Richard Morrison: The 'Local': From Pub to Supermarket: Dissertation by Richard Morrison

“The Local”

By Richard Morrison

“The Local”

From Pub to Supermarket: Does The Broadway Sainsburys Local’s Transition Relate to Architectural Ideas of Locality and Place?

Richard Morrison

A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of BA in Architecture 2014

Newcastle University

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Sam Austin for introducing me to such an interesting topic, and David Morrison for his patient proof reading.

Contents

Abstract ...............................................................................................................................................................8 Introduction ................................................................................................................................................... 10 Chapter 1 Pub? ................................................................................................................................................................... 12 ‘Shop till you Drop’ ...................................................................................................................................... 14 Super-market ................................................................................................................................................. 16 Theorising the Local.................................................................................................................................... 18 The Local ......................................................................................................................................................... 22 Convenience ................................................................................................................................................... 26

Chapter 2 Case Study: The Broadway ...................................................................................................................... 31 Interaction ...................................................................................................................................................... 40 Context ............................................................................................................................................................. 48 Texture ............................................................................................................................................................. 54 Conclusion....................................................................................................................................................... 58 List of Illustrations ...................................................................................................................................... 62 Bibliography................................................................................................................................................... 67 Appendix A: ................................................................................................................................................... 72 Appendix B: ................................................................................................................................................... 74 Appendix C: .................................................................................................................................................... 75 Appendix D: .................................................................................................................................................... 76

Fig. 2. The New Broadway, in its final iteration as a Pub.

Abstract The relationship we have with supermarkets is changing. In the 1980s they were large out-oftown warehouses. Now the same highly branded stores can be closer to us than neighbours’ houses. To achieve this proximity supermarket chains often re-use existing buildings. I examine the architectural and cultural implications of building a ‘local’ supermarket inside the shell of a ‘local’ pub through close analysis of the building in relation to documentary evidence, historical accounts, and architectural and cultural theories. This Dissertation is original in three ways. It examines the ‘local’ supermarket, a relatively new type of supermarket design. Second, it looks at the effect of combining this building type with pub architecture; up until now a rare transformation of use, but one that is likely to become more common. Thirdly it looks past the surface of the visible architecture, at a more symbolic meaning, bound up in rituals and habits, often overlooked in accounts of commercial architecture.

Fig. 3. The Broadway as the Sainsbury's Local.

Introduction ‘The pub is the heart of England’1 The Broadway Pub was converted into a Sainsbury’s Local supermarket in 2011 (fig.2 & fig.3). This dissertation examines its transition from pub to supermarket, and the extent to which it now relates to its locality and place. I begin by examining the history and significance of pub, and shopping culture in the UK, which I interpret as complex fields subject to various trends. I examine supermarket architecture, and the history of the self-service and convenience store. Whilst drawing from Marc Auge’s ‘Non Places’ and Michel Foucalt’s ‘Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias’ to understand the supermarket/pub in terms of ‘non-place’2 and ‘heterotopia’. 3 In chapter two I focus on the Broadway Sainsburys Local. With a close reading of its context I interpret the pub/supermarket as a complex case of overlapping architectural interaction, context, texture, and control. Using these categories I compare and contrast the Broadway before and after its conversion, analysing its features in relation to locality and place.

Pepys, S. and Latham, R. 2003. The diaries of Samuel Pepys. London: Penguin. Augé, M. 1995. Non-places. Introduction to an anthropology of super modernity.London / New York: 3 Foucault, M. 1984. Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias. Architecture /Movement /Continuite, 1 2

Fig. 4. The Crooked House pub celebrates its quirkiness.

The Pub “Drinking . . . is essentially a social act, subject to a variety of rules and norms regarding who may drink what, when, where, with whom and so on. Drinking does not, in any society, take place ‘just anywhere’, and most cultures have specific, designated environments for communal drinking 4 ” The Alehouse could be considered the first form of informal pub. As early as the 7th century we know that people who could make good home-brewed ale would sell it in their village, and invite friends over to drink. Records show that Edgar, King of Kent, regulated the size of drinking vessels, suggesting alcohol was drunk at a specific location. This drinking vessel was shared and each measure marked by a peg, requiring the next drinker to drink down to the peg and pass it on. The drinker often drank past the peg taking the next drinker “down a peg or two”- a phrase which is still in use today. 5 Inns began appearing in the 11th century, taverns in the 15th. Decoration was part of the pub’s appeal. Spirit duty was lowered in the 18th century prompting some pubs to decorate their exterior with modern inventions like plate glass, and gas lamps. They became known as Gin Palaces. Gradually the taverns, alehouses and inns merged and became different types of ‘public house’. The Beerhouse act of 1830 lifted restrictions on the sale and production of beer leading to some 30,000 beerhouses opening over the preceding decade. The pub had reached its peak. Despite the common impression, pub numbers in Britain has been decreasing since 1869. Rising rent, fuel, property, taxation, and lower disposable income 6 have contributed. In addition to the smoking ban, trends towards wine drinking, the widening array of alternative leisure pursuits, and fierce competition from off-licences, newsagents, and cafes. 7 However some pubs have been successful. The Crooked House pub celebrated its quirkiness after it suffered badly from mining subsidence (fig.4). Rather than demolish the building a brewery rescued it, and used buttresses and girders to maintain the lopsided appearance. Leaning walls create optical illusions- glasses slowly slide across “level” tables, and marbles appear to roll uphill. It attracts tourists from across the country. However, many pubs without such originality are being demolished, or converted into homes, restaurants, and even supermarkets. 4

Colotelo, C. 2011. Anthropology of Pubs: the Identity Role of a Pub. National School of Political Science and Administration, Bucharest, Romania Faculty of Political Science. 5

Haydon, P. 1994. The English pub. London: Robert Hale.

Because of higher household bills and mortgages.

The variety of the city centre night out including the popularity of bars and clubs, and the increased importance of the home as a place to spend time.

Fig.5. Confessions of a Shopaholic

Fig.6. The Metrocentre, Gateshead, the UKâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s largest shopping centre.

“Shop till you Drop“ “Shopping is continually being reinvented, reformulated, and reshaped to keep up with the most subtle changes in society” 8 Growth in the economy, together with developments in public transport and new forms of mass production all contributed to the expansion of shopping during the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Demand came from an increasingly affluent, and sociogeographically mobile, urban population. Cars and refrigerators became widespread. The department store, shopping mall and supermarket became purpose-built spaces that satisfied the emerging consumer’s functional, social and aspirational needs. Out-of-town-shopping centres, and “hypermarkets” like those in America, began popping up across the UK (fig.6). Public perceptions of shopping shifted from necessity to leisure activity. The city centre became a vehicle for shopping, facilitated by technology; skylights, pavements, air-conditioning, and escalators. The relationship between the consumer and shopping became frictionless. The arcades were replaced by department stores, which were replaced by shopping centres9. Now the shopping centres are beginning to decline as a result of shopper boredom10, and competition. The speed at which the shopping industry reinvents itself is increasing. Shopping is a way of life in modern society. Its cultural significance is proven by the considerable amount of time and energy consumers devote to it. Phrases like ‘born to shop’, and ‘ shop till you drop’ reflect the shopping’s prominent position in consumer culture. Towards the end of the 20th century customers began seeking goods to sustain or establish a lifestyle11. Kirby categorises the motivations behind a desire to shop (in addition to the basic need of something) as: role-play, diversion, self-gratification sensory stimulation, social experience outside the home, communication with others of similar interests, status, and authority. 12 The success of ‘Sex in the City’, and films like ‘Confessions of a Shopaholic‘, glamourised shopping (fig.5). Phrases like ‘Shop till you drop’ became common parlance in the UK. The recreational shopper enjoys shopping as a leisure-time activity 13, in contrast to the “economic shopper” who experiences no pleasure from the shopping process per se. Miller notes

Al, C. 2001. Project on the City 2. Taschen.p132 Arcades- 150 year lifecycle. Department stores- 100 year lifecycle. Shopping centre- 50 year lifecycle. 10 Al, C. 2001. Project on the City 2. Taschen.p132 11 Burton, H., Eccles, S. and Elliott, R. 2014. Towards a theory of shopping: A holistic framework. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 1, 3, (256). 12 Kirby, A. 2008. The architectural design of U.K. supermarkets 1950-2006. PHD Thesis. University of the Arts London. pp.64, cites McGoldrick, 1990 13 Guiry, M. 2000. Recreational Shopper Identity: Implications of Recreational Shopping for Consumer SelfDefinition. University of Florida. cites Bellenger and Korgoankar, 1980, pp78 8 9

that for the ‘economic’ shopper ‘the foundation stone for provisioning is shopping in supermarkets

'. 14 The Hurt Locker- endless shelves of towering brands. Fig.7.

