l~fonso' s hO!)es were disaooointed and his countrv fell inescapably into a state of de~line. There-~are sever~l renscns f~r this, all r.1ore or less directl;.r connected with the sla\•e trade.. Portugal at that time \·las being pulled in dii.Eerent diractions by-wide anC varied interosts. Having made her~elf mistress of the route to India, her main commercial activity was concentrated on the silk and spice trade. The discovery of Brazil in 1500 led to the i.ntroduction of sugar cultivation there in the mid-sixteenth century; and this in t11rn brought about an increased dcmanu for African labour, once its superiority to native labour was realized. The Spanish West Indies also began to import slaves for their sugar plantations, while there ,.;as still a demand for. labour in metropolitan Portugal and its· P.tla.\'1tic islands •. • 'l"'hus the moment \'lhen Central Africa, through the kingdom of Kongo, '"as opening its· doors to Western influence coinci'ided · with a need for manpo~:er which was to be met by slave:;trading. It would be hard :to find a clearer.example of the deep misunderstanding .to which the slave ·trade gave rise between Africa and Europe:, here opportunity was lost and never regained. It is of course true th~t in Kon~o, as elsewhere in Africa; traditional

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CC-:'7/CONF.601/4 -page 4 institutions ~ere such as to facilitate the development of the slave trade; but the fact remains that the manikongo's hopes of giving his people access to white skills, and so bringing them out of their isolation, were cruelly betrayed.

Moreover, the kingdom of Kc·ngc had no other goods· to offer except slaves; and, once it engaged in this trade, it was bound sconer or later to be at the mer~~ of the lat.; of supply and del!land, and of various competing interests, both abroad, in the shape of slave-traders: and at home, in the shape of neighbouring peoples also involved in the trade.

The settlers of Sao Tome grew more and more active and imported slaves in ever-increasing nunbers, not only for their m·m home market but also for export.

At the same time they gradually established themselves in the kingdom and along the river, continually improving their links with the hinterland. During his reign, which lasted until 1543, Dam Afonso mana~ed to curb the trade within his kingdom; and he many times repudiated it in his letters to the King of Portugal.

But he could not prevent his vassals from enriching themselves through the trade, while his own enfeebled kingdom became the object of covetousness from across his borders. t·1hen he died, his successors were unable to stop either the growth of slave trading or the attacks of neighbouring tribes aimed at maJ~ing prisoners of war to exchange for the whites' barter goods. The number of slaves being exported from t..."le port of r~~inda around 1530 has been estimated at 4, 000 to 5, 000 a year. J:.Icanwhila Brazil, s manpo\'rer needs led the traders to look towards the south. Angola was at that time more thickly populated than Kongo, and was better able to meet this increased demand. Moreover the dealers.were interested in h~ving their purchasing areas closer to their embarkation points, so as to reduce as much as possible the loss of slaves in transit, \'Thich was ah:ays heav-y.

Early in the sixteenth century, traders developed the habit of going direct to the Angolan coast: they first reached Ambriz, then the Dande and the CUanza.

In so doing they were acting against the interests both of the Portuguese Crown, to which they paid no taxes, and of the manikongo, by encouraging his vassals to deal with them direct. ~·7ith the decline of the kingdom of Kongo, Portugal's focus of interest shifted to Angola. in 1571 the !<ing of Portugal granted Paulo Dias de Novais a deed of gift over Angola: in so doing he abandoned his policy of exercising loose sovereignty, and for the first time in Africa adopted the system of direct rule. Dias de Novais, \<Tho hoped to find silver mines in the interior 1 was appointed-Governor for life and donee. of the area between the Dande and the cuanza Rivers. The Crown, as it had done in Brazil, also granted him a captaincy, while itself retaining the monopoly of the slavo trade. But Paulo de Novais' hopes of finding precious metals were disappointed; and Angola, in its turn, lost any means of arousing Portugal's interest except through her manpower. The slave trade was in fact to make rapid strides at Luanda, and from 1617 (the date of its foundation) at Sao Filipe de Benguela.

Thus until the and a few power for America:

by the sixteenth century the triangular trade, which was to continue nineteenth century, was already. established. P.part from ~tina gold, secondary products, Africa was regarded solely as a reservoir of manthe sugar plantations of:;theAtlantic islands, Brazil and Spanish Europe supplied the manufactured goods.

But the size of the sugar-cane industry, and with it of the slave trade, aroused the envy of the European powers1 and from the end of ·the· sixteenth century onwards they did everything iri:rthe!r power to . break . . Portugal' s · monopoly. For, after the Treaty of Tordesillas in.1494,.thePope had·divided the world between Spain and Portugal: Africa, Asia . and .'Brazil went to P.ortugal, and. the rest of America to Spain. The disparity.·of these r.tghts .led .to ~a chang~, in international . law, and .the authority o.f the Pope came under attack fran. the. Protestant .schism.

With the enunciation of the.Grotius'doctrine,.the:freedom of. the seas was.proclaimed; moreover,• in practice, the Erlglish:and.Dutch.shattered the maritime · hegemony of Spain and. Portugal by the end, of the century~~·. i/

CC-77/COrP.G01/( - page 5 U;; to then 1 Po::-tuc;aJ. had nevertheless held the mono,?Oly of the sl.:r-•c trn.de 1 although smuggling had been going on from the bc;innin~. But, ~? to the end of the centurJ 1 attacks by foreign po\.;ers - England and Hollnnc - had been mainly directe<l against tha monopoly of l·:iina JOld rather than agninst that of slaves.

•..t:·he Dutch-Portuguese war at the be,:ri.nning of the seventcent:1 century, and th~ for~ign COffipetition that followed, fin~lly broke Portugal's monopoly.

Ho\·::=v.2r ~ de.spi te d("'m.Jstic difficulties caused by th:::! crisis ove.r the mon.:1rchy, a.'1c'i foreign \'ra:::::s r I'ortug;1l succeeded. in kee,;;>i:l~ an itlportant role in the slave trn.cl.e. This \'?as due to tne connections she h.::td built •;p betw(!en the ce~tres of supply - Afric~ - and of demand - Brazil; and also to the systems institute~ by the Crown for controlling the traG.e.

T:"lere were three such systems.

The corr.mont:st was that of far:ain.J out to a contr.J.tador (the ~irst being Fcrn5o Gomes), who did virtually nothing but collect an indirect tax, for he \'t.:lS authorizeri to issue licences (?-vanc;:as) to slave-traders. The contru.tadores usually li ve:d in Lisbon.. while the .:tv·~nq.adores were tho actunl slave··tri1ders. Secondly 1 tl1e Crown itself, qui tr: apart froo farming cut under contrnct, i5sueJ licenses direct for the purchase of a Si_)ecifiad nu1nber of slaves a';ainst the payment of .:t ?er c::tpi ta C.uty.

