Rogue Magazine April 2017 by Rinzon

TION

T RO

ALESSANDRA DE ROSSI A N D H E R D E C L A R AT I O N O F I N D E P E N D E N C E

WHO’S FUNDING WHO? THE PRESIDENTIABLES AND THE MONEY BEHIND THEM RODRIGO DUTERTE MASTER OF SEDUCTION / THE TRANSFORMATION OF LENI ROBREDO RAFFY ALUNAN’S WAR / ON THE ROAD WITH FPJ / CONFESSIONS OF DONALD TRUMP’S BUTLER PLUS! WHO WILL WIN THE ELECTIONS ACCORDING TO THE OCCULT

IA L

ELEC

APRIL 20

ROGUE MAGAZINE / 220 PESOS

s pri and a e e ani a o el ake ou back o ose lon a o vaca ons. e re brin in summer me bliss. a ’s our promise e

ani a o el ummer amp is us around a uned.

e corner.

NES MANILA-HOTEL

OM H

ISSUE 97

CONTENTS Ap r i l 2 0 16

COVER STORY 72 THE JOYFUL MYSTERIES OF ALESSANDRA DE ROSSI Even while riding the success of Hele Sa Hiwagang Hapis, Alessandra De Rossi chooses not to rest on her laurels. Philbert Dy questions the belle of the local independent film scene about breaking the mold of the typical artista and the pursuit of personal passions.

2 A PR I L 2016

PHOTOGRAPHED BY MARK NICDAO

ISSUE 97

CONTENTS Ap r i l 2 0 16

FEATURES

106

PALM BEACH CONFIDENTIAL Few people have greater access to the details of Donald Trump’s wants and needs than his butler, Anthony Senecal, who has served the controversial business mogul on his Mar-a-Lago estate for decades. Through Senecal’s eyes, Jason Horowitz probes the private life of the man who may become, for better or worse, the next President of the United States of America.

FATE OF THE NATION Never mind data and debates. In order to engage the implications of something as carnivalesque as the Philippine 2016 elections, it only makes sense to turn to something equally incredible: the supernatural. Yvette Tan consults the cosmic powers-that-be to determine, depending on who becomes president, what possible futures lie ahead of the nation.

88 HOW THE 1% WILL VOTE Behind every successful politician is a grand mass of machineries—more often than not in the form of the country’s richest and most powerful businessmen. Nelson Navarro offers a rundown on who’s backing who this election season, while Iris Gonzales reveals how the interests of politics, big business, and the people behind them, overlap. 4 A PR I L 2016

98 THE EVOLUTION OF LENI ROBREDO The beginning of Leni Robredo’s career in public service was initially characterized by tragedy and a lack of political support. Today, it seems the majority of the nation’s populace have pledged their love for the vice presidential hopeful, giving her a runaway lead over her political competitors. Paolo Enrico Melendez sheds light on the narrative the Filipino people have come to know her by.

112 ALL HIS TO GIVE Raffy ff Alunan’s return to public service after a 20-year-long absence from the political arena was not met with a grand welcome—the senatorial aspirant must grapple with the issue of re-establishing his relevance. And yet, this does not seem to deter him. Arianna Lim speaks to the former DILG Secretary about his reasons for diving into the political fray once more.

ISSUE 97

CONTENTS Ap r i l 2 0 16

SECTIONS 15

AGENDA The most expensive show Netflix has ever spent money on tackles the life and reign of Queen Elizabeth II; Ernest Concepcion’s art reflects an unshakable motivation to constantly evolve; Tapella highlights the strengths of Spanish cuisine with the flavors of foreign cultures; the campaign materials of past presidents convey how our nation has evolved throughout history.

SPACE The private spaces of history’s most feared totalitarian leaders are reimagined through contemporary interior design; the unique quality of transparent furniture can improve the ambience of any room; the collection of Jean-Michel Frank pieces released by Hermès conveys the designer’s lifelong search for peace; the brilliance of multimedia maverick Poul Henningsen lives on in his light fixtures.

THE EYE Louis Vuitton’s America’s Cup collection of travel wear takes inspiration from the nautical; Senator and lawmaker Sonny Angara shares how his personal life shapes his political endeavors; the recent proliferation of blue-face watches have changed the game for timepiece enthusiasts; Russian designer Gosha Rubchinsky combines high fashion with Soviet Union iconography.

THE SLANT Bibeth Orteza recalls her time spent on Fernando Poe Jr.’s 2004 campaign trail, and how she came to know the man behind the movie star; Victor Andres Manhit assesses the advantages and pitfalls of how social media has influenced pre-election dialogue; Patrick Paez dissects the unorthodox rhetoric and charismatic prowess of uncanny presidential candidate Rodrigo Duterte.

6 A PR I L 2016

Editor in Chief PAOLO R. REYES Design Director MIGUEL MARI

Creative Director MIGUEL LUGTU

Executive Editor CARMELA A. LOPA

Features Editor JEROME GOMEZ Managing Editor JACS T. SAMPAYAN Design Editor DEVI DE VEYRA Editorial Assistant JAM PASCUAL Copy Editor ARIANNA LIM Online Editor MIO BORROMEO Editor at Large TEODORO LOCSIN, JR.

ART Senior Designer PATRICK DIOKNO Photographer at Large MARK NICDAO

Junior Designer CHESCA GAMBOA

Photographer STEVE TIRONA

Illustrator MENEER MARCELO

On the Cover Alessandra de Rossi wears Calvin Klein Collection high-waisted trousers and Dr. Martens leather boots Photographed by Mark Nicdao Styled by Patrick Galang Makeup by Robbie Piñera Hair by Mark Familiara Photographer Assisted by James Bautista, Chris Soco, and Egoy Digital Imaging by Carlo Sardes of Mooo Digital Productions

Contributing Editors BAMBINA OLIVARES WISE, TRICKIE LOPA, TATS MANAHAN, NEAL OSHIMA, JJ YULO, MICHELLE AYUYAO, JAMES GABRILLO, DON JAUCIAN, L.A. CONSING LOPEZ, NICOLA M. SEBASTIAN, MANO LOTHO, TEDDY MONTELIBANO, GUTSY TUASON, MARTIN VALDES, MARITES VITUG Contributing Writers PHILBERT DY, JASON HOROWITZ, GIAN LAO, DINDO MANHIT, PAOLO ENRICO MELENDEZ, NELSON NAVARRO, NINEZ CACHO OLIVARES, BIBETH ORTEZA, PATRICK PAEZ, CARISSA POBRE, COCO QUIZON, VINNY TAGLE, YVETTE TAN, MIXKAELA VILLALON Contributing Photographers & Artists GILBERT DAROY, JL JAVIER, TIM LOPEZ, AT MACULANGAN, DAN MATUTINA, ERIC THAYER Interns BEA MARIANO, GIO MENDOZA, MARK SANTIAGO, ERIKA UY

PUBLISHING Publisher VICKY F. MONTENEGRO / vicky.montenegro@roguemedia.ph Associate Publisher ANI A. HIL A / ani.hila@roguemedia.ph Senior Advertising Sales Director MINA GARA / mina.gara@roguemedia.ph Account Manager VELU ACABADO Advertising Traffic Officer & Production Coordinator MYRA CABALUNA Marketing Associate SAMANTHA ANGELES Associate Circulation Manager RAINIER S. BARIA Circulation Supervisor MARK ROLAND LEAL