Miller, D. 1998. A theory of shopping. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. P10

Supermarket “We are in the midst of a desert of shops,  a wasteland of services, a chaos of commerce. If not nowhere, we are in an extremely shallow somewhere'”15 The first self-service stores appeared at the start of the twentieth century, and were seen as a revolution in commercial relations. Previously the shopping experience was characterised by the presence of a salesperson, from whom the shopper requested products- announcing their desires to the vendor and the other customers in the store. Self-service stores altered the consumer relationship with space and time. Stores increased in size and time was controlled by the shopper; the process of purchasing gained in speed, but it became less social. Hardyment goes as far as to say that the supermarket destroyed what she terms the 'community forum'. She goes on to say that self-service has made shopping a “solitary and impersonal activity made anonymous by the changed role of the shop employee who no longer need, or have time, to relate to customers” 16 Conversely critics like Martin Pawley suggest people often hold a false sense of nostalgia: Whoever they are, all supermarket-haters have two things in common: they are heavy users of these stores themselves (they must be as the four giants account for 70 per cent of the uk food market), and they all fake amnesia when it comes to remembering what life was like before supermarkets existed. Tiny shops specialised in tiny stocks and unhelpful opening hours. 17 Many shoppers welcomed the relief of not having to discuss their shopping with a sales person. And as Pawley points out small stocks, and unhelpful opening hours, made shopping more difficult. Over the past fifty years lifestyles have changed. Travelling is faster, people communicate instantly between continents. Waiting has become less acceptable and the supermarket has been forced to catch-up. Portrayals of shopping in popular culture, particularly in film, are often polarised. Supermarket shopping is often framed as depressing. Kathryn Bigelow’s The Hurt Locker uses a supermarket scene to highlight the protagonist’s feeling of emptiness after serving in Afghanistan (fig.7). Brands appear to loom over him as he walks along seemingly endless aisles. The camera pans along beside the freezer doors, giving us glimpses of his reflection as he gazes back at the image of himself. 18

Casey, E. (1993) Getting Back into Place: Toward a Renewed Understanding of the Place-world, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, USA, p268 16 Kirby, A. 2008. P.61 17 Pawley, M. 1998. Life was hard before out-of-town supermarkets. Architecture Journal, 18 The Hurt Locker. 2008. [film] Hollywood: Kathyrn Bigelow. 15

Fig.8. The Airport Terminal, one of Marc Auge’s Non-Places.

“… non-places are the real measure of our time; one that could be quantified […] by totalling all the air, rail and motorway routes, the mobile cabins called ‘means of transport’ (aircraft, trains and road vehicles) the airports and railway stations, hotel chains, leisure parks, large retail outlets, and finally the complex skein of cable and wireless networks that mobilize extra-terrestrial space for the purposes of communication…” 1

Theorising the Local Non-Place, Heterotopia, Junkspace In Non-Places Marc Auge’s creates an “anthropology of the near”, an ethnological understanding of ‘contemporaneity’ or ‘everyday life’ (fig.8.). Within this framework Auge labels the supermarket as a ‘non-place’. To Auge a “non-place” is a spatial instantiation of supermodernity, and a direct opposition to ‘anthropological place’, which presumes that a culture is inextricably located within a certain time and place.19 He suggests that non-places are prevalent in supermodern society as spaces created for specific ends like commerce or transportation, ‘which cannot be defined as relational, historical, or concerned with identity’20. Auge introduces the notion of a distinction between place and non-place as a symptom of a shift from modernity to supermodernity. To him supermodernity does not incorporate elements of the old and new, but rather leaves the old in its current state and turns it into an attraction. Because supermodernity constructs new places without relating to their former identity, these places become non-places. In them social interactions, and emotional attachment fail, giving way to individualism. So, while anthropological places create the organically social, non-places create solitary contractuality. Ian Buchanan suggests that non-place borders on nostalgia; ’…the whole theorization of it (non-place) in Augé’s hands seems to turn on a kind nostalgia for some mystical, pastoral type of collective existence…21’ Auge’s ‘nostalgia’ may be a product of his generation. He grew up before non-places had become widespread. However to someone growing up now, socializing, and spending time in shopping malls and other non-places the space may become endowed with their own history and memory, a point which Gregory highlights: “For Augé it is the very fact that the non-place is uninhabitable that gives it its defining characteristics. This position ignores the workers within the malls; the security guards, cleaners and retail staff, who have a very different experience of the mall from consumers” 22

Matienzo, Mark A. 2004. “The ethnology of nowhere, everywhere: Marc Augé’s Non-places as an analytical tool for supermodern ahistory and transience.” 20 Augé, M. 1995. Non-places. Introduction to an anthropology of super modernity.London / New York: 21 Buchanan, I. 1999. Non-Places:Space in the Age of Supermodernity. Social Semiotics, 9 (3), pp. 393-398 22 Gregory, T. 2009. No alarms and no surprises; the rise of the domestic non-place.. PHD thesis,. P.15 19

Fig.9A. Strikingly similar: The Broadway Sainsbury’s Local

Fig.9B. Strikingly similar: Heaton Newcastle Sainsbury’s Local

The interior of the Broadway Sainsbury’s local exhibits characteristics of a non-place, whereas the Broadway pub exhibited characteristics of place (fig.9a/9b). ‘Of other spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias’ by Michel Foucalt, introduces the concept of heterotopias, which are defined by their difference from (and yet relation to) "everyday" spaces that form a "counter-arrangement" of the normal system of spatial relations. Foucault's examples include libraries, fairs, museums, cemeteries, brothels, and ships. 23 All societies manifest heterotopias. They are privileged, sacred or forbidden places, reserved for individuals who are, in a state of crisis: pregnant women, the elderly. Each heterotopia has a ‘precise and determined function’ that may shift over time. In a society, any existing heteroptopia can be practised in different ways in certain historical periods. They are capable of ‘juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several sites that are themselves incompatible.’24 Like libraries and oriental gardens. Heterotopias ‘are most often linked to slices in time’. The museum and library reduce time to a representational, organised display of artefacts (books, paintings, relics.). They are a place of all times that is itself outside of all times. A heterotopia is not a freely entering place like a public space. Either there is an obligatory entering as for prisons, or individuals have to submit rites or purifications for religious or hygienic reasons. The Broadway pub and supermarket are both long-established heterotopias. They contain behaviours that do not fit everyday life, but mimic the domestic. They exist everywhere across the UK, and they permeate every level of society, and much of history. They are linked to certain times of day25 and times of life- mainly frequented in the evening, and in the pub’s case only by those over the age of eighteen. Some people visit them to celebrate, others when they are depressed. Certain people may not cross the threshold26.27. The reasons for entry vary for each individual. However, almost everyone enters to perform a specific ritual: to drink or shop. The Broadway has always been a pervasive, exclusive, and ritual heterotopic space. Rem Koolhas takes a more visceral perspective approach in his essay Junkspace. Junkspaces are spaces that are structured according to the logic of consumer capitalism. They are flexible, (modular/temporary), oriented toward consumption, and framed in ways that suppress their own political implications in favour of a bland consumer joy: “a fuzzy empire of blur, it fuses high and low, public and private, straight and bent, bloated and starved to offer a seamless patchwork of the permanently disjointed.” 28

Foucault, M. 1984. Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias. Architecture /Movement /Continuite, Foucault, M. 1984., 25 Sainsbury’s opening hours are between 7-11. 23 24

Those under the age of 18 or those who are barred. News.bbc.co.uk. 2010. BBC News - Tesco ban on shoppers in pyjamas. [online] 28 Koolhaas R 2002. Junkspace. October, Vol. 100, “Obsolescence”, MIT Press. p. 175-190. 27

Fig.10. The Rovers Return Pub from Coronation. (Appendix A: Passion for the Pub)

“ When individuals enter a particular pub they are purchasing far more than a particular product, such as a drink or a meal. They are also purchasing an experience or ambience, which is associated with desire, and the creation 29

and expression of identity and lifestyle. What is important is not so much the actual products that are consumed but the meanings attached to those products. “ 29

WATSON, D. (2002) “Home from home: the pub and everyday life” in T. Bennett & D. Watson (eds) Understanding everyday life, Oxford: Blackwell / Open University, pp. 207

The Local Romantic portrayals frame ‘the local’ as a place where things ‘happen’. The Queen Victoria in Eastenders, ‘The Rovers Return’30 in Coronation Street and ‘The Woolpack’ in Emmerdale (fig.10). Some of the most important scenes in British sitcoms take place in the pub. Murders, births, baby-swaps, riots, marriages, burglaries, plane crashes; the pub is the main communal space where storylines develop. British films ‘Shaun of the Dead’, ‘Hott Fuzz’, and ‘The Worlds End’ are set in, and around it. Al Murray’s ‘Pub Landlord’ is a stereotypical pub owner, right wing, British patriot with a dislike for anything ‘un-British’. Interestingly, portrayals of the pub, particularly in film, are often polarised between the welcoming, and the unwelcoming ‘locals only’ pub. The busy room that goes silent when a stranger enters as in ‘An American Werewolf in London’.31 The grunting landlord with a shotgun stashed behind the bar. The old regular with his hand glued to a pint. These stereotypes stem from real-life observations as Fox 32 notes the difficulty of becoming a regular: ‘It’s a bit like the difference between learning a foreign language at school and growing up speaking it as your native tongue.’ 33 There are three main types of local pub-goer34. The opportunist uses the pub out of convenience. The supporter uses the pub as a meeting point35. And the regulars come to meet each other, or just to drink, regardless of the day. Their local is wrapped up in processes of habit and repetition: as expressed in the term ‘regular’. 36 It offers a sense of continuity, regularity and order that is ‘fundamental to a sense of place, time and security’. 37 The pub acts as a “home away from home”; the social-space between work and home; an in-between place, with its own freedoms, and sense of familiarity; a ‘third place’. Oldenburg suggests that this ‘third place’ exhibits key aspects of ‘homeliness’. These include a physical centre or “root”, a sense of possession as in “my local”, a site of regeneration and restoration, a sense of freedom-to-be, of informality, and finally, a sense of “warmth”. Together, he argues, all these features serve key psychological needs.38 In this way the pub serves as a retreat from loneliness, a place of acceptance for some, who cannot find it elsewhere.