Lastly, the Cro\ro sometimes had recours.J to direct manaqenent through an n~inistrator. This system was rarely used, and was only a temporary measure to tide ove:::::: th8 interval between t\';o coil tracts. At cert.:tin times these systems c.;o-·ex:Lstt!c!. Farni11g-out contracts a:1J licences cane within tlw purview of th.a royal insti1:.utim~s, such as ths Casa da Guine (later known as the Casa da Guine e Mina, and then as the Casada India), of which the Casados Escravos was one s..:;ction. ,Persons authorized to deal in slaves \'lerc also allo;.rzd to df:',::ll in i~?Or't.aa Larter goods. 'rhe following is a list drawn up by Antonio Carreira of the main farming-out con1:.racts from the end nf the fi '-teenth century to the bec;.i.nnin1 of the seventeenth: ~

farmed out

Dates 1486-1493

Slave River

1L190-1495

G··.tinea.

1500-1503

Gnrn:'Jia and Cantor rivers

150:.::-1503

Slave

1504-1506

sao

1505-1507

Guinea rivers

r1 vers

Riv~:;r

Tome

Nates

Contractor

Bartolomeu Harchiont:: .:.roao Hodri~rues !lascurenhas

This contract \'?as cancelled after t\';o years, at the contractor's request, in favour of E'ilipe and Diogo Lopr\,.,··')

Pernao de Loronhas Joao de Fonseca and i'..nto.nio Carneiro Joao Rodrigues l\lascarenhas

l'1ascarer.l1as died before the expiry of the contract, and it ...oassed in 1507 to Afonso Lopes dos Couros ,{"

1509-1512

Guinea rivers

Francisco fo.!artins

1510-1513

Sao Tiago and Fogo Islands (Cape Verde) and Guinea

(unidentified)

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Payment was to be Made in slaves

CC-77/COi;F .601/4 - page 6 ~

Dates

farmE:d out

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Contractor

1510-1513

Sierra Leone

Joao de castro and Joao ae Lila

1511-1513

sao Tome

Joao Fonseca

1511-1513

Senegal River

(unidentified)

1527-1530

Cape Verde

Ascenso l-iartins

1536-1537

Guinea

Afonso Lopes de Torres

1562-1568

Guinea

Antonio Gon~alves de Gusuao and Duarte de Leao

1574-1580

Guinea, S5:o Tiago and Fogo

Francisco Nunes de Beja and Antonio Nunes C.o Algarve

1583-1589

Cape Verde and Guinea rivers

Alvaro l!endes do erato and Diogo Fernandes

Cape Verde (Hindward Is.)

Alvaro Vieira

J:.ngola r Congo and sao Tome

Pedro de Sevilha anc ~.ntonio Mendes de r.amego

1600-1603

rmgola

Joao Rodi-igues Coutinho

1613-1614

Angola and Cape Verde

Antonio Fernandes de Elvas

1607-1600

Cape Verde

(unidentified)

1609-1614

Cape Verde

Joao Soeiro

1615- ?

Cape Verde

DUarte Pinto de Elvas

1616- ?-

Cape Verde

Joao:de sousa

1617-1623

Cape Verde

Antonio Fernandes de Elvas

1624-1627

Cape -Verde

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Notes

Because of the great drought of 1585-1587, the contractors were granted an extension of the contract to the end of 1590 by way of cocpensation

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·:,:' Jacome .Fixer" ''(j

1627-1632

· cape -Verde·_ and ·.Angola

Andre _de

~onseca

'-'··

1632-1642

cape Verde _·

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' Joao Gon;alves da Fonseca.

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There are some gaps in this list. It gives the dates of the drawing-up of the contracts but not of t.~eir signature. It u.lso shows hmr vaguely geograpn:!.c.:il areas were defined, thus demonstrating: (a) the lack of accurate geographical knowledge of the African hinterland (only the poL'lts on the coast arc stated) ; u.nd (b) the fact that the Cro~m had no control over the contractors. of licences granted by the King north of the equator, quite apa=t from and contemporaneously with farming-cut contracts, include one to Louren~o Alvar~s for 100 Negroes in 1563; to Dente Vaz for 600 Negroes in 1565; to :~anual Caldeira for 2,000 Negroes in 1568 (he also had a farming-out contract for Sao Tom~ and Mina); to nlvaro Nende5 de Crasto for 3,000 Negroes in 1583; to Joao Batista Ravalesca for 1 :'800 Negroes in 1583; and to ,Joseph 1\rdevicus for 600 Ne<;roes in 1680 for Para u.nd r-1aranhao. It is interesting to note that these aven~as were issued in large numbers: thus: from 1604 to 1608 the con·tratador for Angola issued 17,000 licences, while himself remaining in Lisbon.

Exam~les

ThG royu.l 1:1onopoly did not extend to Bra::::il, where slaves could enter :freely: in contrast to the Spanish ~~est Incics which ~1ere subject to the asiento _cysteru. 'I'he original law providing fc:!: the collection of export duty on slaves >is not ext~¥t: tha most plausible document on the subject is one by Abreu de B;::-ito (1592), in which he gives a figure of 3,000 reis a·head when the destin~tior. was Brazil and 6,000 reis for tha Spanish west Indies. Joao Rodriryucs Coutirlho seems to have t::.rbitrarily increased the duty by 1,000 reis t::. head during the \ sixteen hundreds. The vagueness of othe texts and the lack of other sources led Antonio Carreira to the conclusion that the contractors altered the rate of duty to suit their o~m intarests and convcr.ience.

Portugal and the slave trade in the sc7cnteenth and eighteenth centuries At the end of the sixte:.enth century, Portugu.l undcrt.rent a great pol! tical change with the union of the Crowns of Spain and Portugal in the person of Philip II of Spain. The sixty years (1580··1640) of Spanish rule over Portugal were fur more important than this item. of dom.estic politics eight at first· si~ht sug~est: indeed, the period mu.rks a turning-point in European colonial history, and in the develQpment of the .llnerican colonies and its corollary, the slave trade.

During the sixteenth century, Portugal's rivals had tried to break her maritime supremacy in:the l:.tlantic. These attacks \\'ere the work of pirates and trac1ers, a.nd. were successfully_repulsed. There haC! been attempts at occupation and even raids against the coasts of Hina, Guinea, .Cape Verqe and Brazil; and though they were pointers to the envy aroused by the trade in gold, slaves and sugar, they were no more than sporadic•. The French had tried to establish themselves in :arazil in 1555, and often car:cied out attacks on shipping. Cape Verde likewise unde~went regular assaults by the·French an6 English: in 1578 Drake even went so fa~ as to try to occupy Mina. ·-···

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But after the union of the two Crowns these activities, which had hitherto amcunted to nothing more than smuggling and piratic:al forays,. beca.'!le .internationa-.1 conflicts. Attacks directed against the presence of Portugal in Africa \•rere obviously designed to wrest her. trade-from her. The wars. which Spain and PortuCJal faced -w·itll the powers cf:northern Europe had t~ee main objects as far as. Portugal was concerned: . to supplant her .in her. trade_ .w.it;.h .. the .. orien_t~., ~~o take over the sugar plantations of Brazil, and ,(as a sequel) to take :over the sources of African ·labour. ' ·· ·· . ." . ..