Unit 102, Building 2, OPVI Centre, 2295 Jannov Plaza, Pasong Tamo Extension, Makati, 1231 Telephone: (+632) 729-7747 Telefax: (+632) 894-2676 Email: mail@roguemedia.ph Online Presence: Rogue.Ph Facebook.com/rogue.magazine Twitter: @rogueonline Instagram: @rogueonline Tablet version available at: Zinio.com/Rogue Official Internet Service Provider:

Circulation Assistant JERICO ALDANA Dispatch Supervisors ERIC GARCIA, JIMUEL TATAD Controller EDEN G. ARGONZA Credit & Collection Officer DODGIE OCAMPO Finance Analyst JEMMALYN LUCERO HR Supervisor SZERINAH ANN SAMULDE Administrative Supervisor DEANNA GUEVARRA

For subscriptions, back issues, bulk orders, and other circulation concerns please contact : Rainier S. Baria at (+632) 729-7747 and rainier.baria@roguemedia.ph ROGUE MAGAZINE IS PUBLISHED MONTHLY, ELEVEN TIMES PER YEAR. THE EDITORS AND PUBLISHERS OF THE MAGAZINE MAKE NO REPRESENTATIONS OR WARRANTIES IN RELATION TO THE

This issue would not have been possible without the help of ALEXI ALUNAN-SARMIENTO, ROBIN SARMIENTO, SEN. BAM AQUINO, TIMI AQUINO, RAPA LOPA, PIA OJEDA,

ACCURACY OR COMPLETENESS OF THE CONTENTS OF THE ADVERTISEMENTS, PRODUCTS, AND SERVICES ADVERTISED IN THIS EDITION. OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN THIS MAGAZINE ARE SOLELY THOSE OF THE AUTHORS AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THE VIEWS OF ROGUE MAGAZINE. THIS MAGAZINE

BIEN BAUTISTA, RICKY CARANDANG, FRANCIS LOUIE ESQUIVEL, HEART EVANGELISTA, RYAN FAUSTINO, RAFFY OCAMPO, PATRICK PAEZ, MARY REYES OF LOUIS VUITTON

IS FULLY PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT, AND NO PART OF THIS MAGAZINE MAY BE USED OR REPRODUCED IN ANY MANNER WHATSOEVER WITHOUT THE WRITTEN PERMISSION FROM THE EDITORS AND PUBLISHERS.

THE EDITOR’S NOTE ISSUE 97

Ap r i l 2 0 16

The Lost Mar Roxas Interview “I love my mother. One of the last things my father told me before he died was:‘Do not cause your mother to shed a tear.’ Which is not to say that you don’t discuss, you don’t argue, you don’t have your own point of view. I think my mother’s ambitions and dreams for me are the same as any mother’s ambitions and dreams for her children.” “Within 24 hours, I saw my father go from being a political celebrity—senator, head of the opposition, possible President after Marcos— to becoming jobless. Before, he would go to golf clubs and everybody would want to play with him.Then during Martial Law, nobody wanted to talk to him. He made phone calls, but they were not returned. People shunned him. I was in high school. I saw that. But I also saw how he never gave in. He never bought in to what Marcos was selling, whatever the cost was. I respect him for that, and I aspire to be as strong as him.” “When Marcos declared snap elections in 1986, I was watching it on TV like most Filipino expatriates in New York. The very next day, I went to my managing director and told him that I wanted to take a leave of absence to work in Cory Aquino’s campaign. So there I was at the JFK airport on a cold and snowy December 26, wearing an overcoat, scarf, gloves. By December 31, I was already at the Iloilo airport—hot, dusty, and in summer wear. I stayed for the duration of the campaign. I was here during EDSA.” “My experience in Wharton transformed me into somebody who is much more serious about things and less happy-go-lucky. My classmates were very driven, very focused, and very clear as to what their goals were and how they were going to go about attaining them. It was not just passing school. Their goal-setting included the job, the lifestyle, the city, and the house they were going to live in.”

10 A PR I L 2016

“When I was very young, I was, in Visayan, upod-upod, sama-sama, of my maternal grandfather J. Amado Araneta. So I saw Farmers Market and Ali Mall being built. I was the one who was carrying his attaché case, who was driving him around, his all-around messenger.” “My first successes, my first taste of victories as a professional were in the business world. The experience of standing up on the stage and waving, the satisfaction from that is of recent vintage. So it’s not something that I thirst for. I told myself I would work in the private sector until I am 50 or 55. Then near my retirement, I would do something for our country. That was my plan.” “The ‘walk away’ concept is an important part of my character. If you don’t like the situation, then walk away. That’s your ultimate safety net, especially when it comes to ethical issues. When you don’t like something, walk away.” “Being a congressman, secretary, senator— these are all just titles, these are just jobs. You can’t take these titles too seriously. Otherwise you’ll get all screwy. When I was a congressman, I never used the number 8 license plate.And now as a senator, I never use number 7. All of a sudden, I would enter a building and be called ‘Honorable.’ I mean, you have to take this tongue in cheek. Now the conversation in my table is respectful, stitled, formal. Your friends and the halakhakan is actually happening in another table, and that is where you want to sit—but sadly, you cannot.”

Paolo R. Reyess P Editor in Chief

PHOTOGRAPH BY MARK NICDAO

ne of my favorite photographs from the Roguee archives is a candid portrait of presidential aspirant Manuel Araneta Roxas II in the prime of his youth: hands on the steering wheel, careening down a wooded highway in Capiz, a pair of sunglasses on his wind-swept face. I first published this photo in the seventh issue of Rogue, where we interviewed then-Senator Roxas for the magazine’s first major political profile, “The Road to Malacañang,” in February 2008. Thanks to the actress we had put on the cover, and a controversial centerfold of a TV anchor inside the magazine, that issue was hoarded by a few groups and hardly saw the light of day. Thus, with your indulgence, allow me to run a few excerpts from this relatively “lost” Mar Roxas interview, which took place in December of 2007—the fateful year when Roxas finally took leadership of the Liberal Party and first set his eyes on the presidency.

santonishoes.com

SANTONI BOUTIQUE Shangri-La Plaza East Wing | Ph. +632 654 4610 Shangri-La at the Fort

MONTENAPOLEONE Newport Mall (Resorts World Manila) Ph. +632 831 9807

ISSUE 97

THE GUEST LIST Ap r i l 2 0 16

Bibeth Orteza is an activist, cancer survivor, member of the MTRCB, and ardent student of history. She has Nelson Navarro written two books—is began his journalism currently working on her third—and has career with Graphic magazine in 1968. He written screenplays co-founded the antiand teleplays. She won Best Supporting Martial Law Ningas magazine and later Actress in the New served as a columnist Wave Category for for major broadsheets Toto in the 2015 Metro and as co-anchor on Manila Film Festival. ABS-CBN and GMA. Wife to Carlitos, He is an author of 11 mother of Aya books, including the and Rafa. biography of legendary journalist Max Soliven.

12 A PR I L 2016

Yvette Tan is best known for her work in fantasy and horror, for which she has won numerous awards. She also writes non-fiction, focusing on food, travel, and personality profiles. Follow her on twitter and Instagram @yvette_tan and check out yvettetan.com for more of her work.

Paolo Enrico Melendez is an awarded writer known for his satirical short fiction. He is from Tanauan, Batangas. For this issue, he writes about the narrative, campaign, and cultural significance of Vice Presidential candidate Leni Robredo.