The Rovers Return is so popular that it has a suprising number of replicas in various different media, detailed in Appendix A: Passion for the Pub 31 An American Werewolf in London. 1981. [DVD] John Landis. 32 Fox, K. 1996. Passport to the Pub: The Tourist’s Guide to Pub Etiquette. Brewers and Licensed 33 Fox, K. 1996. Passport to the Pub: The Tourist’s Guide to Pub Etiquette. Brewers and Licensed P.71 34 Colotelo, C. 2011. Anthropology of Pubs: the Identity Role of a Pub. National School of Political Science and Administration, Bucharest, Romania Faculty of Political Science. 35 This type of patron uses the pub only on the day of a special event, a football match for example. 36 Colotelo, C. 2011. 37 Colotelo, C. 2011. 38 OLDENBURG, R. (1999) “The great good place: Cafes, coffee shops, bookstores, bars, hairsalons, and other hangouts at the heart of a community”, New York p.58 30

The pub is inextricably linked to alcohol. Recently, excessive consumption has been the subject of debate in the UK. Sensational headlines39 like: ‘Police chiefs brand round-the-clock pubs a terrible mistake as they call for 'drunk tanks' to cope with late-night mayhem.’ 40 , suggest that pubs are out of control. However, the reality is that alcohol consumption has been decreasing since 2004.41 As previously mentioned this decline is due to many factors, one of them being the pub’s strong masculine associations. Sandiford suggests that the type of drink consumed42 and the purchasing of ‘rounds’ by men symbolically controls the female consumption of alcohol43. She suggests that the barmaid, represents the ‘classic token women. A perfect construction of male fantasies – maternal and sexual’. 44 To combat this many pubs are rebranding themselves as ‘female-friendly’, which usually involves redecoration. By comparison the supermarket is a sex-neutral space. The pub’s rooms are not laid out formally but more as an accretion of places for different purposes.45 The typical pub layout revolves around a central bar surrounded by function rooms, like The Foxhunter in Whitley Bay, which has clusters of rooms around the bar (fig.13A). Smaller pubs like Oz’s Bar in Tynemouth have adapted by pushing the bar and alcovespaces against one wall (fig.15a). Spaces are irregular and there is an absence of strictly orthogonal geometry. In contrast, supermarkets are temple-like in their use of axial symmetry and regular geometry, often drawing criticism for their ‘big-box’ appearance. The large Sainsbury’s Greenwhich store seemed to be an exception (fig.12a). Designed by Chetwood Associates in 2000, and nominated for the Stirling Prize, the store represented the ‘future’ of shopping. Facades banked up with earth provided natural insulation and the sales space of the round structure was naturally illuminated via large north-light roof strips.46 But despite the curved exterior the sales area is rectangular. Similarly, the Sainsbury's local on Sidewell Street inserts a long rectangle into its awkwardly shaped site. (fig.14a). The Sainsbury’s Local Heaton is a standard, medium size store and the procedure is the same. (fig.11b) Insert a rectangular shop floor and push storage to the sides. Supermarket inserts as many isles as possible into a rectangular box encouraging customers to interact with products. Pubs fits as many seats as possible into clusters of rooms, encouraging interaction between people.

The Daily Mail ran a memorable campaign against excessive drinking with headlines like ‘Binge Britain: An epidemic that is destroying lives’ . 40 Mail Online. 2014. Home | Mail Online. [online] 41 Morgan, J. 2011. Why is alcohol consumption falling?. [online] 42 Saniford notes that this is often pints of beer for men, half pints of lager for women. 43 Sandiford, P. 2010. Perceptions of status in pub work. [report]. (Sandiford, 2010 cites Hunt 1989:257). 44 Sandiford, P. 2010. P.22 39

45 46

Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.124 Detail.de. 2004. Sainsbury&rsquo;s Supermarket in Greenwich. [online]

Convenience

“Local” supermarkets are smaller, condensed, less intimidating versions of the large supermarkets and hypermarkets that came to prominence at the end of the 20th century. The ‘local’ supermarket was given a major foothold in 1996. Concern over the demise of high street shopping, and the loss of green field space prompted the government to issue a revised version of their planning guidance document PPG6. It advised a ‘sequential’ approach to out of town developments, meaning that before granting these superstores planning permission, alternative, edge of town, and local town centre sites town would be considered first.47 Retailers created smaller stripped-down stores that sold goods at inflated prices in return for their convenience. Tesco launched its first Tesco Metro in Covent Garden in 1992. Town centre Metro stores, on average 3000 square feet48 were designed to serve professional people who wanted to purchase lunchtime snacks or prepared meals in their lunch hour. Sainsbury's opened similar 'Local' stores during the next decade. The first situated on Fulham Palace Road, London in 1998.49 Part of the local store’s popularity is linked to the rise of celebrity chefs and a renewed emphasis on home cooking, which requires fresher and more specific products than the traditional corner shop could provide. The local store is like a walk-in larder. The ease of access, and range of products compliment modern lifestyles where people have less time. We expect things to be instant; transactions, communication, information. Store names like express, metro, and local conjure these images of speed, sophistication, and regionalism.50 To be classed as “convenience” the store must be less than 3000 sq ft; it must not be subject to restricted opening hours under the Sunday Trading Act; and it must stock at least seven core goods categories from a list of eighteen.51 Under government planning laws converting a pub to a supermarket will not require planning permission as long as there is no ‘material change of use’. Many factors constitute a material change. If alterations to fire safety, ventilation provision, energy conservation, structure, weather resistance, fire spread and sound insulation remain largely unaffected then the conversion can take place, as happened at The Broadway. 5253.

Kirby, A. 2008. The architectural design of U.K. supermarkets 1950-2006. PHD Thesis. University of the Arts London. P.112 48 Out of town stores are closer to 50,000 square feet, whilst Asda superstores can be 100,000 49 Kirby, A. 2008. P.113 50 Defined as: Express- operating at high speed- explicit, fast, special. Local- Belonging or relating, topical, regional, native. Metro- metropolitan, relating to or characteristic of a large city, sophistication. 51 Igd.com. 2013. Convenience Retailing Market Overview. [online) 52 Grant of Certificate of Lawful Proposed Use or Development (2010). 10/01579/CLPROP. 53 Planning Application: ‘The proposal to convert the ground floor of the premises (from A4, drinking establishment) to a use within category A1 (shops) does not represent a material change of use... ‘ 47

Fig.16. Rare interior photographs of Tesco’s new 152,000 sq ft ‘dark store’.

Fig.17. One of the first supermarket/pubs. Tesco express store in the former Firs Pub in Norwich. To celebrate its opening Tesco gave the local East Anglian Air Ambulance charity a £500 cheque.

The influx of local stores has been dubbed the ‘space race’ by some commentators. The supermarkets encourage the public to suggest potential sites.54 Sainsbury’s want their stores to be located on prime pitch/strong adjacencies, busy urban high streets, neighbourhoods or local centres with good residential catchments, main roads, out facing shopping centres, and transport hubs.55 There are now 47,090 of these stores across the UK, and growth in the sector is aggressive; Sainsbury’s is currently opening two new stores a week56 and plans to have more convenience stores than supermarkets by the end of the year. 57 New ‘Dark’ stores have started opening to cater for online shoppers (fig.16.). These unheated warehouses operate twenty-four hours a day. Staff wrapped-up in hats and gloves push large plastic crate-trolleys around the store, picking people’s orders. The layout is similar to a standard supermarket except for the extra rows of toilet paper, bottled water and baby food reflecting the fact that online shoppers use home delivery services to transfer the pain of getting heavy and bulky items home.58 Proximity to the home is important for the ‘Big Four’. 59 It is well established that the majority of consumers purchase products from the supermarket closest to their home: 60 Eightyone percent of customers travel less than a mile to the local convenience store.61 It has been suggested that location is the most important factor for a supermarket to create a competitive advantage.62 But not just the supermarket benefits. Research indicates that house prices in areas where a Waitrose has opened were typically 25% higher than the UK average. In London, there was a 50% premium in Waitrose postcodes63.’Regionalism’ is particularly important to Sainsbury's as stated in their website’s ‘values’ section: For us, retailing is about more than quality products and great service. It's also about supporting and helping the communities where we work, and being a good neighbour. We aim for our stores to be at the heart of the communities they serve.64 As Samuel Pepys said ‘the pub is the heart of England’, but does building a supermarket inside a pub place the supermarket at the heart of the community it serves? (fig.17) In return for a small fee if the site is bought. Sainsburys-convenience.co.uk. 2013. Sainsbury's Convenience Development. [online] 56 Igd.com. 2013. Convenience Retailing Market Overview. [online] 57 Ruddick, G. 2013. Sainsbury's Local stores to overtake supermarkets for first time - Telegraph. [online] 54 55

Wood, Z. 2012. Rise of the dark store feeds the online shoppers. [online] The big 4 are commonly known as Asda, Sainsbury, Morrisons, and Tesco. 60 Kursunluoglu, E. 2011. "THE CRITERIA THAT INFLUENCE CONSUMERS’ SUPERMARKET CHOICES", paper presented at International Conference on Business, Economics and Management, Bornova p. 8. 61 ACS. 2013. The Local Shop Report. [report]. 62 Kursunluoglu, E. 2011. p. 8. 63 BBC News. 2014. The Waitrose snobbery/property price index. [online] 64 J-sainsbury.co.uk. 2013. Our values. [online] 59

Fig.18. Area map. A. The Piper. B. The Magpie. C. The Broadway Sainsbury's Local.

Chapter 2 Case Study- The Broadway Sainsburyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Local

Fig.19. The Broadway as Pub and Supermarket

Fig.20. Nolli Maps

Local

The Broadway was built in the mid 1960’s, and sits in-between Whitley Bay and North Shields, on the corner of a roundabout that connects four of the area’s busiest roads, Whitley Bay is to the North, the seafront to the East, Tynemouth to the South, and the Coast Road to West (fig.18). The building is visible to traffic approaching from four different directions (fig.27A). Other nearby sites would have been less effective (fig.27B+C). Drivers are forced to slow down and concentrate as they approach the roundabout, and the building is setback from the road, which adds to its visibility. Local residents say that the building always operated as a public house, and Ordanance Survey maps show its use as a public house over a period of thirty years.65 (fig.25) 66 Newspaper articles show that a local diabetes support group and a pool team used the space for meetings 67. Despite a North Shields postcode, the store is called the ‘Tynemouth Broadway Local’ presumably because of proximity to Tynemouth, but perhaps because of Tynemouth’s reputation compared to North Shields. Crime figures show that in the October 2013, thirteen crimes were committed in Tynemouth compared to one hundred and fifty six in North Shields 68.