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CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 8 'l'he union of the t\-ro Crowns e:nabled Spain • s enemies to turn also against Portugal; for, though Philip II had decided to leave internal affairs in the hands of tl1e Portuguese, foreign policy was joint. In this struggle, the most relentless foes were the United Provinces. Incursions into Africa started in 1599. Then a twelve-year truce was signed with the Netherlands, in return :f.or the freedom of Portuqu~se ports to Dutch trade. But wh~n the truce ended, fighting br9ke out afresh. The Dutch systematically attacked ~~e vital centres cf the Emp~Lre, disrurt.ed the trade with the Orient, and occup.{.ed one by one the k~~y pollnts of , .,, ' ·r sugar production in Brazil and their sources of'l,,supply of slaves iri.' Afiica. From 1630 to 1641 north-eastern Brazil, including Recife, Pern~~uco and Maranhao, fell into the hands of the Dutch, while Bahia was twice comp~lled to surrend~r.

After the signature of the peace treaty with England in 1635, the Netherl.~nds continued the war and made themselves masters of the Portuguese possessions in Africa: ;~pinda, Sao Tome, Luanda and Be:tguela fell into their hands\in rapid succession in 1641. r·

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The Dutch then gained the support of the African chiefs, who were anxious to shake off the Portuguese yoke. The manikongo Garciu II and the Governor of Sonho dealt direct ,·with th~ Dutch East India Company, even sending emissaries to Brazil and Holland to establish closer trading relations. Angola, moreover, was very far from being.pacified or colonized, and took advantage of the DutchPortuguese conflict; the uprising there was personi~ied by the legendary Queen Nzinga, who succeeded in rallying around her the !-llit:..ndu _'9eoples of Ndongo and Matamba. Caught between two fires, the Portuguese in hngola seemed to be in a desperate situation. Events turned in their favour, however, after the restoration of a Portuguese dynasty in 1640. The Dutch refused to mak~?;peace, for Por~ugal in her weakened state seemed deemed to lose her Atlan~ic empire.

But the Portuguese settlers in Brazil rebelled against the q~~Ch'(~nd drove them out of the country. Then, :::ollowing the liberation of the A1:1erihan colony, the great landowners were soon concerned to re-establish the slaveLt~acle on a normal footing so as to provide their plantations with slaves. Thus it was from Brazil that the three expeditions set out that were to drive the Dutch _.from the coasts of Imgola and the mouth of the Congo. In 1648 the Portuguese reoccupied the main centres of the slave trade south of the equator. . ,; - j - /

From that time onward, Brazil became the mainstay of the Portuguese Empire.

Trade with India having becoce secondary, Portugalls economic sphere of influence was to be centred on the Atlantic through the triangular tr~de: -t..he two poles of attraction Leing Drazil with its plantations (and later its mines) and Africa as the supplier of manpower. Portugal's role was merely to provide manufactured goods and to serve ~s a staging-post between her two colonies.

Portugal then directed all her efforts towards her American colony, which was rapidly developing~ Sugar was now in everyday use in Europe• ~1e plantations needed slaves, and the Bra~ilian Indians ( 1~qho had the protection of the Jesuits, and were not such gboC. workers as;the Africans) were replaced by Negroes. , The indu~:~tri::alization o_f sugar-cane cultivation was to leac1 to a ·;:rrcat "slave •( faminei• from the second half of ;the seventeenth century onwards, not only in Brazil but throughout· America.·.

All the gt·qat powers of Europe then organized themelelves to engage in the slave trade> BJ.cthe Treaty ofUtrecht in 1713 the Eriglf~gh obtained from the Spanish Ciowtheasiento'coritract' for.the Sptulish Hest.&ndies, th~s .securing 11 the cream of the 'slave trade for~ themsel,'rea:•. ,,The French came next~- encouraged

by Colbert who, in setting out to develop;the plantations·. in the.·French Antilles and .the French possessions in .the India,n OCean~ gave a fillip to the slave trade.

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CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 9 In the face of this competition the Portuguese P~d lost t~ejx heg~ony on the West Coast, and the majority of their settlements the1.·e had fallen 1.nto forei~n hands.

But Cape verde ra~ained a centre of the slave trade, for farming was hard and unprofital::le, and the colon~,, composed of he.lf-castes, lived mainly .by slaving. In the course of the seventeenth century the increased demand for !;laves led to c..· re:::urgence of Portuguese e.c-:.ivity north of the equator: this took ~~e form·of the building between 1677 and 1680 of the fortress of St. John t;re r.aptist at Ajuda (OUidahL in Dshomey, while a small £actory was set uv in f69C at Bis.sau. The population of .r:.ngola was decimated at about that t~e by great smallPox epidemics, the most lethal being that which rayed from 1685 to 1687. 3ut./::.:his resurgence was incidental: Portugal's slave-trtlding activit~· was really concentrated on ~~gola •. Sao Tome was declining due to the competition of Brazilian sugar c~1e with its poorer-quality crop; and the half-ca~te yopulatio~J in defiance of the centra! government in Lisbon (which had great difficulty i~ imposing its authority), took up smuggling and slave-trading. Since the fr~t.ch occupation at Mp.inda, Portuguese influ-ance in the ~ow disintegrated Kingd.J:m of Kongo was reduceCJ. almost to nil; and foreigners tr~ded-freely on the coast of Loango, at Cabinda, at the mouth of the Congo, and on the ~.ngolan coast as far as Ambr1z. .'rhe Portugu.ese seve.ral t.i.mes tried to re-establish themselve!:> at Cabinda, ·ev_en going to the leng~hs of starting to build a harbour - which was nestroyed by Admiral Harign:z~ s fleet in 1783. The au~'l:ority of the Portugue~e Cro\'m \-tas really exerted only on the coast south of the Dande as far as Benguela., .:llld it was evan st:> unable to check the smuggling , that was ramp~1t out of Luanda apd Benguela •. · .

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The histozy of Angola up to the nine;;..eenth century was entirely dominated by thG slave trade, for all at·tempts to ~ncourage agriculture and mining ended in fu:i.lure. The climate, for one thing, was lethal; of 2,000 soldiers sent out between 1675 and 1694, only 300 survived; and, in contr~st to farming, slavetrading offered the appeal of a quick profit. ··Unlike what had happened in Brazil, the Portuguese came up against. organi~cd populations \'lho would not let them .>through into the interior, where the climate was heaithier. '.Native brokers formed a screen between the coast and the hinterland,so as to be able to act as m-iddlemen in the trade; consequently the only l>Tay inland \\"aS U:? the rivers.