Patrick Paez is the head of news production at TV5 and oversees the online show Kontrabando. His latest program conception is what he calls a weekend newscast in the form of a quiz/gag show called Barangay Utakan. Before turning network executive, Paez was a field guy covering politics, disasters, and the fighting in Mindanao and Afghanistan.

JL Javier is a freelance photographer. He graduated with a degree in Information Design from Ateneo de Manila University. He primarily takes portraits, but also likes to shoot fashion and travel. His inspirations include the photography of Richard Avedon, the paintings of Rembrandt, and his dog Jeffrey.

Jason Horowitz has worked as a writer and political reporter for The Observer, The Washington Post, and The New York Times. Beyond the private life of Donald Trump, Horowitz has been covering the US campaign trail.

Eric Thayer is a visual journalist based in New York. As a regular contributor to The New York Times, Getty, The Wall Street Journal, Sports Illustrated, and Reuters, he has years of experience covering two presidential campaigns and is working on a project focused on the USMexico border.

BEST-SELLING COMPACT PASSENGER CAR FOR 2015

Excite your drive with the Corolla Altis. With cutting-edge styling, a longer wheel base for a more spacious cabin, Dual VVT-i matched with 7-speed CVT for excellent driving performance, the Corolla Altis will set your heart pounding.

FU DU

VVT i ENG NE

CUTTING EDGE STY ING

UXUR OUS NT RIOR

NEW 7 S E D CVT

ASC Ref. No. T105P101514T

CUSTOMER ASSISTANCE CENTER HOTLINE (CAC): (02) 819-2912 www.toyota.com.ph

Ap r i l 2 0 16

E DI T E D BY

JAM PASCUAL

AGENDA F O O D + E N T E R TA I N M E N T + C U L T U R E + T R AV E L

Making waves as the most expensive show Netflix has ever produced, Stephen Daldry’s The Crown promises to be a drama of royal proportions WORDS BY VINNY TAGLE

ISSUE NO.

AGENDA TELEVISION

IF THERE’S ANYTHING the Hillary Clinton campaign has shown us, it’s that until now, female leaders don’t have it easy. Even when they’re ahead of the pack, they’re subjected to immense scrutiny and criticism, with the public and their political opponents examining everything, from their personal lives as mothers and wives right down to the cadence of their speech. Queen Elizabeth II’s ascension to the throne is a contemporary example of a woman taking charge of her nation at a politically charged time. Netflix’s new show The Crown is based on her early days as the new queen with Claire Foy (Wolf Hall) playing her and Matt Smith (Doctor Who) as her husband Philip. Based on Peter Morgan’s play The Audience and with a budget of a whopping $156 million, the show recreates Elizabeth’s reign as a young lady, navigating both the politics of her country and her bedroom. It’s one thing to have the trappings of power but another thing to wield it, and The Crown recreates the challenges she faced to cement her place in history. In some of the show’s juiciest scenes, Smith acts out the insecurities and apprehensions of Philip, being married to the most powerful woman in the country. “Are you my wife or my queen?” he asks her, to which she replies, “I am both.” Not everything is in order

Based on Peter Morgan’s The Audience and with a budget of $156 million, it recreates Elizabeth’s reign as a young lady, navigating both the politics of her country and her bedroom. PORTRAIT OF AN ERA Since The Crown revolves around the life and reign of Queen Elizabeth II—and the rest of the royal family—the show’s plot stretches itself across generations WORDS BY JAM PASCUAL

16 A PR I L 2016

with the royal family, and their marital turmoil threatens to derail her rise to power. But the bigger struggle she fought was against certain members of the prevailing political establishment. Following a string of male monarchs since the death of Victoria, Queen Elizabeth took the reins of her country right when the purpose of the crown itself was being questioned by Winston Churchill, played here by John Lithgow. With the British Empire waning after the Second World War, her role in the modern world was under question, leaving it up to her to prove her place in Buckingham Palace. With Stephen Daldry (The Queen) directing this show and Peter Morgan behind its creation and writing, The Crown promises to be an intriguing and engaging period drama. ROYAL PAINS

From top: Claire Foy and Matt Smith play Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, respectively; tensions rise between the two as the Queen navigates her dual role of wife and a monarch.

1965

1977

1982

1997

2000

2015

The Conservative Party of the UK creates a formal election process for electing prime ministers into parliament without the involvement of the Queen.

The United Kingdom celebrates the Silver Jubilee of the Queen, marking 25 years as a sovereign. The whole nation celebrates with street parties and a public holiday.

Prince William, Duke of Cambridge, is born. Prince William is the son of Charles, Prince of Wales, and is currently second in line for the throne after his father.

Princess Diana, ﬁrst wife of Charles, Prince of Wales, is killed in a car crash. Her funeral broadcast holds the record of being one of the most watched events in British television.

This year marks the death of two members of the royal family: Princess Margaret and Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother.

The Queen is officially recognized as history’s longest-reigning British monarch on September 9, surpassing Queen Victoria, who ruled from June 1837 to January 1901.

THE CROWN IS SCHEDULED TO PREMIERE ON NETFLIX LATE 2016.

Presented by

AGENDA FOOD

DOWN TO THE BONE Chef Akrame Benallal, armed with two Michelin stars and a knowledge of all things meat, brings his take on French cuisine to Manila with Atelier Vivanda WORDS BY JJ YULO PHOTOS BY PATRICK DIOKNO

18 A PR I L 2016

IMPECCABLY GROOMED AND sporting a jacket with silver embellishments coolly thrown over a T-shirt (a look that, when done wrong, hearkens back to 1980s Miami Vice), Akrame Benallal, chef and owner of Atelier Vivanda, might come off as a frivolous sort of food person, at least at first glance. You know the kind—the ones who care more about their celebrité than if their slab of beef is cooked perfectly. And certainly his oft-quoted philosophy of equating his menus to fashion lines can—and probably will—raise eyebrows amongst the cattier set of food enthusiasts. In an article by Tracey Furniss in Good Eating, Benallal says his food is like “a collection. The fine dining is haute couture. The bistro more pret-a-porter.” (Atelier Vivanda is his pret-a-porter, in case you were wondering—a Frenchified love letter to meat and potatoes.) But upon closer inspection, clearly there is more than meets the eye to this young Frenchman of Algerian lineage. There is intensity in his eyes, a certain focus—not

unusual for a cook of this caliber who in his early 30s garnered two Michelin stars. His résumé is certainly stellar, and his foundations are definitely solid. How can they not be when you’ve worked with Pierre Gagnaire and Ferran Adria? Benallal says he doesn’t let anything cloud his creative process. An avid eater wherever he goes, the chef is impressed by ingredients, by feelings, by moods. He never copies a dish. Again alluding to the fashion world, he says, “It’s like Jean Paul Gaultier or Yves Saint Laurent—they have their own opinions and go with it. They have conviction.” If anything, it’s people who make his creative juices flow. Observing the average Filipino’s penchant for ordering anything with egg, he made sure egg was on this menu—in this case a plate of white mushrooms, resembling the petals of an orchid, with a soft poached egg in the middle, oozing unctuous bright yolk when pricked. Yolk porn at its finest. Make no mistake—Atelier Vivanda, this