In the area between Whitley Bay and Tynemouth, where the Broadway is located, twenty-

eight crimes were committed69. The Broadway is isolated from nearby shops and pubs (fig.20D), and surrounded by houses (fig.20B). It is at a junction- between Whitley Bay, Tynemouth, two housing estates, and four main roads. The majority of customers either live in the surrounding estate, or drive to the store70. The Broadway pub was an estate pub (fig.21A). Its red brick walls and black slate roof are nearly identical to those of the neighbouring houses. Fox loosely categorises niche pubs as ‘family’, ‘student’, ‘circuit’ and ‘local’ 71. Within ‘local’ she places the ‘estate’ pub, which tend to be functional rather than aesthetically pleasing. They are rarely “pretty, quaint, or old-fashioned”, because most estates and their pubs were built after World

Denoted by a “PH”. Planning Document. (2009). Use of Existing Public House as a Shop at the New Broadway, The Broadway, Tynemouth, NE30 3RT Tynemouth. North Tyneside planning department, United Kingdom. 67 Newsguardian.co.uk. 2006. Pool league registration meeting. [online] 68 Ukcrimestats.com. 2013. Crime in Whitley Bay. [online] 69 One hundred and three were committed in Whitley Bay , and the previous months figures show a similar trend. 70 I spent some time counting the numbers of people who came to the store on foot and by car which can be found in the appendix. 71 Fox, K. 1996. Passport to the Pub: The Tourist’s Guide to Pub Etiquette. Brewers and Licensed Retailers Association. 65 66

War Two. “Do not be put off by the exterior. If you wanted a glossy-guidebook pub, you would not have come this far.” 72

Fig.21. Local Pubs

Fox, K. 1996. Passport to the Pub: The Tourist’s Guide to Pub Etiquette. Brewers and Licensed Retailers Association. 72

A 70s matchbox cover features The Broadway along with nineteen other pubs (fig.22), which have nearly all been demolished. The Broadway was one of three surviving pubs on the Marden estate. ‘The Magpie’ was demolished and flats built on its site in 2010 (fig.21C, fig.18B). ‘The Piper’ is currently being converted into a restaurant (fig.21B. fig.18A). The pubs are similar. They each use brick construction and have pitched roofs, chimneys, and domestically proportioned windows. They each sit on roads directly connected to Broadway road, and their interiors are similar- smaller lounge spaces arranged around a central bar. Each room is selfcontained- it has its own bar, entrance/exit, and furnishings. Public opinion before and after the transformation from pub to supermarket is mostly negative. At the planning phase there were twenty-five objections to the development. These where mainly from local residents that worried about the noise from the air-conditioning units, the increased volume of traffic, and the proposal’s ‘unsightly aesthetic’. Mentions of the pub in literature, or online are hard to find, but an article on the “lost pubs project” website is descriptive, and full of nostalgia; …The Broadway was one of my favourite haunts; just far enough from the seafront to have a nice mix of locals and tourists without being too overwhelmed by the latter (I'm not doing it justice here, I'd go so far as to sat it was in fact my favourite pub of all time)… … I feel particularly emotional about this one - it deserved better.73 It is difficult to find an official press reaction to the pub closing, in local papers or even online. One Reddit article with a cover photo (fig.24) and title, ‘This is outrageous, our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at once’ 74, generated interesting memories of the pub: Rattleshirt: “Hah, this ones in Tynemouth. It was a pub for years but closed after (i believe) the owners were convicted of selling drugs!” lowercaseluke: They used to serve me and my mates when we were 15. I can see why they closed!”

Ayre, R. 2012. The Broadway, Tynemouth. [online] Reddit.com. 2013. This is outrageous, our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at once : unitedkingdom. [online] 73 74

Fig.22. A collection of matchbox covers from the 70s. The Broadway Pub is shown top right

Fig.23. The opening ceremony with Kingsmill cake.

Fig.24. â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;This is outrageous,our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at onceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Fig.25. Top Left 1970-79 , Top Right 1980-94, Bottom Left 2004, Bottom Right 2010

“Thomasthetanker: They should be forced to have a loo, benches, some sun umbrellas and a can/ bottle bin. Then it would be just like a pub but with cheaper booze and quicker service.” The comments allude to a place still rooted in people’s memory. Clearly people feel strongly about its conversion to a supermarket- the Reddit article received 1,036 up-votes. Ayre notes how the pub changed under new owners:‘ …its decline began when it changed hands circa 2004 the landlady retired to Whitby as I recall - and became The New Broadway. It was never the same after that’.75 In 2004 the pub was bought by Enterprise Inns PLC- a pub development company that owns over 6600 UK pubs. It sold the Broadway Pub to Sainsbury’s in 2008..76 Its owner, Ted Tuppen, told the Morning Advertiser in 2010: ‘There's a romance attached to pubs. They're not shoe shops. Nobody minds if a shoe shop closes. But commercially it's the same. If it's uneconomic, that's it.’ 77. But some pubs have managed to be saved from the brink of destruction. When the George & Dragon in Burpham, went out of business in 2008 the local community bought shares in it, raising enough funds to renovate, and reopen it78. There are similar stories across the UK, but in the case of The Broadway it did not have enough community support, and on the 25th of May 2011 the “Sainsbury’s Tynemouth Broadway Local” store opened (fig.23). Kevin Mole, Tynemouth RNLI Station Mechanic, cut the ribbon of the new store, which was formerly The Broadway pub. As part of the opening celebrations the store had a cake specially baked by Kingsmill to mark the occasion and store manager Andy Lawson presented Kevin with a cheque for £250.79 The opening of a new ‘local’ store often coincides with a donation to a local charity. £250 donated to local lifeguards, or £500 raised from bottle-banks donated to a local football club. 80 The Broadway’s ‘local’ donation was well publicised, but there was no mention of how the store’s architecture related to the locality, other than a comment by the store manager:

Ayre, R. 2012. The Broadway, Tynemouth. [online] Fletcher, N. 2013. Enterprise Inns founder Ted Tuppen steps down after 22 years. [online] 77 Fletcher, N. 2013. Enterprise Inns founder Ted Tuppen steps down after 22 years. [online] 78 Camra.org.uk. 2013. Pubs - Facts & Figures. [online] 79 RNLI. 2011. New Sainsbury’s Local store celebrates launch with donation to Tynemouth RNLI lifeboat 80 R G Carter. 2013. The Firs Convenience Store. [online] 75 76

Fig.26. Pub/ Supermarket Conversions

Fig.8. Pub/Supermarket Conversions

My staff and I are all looking forward to making a contribution to the local community and holding charity events throughout the year to raise funds for our local Charity of the Year, Tynemouth RNLI’ 81 A ‘contribution’ suggests an addition to the local area, and the store’s ‘local’ title defined as: ‘Of or relating to a city, town, or district rather than a larger area‘ suggests localness, but the supermarket approach to pub re-use usually consists of removing the internal walls and inserting a rectangular box. Making major alterations to the existing pub is difficult due to planning laws, which often forces the supermarket to build within the shell of the old building. A simple plan is desirable for a supermarket, but often the pubs they convert have unusual plans. To overcome this they often ‘square off’ the plan to create a simple shop floor, while the excess area is used as storage space. With more than twenty individual rooms on the ground floor alone, Fontygary Inn’s floor plan was complex (fig.26C). The supermarket arrangement simplifies the buildings into two rectangles: The larger becomes the shop floor; and the smaller, the delivery space, storage room, and staff rooms. Similarly, in the Greene King the traditional pub layout is demolished to create a simple, rectangular floor space (fig.26B). The Oak Inn conversion also included an extension (fig.26A). A similar approach can be seen. The twenty individual ground floor rooms are reduced to four. The angle between the extension and the existing building differentiates the two making them seems separate. The original pub building is used as storage space, which heightens the separation.

Fig.27. A. Broadway

RNLI. 2011.

B. Alternative Site 1

C. Alternative Site 2

Fig.28. The Chimney

Interaction hearth/bar/counter/self-service

The supermarket rejects many of the pub’s original features and inverts processes of purchase, movement, and socialisation. “The Italians have the Renaissance, the Americans have the skyscraper, and we have the chimney.” 82 By puncturing it with a cash machine, the chimney is reduced to a form of ornament. The Broadway’s chimney was one of its most striking features (fig.28). It emphasised the fireplace internally- by arranging the main seating space around it. Externally the chimney stands out against the simple, plain decoration of the pub. Traditionally the fire was at the centre of the house, to heat the main space (usually the living room), before the invention of central heating. The chimneystack symbolises fire, warmth and gathering. Frank Lloyd Wright designed his houses around the chimney. To him it was a place for everyone to gather, the core of the home, he loved "to see the fire burning deep in the masonry of the house itself." 83 The Broadway’s sense of enclosure is accentuated- as a consequence of positioning the fireplace on the periphery of the room. The fabric of the hearth (and of the chimney stack it acquires) contributes to the enclosure and structure of the room84. By placing the door next to the chimney, as you enter, it appears that the wall is several times thicker than it actually is. The cash machine pierces the chimneystack and reduces the feature to decoration- as if the fire is doused by the ‘cold, hard, cash’ it now dispenses. Money replaces warmth, and comfort: A new heart for a new house. The fireplace becomes identical white panelling, hiding the imperfections of the brickwork and the alcoves it created. The crackle of the flames is replaced by the constant ‘hum’ of air-con units and freezers. As Auge notes; ‘It is not ideology that drives the creation of non-places, it is purely economics.’ 85 Previously the fireplace gave an open view of the entire entrance lounge, bar, and peaks into the adjacent rooms (fig.29A). Now the view is channelled along one isle of the store, only products are visible. The ‘rituals’ of the bar, the ‘subtle pantomime’ where ‘the twitch of an eyebrow speaks volumes’ are replaced by a