At the en~ of the .sev·enteenth century the discovery of the gold mines of'' l-1inas Gera.!.s, in Brazil, led to'an increased demand for slaves; and it was Angola that supplied the bulk of thGID. The mine-o\-mers needed strong men, nnd the yellCJw ·metal allowed them to pay higher price~ for th~ tpan the planters did. There was thus more incentive to import slaves through Rio de .Janei.ro ,... for r.!inas\\Gerais than through Bahia, and this led to coriflict between the two 11towns. To end .the dispute I the Crown eventually had ·to·. introduce . import quota system as between .

Rio de .Janeiro, Bahia, Recife and Para.iba. Thus,Angola, forsaken by the·mothe.rcountry, cmd with a population made up of slave-trudl;lrs, convicts,· adventurers and slaves, was nevertl~eless, as C.·R •. Boxer. has pc>inted out; ~'the corner-stone of the Portu~ese Enip_ire~j/.. For Br.:lz~l.' s :I?ro,speri depend~d. on Angolan manpower, and Portugal's prosperity depended on Brazilian sugar, tobacco, gold, and diamonds •

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However, foreign competition and the ext~t: of smuggling ~E!d~e Portuguese Crown to 'attcmp't .some reforms~:·· Folio.W.i.ng the .,example of its competitors, Lisbpn was to set ,U.[i ·large com.~anies to COl.."tn'tSr. 'the,:;depline :of: tl:le:~_G~.ineel trade and to. make .good th~ military fi forc~s·,;;~h;c:h wer~:>i..nadcguat:e t81'pr9te_ct .thf7.. s;lave.··'';tr.~de •.

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CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 10 the transport of .. slaves from this area for Brazil. But the people of Sao Tiago viewed th~ setting up of this enterprise with deep mistrust, thinking (no doubt rightly) that it was dir'Olcted against them and would deprive them of their freedom of action. On 12 Februury 1682 it was succeeded by the Companhia do Estanco do !·laranhao e Para, with a 20-year cor.cession: it undertook in that space of time to introouce 10,000 slaves (i.e. an average of 500 a y~ar) into ·::.nat pu.rt of Brazil. It also had a monopoly of trade in that province. Produce for expert was exempt from duty for ten years. The purchase of slaves hGd to be carried out in Angola. This enterprise aroused such hostility among the , settlers that it was disbanded after three years of operation and its property was confiscated. on 14 January 1690 the Companhia de Cacheu e Cabo Verde was set up; with a lif8-span until December 1696: a clause was included in the contract fm:bidding the sale of sl.:lves to "heret.ics". Its powers were limited, and consequently its activities were of no great ireportance. \'lhen the contract :expired, the Crown negotiated with Spain the transfer of the company's powers and part of its property to the (Spanish) Roy~l Commission for India, \othich on 12 July 1699 obtained the asiento, for a period of six years and eight mor.ths, for the following ports: CUmana, Caracas, Havana, Cartagena, Puertovelo, Honduras and Vera Cruz.

Purchasing had to be C3rried out on the Guinea Coast to a total of ten thousand tons (of slaves), each estimated at three ''India pieces" (i.e. u. strong fullgrown man) of uniform seven-foot stature, the old andthose with physical defects being excluded. 'I'he S9anish Crown associatec itself with the enterprise, contributing 200,000 pesos towards the building up of its fleet. This company was as short-lived as the rest, for it was dissolved in 1706.

It was only with the Pombal Government that well-structured companies•made their a~pearance. As far as.the sltve-trade was concerned; they were intended to reorganize the triangular trade ar:~1u 'to combat the smuggling that had prevailed o~i' a large scale since the demand for . · slaves had increased in Brazil. Shipowners in the service of Brazilian plantars had got into the habit of obtaining supplies direct, outside the -contrac:ts allocated by the Crown - even, in times of acute shortage, going as far as~-Mozambique. Two companies were set up almost sir.lultaneously: the Companhia. 1 Geral do Grau Para-'e Maranhao in 1755, and the Cornpanhia Geral de Perncimbuco e Pai·aiba in 1759. They dividee the slave-trade area between themselves, the former company operating in the Guinea coast and Cape Verde area, the latter_in Angola-'and on the Mina coast. They both had exclusive rights to the-slave and other trade for 20 years. The Companhia do Maranhao was in 1757, by a secret rider, granted additional powers authoriz!ng~ it to exercis.e military and political authority for 20 years in the part of Africa for which it had a concession. These powers entitled it to organize the trade in Guinea and-Cape Verde, where it likewise fosterGd the production of subsidiary exports such as cotton goods and~archil. It also took the praiseworthy ste~ of giving a great impetus to agriculture ·(particularly the growing of rice, cotton and cocoa) in the Maranhao area. ·· one of the aims in aetting up the 'c.ompany '~was to ensure a regular supply of slaves; and the policy was therefore-adopted of making a profit not so much on the sale of slaves as on the ~reduce of their labour. Hence, though both companies were reasonably prospe~ous and could distribute regular dividends to thci~ sharjeholders, the Companhia de PernaMbuco c Paraiba showed a loss on the slave-trade, arid the Companhia do ~1aran~o a· slight profit. 'l'he goods supplied· by l3raz il in 'exchange were mainly: tobacco 'arid runi. These two C0n1punieS Were diSSOlVed, the ·former in :·1778 and ·the latter in 17871 WithOUt having been able .to.' eliiniriate •.. the smuggling, which remained considerabl.c bOth in slaves _and. ill overseas produce. It was carried on from ··Brazil, mainly by the English •...The s·e1ftillg up·of tht:se,'compai,ii.,es· is clear proof. that the .triangular system and the··so~called ncolonia1'1;pcict 1! inspired'by mercantilisiil, which.together formed, the basis of the Portuguese Empire I s prosperity, were threa~ened by the free trade which the English·. were beginning to practise.

CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 11 .

Portugal and the abolition of the slave-trade Just as, ~t the end of the sixteenth century, Portugal had been .::onfron.ted by one of the greatest crises· in her history, as the result of failure to adapt herself to the new order of the freedom of the seas which had replaced the Papacy~~ arbitrury division of the world bet\o1een two nations, so, at the beginning of the nineteenth centur7, she was unprepared to =ace the new economic order dictated

by England on the basis of fr~e trade. Thi!:; system again threatened the e:;xistGnce of her empire, based as it was on the triani:rular trade and the colonial T)act.

The slave-trade, with its rules a.'ld its or·g~ized markets, ..,ras inimical to f.o:ee trade; and the atrocities that had followed one another endlessly for centuries in the course of the trade were beginning to revolt public opinion. It would perhaps be more accurate to say that the voices that were raised in opposition were beginning to get a hearing - others raised earlier having fallen on deaf ears - and this was happening in England. Following a long humanitarian campaign in which such men as Sharp, ;~ilberforce and z,:acaulay won renow-n, England abolished the slave-trade on.25 March 1807. Thenceforth, the British Government did its utmost to persuade the po..,rers that. practised it to mc?.ke an end of it. Under pressure from Great Britnin, Portugal, on 19 February 1810, signed a treaty of alliance and ·friendship, undar Article X of which she undertooJ.::: " ....•. to co-operate in the cause of humanity and justice, by ado!?ting the most efficacj.ous means for bringing about a gradual Abolition of the Sl;;we Trade throughout the \'Thole of her territories ..•.. '1 , l·ihile reserving to I1er own vaE:snls in the l:.frican territories of the Portuguese crown the right to purc:rias"c 'and deal in slaves.