SHANGRI-L A MALL E AST WING

RESORTS WORLD MA XIMS TOWER

CIT Y OF DRE AMS MANIL A

GREENBELT 5

AGENDA FOOD

church to all things meat and potatoes, will be under society’s microscope. In the current global food environment, where accolades like stars and ranks on lists are put aside, and where the actual cooking is given more importance, it is ultimately in the good ol’ grub that contemporary chefs and restaurants are put to the test. In Manila, where restaurants are opening faster than rabbits multiply, this is law. Good thing that in this sense, Benallal’s menu is laser sharp. A plate of foie, that seemingly ubiquitous offal, comes looking very different from the usual seared, crusty lobes. This one is pale, and upon first glance may put some off. But when served atop a celery vanilla coulis and candied kumquats, it takes on an entirely new life. Vanilla is a brilliant addition, bringing about an aromatic softness to the richness of the duck liver. The good chef shows how much he cares by giving the same exacting touch to his potato sides. Eschewing frites because “everyone does frites,” he’s made his own little puffy balls of pomme dauphine. You’ll pop them all without knowing it. A classic gratin dauphinois is a creamy, food coma-inducing treat. And pomme darphin resembles the rosti of your dreams. A choice of any of these comes with the main event: meat. Angus striploin, veal rump, chicken breast, or—my favorite—juicy duck breast. The desserts aren’t an afterthought, either. A little shot glass of chestnut cream and yogurt with a pistachio financier on the side is a perfect 20 A PR I L 2016

Akrame Benallal’s résumé is certainly stellar—and his foundations are definitely solid. How can it not be when you’ve worked with Pierre Gagnaire and Ferran Adria? CHOICE CUTS

Clockwise, from above left: Aside from a wide selection of meats, Atelier Vivanda also boasts an extensive variety of cheese in their stock; gratin dauphinois; Holstein beef rib. Previous page: Duck breast, and the knife which conveniently equips the tables on Atelier Vivanda’s ground ﬂoor. The mindset of Akrame Benallal (inset) in equating food to fashion can be summarized in one conviction: the refusal to follow trends.

conclusion to your meal. For a little bit extra, you can even order veal sweetbreads, an XL ribeye, or a massive Holstein beef rib for two—the ultimate sweat-inducing indulgence. Atelier Vivanda (U-A-8 Burgos Park, Rizal

Drive, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 848-2632) is a strong restaurant that opened earlier this year, one of dozens supposedly set to be unleashed to the eating public. The neighborhoods of BGC are certainly shaping up deliciously.

FLOOR TILES: Dover Antique 59,6x59,6cm & Dover Caliza 59,6x59,6cm · WALL TILES: Dover Caliza 31,6x90cm.

CASA EUROPA Mezzanine, The Inﬁnty Tower 26th St., Bonifacio Global City T: +632 519 3515 Manila

www.porcelanosa.com

AGENDA POLITICS

THE ROGUE BALLOT Out of curiosity, we asked the employees of Rogue Media, plus our regular contributors, whom they would vote for in the upcoming elections and why. Take it as our unofficial prediction if you will, but we’ll let the data speak for itself WORDS BY JAM PASCUAL

2.5%

22%

39%

RODY DUTERTE

39%

VOTED ON THE BASIS OF WHO SEEMED TO BE THE LESSER EVIL AMONG THE CANDIDATES

}

FILLED20% OUT THE MOCK BALLOT, BUT WILL MOST LIKELY ABSTAIN IN THE OFFICIAL ELECTIONS

CANDIDATES

22 A PR I L 2016

27%

VOTED FOR THEIR CANDIDATE BECAUSE THEY BELIEVED IN THEIR PLATFORM

VICE PRESIDENTIAL

2.5%

41% 20%

TOP SENATORIAL CANDIDATES

ROY SEÑERES

MAR ROXAS

GRACE POE

JEJOMAR BINAY

MIRIAM SANTIAGO

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES

61% LENI ROBREDO 17% BONGBONG MARCOS 12% ALAN CAYETANO 10% CHIZ ESCUDERO 0% GREGORIO HONASAN II 0% ANTONIO TRILLANES IV

1. DICK GORDON 2. SERGIO OSMEÑA III 3. FRANKLIN DRILON 4. LEILA DE LIMA 5. RISA HONTIVEROS 6. FRANCIS PANGILINAN 7. RALPH RECTO 8. PANFILO LACSON 9. JUAN MIGUEL ZUBIRI 10. TEOFISTO GUIGONA III 11. RAFAEL ALUNAN III 12. ROMAN ROMULO

71%

Voted for their candidate because they believed in their platform.

19% Voted on the basis of who seemed to be the lesser evil among the candidates.

10 % Filled out the mock ballot, but will most likely abstain in the official elections.

All votes were turned in anonymously through the circulation of mock ballots. Apart from voting preferences, participants were asked about other details such as age, sex, and precinct.

TOP 3 POLITICAL PAIRINGS

ROXAS ROBREDO

DUTERTE CAYETANO

POE ESCUDERO

AGENDA ART

INTO THE WILD Forever changed by a decade spent in the grit of New York, artist Ernest Concepcion returns to the Philippines hungry and driven WORDS BY MIXKAELA VILLALON / PHOTOS BY JL JAVIER

ORGANIZED CHAOS

From top: Ernest Concepcion in his studio. Whether it be artistic style or his choice of residence, Concepcion is not the type to stay in one place forever; The Necessary Steps for Getting Lost, oil, enamel, colored pencil, gypsum on canvas, 36” x 48”.

24 A PR I L 2016

“IT LOOKS LIKE food,” Ernest Concepcion says, gazing hungrily at one of his most recent works—an abstract eruption of reds and yellows. “I want to eat it.” Concepcion admits that his explorations in art are primarily guided by gigil. It’s an untranslatable Filipino word that can be roughly explained as an intense emotion, an urge to throttle someone or something. One can be gigil about a cute puppy or endless traffic jams. It’s a clenched-fist, grittedteeth, trembling-jowls emotional state that finds one at the cusp of doing something unthinkable. Like wanting to eat a painting, or buying a one-way ticket to New York with no plan and $700 in his pocket in 2001, a few months after 9/11. “I just wanted to get out,” says Concepcion. “I was in my early 20s and adventurous. I wanted to prove to everyone that I could do it. So I went straight to the lion’s den to see if I could continue making art.” Taking that leap was no small feat. Prior to leaving, Concepcion took up Fine Arts at the University of the Philippines, experimenting with video art under pioneer conceptual artist Roberto Chabet. Going to New York meant being in a situation where he had no choice but to sink or

AGENDA ART

“The Manila art scene is young. I always think of it as a teenager—smart, know-it-all, but if you criticize it, biglang iiyak.” swim. It meant crashing on his sister’s couch, juggling three jobs, and squeezing blood from what little time he had left in a studio he rented. “I went back to drawing because I was broke. Nang-gigil ako mag-experiment because I wanted to prove that my work changes. It’s bound to develop. Especially in New York, if you’re not on your toes, matatabunan ka. In one city block, there are like, 50 artists. How do you stand out?” Hard work and staying on his grind earned Concepcion a slew of residencies like the Lower Manhattan Cultural Council Workspace Program and solo exhibitions in New York, Minneapolis, and Manila. In 2013, with the growing demand for his work stateside, Concepcion moved back to Manila for good. “I came back for practical reasons. Here, I have more time to spend in the studio.” On the difference between the New York and Manila art scene, Concepcion speaks about government support, camaraderie, and competition. And while the Big Apple may be big, art shows find the same circle of artists regularly seeing and supporting each other. “Here, not so much,” he says, laughing. Concepcion recounts a time when a friend messaged him on social media about another Filipino artist’s work that looked uncannily similar to his. “Some local galleries don’t know better. When I came home, biglang tumahimik. But the Manila art scene is young. I always think of it as a teenager: smart, know-it-all, but if you criticize it, biglang iiyak.” As is, Concepcion doesn’t have time for trifles. He’s keeping busy and churning out works at a frightening speed, gearing up for a solo exhibit at 1335MABINI under the working title Just a Hint of Mayhem. “I consider every show like a music album. The artwork are like songs,” says Concepcion. “I’ll put together nine or 10 works. There’s going to be a sleeper hit in there, an old favorite, a classic, or something that I don’t really like but I keep coming back to it for some reason. That’s why I 26 A PR I L 2016