Goodall, J. 2011. The English castle, 1066-1650. New Haven: Yale University Press. Lind, C. 1995. Frank Lloyd Wright's fireplaces. San Francisco: Pomegranate Artbooks. 84 Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. 85 Augé, M. 1995. Non-places. Introduction to an anthropology of super modernity.London / New York: Verso, pp. 77. 82 83

Fig.29. Isovist Diagrams

one-way conversation with a self-service machine. The bar is the pub’s centre. It connects the different rooms, and dispenses the drinks. It divides staff and customers. People sit and talk along it. Beer is served on top of it. Taps, pumps, and glasses are hidden behind or inside it. The bar hosts many subtle mind-games, and gives rise to unexpected behaviours, as Fox notes; Finding the best spot, adopting an expectant, hopeful, slightly anxious facial expression whilst trying to make eye contact. Queue jumping, calling or snapping fingers at bar staff, scowling or frowning, and ringing the bell. 86 The bar becomes an altar. 87 The ornate gilt fittings, marble clad loos and polished snugs88 -icons in a high church. The ‘unlimited’ supply of the golden tap- worshiped by the patrons lining the pews (bar stools), whilst they sacrifice their sobriety. Ordering at the bar is a traditional, dynamic and informal ritual. Conversely the process of purchase at the supermarket focuses on speed. Signs tell the customer where to go and what to do. The hectic bar is replaced by barriers that define the queuing space. The ritual has been formalised to the point were talking is unnecessary. The self service machine tells us what to do; ‘Select payment type’ and then ‘insert cash or pay with card’, we no longer need to think. It asks aloud ‘have you swiped your nectar card?’ but no response is required. Repeated infinitely, pleasantries like ‘please’ and ‘thankyou’ lose all meaning. The supermarket ‘…puts the individual in contact only with another image of himself.’ 89 The layout of the store simplifies movement to essentially four directions (fig.19C), whereas the pub’s open plan layout and seating pattern allow movement in many directions (fig.19B). The Broadway local’s interior is arranged according to a refined, and condensed formula originating from large out-of-town superstores. The customer is influenced by the architecture. Products are placed at the perfect height.90 ‘Impulse zones’ entice at the checkout and in the queue, while aisle ‘end caps’ offer discounted products. 91

Fox, K. 1996. Passport to the Pub: The Tourist’s Guide to Pub Etiquette. Brewers and Licensed Retailers Bowles, T. 2013. Is This The End Of The Great British Pub? - Esquire. [online] 88 Bowles, T. 2013. 89 Augé, M. 1995. Non-places. Introduction to an anthropology of super modernity.London / New York: 90 Eye tracking cameras were used to determine the optimal product heights, which are subject to different ‘placement’ fees 91 Scamell-Katz, S. 2012. The art of shopping. London: LID. 86 87

Fig.30. Security Camera Isovist diagram. Cameras are black dots. Darker orange means more surveillance.

Milk and bread act like magnets, drawing people past the enticing entrance display, deeper into the store.92 In contrast, the pub’s architecture responds to social geometries, orders them and makes their physical realisation more permanent.93 Layouts are typically open-plan and versatile, in order to accommodate large or small groups of drinkers. People interact and construct their own spatial arrangements. Each visit is unique. The regular feels in possession of the space; always sitting in the same spot. People talking sit opposite each other. Couples sit beside each other. Groups huddle together- the circle is one of the most powerful symbols of human community. Architecturally it speaks of people being equal and together in a shared experience. 94 In addition the supermarket’s ‘blanket’ surveillance removes privacy, and makes people act in the ‘acceptable way’. In the pub the landlord is the host, the customers are guests, and the bar is a surveillance outpost- it lets staff monitor customers in different rooms (fig.29B). A hierarchy is visible, and understood by customers.95. In the supermarket the till was once the outpost, but increasingly it is shrinking, and being closely monitored (fig.29B). Home is a refuge96 but the interior of the supermarket offers no refuge for customer, and little for employee. Twenty security cameras monitor everything on the shop floor (fig.30). Methods of control are used to increase staff productivity: CCTV, electronic monitoring, assessments, clocking in and out, customer and colleague feedback, and an IPM of at least 17.97 The cameras create an image of power and control. They force the customer’s gaze away and towards where they should look, as Baudrillard notes: The circuits of surveillance cameras are themselves part of the decor of simulacra. …an allusion to repression, a "signal" of this order98 Combined with the linear layout of the aisles, the customer’s vision is channelled along predefined paths. Looking at the security cameras is disconcerting. They look like jet-black barnacles glued to the ceiling. The customer never knows if they are being watched, or if they have inadvertently broken the ‘rules’.

Fresh fruit and vegetables. Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.145 94 Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.146 95 ‘You’re Barred’ and other typical landlord phrases are now part of popular UK culture. 96 Mallett, S. (2004). Understanding home, a critical review of the literature. The Sociological Review.p70. 97 Also known as their IPM, a figure which is monitored and used to discipline under-performing staff. 98 Baudrillard, J. and Glaser, S. 2010.Simulacra and simulation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 92 93

Fig.31. Left George A. Romeroâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Dawn of the Dead 1978. Right Wallmart Black Friday sale 2004.

Fig.32. Shaun of the Dead The- horror of the change is that there has been no discernable change

The supermarket rejects any deviation from ordered ‘rectangularness’ in its internal arrangement and movement patterns, and constant surveillance removes ay-sort of privacy. This automatic, mechanical, and repetitive experience of supermarket shopping has drawn parallels between consumers and zombies. Shaun of the Dead 99 is a satirical social commentary on the drudgeries of modern life, inspired by George A. Romero’s Dawn of the Dead100 (fig.32). In an early scene we watch as Shaun goes to the supermarket. The joke derives from his obliviousness to the zombie apocalypse around him, as Edwards has observed: ‘The real zombies have been easily mistaken for bored workers, tired commuters, amorous lovers, happy drunkards, eccentric vagabonds or aggressive street gangsters. The horror of the change is that there has been no discernable change.’ 101 The image of the consumer as zombie, or monster is given credibility by recent events in reallife. In 2008 shoppers trampled a Wal-Mart employee to death (fig.31). Suddenly, witnesses and the police said, the doors shattered, and the shrieking mob surged through in a blind rush for holiday bargains. One worker, Jdimytai Damour, 34, was thrown back onto the black linoleum tiles and trampled in the stampede that streamed over and around him.102

Shaun of the Dead. 2004. [film] Studio Canal: Edgar Wright. Dawn of the Dead. 1978. [DVD] George A. Romero. 101 Edwards, Kim. 2008. "MORIBUNDITY, MUNDANITY AND MODERNITY: SHAUN OF THE DEAD."Screen Education 50: 99-103. Academic Search Complete. EBSCO. 102 Nytimes.com. 2013. Wal-Mart Employee Trampled to Death. [online] 99

100

Fig.33. The Broadway’s Driveway

Context Inside-out/symbolism/interface The Broadway Sainsbury’s local exhibits a form of ‘facadism’- the building is used to mask an entirely different function to the one its exterior suggests. The neighbouring houses are of the same scale, materials and style to The Broadway. A 1991 Sainsbury’s report described their new Burpham store as 'reminiscent of a rural manor house'. As Kirby notes this was perhaps an attempt to elevate the status of the Essex Barn.103 However, the two are similarly simple; the supermarket is essentially a rectangular box104, and the house a square box. And in many ways the supermarket could be compared to a country mansion.105 The stables and other services situated behind the house are the out-of-sight delivery areas to the rear of the building. The road systems necessary for access echo the rural roads and driveways necessary to reach a country house (fig.33). The car parks embellished with tree planting, landscaping and signs parallel the grounds of the estate. Work areas are separate from the public or family domain. The supermarket staff could be compared to the servants in a 19th century mansion; they are obliged to wear uniforms and confined to separate spaces when not performing their duties106 But this masks the interior, which is non-relational, and it actively rejects exciting architectural features that would relate the building to its surroundings. Pawley describes such structures as 'stealth architecture': 'the retention or replica of historic facades on otherwise new buildings'107. Brand notes the confusion these buildings create; 'The passer by doesn't know whether to be insulted by the crude lie or delighted by the surreal kitsch'108 Similarly Pawley states; 'The result of such heroic surgery ...is that all formally real places and all formally recognisable categories of buildings are disappearing '. 109

Kirby, A. 2008. The architectural design of U.K. supermarkets 1950-2006. PHD Thesis. University of the Arts London. 104 Hence the ‘essex barn’. 105 Kirby, A. 2008. 106 Kirby, A. 2008. P.193 107 Pawley, M. 1998. Life was hard before out-of-town supermarkets. Architecture Journal, p.101 108 Brand, S. (1997) How Buildings Learn - What happens after they're built. London: Phoenix Illustrated, Orion Publishing Group. P.99 109 Pawley, M. 1998. Life was hard before out-of-town supermarkets. Architecture Journal, p.171 103

Fig.34. ‘Perfectly proportioned windows’