The ?crtugucse Government, hmtevcr, had cmly given in to Fnglanc:. out of weakness. It had had to ta~~e refuge in Brazil, anc.I British supp0rt was its only hope of reconquerinq i:ts metropolitan territory. The abolition of the slavetraC.e in so rapid and radical a way raised problems that were prtl.ctically insoluble. Portusal at that ti~e had virtually no industry; and the economic transforc<!tion of the country \!las bound to be slow, laborious and beset \"lith great difficulties.

At the congress of Vienna, Portugal ~anaged to make her case heard. Under the treaty of 22 January 1815 she obtained the annulment of the previous agreement. Froc then on the prohibition applied only to the slave-trade north of the equator, thus exempting Brazil's trade with Angola, the Congo and !1ozrunbique.

The powers that England was urging to abolish the slave-trade confined themselves to declaring that they were animated: u. • • • •

by the clesire to co-operate in the r.10st prot::lj;t and effective

execution of this measure by all the means ·at their command, and to use these me<!ns with all the zeal and perseverance due to so great and fine a cause"; adding that 11 • • • • • , th~ fixing of the· time when i:his trade must universaily cease shall J;>e a matter for·negotiation ·between the Powers''. ·'

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This clea.rly sho..,;s that, with the exC:ef>tion of Great Britain, no country at that. time genuinely desired to take immc¢iiate or·decisi'\ie steps.

But the·slave..:trade as a method'of'recruitJng manpower was doomed in the. medium or· long term. The· plru'iters' arid ·slave~tr'aders -realized this - so much so that the trac1e 'took on·'a- S?ectacular·· new l'ease· Of life~ . .-.:.

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A~'-the.sam~ time/ Po:i:tugalf.s ;Atlaritic Empire ,.was._\mdergoing·profound and ·since ·1808 <Portugal had;beeri-·hrought -by·.England .-~ootake·a series 2of measures that'"'~re>:£o;:imrai:f':her·'future relations with ,Brazil.·''· They enbililed"·the openi•lg:·to·trade of~:.,all: Braz:Uian :port·s, and. the ending of the rules ,_ >

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CC-77/COi.'lF.601/4 - page 12 reserving to Portugal the processing of colonial ;raw materials. Then, in 1810, Great Britain obtained 11 most favoured Nation" tr~atment; and finally, in 1811, all ~orts in Portuguese colonies were opened to trade. But these liberalizing measures, which were particularly advantageous for Great Britain, were also highly beneficial to Brazil: for the presence of the Government and the Court at Rio de Janeiro, and the liberalization of the economy, gave rise to an unprecedented development in the colony: administrative, political, economic and cultur.::1l. In 1815, Brazil was elevated to the status of a kingdo1:1, and becc:mc a\'rare of her national identity for the first time. Portugal, on the other han.d, was passing through a severe crisis, aggravated by the effects of a ruinous war and invasion, and was still under occupation by the British Arcy. The mother countr~ had become virtually a colony of her former colony, while Portuguese Africa became daily more dependent on Brazil. In t~)is situation independence seemed inevitable, and it was consummated when the King returned to Lisbon.

Passed into law in 1822, it cut Portugal off from the motive polier of her economy.

Once trad~ had been liberalized, Brazil no longer neGded the mother country: only Africa w~s essential to her, to keep her plantations going. But, because of the slave-trade, the development of the Portuguese possessions in Africa had been completely neglected, thus r~ducing Portugal's economic role to one of slave-tr·:tder. The prohibition of the trade north of the eqUator had benefited smuggling and the trade in the south. Angola and;' the Congo '1-rere the mu.in SU?pliers. England 1 however, tried as far as possible to check infringements.

A supplementary convention to the treaty of 1815, signed .!.n London in 1817, established the distinction between licit and illicit trading, while Portugal and Great Britain agreed to a reciprocal right of search by their warships of vessels flying their flags. Joint Commissions were also set up to try prizes.

But, despite these meosures - or perhaps because of them - the slave-trads flourished more than ever. It became clear that the only possible stE:!p was absolute prohibition: this 'trould mal~e it possible to prosecute smugglers who sheltered behind the Portuguese flag. Great Britain, faced with continuQl changes o£ government in Portugal, had several times to break o.ff neryotiations. At last, on 10 December 1836, barely two months after coming to power, Sa da Bandeira announced the complete abolition of the slave-trade throughout the whole of Portuguese territory. fiis intentions were sincere; and, though humanitarian motiv.as came into the decision, so also did political and economic ones. r,or the slave-trade had impeded the development of Portugal's African colonies while helpinCJ Brazil's; and .the object of sa da nandeira' s policy, given that Portugal '' had lost her American co:i;ony, was to make Angola into another Brazil. )i

But before Angela's huge territory could be developed, the trade in human beings would have to be stopped, the tribes pacified, and the traditional pat.tern of emigration from Portugal to Brazil switched to Af.rica. The Portuguese Government, howev~r, lacked the material resources for carrying out this enormous task. As far us the slave-trade was concerned, .there were not enough ships to maintain effective surveilla.:"'lce, for -the.fleet was hopelessly depleted;. and .the slave-traders had great influence both in·Africa and outside it. In fact, the slav.e-trading powers stood to gain by the secession of Portugal' s African colonies.

In 1838, therefore, sa da Bandeira formally .requested England's help •. ·In view of 1'the :ieplot~d state of the Portuguese navy ••••• and the Exchequer's lack of resources", he souaht in return for.Great Britain's riaht of surveillance "an explicit formal· gu~rantee .~i th~ possessions o~'..the. Po;·tuguese .Crown against any uprising that may take place in these proyinces, and against any attempt whatsoever by foreign powers to foment rebellion or seek to take over the said . ' possessions 11 • · Spain and.:. Br"~il .1·;i~lre. sp~cifically .~entioned. But England shrank from such an undertaking, which .. coulq 1lave:;,involv~d he!r indef(;~ding the Portuguese colonie;:s, and proposed·"- 1;wo-year limit, :whichSti da ~andei:Ca rejected. EnglCilld's anxiety ~as not altoget~er withou~. fou.ndation, f~r already in .1824, in the midst

CC-77/C0?•JI'.601/4 - pn.ge 13 of the cr~s~s in metropolitan Portugal, Brazil had suggested federation to the African settlers, her associates in the slave-tr<:~.de. '!'his suqgestio!l he.d boen sym;}athetically received in Benguelar which led Lisbon to t~ke steps to promote trade between Angola and Brazil by granting a reduction of customs duty ra~ging from 50% to complete remission.