METHOD TO THE MADNESS

From top: Luna War, oil, enamel, colored pencil, gypsum on canvas, 36” x 48”; Hey You, Sunshine!!, enamel and gympsum on canvas, 48” x 48”. Concepcion's show runs from April 23 to May 20 at 1335MABINI in Malate.

don’t repeat my old stuff.” He says he’s started “deconstructing” his imagery. Concepcion shows off an artwork of the House of Representatives session hall defaced with wild splotches of paint. “A lot of artists can paint really well. But to break it apart? That takes a lot.”

JUST A HINT OF MA YHEM WILL BE EXHIBITED FROM APRIL 23 TO MAY 20 AT 1335MABINI. VISIT 1335MABINI.COM FOR MORE DETAILS.

AGENDA FOOD

FLAVOR FUSION

From left: Mango gazpacho with salmon roe and crab, salad with candied walnuts and cheese, and the Chef’s Selection of 8 Tapas, which is inﬂuenced by Vigan and Moroccan ﬂavors; Tapella’s Huevos con Morcilla sisig, which integrates Spanish blood sausage and replaces rice with shoestring potatoes.

A Recipe for Reinvention With Chef Robert Spakowski at the helm, Tapella sees new life combining classic and modern sensibilities WORDS BY CARISSA POBRE PHOTOS BY JL JAVIER

28 A PR I L 2016

IT’S NOT ALWAYS easy to reinvent a classic recipe, but the new menu at Tapella strikes the balance between the curious and familiar. For years, the tapas bar and restaurant has been a go-to for traditional, rustic Spanish food. Their seafood paella has long been touted as a signature dish. Now, taking over the restaurant from his aunt Xandra Cacho, New York-trained Chef Robert Spakowski (inset) is revisiting dishes as an exercise in curiosity, serving new combinations that find harmony between nostalgic flavors and those we have yet to try. The platter known as Chef ’s Selection of 8 Tapas epitomizes the kind of variety that the new menu embodies, inspired by Spakowski’s travels throughout Spain. From the Spanish chorizo and Vigan longganisa mini burger with cheese, to the Moroccan beef skewer served with a side of aioli, the selection is an array of bright colors and flavors that easily captures the festive tapas culture of Madrid. For Spakowski, playing with different flavors is an opportunity to experiment, but at the end of the day it still comes down to simple, approachable food. The mango gazpacho is a play on a classic recipe— with the fruitiness of mango commingling with the fresh tomato base, surprising with pops of salmon roe along the way. A salad of mixed

greens combines tomato and onion, sweet candied walnuts, and lightly creamy goat cheese, with a reduced balsamic vinegar dressing that has the pleasant acidity of tamarind. Tapella’s Huevos con Morcilla sisig is notorious for its combination of classic sisig and Spanish blood sausage over a bed of crispy shoestring potatoes instead of rice. With brightyellow yolky eggs, it can be mixed together the way sisig is meant to be enjoyed. Based on an old family recipe, the truffle cream pasta is another rich comfort food, topped with crunchy jamón serrano. Even Tapella’s signature drinks have the spirit of mixology behind them. The Ronin Sangria is a white wine sangria with Japanese sake, cucumber, and freshly-made candied ginger that follows on a clean and refreshing finish. For a stronger kick, the Banzai Sangria mixes Spanish white wine, sake, and vodka, with lychee and an assortment of fruits marinated in the alcohol. Tapella (G/F Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 757-2710) was always considered modern for its time, yet for a while catered to a more European palate. With its new menu of a Spanish—plus Filipino, Japanese, Italian, and even Moroccan—twist, it seems there’s much more to be curious about.

AGENDA POLITICS

HR Manager As the previous head of the executive branch of the government, we believe that PNoy might have an administrative trick or two up his sleeve. He’s experienced with strategically hiring people for special positions within his cabinet and making sure they’re the best person for the job (at least to his knowledge)—so a post-presidential career as an HR Manager may not be so far-fetched.

Life After The Presidency The man who espoused daang matuwid will soon find himself at a crossroads after stepping down. We have a few suggestions on what PNoy can do next WORDS BY COCO QUIZON / ILLUSTRATED BY TIM LOPEZ

EVENTOLOGIST Presidents go to lots of really great events in different countries. PNoy would have deﬁnitely learned a thing or two from all the cultures he’s seen and worked with. And with all the great pictures from all the parties he’s ever attended, he has enough content to create the most convoluted mood boards. Plus, as a former president who has faced a harrowing issue or two during his term, crisis management is totally up his alley.

30 A PR I L 2016

SIX YEARS AGO, Noynoy Aquino was a sprightly 40-something thrust into the center of the gleaming political spotlight as the hopeful panacea to our social ills. While reality may have taken a different turn, stepping out of high office might be the breath of fresh air that he so desperately needs. How will he start anew, you ask? We have a few ideas.

TRAINEE AT THE FAMILY BUSINESS

BRAND SPECIALIST ON T WIT TER

When you’ve been at the top and need a change of pace, there’s nowhere else to go but down in order to change direction. Maybe after a stint at the presidential seat, PNoy might take a traineeship spot at the family business and learn the ropes from the very bottom notch— think Robert de Niro in The Intern but with the weight of the country’s problems still precariously perched on each shoulder.

If there’s anything PNoy knows best, it’s how to stay sane and diplomatic in one of the world’s most thankless jobs. Having built up a brave mug over time with skin thicker than the annual budget proposal, we believe PNoy has the chops to go head to head with the masses as a brand specialist doing tech support on Twitter—copping hate for only doing his job, hoping that at the end of the day he actually helped.

AGENDA POLITICS

THE REST IS HISTORY Political campaign materials are designed to entice, attract, and persuade. We look at the propaganda put out by past presidents and find that they reveal much about the evolution of a nation’s interests

IMAGES OF CAMPAIGN MATERIAL COURTESY OF THE PRESIDENTIAL MUSEUM & LIBRARY COLLECTION.

WORDS BY GIAN LAO

CORY AQUINO

FIDEL RAMOS

JOSEPH ESTRADA

GLORIA ARROYO

1986

1992

1998

2004

There is a massive difference between a slogan and a battle cry. You print a slogan on a poster, but you take a battle cry to war. Cory Aquino had both, but is anyone surprised that supporters from that era only vaguely remember the clunky “Aquino-Laurel: Tanging Pag-Asa ng Bayan”? Imagine more than a decade of oppression under Martial Law and the constant fear of imprisonment. Now, imagine going to a public square and shouting: “Sobra na! Tama na! Palitan na!” It was freedom before freedom was won. Those three simple lines were what captured the spirit of the Aquino campaign and, more importantly, the resistance against the dictator. It also helped that the battle cry itself was authentic to the candidate. Ninoy Aquino was imprisoned, tortured, and assassinated for no other reason than disagreeing with the president. The story of the Aquinos made Cory a worthy avatar for those oppressed by the dicatator.