The contrast between interior and exterior is heightened because the Broadway Pub blends into its surroundings. Whereas the other Marden estate pubs, The Piper and The Magpie, use traditional pub decorations, and exterior finishes to differentiate themselves from the surrounding estate, the Broadway has minimal decoration (fig.21). The Piper’s gold on black sign immediately suggests it is a pub. Black wood panelling; brick columns and horizontal white roof edging differentiate it from the neighbouring houses. Arguably because of its small size (less than 300m2) and simple (almost) rectangular plan The Magpie is the closest pub in scale and complexity to a domestic home. But its patchwork façade differentiates it from the neighbouring houses: White render, dark green wood panelling, and faux wooden log pile, framed by two brick walls on each end that appear as columns from the front. The plaque, lantern above the door, and the traditional sign add to the effect. The supermarket’s interior and exterior blur the boundaries between inside and out to make entry easy. The store almost becomes an extension of the public realm, but with subtle differences. Air conditioning creates a disconnect between the internal and external environments: Visitors are blasted by hot air as they enter, and they shiver as they step back out into the cold (or stand next to the bank of refrigerators). White boards cover each of its ground floor windows. A wall of glazing creates a physical, but not a visual, barrier along the front façade. This has a disorientating effect. The store becomes inward looking. Other than the wall of glazing there are no views out. It is easy to feel disorientated- one cannot gauge one’s position in relation to the surrounding buildings. Natural light can only penetrate halfway into the space, because of the signs, seats and decorations covering the glass. Areas next to the window are too bright, while in the deepest part of the store artificial lighting is used twenty-four hours a day. Lighting the products is the priority. Pubs are often dark spaces, the low lighting ties into the atmospheres they promote: Private, relaxed and social. Windows let light in, and framed views in and out, of the Broadway pub. Axial relationships were created, like the ‘sight’ of a rifle, lining up with its target in the distance. 110 The windows had a rhythm, dependent on their spacing and size. Window proportions were either perfect squares or golden rectangles (fig.34). This ascribed them an aesthetic or symbolic authority deriving from their apparent possession of rightness, they seemed to offer an attainable perfection111. Perhaps the architect believed that ideal geometry was ‘right’ in the sense that it promised perfect form. Or the ‘ready-made’ intellectual structure ideal geometry offered112 provided a quick and easy solution to the challenge of arranging the facades. Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.155 112 Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.155 110 111

Fig.35. Flower-patch islands maintain visibility between driver and supermarket

The effect of using these ‘perfect’ proportions was that the underlying geometric arrangement of the elevation, almost like a genetic programme, gave the building a visual integrity.113 The Marden Bridge estate’s ‘timeless’ house. The nearby roundabout is peppered with flower patches that were added when the new store opened. In many ways it is an island within a sea of tarmac (fig.35). It acts as the Broadway’s ‘garden’- mirroring its features and extending its control. It evokes a heterotopic image of nature, and freedom that is contradicted by its arrangement and setting. Like the traditional British garden, tall plants are allowed to grow in their innate ways with no formal organization. This sporadic placement of trees and signs maintains visibility between driver and supermarket. Like the Broadway, which masks the boundary between inside-and-out by removing a physical threshold, the organic borders of flowerbeds hide their man-made nature. 114

Flowers ordered in geometric patterns, have ‘randomly’ curved borders that allude to a

‘natural’ growth. The linear flower rows are the aisles of the store, the border of the flowerbed its new plan- two islands inserted inside the existing. 115

Le Corbusier Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.123 115 The existing being the Broadway Pub building, and the roundabout. 113 114

Fig.36. Vent patch

Fig.37. Site plan & Elevations

Fig.38. A combination of rectangles

Texture materials/services/smells/sounds/temperature The Broadway’s brick exterior is punctuated by quirky details that give it character. At the Synatsalo Town Hall Alvar Aalto’s use of brick rejected uniformity, and celebrated individuality. Masons were instructed to lay the bricks at slight angles to each other to add richness.116 Similarly at Baker house he chose a rougher clinker brick and asked that even the most erratically formed ones should be used.117 The Broadway opposes Aalto’s philosophy. Corners are sharp, no bricks protrude, and from a distance the walls appear almost smooth. The identical individual machine-made bricks, with their simulated hand-made texture create a machine-like perfection. The Broadway’s plan is a series of rectangles (fig.38). Rectangular objects tend to produce rectangular walls, openings, and enclosures118, As Unwin notes; ‘When using (brick) it requires a definite decision to deviate from the rectangular.’119. Here brick imposes its geometry on the layout, and deviations occur at the windows. Bricks laid on end line the top of each opening, whilst a sandy-coloured rectangular stone block becomes the cill (fig.34). Patches where extraction fans once protruded have been filled with contrasting new brick. (fig.36). The texture of the brick exterior opposed to the wipe-clean shiny surfaces of the white interior creates a heterotopic interplay between inside and out. The machined white interior seems like a precious pearl wrapped in heavy brick. But really the original exterior is more precious than the plastic interior. The patchwork façade embodies the building’s history, grounding it in place. The interior’s plasticity makes it a parody of the ‘pearl’: It is a 'shaped' substance: whatever its final state, plastic keeps a flocculent appearance, something opaque, creamy and curdled, something powerless ever to achieve the triumphant smoothness of nature 120 Plastic formed the exterior alterations, which amounted to six Sainsbury’s signs. The planning application states that: ‘…the extent to which the signs respect the scale of the shop front and details of the size, colour, projection, proportion and illumination of signs is considered.’121

Weston, R. 2003. Materials, form and architecture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. P.94 Some are literally banana shaped and appear to be on the brink of falling out of the walls 118 Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.148 119 Unwin, S. 2009. Analysing architecture. London: Routledge. P.148 120 Barthes, R. and Lavers, A. 1972. Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang. P.36 116 117

121

Planning Document. (2009). Use of Existing Public House as a Shop at the New Broadway, The Broadway, Tynemouth, NE30 3RT Tynemouth. North Tyneside planning department, United Kingdom

Fig.39. Perched. Fragmented. Disjointed.

The illuminated fascia sign on the eastern elevation was granted planning permission because it was 55m from the dwellings opposite and therefore judged not to have any ‘significant detrimental impact’. 122 The ‘Plum’ coloured signs synchronise the store with the Sainsbury’s brand ‘image’, but they differ from the architect’s drawings. They look fragmented. Seams are visible, and colours are inconsistent. The drawings make them look dull, but in reality they are vibrant. 123. In the drawings the bottom of the sign is flush with the sandstone skirting (fig.37). In reality the new bricks that fill-in the pub’s southern doorway are left awkwardly exposed. Perched on a white cement layer that draws attention to the problem, the sign appears to be balanced on the sandstone skirting, slightly overlapping on the right-hand-side, ruining any intended symmetry (fig.39). A central vertical seam suggests an opening, as if it hides a secret passage into the store. The triangular top sign reduces the pub’s awning to a disjointed patchwork of shapes. In the architect’s drawings the sign fills the entire triangular awning, but in reality a vertical strip is used. Presumably this was to create continuity between top and bottom, however the colour of the ‘Sainsbury’s Local’ sign contrasts with the darker triangle above it creating discontinuity, and oddly proportioned white triangles left exposed on either side. The pub offered a range of stimulating textures whereas the supermarket offers few. The Broadway’s door handles, push panels, and bar counters created textures for the hands and upper-body to interact with. Carpets created a feeling of warmth, comfort, and contrast between inside-and-out. The Sainsbury’s experience is one-dimensional by comparison. Automatic doors negate handles. Flimsy plastic shelf covers are designed for looks, not touch. Hard tiled floors are easy to clean. The all-pervading ‘smoothness’ of the interior suggests a desire for perfection, whereas texture would have revealed a technical, human operation of assembling.124 At one time the hazy-red sunset would have bathed the bar in light, now boarded-up windows restrict the interior to a palette of fluorescence, conjuring images of purity, and a sterilised ‘Persil Whiteness’.125 The pub sounds, muffled by the carpets, curtains, and upholstery, are replaced by the amplified noise of machines chilling, heating, blowing, extracting, and repeatedly asking ‘have you swiped your nectar card?’. The warm fire, the cool hallway, the blast of hot air from the kitchen. The pub offered a range of temperate experiences that could vary from visit-to-visit. In the supermarket temperatures are predictable, and constant all year. The freezer aisle is always cold, the entrance always warm, and store temperature is always the same. Planning Document. (2009). Use of Existing Public House as a Shop at the New Broadway, The Broadway, Tynemouth, NE30 3RT Tynemouth. North Tyneside planning department, United Kingdom. 123 This may have been to increase the chances of getting planning permission. 124 Barthes, R. and Lavers, A. 1972. Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang. P.88 125 Barthes, R. and Lavers, A. 1972. Mythologies. New York: Hill and Wang. P.36 122

Fig.40. Tescoâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Westbourne Methodist Church store

Conclusion

This dissertation set out to determine whether the Broadway Sainsbury’s Local’s transition from pub to supermarket related to architectural ideas of locality and place. It showed this is not the case. It explained how the social aspect of the pub’s bar was replaced by the self-service checkout, which offered only one-way conversation. It highlighted the chimneys importance as a focal point, and the castration of that symbol by the imposition of the cash machine reduces it to an ornamental money dispenser. It noted that while the interior of the pub related to its architecture and the surrounding context, the supermarket hides the interior with white panels that block windows, creating an inward looking world focused on consumption. It showed that the supermarket’s rectangular plan is not specific to the Broadway but it was actually the product of a supermarket ‘formula’ where rectangular boxes are inserted into existing pubs irrespective of the existing architecture. It noted how this ‘rectangularness’ combined with parallel aisle arrangements, reduced movement to essentially four directions, giving rise to the ‘zombie shopping’ so often portrayed in popular culture. It demonstrated the heterotopic facadism of the Broadway Sainsbury's Local: The exterior relates to ‘the local’ in its architecture and signage, but masks an un-relational interior that exhibits characteristics of a non-place. Similarly it showed that the texture of the brick exterior opposes the wipe-clean shiny surfaces of the white interior creating a heterotopic interplay between inside and out. Finally it highlighted the store’s fragmented signage, which appears to ‘hide’ the history of the Broadway, whilst rejecting its architectural features. Sainsbury's intend their stores to be at ‘the heart of the communities they serve’ and public statements and branding suggests their stores embody ‘localness’. But this dissertation has shown that where The Broadway Pub related to its context, and encouraged social interaction through architecture, the Broadway Sainsbury’s Local rejects ideas of place and locality. Certain aspects of the pub/supermarket nexus have been analysed here. A fuller exploration taking in supermarket service spaces , drawing on the perspectives of workers and their attitudes to “place/non-place” would merit further study. This analysis draws together commonly overlooked architectures that are often perceived as separate. The points raised here materialise a sense of outrage that pub/supermarket conversions often create in communities.126 Critics argue that supermarkets are exploiting a loophole by only making minimal alterations to their buildings so the changes do not constitute a ‘material change-of-use’. Indeed this may be the reason why stores like the Broadway undergo 126

Reddit.com. 2013. This is outrageous, our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at once : unitedkingdom. [online]

Fig.41. The Vapour Pub Prototype

‘surface’ alterations. However, only the government can close these. On present trends it is likely that the number of supermarket-pubs will increase. Other, even more controversial types of re-use may also become more common. Supermarket-churches have arrived, and other notyet-seen combinations are likely to arise, pushing the boundaries of architectural acceptability. (fig.40) While it is likely that there will always be a place for the traditional British pub, those that are struggling may be forced to evolve into new forms. A noted example is Alcoholic Architecture, a six-day pop-up bar that used vaporisers to create a ‘walk-in cloud of breathable cocktail’ (fig.41). Taste became spatialised as a public realm, scaled up from bodily interior to building interior. In this way the cocktail became architecture – an immersive, habitable environment. 127 It is possible that the main threat to the traditional pub may be these new types of consumption rather than the supermarket. It is reasonable to suggest that, whatever the threat, the move away from locality and place analysed in this dissertation is set to continue.