The negotiations d:t:agged on; and meam•Thile the slave-trade continued with r€newcd vigour fran the Congo and P..ngola, because of the Portuguese authorities' inability to enforce the prohicition, and despite England 1 s expenditure of mon8y and effort.

To ovcrco~e the shilly-shallying of the Portuguese negotiators, Palmerston 9assed a Bill through the British Parliament authorizing the Royal Navy to stop and search Portuguese slave-trading ships and indict their crews for piracy before an Admiralty court. This mGasure was taken as a grave c:>.ffl:.·ont b~{ Portugal., while, on account of the instability of the ~cvernment, the negotiations were ~ot concluded until 1842. London gavu ~ortugal no guarantee regarding the preservation of her colonies; and joint co~~issions wit~ English and ?ortuguese members were set up to try the crl:.ws of vessels apprehcr.ded. These tribunals were set up in British as well as Portuguese territories: viz. at r..uanda, Boa Vista, Car:>e for the surveillance - of Goo.J !.IO?)e and Ja.'llaica. The riaval -i)atrol res";X)nsiblu eof the trade increased in size:: in a lfiin.-;;le year 1 from April 1646 to April 1847, 58 cruisers - English and !Jortuguese, but also French - were recorded a.s entering Luanda harbour.

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'£he raachinc:ry for enforcing the prohibition haG been ec1opted as the re:sult of laborious diplomatic negot.iations: but oany difficulties r·~mained to be overcome in practice before the slave-trade as a whole: and in Portuguese Africa in particnla:r- 1 could actually be stopped. For one thing, there ·.vas no certain·ty th~t ·tl·!ese measures \'Tculd succeed in eradicating the haLits of centuries; and furthcnnoJ:e two types of slave -trade had grown up 1 with a home market and an overseas market. The former gave risa to disguised forrus ~f slavery, or at any rate forced labour. ':!;'he latter, which resulted from the Atlantic trac1e, was hardly likely to disappear until the slave-owning nations g;:we up using this form of labour •. The profits being higher every time, the slave~traders, who had well-organized n~:tworks of agents both at home and ovcrseasr nF.tturally found it hard to resist the appeal of gain: especially since smury~lers could always shel·ter under the flasrs of countries not liable to checking by the naval patrol.

At the time of abolition there was a clash of opposing interests in Portuguese Africa: on the one hand, those of the gpvernment, which for various economic and foreign-policy reasons !Jenuinely desired abolition 1 andv on the other, those of the traders, who continued their smuggling \'lith the connivance of the Brazilian and Cuban plant~rs. It is undeniable~ however, thatup to 1842 the slave-trade had had the benefit of a good deal of complicity at the highest levels, and that the P.oJ;"tuguese. ac3Jninistrat,ion ln Africa \'las riddled w·ith corruption. Officials at Lunnda found it hard to resist the temptation of easy money. Nevertheless, thanks to the energy and intesrity of several governors (th~ most notable example being Pedro l'.alexandrino da CUnha, Governor from 1845 to 1848), the slave-trade in Angola .was.· eventually eradicated •. · His pr-edecessor 1 on the other hand, had been.rolieved of his office, having come under strong. suspicion of. being im!?licated with the.slave-traders.

One of the main centr.es of: the. slave~trade was still the Congo area, together with .the coas,t of Loango, .Cabinda, ,Molembo,>.Ambriz/·etc.~where slave~tradars. of all .nationalities c:.ame to.·get :}.heir, .supplies •• :~Portugal· wi.shed to. occupy this area, .and one. C)f the ·subsiC:iary :reasoi'ls' .she adduced·, .in audi.t-ion to her clairn ·to 11 histori:c :l:'ig:Q:ts":, was. the aboli:tion. of the<.,,~lave-t:r;ade.: · TP:is: question dominated Anglo-:-Portuguese relations .for.m()re thall a quarter of a centu~y. il

CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 14 Neanwhile: in July 1850, in the face of strong opposition, the Brazilian Parliament passed the abolition law; and, for the first time, the government was strong enough to enforce such a measure. From that time on the Atlantic trad•3 dwindled.

But the slave-trade left many after-effects; and it continued in various forms throughout the Portuguese colonial period. There are several reasons for this. One derived from the habits that had been formGd, and the existence of a home market organized by the Africans t1temselves. l~other was the need to solve the problem of 11 pockets" of slaves still collec+:.ed together for sale. A third was the coloni~l ac~inistration's intention of improving the land, which led it to "engage" ·labourers on terms very similar to those of their forebears who had been transported across the Atlantic. Slavery was abolished in 1858, though witll a 20-year transitional period. But before that, on 23 october 1853, a decree had been promulgated authorizing the transport of slaves from P..ngola to the island of Principe to develo9 coffee and cocoa growing there. After being baptized: they were marked on the right arm with a mark signifying that they were freed (sic) • . According to the luw, they had to serve for seven years in the plantations; in o·ther words, they were free by right and slaves in fact. In one form or another, the laws of 1875 and 1878 and the decrees of 1899, 1903 and 1909 count~nanced disguised forced labour in the Portuguese African colonies and the transfer of labour to sao Tome and Principe.

So shocking was this instit~tionalized state of affairs that Norton de lt.atos described and denounced it in 191Q. He \otas Governor of Angola at the time, und II tried to change conditions of woi;J, in Africa: but the Portuguese colonial administration continued to engq~e African labour on terms very close to slavery.

This led Benrique: Galv!o, then~Inspector-General of the Colonies, to "'-Tite in 1947: "'!'he situation is worse than simple slavery1, • • • • • The native is not bought, h~ is hired by the State ••••• And his employer cares nothing whether he falls ill or dies: he merely asks for a replacement 11 • This courageous voice was not the only one to be raised against a disgraceful st~t~ of affairs, and several colonial 'careers were cut short because of protests by officials unwilling to fall in with this system. But, as Antonio Carreira testifies, having had direct experience of it;. the majority were willing to be cogs in a mac;:,hine in which corruption arose from collusion between the aaministration ~d private interests.

And, as alway,s happened when the slave-trade was flourishing 1 I>Ublic opinion only heeded the protests raised against abuses when it was ready to do so, and . .. only when conscience.was no longer stifled by the interests at stake.