There were several coup attempts over the course of Aquino’s administration, including one in December 1989 that saw vintage aircrafts dive-bombing Malacañang and rebels occupying 22 buildings along Ayala Avenue. Apart from sowing fear in the populace, these incidents helped tank the Philippine economy. After over half a decade of this, it made sense that the Ramos campaign promised security. The candidate was a decorated military man and was seen as better equipped than anyone else to handle a volatile environment. The ﬁrst three words of the slogan—“Wala nang gulo”—were written for those shaken by the turmoil of preceding years, and perhaps the next three—“Tuloy ang asenso!”—were meant to capitalize on being Cory’s anointed one. The strategy’s true effectiveness, however, is unclear, as Ramos won the Presidency with the smallest percentage of votes in Philippine history, at 23.58 percent.

This is as close as it gets to a slogan writing itself. Joseph Ejercito “Erap” Estrada was Asiong Salonga. As an action star, he was the Robin Hood of Tondo. He robbed the rich; he gave to the poor. Erap was seen on screen ﬁghting for the little guy, and this was during an era in which there was little other entertainment apart from mainstream media. In other words, even if you didn’t want him to be your hero, you had few other choices. Given his ﬁlmography, when Erap said “para sa mahirap,” he was absolutely credible in the eyes of his fans. His audience hears far more than three words. They see a man sticking up for them in the face of movie caricature business owners; they see a man who made a living out of defeating the system to serve those in the sidelines. The result was a landslide. Erap took almost 40 percent of all votes; none of the other candidates broke 16. What actually transpired during his presidency is another story.

Arroyo 2004 is unique in that it was essentially a re-election campaign—one that was defined by her main challenger more than anything else. GMA was up against Fernando Poe Jr., representative of forces allied with former President Estrada and an equally enormous action star. Of course, one massive difference between FPJ and Erap was that Erap was a former Mayor, Senator, and Vice-President. Poe had zero experience in politics. The GMA campaign capitalized on this by what can be construed as an attack on both Erap’s integrity and Poe’s inexperience. While the results of the 2004 election will be contested throughout history, especially due to the “Hello Garci” tape, there’s a strong argument to be made that GMA’s campaign worked. In the month preceding the election, she kept a significant lead over FPJ, which is admittedly a job well done for a politician devoid of a solid image up against one of the most beloved figures in Philippine culture.

32 A PR I L 2016

AGENDA NIGHTLIFE Berta LopezFeliciano and Chiqui Banzon

Noel Bautista, Ting Feliciano, Bledes ForésLegarda, Rene Banzon, Johnny Montinola

Ricardo Po and Mon Gonzalez

The Last Dance Midas Marquez, Bubot Quicho, Louie Cruz

For one night only last March, the city’s retired nightowls resurfaced to relive the 90s bar that changed Makati nightlife forever: Giraffe

Larry Leviste and Robbie Carmona

WORDS BY JEROME GOMEZ PHOTOS BY IAN SANTOS

Monica Araneta, Tina and Robert Cruz, Tim Yap

dancing-on-tables action, but the ladies decided to spare Prive’s tabletops and kept their dancing shoes on the floor the evening of the Giraffe reunion party. Still, there were enough elements to remind one of the heady days of the most iconic bar of the 90s, the one that taught Makati how to loosen up. There was Louie Cruz holding court at the center. By the stairs, Giraffe co-owner Ting Feliciano sat among buddies on the Chesterfield sofa. At the DJ’s booth, there was Boyet Almazan, pausing to announce the playing of a Giraffe favorite: Pizzicato Five’s “Sweet Soul Revue.” Then there was Bubot Quicho, one of the original owners, who could recall that New Year’s morning at the bar when the DJ signalled the party’s end by playing Donna Summer’s “Last Dance.” The crowd started booing him. He ended up playing two hours more—despite the bar having dried up hours before. WE WAITED FOR

Tweetie de Leon Gonzalez, Apples Aberin

Sandy Lamb-Moran with Junjun and Kourtney Camcam

Bledes Forés-Legarda and Amado Forés

Boyet Almazan, Charlie Carmona

Petusa

34 A PR I L 2016

Jami Ledesma, Louie Cruz

Ap r i l 2 0 16

SPACE DARK ROOMS & IRON FISTS

E DI T E D BY

DEVI DE VEYRA

DESIGN + INTERIORS + ARCHITECTURE + TECHNOLOGY

TAKE A TOUR OF FOUR DICTATORS’ SPACES AS IMAGINED FROM A CONTEMPORARY VIEWPOINT, FILLED WITH TOTEMS OF TRIUMPHS, FAILURES, AND UNFORESEEN OUTCOMES

ISSUE NO.

SPACE FURNITURE

BENITO MUSSOLINI

Il Duce is back. Mussolinithemed vacations are trending among tourists, and Fascist architecture is getting increased media play that started with Fendi’s recent inauguration of its new headquarters at the controversial Mussolinicommissioned Palazzo della Civilta Italiana in Rome.

BOCONCEPT (FROM MOSDESIGN) WOODEN BIRD SCULPTURES. LING QUISIMBING (FROM MOSPACE) PENCIL SCULPTURE. A11 METAL TRIPOD LAMP. LUCA NICHETTO FOR SELETTI (FROM A11) MANHATTAN SILICONE DISHRACK. BOCONCEPT (FROM MOSDESIGN) LEATHER PANEL. JB WOODCRAFT ROUND TABLE AND CHAIR. BOCONCEPT (FROM MOSDESIGN) CUSHION AND METAL “M” SCULPTURE

MAO ZEDONG

It is the late communist strongman’s perfect nightmare: Beijing replaced NY as the world’s billionaire capital, and Mao’s ubiquitous presence in both kitsch and highbrow art cemented his iconic status in the bourgeois realms of art and capitalism. Mega Mao, the privately sponsored monument recently dismantled by authorities, revealed a strong nostalgia for China’s rockstar revolutionary.

ROBERTO CHABET HOLLOW BLOCK SCULPTURE. A11 TIN CUP AND PLATES. STUDIO DIMENSIONE RED METAL CABINET AND FRAMED POSTER

(SEE SHOPLIST ON PAGE 122 FOR MORE DETAILS)

SPACE FURNITURE

FIDEL CASTRO

He hoarded nukes, humiliated the Americans when he thwarted the Bay of Pigs invasion, and sparked an exodus of migrants when he showed dissatisfied Cubans the door to the US. Castro’s stinging rebuke of Obama after the US president’s landmark visit showed the world that he’s stayed true to his macho brand of statesmanship.

KAWAYAN DE GUIA MISSILE SCULPTURE. STUDIO DIMENSIONE FRAMED BIRD PRINTS. E. MURIO CANE AND GLASS TABLE, AND CANE CHAIR. EMILY CAMPOS STUFFED PIG

(SEE SHOPLIST ON PAGE 122 FOR MORE DETAILS)

ADOLF HITLER

Nazi Punk asserted its angry presence in the music world—a few video games took inspiration from the Fuhrer’s horrific history, while in Japan Mein Kampf’s manga version was released in 2008. Early this year, Germany provided an opportunity for fans, scholars, and the plain curious to enter a dark and dangerous mind with the release of Mein Kampf’s 2016 edition.