Bompasandparr.com. 2009. Alcoholic Architecture. [online] Available at: http://bompasandparr.com/projects/view/alcoholic-architecture [Accessed: 10 Jan 2014]. 127

List of Illustrations

Figure 1: Cover Image Author Figure 2: The New Broadway, in its final iteration as a Pub. North Tyneside Planning Portal. 2009. North Tyneside Planning Portal. [online] Available at: http://idoxpublicaccess.northtyneside.gov.uk/online-applications/ [Accessed: 13 Jan 2014]. Figure 3: The Broadway as a Sainsbury’s Local. Author Figure 4: The Crooked House pub celebrates its quirkiness. Rewop, N. 2004. The Crooked House Pub - Himley - Near Dudley - West Midlands, England. UK. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/nalarewop/299038317/ [Accessed: 22 Nov 2013]. Figure 5: Shopping as an addiction Wikipedia. 2011. Confessions of a Shopaholic (film). [online] Available at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Confessions_of_a_Shopaholic_(film) [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 6: The Metrocentre, Gateshead, the UK’s largest shopping centre. Intumetrocentre.co.uk. 2012. intu Metrocentre. [online] Available at: http://www.intumetrocentre.co.uk/ [Accessed: 21 Jan 2014]. Figure 7: The Hurt Locker- endless shelves of towering brands The Hurt Locker. 2008. [film] Hollywood: Kathyrn Bigelow. Figure 8: . The Airport Terminal, one of Marc Auge’s Non-Places. Augé, M. 1995. Non-places. Introduction to an anthropology of super modernity.London / New York: Verso, Figure 9A: The Broadway Sainsbury’s Local Author Figure 9B Heaton Newcastle Sainsbury’s Local Author Figure 10: The Rovers Return Pub from Coronation. (Appendix A: Passion for the Pub) Holmwood, L. 2008. Rovers Return to get smoking area. [online] Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/media/2008/jan/02/itv.television [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014]. Figure 11A: Sainsbury's Local, Heaton, shop front Author Figure 11B: Floor Plan Planning Document. (2009). Use of Existing Public House as a Shop at the New Broadway, The Broadway, Tynemouth, NE30 3RT Tynemouth. North Tyneside planning department, United Kingdom.

Figure 12A: Sainsbury's Greenwhich superstore ground floor plan (not to scale) Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal - The UK Government's online planning and building regulations resource. [online] Available at: http://www.planningportal.gov.uk/wps/ portal/portalhome/unauthenticatedhome/!ut/p/c5/04/ [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 12B: Sainsbury's Greenwhich superstore, nominated for the Stirling prize in 2000 Chetwoods.com. 2000. Sainsbury’s, Greenwich. [online] Available at: http://chetwoods.com/portfolio/sainsburys-greenwich/ [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 13A: The Foxhunter pub, Whitley Bay, ground floor plan Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal - The UK Government's online planning and building regulations resource. [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 13B: The Foxhunter entrance Flaming Grill Pubs - Flaming Great Steaks & Sizzling Skillets. 2012. Fox Hunters - Tyne and Wear Flaming Grill Pubs - Flaming Great Steaks & Sizzling Skillets. [online] Available at: http://www.flaminggrillpubs.com/pub/fox-hunters-preston-north-shields/ [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 14A: Sainsburys Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 14B: Sainsbury’s Local Sidwell Street, Exeter storefront Sainsburys-convenience.co.uk. 2013. Sainsbury's Convenience Development. [online] Available at: http://www.sainsburys-convenience.co.uk/requirement.html [Accessed: 09 Jan 2014]. Figure 15A: Oz’s Bar Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 15B: Oz’s Bar, Tynemouth Farm6.staticflickr.com. 2012. [online] Available at: http://farm6.staticflickr.com/5288/5309810160_e1c2bb2015_o.jpg [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 16: Rare interior photographs of Tesco’s new 152,000 sq ft ‘dark store’. Igd.com. 2013. Convenience Retailing Market Overview. [online] Available at: http://www.igd.com/ourexpertise/Retail/Convenience/3369/Convenience-Retailing-Market /#2 [Accessed: 21 Nov 2013]. Figure 17: Tesco express store in the former Firs Pub in Norwich. On its opening day Tesco gave the local East Anglian Air Ambulance charity a £500 cheque. Rgcarter-construction.co.uk. 2011. [online] Available at: http://www.rgcarter-construction.co.uk/wpcontent/gallery/the-firs-tesco-express/the-firs-tesco-express-exterior.jpg [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 18: Area map. A. The Piper. B. The Magpie. C. The Broadway Sainsbury's Local. Author Figure 19: The Broadway as Pub and Supermarket Author Figure 20: Nolli Maps Author

Figure 21A: The Broadway pub after it closed down in 2009 Emdjt42. 2011. Tyne & Wear: Tynemouth: NEW BROADWAY. [online] Available at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/emdjt42/5471582164/ [Accessed: 22 Nov 2013]. Figure 21a: Ground floor plan Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 21B: The Piper, recently converted into a restuarant PubUtopia.com. 2010. The Piper in North Shields. [online] Available at: http://www.pubutopia.com/pubs/N/North%20Shields/The%20Piper/#.UtPzJmRdVi5 [Accessed: 13 Jan 2014]. Figure 21b: Ground floor plan Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 21C: The Magpie, recently turned into flats Scott, J. 2010. The Magpie, North Shields. [online] Available at: http://www.closedpubs.co.uk/northumberland/northshields_magpie.html [Accessed: 13 Jan 2014]. Figure 21c: Ground floor plan Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 22: A collection of matchbox covers from the 70s. The Broadway Pub is shown top right Skyscrapercity.com. 2010. Newcastle Area - PUBS, the Buildings and the Venues - SkyscraperCity. [online] Available at: http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=1040991 [Accessed: 24 Nov 2013]. Figure 23: The opening ceremony with Kingsmill cake. RNLI. 2011. New Sainsburyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Local store celebrates launch with donation to Tynemouth RNLI lifeboat station. [online] Available at: http://rnli.org/NewsCentre/Pages/New-Sainsburys-Local-store-celebrateslaunch-with-donation-to-Tynemouth-RNLI-lifeboat-station.aspx [Accessed: 15 Sep 2013]. Figure 24: This is outrageous,our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at onceâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Reddit.com. 2013. This is outrageous, our pubs are now being turned into mini-supermarkets. We must put an end to this at once : unitedkingdom. [online] Available at: http://www.reddit.com/r/unitedkingdom/comments/1d2qia/this_is_outrageous_our_pubs_are_now_bei ng_turned/ [Accessed: 21 Nov 2013]. Figure 25: Top Left 1970-79 , Top Right 1980-94, Bottom Left 2004, Bottom Right 2010 Planning Document. (2009). Use of Existing Public House as a Shop at the New Broadway, The Broadway, Tynemouth, NE30 3RT Tynemouth. North Tyneside planning department, United Kingdom. Figure 26A, 26B, 26C: The Oak Inn, Greene King Pub, Fontygary Inn Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 27: A. Broadway B. Alternative 1 C. Alternative 2 Author Figure 28: The Chimney Author

Figure 29: Isovist Diagrams Author Figure 30: Security Camera Isovist diagram. Cameras are black dots. Darker colours represent higher surveillance. Author

Figure 31: Left George A. Romero’s Dawn of the Dead 1978. Right Wallmart Black Friday sale Dawn of the Dead. 1978. [DVD] George A. Romero.

Figure 32: The- horror of the change is that there has been no discernable change Shaun of the Dead. 2004. [film] Studio Canal: Edgar Wright.

Figure 33: Isolated by Roads. Author Figure 34: ‘Perfectly proportioned windows’ Author Figure 35: Flower-patch islands maintain visibility between driver and supermarket Author Figure 36: Vent Patch Author Figure 37: Site plan & elevations Planningportal.gov.uk. 2013. Planning Portal [online] [Accessed: 13 Dec 2013]. Figure 38: A combination of rectangles Author Figure 39: Perched. Fragmented. Disjointed. Author Figure 40: Tesco’s Westbourne Methodist Church store Byzantinearch.blogspot.co.uk. 2010. B A S I L I C A - Theology of Space: Unholy Conversion As Church Becomes A Tesco. [online] Available at: http://byzantinearch.blogspot.co.uk/2010/11/unholyconversion-as-church-becomes.html [Accessed: 23 Jan 2014]. Figure 41: The Vapour Bar Antonygormley.com. 2013. Antony Gormley. [online] Available at: http://www.antonygormley.com/sculpture/item-view/id/241 [Accessed: 21 Jan 2014].

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Film An American Werewolf in London. 1981. [DVD] John Landis. Dawn of the Dead. 1978. [DVD] George A. Romero. The Hurt Locker. 2008. [film] Hollywood: Kathyrn Bigelow. Shaun of the Dead. 2004. [film] Studio Canal: Edgar Wright.