Trends of opinion within Portuguese

societ~

Slavery formed part of the way of life of the l·1editerranean peoples from antiquity. In the fifteenth century it was a consequen~e of the wars against the infidels, and -dr.ew its ·~just'ification from that. Th~ Church differentiated between just and unjust war~. The prisoners of a just war could be reduced to slavery, and if they embr;,ac'Od ·the Christian ·faith all the cruelties associated with their condition were' justified. ·Nevertheless,c it is>clear from accounts that have· come down to. us that~~~e charitable souls st~ov~;ito draw attention to the horrible fate of the ·poor wretches who were uprootea<from :their -homeland · and · separated fran their .kin in conditions of unspeakable misery. ' For instance, .zurara in his Chronic a 'da Guine, •while exalting Prince :aenry-.'s virtues, records hm-1 the slaves were ·split up quit·e' without pity;~ the sol"tf:criterion'for the· division being. equality '.between·. "lots" ,· : in ·turi.l :'subdivided . into. cll;pieces •::. . ;tt was not until a century later, ~however;' that '·a voice was ·boldly and· vehemently· raised 'in: opposition> It· wa,s 'that ·'of· Fcr•· ·Fernando 'de ·Oliveira, who :in .fSSS, in his book Arte da · G\.terl:'a do ·r~ar'; :severely 2cri ticized the' slave .::trade ·in .general

CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 15 and denounced the criterion of the just war. Re asserted in sutstanca that it is wrong to make wa:r. on people who are not warring and \'•ho \'lant l?~ace; th:.:~t a slave should only serve for a time lioited by law; that slave-trr1ders do Hot seck only the slaves' conversion, for if ''their u.C!va.."'ltage \·Wre re;:noved, they would not go in search of them; anc slave:s serve their masters L'luch more thnn they do God, since they are co!:lpellec to carry out certain tasks \oJhich arc, contrary to divine la"·" • Dm·.n the centuries, there is no la·:::k of descriptions of the violence involvr::c1 in the capture of slaves in Africa and at the depots while awaitinc:::rshipmcnt, and then the hor.rors of the crossing in the t~~eiros, or coffins, as the slaveshi~s were called.

The level of losses, initially as hi~h ~s 20%, fell as time \.;ent on, rcachinc; an average cf 5% towards the end. The rebellions and the ensuing punishments, t.hc epidemics, the disasters in storms - all this has come do\'m to us in eve·-witness accounts, often i.r.lbued with horror or comoa~~sion.

Yet .. _ the slave-trade was only enabled to last so lon'J because there \'7as D. c~Jnvergence of economic interests, coupled with a religious justification, and because circumstu.nces in l•frica were :;;;ropitious. Few hfrican chiefs \'lere averse from tru~ing part in a trade from which they stood to gain. \''

Paradoxically, the Jcsuits 1 in protecting the Indians against t.he nrazilian colonists, encouraged the slave-trade. ~~en they first arrived on the American continent the colonists enslaved the native Indians, who were neither as tough nor such good workers as Negroes. The Jesuits took titeir part successfully, thanks to their influence at Court and ·tn.e eloquence of the most famous of their nurr.bar .. Anto:lio Vieira. Ee also ,;?rotcstad, .::long with other Jesuits, against the despotic attitude of the slave-masters towards their Hegro slaves; but they never condenned the principle of the Negro-trade. ~ne ban on the enslaving of Indians, proclaimed by the qovernment in Lisbon in 1570, served on the contrary to c;ive it a neioJ lease of life.

The Church's attitude with regard to the question was moreover ambivalent. vihere.as under the Papal Bull of 1639 all Catholics who engaged in slave-tradir..g with Indians were excommunicated, it was not until 1939 that a similar measure was taken in respect of the Negro-trade. In addition, as far as Portugal was concerned, the Church had a material int~rest in the business from the start, through the dues she collected for the baptism of: slaves. Every slave shipped had to be baptized; andr though tha ceremony of baptism was carried out in groups, the officiating priest made his charges on a }.J£r capita basis. In the eic;hteenth century the rate was 300 to 500 reis for adults and 50 to 100 reis for children and infants in arms. The payment of these dues often led to conflicts between the traders andthe clergy (notably in 1697 and 1719), so that the civil power was compelled to intervene. In other wordsr the 8tate religion, which in Portugal was Luled by the Inquisition up to tho eighteenth century, not only gave its moral sanction to the traffic in human beings through baptismi but also made a ~rofit out of it. In such circumstances public opinion could hardly have been expected to condem.'1 a situation which enabled the maintenance of the econQmic system rc:sponsible for the prosperity of Brazil anc! the Kingdom. r.·7hen, therefore: Pombal abolished slavery in Portugal, in 1773, the aim ~;as primarily to avoid drawing off the manpower that was desperately short in the mines and plantations of Brazil. ·· · It was not 'until the nineteenth centu~ that Portuguese public opinion the slave-trade.

Unl;i.ke E.'nglancl, where it was .extremely vehe. .. . . ·, ' . . '" . '. . . "' . .. . . . . . ' \I : ' .. ' . . . ' . ment and was. led by great: humanitarian figures, . in: Portugal· it was .led by a liberal _political elite. 1..dmitted],y Portugal \o7aS so torn by domestic strife up to the .middle: ()f .the c~11tury that ·if -woulcf have, been difficult·· for. her to turn away from he:t• immediate conflid::.s and concern he:i::se"if with an ov.Srseas problem.On the other ha:nd, .. polit.ic.i~s s~cil a~ Sa da Bandeira. saw the advarttage to . r~volted ~gains:t

CC-77/CONF.601/4 - page 16 Portugal, after the loss of Brazil, of develo~ing Africa, and the imperative noed to halt the manpower drain which the slave-trade represent~d. Humanitarian opinions also found expression, in keeping with the s:;irit of the age. Naval office=s posted to the coast cf Africa wer~ as a rule genuinely shocked at the continuance of the trade. Later the Lisbon Geographical Societ~r, which \'las founded in 1875i conductec an anti-slavery campaign. Accounts by Portuguese explorers from the interior of Angola, like those of their foreign predecessors: told of the horrors of the internal trade - sequels of the Atlantic trade and of that with the l\.rab countries.

But, above all, opinion was extremely alarmed at the international ca~paign directed against Portugal. The various diplomatic vicissitudes that had ~arkcd the negotiat:! ons bet\-lecn Palmerston anci the Portuguese Government in favour of abolition had aroused English public opinion against Portugal; and its conviction of Portugue~e insincerity was strengthened by the accounts of explorers such as Livingstone, Cameron··.and Stanley, \17ho on their travels in Central fifrica had \dtnessed ga;1gs of·--s~ave;s being escorted by Portuguese pumbeiros. Portu..;ucse public opinion was out=aged at the accusations, which were taken up again by Leopold II when he t'las seeking to counter Lisbon's ambitions at the I!lOUth of the Congo. The Geogra~hical Society, under the lGadership of Luciano Cordeiro, was at that time at the hub of the controversy; it published articles rebutting the accusations froru England, which took the form of a press campaign s};ilfully conducted by the King of the Belgians just when Portugal was seekinc; to take her place in the European econonic order. These attacks were obviously inspired by political motives, ana were manifestly insincere: for Portuguese explorers were every bit as indignant as the others at the abuses they witnessed, which resulted from a state of affairs that was past. I~oreover various incidents that took place seemed to the Portuguese to show that the powers w•:re themselves continuing a 'i clandestine trade. Thus, Portuguese opinion was p'articularly incensed in 1858 by u serious diplomatic incident bet\'leen France and PortUIJ<ll. Portuguese \'rarshi~s stoppeu c:l.Dd searched the French ship Charles et Georges off the coast of Mozaobique, where it had gone to pick up 11 free emigrants". Her captain, accused of sl.1.ve-tradin0, was arrested and taken to Lisr~n, as was the Charles et Georges.