LING QUISIMBING (FROM MOSPACE) PENCIL SCULPTURES. JB WOODCRAFT NARRA TABLE AND CHAIRS PHOTOS BY AT MACULANGAN / STYLED BY DEVI DE VEYRA

SPACE FURNITURE

The orderly lines of French designer JeanMichel Frank’s furniture evoke the sense of peace that eluded him throughout his life WORDS BY JAM PASCUAL

ONE LOOK AT the Jean-Michel Frank collection by Hermès generates a sense of great calm. This shouldn’t be a surprise—the man was, after all, a design pioneer with a minimalist touch. Frank, however, was a conflicted man, his troubles starkly contrasting the tranquil nature of his aesthetic. Born in Paris and member to a multinational banking family, the designer was a son of privilege who first pursued law. The year 1915 saw the lives of those around him take a tragic turn—two of his older brothers were killed in the frontlines of World War I while his father committed suicide. All that grief would follow him for the rest of his life like a shadow, despite the success he would come to gain over the years as a designer. g It was perhaps his encounter with art and style patron Eugenia Errázuriz that influenced him the most aesthetically, exposing him to Louis XVI furniture and guiding him toward a style that equated elegance with simplicity. High profile fashion designers such as Elsa Schiaparelli and Robert Piguet would turn to the Frenchman to decorate their showrooms. It wouldn’t be a stretch to say that his approach to design redefined opulence (his style emphasized simplicity, but he preferred to use luxurious material, from mica to mother-of-pearl to straw-rye marquetry) and the collection he designed for Hermès (Greenbelt 3, Ayala Center, Makati; 757-8910) 0 is evidence of this. Consider the Inverted U nesting tables or the low round table and folding screen embellished with sun ray patterns. The prime of Frank’s career may have taken place between the two world wars, but his pieces are timeless.

SIMPLE FORMS

Re-editions of Jean-Michel Frank’s nesting tables covered with leather parchment (top) and his settee and armchair in metal and leather (above) are available locally at Hermès.

42 A PR I L 2016

PARTNER PROMOTION

Street barware, Orrefors

Cognac glass

Flute glass

A Case for Clarity Create a special atmosphere with a timeless tablescape of pure lines, polished materials, and a monochrome palette

Fine bone chinaware, Carrara collection from Dibbern.

Martini glasss

Decanter

IT’S QUITE EASY to put together a classic tablescape, starting with the restrained lines of Orrefors’ Street barware (top photo). Any dish will look delectable when plated in a Dibbern ﬁne bone china with Carrara marbel patterns. Compliment your tableau with the smokey sensuality of the Altas vase from Orrefors. For those who entertain with open kitchens, Scanpan’s sleek cookware is just as fabulous as the other pieces in your tablescape. Don’t forget that details matter—you can’t go wrong with the Topos cutlery by Robbe & Berking. With these classics, gatherings around the table are bound to be memorable experiences.

Atlas vase, Orrefors

FOR MORE INFORMATION, EMAIL SALES@GARDENBARN.COM.PH, CALL 833-1080, OR VISIT GARDENBARN. COM M .PH

CTX Saute Pan, Scanpan

Cutlery, Topos collection, Robbe & Berking

A PR I L 2016 43

SPACE MOTORING

Summertime Drive Reaching iconic status in the 1960s, global brands Vespa and Mini introduce two new models to a Philippine audience WORDS BY ERIKA UY

IT’S SOMETHING WHEN a brand becomes a verb. The word vespare was coined in the 60s, meaning “to go around on a Vespa,” connoting a kind of spirit popularized by films such as La Dolce Vita, associated with the Italian high life: Style. Freedom. Romance. Getting away. But beneath this glamorous façade is the scooter’s gritty history. Founded in 1946, Vespa was inspired by the Cushman scooters that were airdropped from helicopters. They became the soldier’s alternative vehicle to Jeeps during World War II. Now 70 years

old, the legendary two-wheelers make a grand entry on our shores under Vespa Scooters Philippines. Available are the newly innovated models, Primavera and Sprint. Adjustments in the handlebar, saddle, and height make for a safer, more stable and more comfortable ride. Having first emerged in 1968, today’s Primavera has a modern streamlined look, a pointed and tapered tail—still echoing the Italian brand’s namesake. It is powered by a 150CC three-valve single cylinder air-cooled engine, boasting 13 horsepower and 9.5 lb-ft of torque. The addition of electronic fuel injection ensures performance without sacrificing fuel economy. The Vespa Sprint, on the other hand, serves as a sportier and more dynamic alternative to the Primavera. It pays tribute to the Vespas of the 60s and 70s, which were geared toward a younger audience. Powered by a 150CC three-valve engine with catalytic converter that produces 12.7 horsepower and 9.4 lb-ft of torque,

CITY SLICKER

From top: The Mini Clubman is the largest and most sophisticated model from the iconic British brand to date. The Vespa Primavera’s new steel body and technological upgrades make it perfect for today’s urban riders.

the new Sprint is the fastest and most efficient one around. The revolutionary element of the updated model is its 12-inch tires, making handling the scooter easier and safer. Vespa achieved its popularity in the 60s alongside another stylish icon: the Mini. Also available in Manila is the new Mini Clubman—similarly sporty and functional, better fit for a family. It has a generous cargo space of up to 48 cubic feet, making it the perfect companion for out-of-town travels and weekend getaways. Though bigger than other models, its added spaciousness does not compromise its sleekness. Paired with BMW engineering under its hood is a 134-horsepower 1.5-liter turbo threecylinder engine with an eight-speed manual that allows precise shifting. It also has a Driving Mode system that lets you toggle between Sport Mode, which adjusts throttle and steering capabilities for faster driving, and Green Mode, which allows for more easygoing drives and efficient fuel delivery. Both stylish brands, the Vespa and Mini have taken into account new technologies by going digital and have made sustainable, eco-friendly commitments for the future. Nothing like marrying style with sensibility. The Vespa Sprint and Primavera, as well as the Mini Clubman, can be taken for a spin at AutoHub Group of Companies’ showroom (5th Avenue, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig).

SPACE DESIGN

BRIGHT STAR

Henningsen at his studio in Copenhagen, 1960s.

Let There Be Light Through his work in light, furniture, and cinema, Danish designer Poul Henningsen left a legacy that, even today, has not lost its luster WORDS BY DEVI DE VEYRA

POUL HENNINGSEN is perhaps more known for his lights, small furniture, and a family of musical instruments. The designer’s vintage pieces command top prices at auctions, while several of his works—including a rare

specimen, the Snake chair—are part of the MOMA’s permanent collections. Anyone unconvinced by Henningsen’s genius might be swayed by the PH pianos, a mindblowing series that look like deviant distant relations to their tradition-bound cousins. The Danish maverick stirred not just the design world but also Denmark’s sociopolitical milieu as a writer for the country’s broadsheets and as a dabbler in cinema. He would direct the controversial Denmark, a government-funded short film originally intended as something of a marketing tool to present Denmark to an international audience. Panned by critics and the general public, Henningsen abandoned his directorial pursuits but continued writing screenplays, eventually co-writing the sccript for PH Philosophy

of Light, a documentary that examines Henningsen’s creative process and approach. He cast an unforgiving light on Denmark’s issues, but preferred gentler illuminations for the home to create a pleasing ambience devoid of sharp shadows and unnatural color tones. There are no empty gestures in Henningsen’s luminaires: the visors diff ff se and deflect light, their interiors painted certain colors to correct the flawed radiance of some bulbs. The designer’s partnership with lighting manufacturer and distributor Louis Poulsen (Living Innovations, 5th Ave. cor. 23rd St., BGC, Taguig; 734-3243), continues to this day, making it possible for modern-day fans to illuminate spaces with the soft, warm radiance that has becoome Henningsen’s signature stamp and luminou us legacy.