Appendix A: Passion for the Pub

Appendix A: Passion for the Pub A selection of Rovers Return objects that highlight how much the pub has captured the imagination of Coronation Street fans.

Fig.1. Cross-stitch-corner.co.uk. 2014. [online] Available at: http://www.cross-stitchcorner.co.uk/ekmps/shops/brendahickling/images/rovers-return-coronation-street-1833-p.jpg [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Fig.2. Deviantart.com. 2011. deviantART: More Like Maison Jarry-dit-Henrichon en automne by Lapointe56. [online] Available at: http://www.deviantart.com/morelikethis/311812743/artisan?view_mode=2 [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Fig.3. Kilkelly, D. 2013. 'Coronation Street's Rovers Return fire recreated in Lego - pictures. [online] Available at: http://www.digitalspy.co.uk/soaps/s3/coronation-street/scoop/a467507/coronation-streets-roversreturn-fire-recreated-in-lego-pictures.html [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Fig.4. Nora, F. 2012. Coronation Street Blog: Last chance to enter! WIN the Rovers Return. [online] Available at: http://coronationstreetupdates.blogspot.co.uk/2012/11/competition-win-rovers-return.html [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Fig.5. Cake Central. 2010. ROVERS RETURN INN â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Birthday Cakes. [online] Available at: http://cakecentral.com/g/i/1606295/a/1607295/all-the-details-for-this-cake-were-hand-painted-lotsof-fun-to-make-and-our-client-was-thrilled-when-they-pick-it-up/ [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Fig.6. VGC, D. 2014. LARGE ROVERS RETURN TEAPOT FROM CORONATION STREET VGC. [online] Available at: http://www.ebay.co.uk/itm/LARGE-ROVERS-RETURN-TEAPOT-FROM-CORONATION-STREET-VGC/400587496436 [Accessed: 18 Jan 2014].

Apendix B: Mentions of the Broadway A collection of the comments made about the Broadway online:

Rattleshirt: “Hah, this ones in Tynemouth. It was a pub for years but closed after (i believe) the owners were convicted of selling drugs!” “Adamp9: To be fair the Broadway was a shithole Rattleshirt: There's worse in the area round Shields, but aye. Especially when there's the Turks and Cumberland along the road. lowercaseluke: They used to serve me and my mates when we were 15. I can see why they closed!” “Thomasthetanker: They should be forced to have a loo, benches, some sun umbrellas and a can/ bottle bin. Then it would be just like a pub but with cheaper booze and quicker service.” No User: “The 'New' Broadway was a strange pub in that it was in a really affluent, respectable area but seemed to attract utter lunatics. I remember being at the adjacent Shell garage filling up when 2 blokes tumbled out, one wielding a pool cue and started braying each other. Then one of their pals walked over the car park and pointedly flicked a lit tab at the petrol-soaked forecourt, which prompted the attendant to run out the kiosk and wade in. Thats genteel Tynemouth for you!” Usernames in bold.

Apendix C: Pubs converted into Supermarkets A Provisional List of pubs that have been converted into supermarkets:

Russell Hotel/Brady's (Brixton Road) George IV/Music Bar (Brixton Hill) Chell's Family Pub, Stevenage The Wheatsheaf, Heacham, Norfolk The Rising Run, Reading Road, Burghfield, Reading The Royal Oak, West Hill, Portishead, Somerset The Pelican Pub, Letchworth, Herts The Wey Inn/Godalming Arms, Surrey The Grove Tavern, junction of Kingston Road and Morden Road (despite there being another Tesco Express 500 yards away) North Pole Pub, Kensington Swan and Sugarloaf, South Croydon The Chequers Pub, Orton Wistow, Peterborough Bristol House, Milton Road, Weston-Super-Mare The Whistler, Leeds Road, Dewsbury The Cross Keys, Kings Street, Lincolnshire The Merry Monk, Brownsover, Rugby Wilthorpe Pub, Huddersfield Road, Barnsley Grey Horse Pub, Halifax Road, Huddersfield Three Elms Pub, Clarence Road, Windsor Bulls Eye Pub, Sholing, Southampton The Market Pub, Grimsby Crown Hotel, Boston Spa Railway Hotel, Shafter Road, Dagenham The Beacon, Oxlow Lane, Dagenham The Marsham Arms, Waterhouse Lane, Chelmsford Upper Red Lion, Herne Bay (triumphed over Tesco!) but being turned into flats instead. Red Squirrel Pub, Slough North Star Pub, North Hyde Lane, The Cups Pub, Wantz Road, Maldon

Apendix D: Pubs/Supermarkets Mentioned in this dissertation

Pub-Supermarket Conversions The Broadway, North Shields, NE30 3RT Fontygary Inn, 74-88 Fontygary Road, Barry, South Glamorgan, CF62 3DT Greene King, 12 Tilehurst Road, Reading, Berkshire, RG1 7TN, England The Oak Inn, 89 Radford Road, Leamington Spa, CV31 1JY

Broadway Estate Pubs The Broadway, North Shields, NE30 3RT The Magpie- Hartington Rd, North Shields NE30 3PP The Piper Farringdon Road North Shields NE303ER

Local Pubs The foxhunters, NE29 9QA The Monkseaton Arms, NE25 8DP Oz's Bar, 4 Front St, The Arcade, Tynemouth, North Shields NE30 4BS

Supermarkets 55 Bugsby's Way, London, SE10 0QJ 14 Eagle Parade, Buxton, Derbyshire, SK17 6EQ Thin Store: 12 Sidwell Street, Exeter, EX4 6NN Tesco Dark Store: G.Park Enfield, Mollison Avenue, Enfield, EN8 7RP Tesco Church: Westbourne Methodist Church, 16 Landseer Road Bournemouth BH4 9EH

Apendix E: Going to the “Local”: Exhibition Piece

My exhibition piece supplements my dissertation, which is about a local pub that was converted into a ‘local’ Sainsbury’s supermarket. In it I argue that building a supermarket inside the shell of a pub is a type-of ‘stealth’ architecture. The associations of the pub remain, but the supermarket alters the building’s function radically. Social interactions are replaced with solitary conversations between the consumer and shelves of brands. The dissertation tackles the pub/supermarket conversion and the video grounds it in the context of Whitley Bay. The exhibition piece is experimental (this is my first time using video) and is intended as an accessible introduction to my dissertation. The journey to the pub is punctuated by encounters that fill-out the character of the surrounding area. Whitley Bay is a small seaside town so I bump into a friend by the sea early in the video. The amusement arcades are visually interesting, but are now run-down so they represent the former glory of the town as a holiday resort. The Spanish City dome, which is being renovated represents the hope of the town. The iconic metro sign and station links Whitley Bay to the nearby Newcastle. The large Bangladeshi community of Whitley Bay is represented in the sandwich shop scene. Cigarettes are bought because tobacco accounts for 20% of all convenience store sales (milk is 3%). The opening sequence is deliberately dull, and slow. TV can be heard in the background but the shots are static, nothing is happening. This scene elaborates on a point made in my dissertation about the pub filling a gap in peoples lives. To many it is a home-away-from-home, an escape from the domestic that people become attached to. As soon as the phone vibrates and the music starts, the cuts are fast paced, and have purpose; the pub has become the focal point. To accentuate this sense of purpose the shots become brighter, and faster. Similar to adverts that tell their stories using the minimum number of images, miniature stories are told in seconds. Getting dressed is: a jumper thrown onto the bed, pulled over the head, and a sock being pulled on. The fast cuts create a sense of movement, excitement, and anticipation. Shots of beer are dispersed throughout the film to keep the narrative focused on the pub. The fast cuts foreshadow the pubs transformation into a supermarket. The viewer absorbs a huge amount of information, similar to the way consumers are bombarded by brands, and packaging that talks to them from the shelves.

Pubs are disappearing across the UK and my dissertation suggests that we may be losing valuable buildings that cannot be brought back. The film builds towards entering the pub. The audio of people chatting in a busy bar is overlaid, along with close-ups of bars and people drinking. The sound of talking gradually increases to mimic built up excitement. The sudden silence, combined with the opening eye represents the realisation that the pub no-longer exists. It has been replaced. The final scene of the supermarket shelves passing by blending into each other is a commentary on the same-ness of the supermarket. Each Sainsbury’s local uses nearly identical branding and interior décor, brand continuity is desirable in contrast to pubs often celebrated uniqueness. The clips glow to create a surreal, dream-like feel that accentuates the ‘whiteness’ of supermarkets (again in contrast to the pub). The camera slowly reverses out of the store to accentuate the dream like feel, and to reveal the Sainsbury’s sign above the store. The final close-up of a whited-out window sums up the stores approach to the existing pub building. The architecture of the original building is overlooked and replaced by purely functional features that do not relate to the building or their surroundings. An inward-looking world, controlled by an invisible host. The existing architecture contrasts the pristine white interior creating a strange dichotomy. The track ‘Born Slippy’ by Underworld had an edgy feel that complemented the unorthodox first person perspective style I wanted to create. In an interview the band said that the song is intended to sound like an alcoholic’s internal dialogue, and I felt this rambling fast paced style gives the video an unpredictable feel. It was also chosen because of its three distinct phases of tempo (low/high/low). This allowed me to coordinate important parts of the video with changes in music whilst keeping the continuity of one song. I used a special head-mounted camera with an ultra-wide angle lense to capture footage close to the way we see. I used a DSLR to control the focus of the opening shots, and time it to the sound of the phone vibrating. I had over 3 hours of footage, which made reducing the film down to a concise length difficult. I approached the video like a collage where each shot conveyed a different part of the narrative. I also drew from the work of Jonas Åkerlund, and video makers featured on Nic Clear’s unit 15 blog to try and produce something original, that would grab people’s attention and introduce them to my dissertation in an accessible way.

Video available at: http://tinyurl.com/os853kk

Essay presented as bar mats with complimentary pints