The incident was turned into a matter of prestige by the goverP~cnts in Paris and Lisbon, and France sent a squadron up the Tagus which made the Portuguese give way.

Hence, during the nineteenth century, public opinion in Portugal was very often indignant at the attitude adopted towards her by the powers, and developed a real persecution complex where the other European nations were concerned. This came out sharply over tne question of the Congo at the Berlin Conference of 1885. '·

Nevertheless, she was, as indicated above, the European country that despite numerous internutional protests carried on a clandestine slave-trade for longer than any other. The explanation is no doubt to be sought in a shortage of the necessary capital and human resources for the development of her African colonies, which was offset by the ·use of cheap labour.

Lastly, the Portuguese Government 1 s desire to develop these territories resulted from the loss of Bra~il, which, as \'le have seen, was the main recipient of the influx of humanity supplied by Africa. The next question that arises is the socio-economic influence of the slave-trade on Portug.al herself.

The effects of the slave-:-trade on Portugal's socio-economic development ·It is impossible to make a. prope~~ appra'isement of this 'question in the pre~ent state of our knowledge: inore especially as the "slave-trade was riever niore than11 a secondary aspect of prim~ry.activities such as the.imprpvemeritof land for agriculture (especially plantations), mining, the "peopling of desert" or underpapulated

CC-77 /CO!~F. 601/4 - pagt_; 17 areas, and so on. It is very difficult to assess it in isolation, since it has always been indissolubly linked \·dth these othar activities. ~7e can, how£ver, try to pick out the areas in which its influence made itself directly and specifically felt; and \ve accordingly propose to ~ake the demographic and the financial aspects. so~e writers, such as Joel Serrao. co~sider that the ~9ulation influx arising from the slave-trade \';as essential in the fifteenth and sixteenth· c~•turies, in that it made up for the population losses caused by the discoveries and overseas ex?ansion. C.R. Boxer estinates that in the course of the sixtee~th century, 2,400 men, mostly young and fit, left Portugal annually. This is a large number, considering that - according to the 1527 census - the total population of Portugal at that time varied between 1,000,000 and 1,400,000.

on the opposite side; it is qenerall~r reckoned that imported slaves ma.de up a tenth of the population of the large cities, and' th.:Ls proportion seems to held good for the \'lhole duration of the slave-trade. Ne have no accurate figures for the rural areas. ·l

--

..?.t the beginning of the sixteenth century lithe slaves inported into Portugal were as heterogeneous as t."le discoveriGs the.'!lselves: Hcors, Chinese,. Indians and Negroes were all to be found in Lisbon. The last named were in the majority: they \•;ere employed in the hardest agricultural vtork .. sent when necessary to unhe:::.lthy ,:?arts of the com~try, used for clearing the sround and also in ~ornestic service. The grm'lth of u. societ:/based on· sluve labour undoubtedly had o. variety of consequences. l-ioralists attributed the laxity of morals to it, and uovm the centuries kept up a barra~e of criticism of the licentiousness and frivolity of all classes of society, acconpanie1 by a highly-developed taste for idleness the Leavy v1ork be in'] left to sla.vus. , Nor must we overlook Brazil's influence on Portugal: for Brazil was herself mad:ed by the centuries-old influx of African labour. This factor, hO'N'ever, is virtually impossible to evaluc:~te, because it is, so to speak .. "tv:o-\<ray·. :;.~rofoundly

It is interesting to note, on the other h:::md, that, after abolition, white Portuguese emicrr~tion to Brazil to some extent took the place of the slave-trade, being in a \'lay a clandestine fom of it similar to those mentioned above. Nhat happened was that Brazilian planters 'lengaged': Portuguese \'iOrkers on terr.1s vory similar to those of the Negroes shipped to the plantations of Sao Tome. This is borne out by a very marked increase in Portuguese emigration to Brazil from 1850 onwards. These Portuguese~ mostly from the northern provinces, were indebted alr.1ost for life to their bosses for the cost of their passages; they tooY. the place of the Negroes on th~ plantations, and led exactly the same sort of life.

Turning no\'T to the financial effect of the slave-trade on Portugal's socioeconoi:~ic devclopnent, tho most reliable da.t.a ava.:: Lable from existing sources are ·t.'lose concerning ·the profits made by the Crov.m. 'Ihcsc can be cnlcul1;~ted from the duties collected on contracts and the various charges and taxes levied to meet,particular items of expenditure: for instance, the levy introduced in 1€64 to 9/over expend~ture on the celebration of the peace bet..,.reen Portugal and the Nethe~lands, and ·~,:> help pay for Catherine of Bra·;Jant;:a' s dowry on the occasior. of her maiiriage to Ch~les II of England; originally intended to be a;;>plied for '·6 years, this levy wasosubsequently extended for a further 20. In 17 24 a tax \':as introduced to pay for the construction of the fortress at Ajuda; whlle in ;. 757 the rebuilding of Lisbon, which had been destroyed in the earthqua.ko of 1. 7 55, was charged to the slave-trade. · Thus the Royal Treasury recc:d ved ·:1 subotantial return throughout the duration of the trade. It is, however, vo:::..ry difficult to c.ttribute it to this or that particular activity, except in the case of taxes levied for specific r:urpcses, as mentioned above.

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In regard to the financing of the slave-trade, and hence the question of those who cade monP.y out of it, Frederic Mauro has drawn attention to the part played by the Jews .;;.--and the "new Christians., from the sixteenth century onwards in the formation of the Portuguese upper middle class. There is room for a thorough study not only of the general question of their importance for Portugal's commercial vitality at the time of the expansion, and their role in the early stages of developm~1t of Brazil's sugar economy, but also of th~ slave-trade, which is inextricably bound up wi~~ those topics. After all, there were many Je\';ish and "new Christian contractors" whose co:nmercial nctivities were never confined to the slave-trade. Moreover, while it is difficult to assess the profits that were made out of legal slave-trading, it is impossible to estimate those made by smugglers. The latter played a considerable part over the centuries, but .we·can only guess at the purpose for which the capital thus acquired was used in Portugal itself.

Once again, the question of the slave-trade is inseparable from the overall problem of a given economic system. In very general terms, the main beneficiaries were not ·so much those who enryaged in the trade as those who turned cheap labour to account to improve their lru1d and their mines. In this sense the effects of the slave-trade on the socio-economic development of tne country were greater, and are much more apparent, in Brazil than in Portugal.

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