Top Threee A sampling off Henningsen’s work showss his masterful grasp off technique, and sensitivee approach to his craftt

PH PENDANT LIGHT

PH GRAND PIANO

PH HAT WALL LAMP

This drop light is the most recognizable piece from Henningsen Henningsen’ss portfolio

This musical instrument is a rare example of the designer’s ﬂamboyance exa

Henningsen was also capable of whimsy, as seen in this wall lamp

AVAILABLE AT LIVING INNOVATIONS ( WWW.LIVINGINNOVATIONS.PH). SEE SHOPLIST ON PAGE 122 FOR MORE DETAILS.

A PR I L 2016 45

SPACE INTERIORS

CLEAR AGENDA Transparent furniture makes a strong comeback—its light vibe and clean aesthetic refresh and lift the mood around the home and workspace

BOXINBOX

LOTUS PENDANT

by Philippe Starck for

by BoConcept

Glas Italia (Living Innovations; G/F, Fort Victoria, 5th Ave., Corner 23rd St., BGC 8302230)

(3/F MOs Design, B2 Bonifacio High Street, Taguig; 403-6620; mosdesign.com.ph)

3 PRISM GLASS WARDROBE by Tokujin Yoshioka for

Glas Italia (Living Innovations; G/F, Fort Victoria, 5th Ave., Corner 23rd St., BGC 8302230)

PRECIOUS OVAL COCKTAIL TABLE

SOAP BUBBLE WALL DECOR

by Cédric Ragot for

(3/F MOs Design, B2 Bonifacio High Street, Taguig; 403-6620 mosdesign.com.ph)

Roche Bobois (2100 Don Chino Roces Ext., Makati; 519-8240)

46 A PR I L 2016

by BoConcept

Ap r i l 2 0 16

THE EYE

E DI T E D BY

JACS T. SAMPAYAN

ISSUE NO.

FA S H I O N + S T Y L E + G R O O M I N G

P G

T A

O E

In its 33rd year of partnering with the yachting competition, Louis Vuitton’s America’s Cup collection continues to champion the luxury house’s passion for travel through leisurely clothes and youthful accessories WORDS BY JEROME GOMEZ / PHOTOS BY CHUCK REYES

T S

BLUE KIT BLANKET. RED POLO REGATTA TOP WITH V PRINT. MARINE CARGO SHORTS. NAVY BELT. WHALE KEY HOLDER. OPPOSITE: MARINE CARDIGAN. CHINO MARINE TROUSERS. PREVIOUS PAGE: WHITE TURTLE NECK KNIT TOP. CARGO SHORTS MAINE. BLUE BELT. BUOY KEY HOLDER, ALL LOUIS VUITTON

SEERSUCKER MARINE JACKET. REGATTA WINDBREAKER. NAVY BELT. SEERSUCKER CHINO MARINE TROUSERS. OPPOSITE: CREWNECK MARINE TOP. TWILL CHINO MARINE TROUSERS. DAMIER COBALT REGATTA CARD HOLDER. WHITE REGATTA PLIANTE SUNGLASSES, ALL LOUIS VUITTON STYLED BY CHIA WEI CHOONG / GROOMING BY MU WEE MING / MODELED BY MARTIN C OF AVE SEE SHOPLIST (PAGE 122) FOR STORE INFORMATION

THE EYE STYLE

THE

ROGUE REGISTER

SENATOR SONNY ANGARA The first-term senator talks about his favorites, from artists and authors to the places he considers home INTERVIEW BY JACS T. SAMPAYAN

DESPITE CURRENTLY SERVING as one of the country’s lawmakers, senator Sonny Angara strives to live a complete life. The Outstanding Young Men 2010 awardee juggles time between his wife Tootsy, their three children, and 12-hour work days at the senate. As the chairman of the Ways and Means committee, Angara has helped author and push for several tax reform laws as well as other pet causes such as the Whistleblowers Protection Act and the Freedom of Information bill. This predilection for balance extends to Twitter, where he gamely shares what happens on the senate ﬂoor, in between tweets about the NBA and the latest exploits of our own national sportsmen. Angara also chairs the Committee on Games, Amusement, and Sports, and actively argues for more resources to be funneled to our

lagging sports programs. Outside of rigorous legislative work and necessary social functions, his days are spent bonding with family on trips, supporting his eldest kid’s budding tennis career, and sneaking a set or two of play himself, when permitted. With a loaded schedule, the ﬁrst-termer, who placed sixth in the 2013 polls, is relieved not to be in this year’s campaign trail. “Good luck to all candidates. I’m happy not to be running this 2016 election,” he says. What was your earliest ambition? To be a writer or journalist. What is your most treasured possession? My family, but if that doesn’t count then our house, because it reminds me of family and our happy moments. Who are your favorite writers? Nick Hornby, PJ O’Rourke, and Bill Bryson. What would you like to own that you don’t currently possess? A plane or chopper would make my job easier.

What drives you on? A sense of mission, some altruism, some ambition, some of the values instilled in me. What are you working on now? At the risk of sounding too grandiose: trying to build a more just society through legislative reform (tax, labor, education). What time of the day are you most inspired? I wish there were consistency here, but dawn is the closest. Favorite hotel? Unforgettable for its dramatic setting was the Fairmont in Banff, Canada. It’s an old palace set in the mountains with lakes and fantastic scenery. Closer to home, Amanpulo and Pangalusian in Palawan are beautiful too. Necessary extravagance? Chocolate. Favorite city in the world: Manila and London for most of my life. Tokyo is moving up, too. Ideal playlist? Would be a mix of genres/eras; some rock, some alternative, some R&B and hip-hop. Favorite artists? Yasmin Sison. Also architects Frank Gehry and John Lautner.

Favorite gadget? Apple stuff: form and function. Where do you live? Manila and Baler, Aurora. Neighborhood restaurant? Apt 1-B, Recovery Food, and Cibo. Favorite cocktail? Scotch on the rocks. Favorite dish? Steak au poivre, sisig and garlic rice, Cebu lechon. Jeans? Seven, Uniqlo. Footwear? Brown leather shoes and old school sneaks like Jordans or Converse. Watch? Cartier, Audemars Piguet, and Jaeger-LeCoultre. Favorite designers? Kenneth Cobonpue. Wallet or money clip? Wallet. Who cuts your hair? Bruno’s Barbers. Cologne? Acqua di Parma.

THE EYE FOOTWEAR

Basic Instinct Common Projects makes a case for the ultimate pair of sneakers with pieces that focus on plush materials and italian craftmanship WORDS BY JACS T. SAMPAYAN

Prathan Poopat, an art director and design consultant based in New York, and Flavio Girolami, who runs his own creative agency in Italy, are longtime friends and collaborators who both haven an interest in shoes. In 2004, the pair decided to build on this shared passion and started the sneaker label Common Projects. They define this with purposely pared down pieces that prioritize form, function, and materials. Each pair is stamped 10 digits broken down into three sets—the factory identification and style codes—near the sole. They are all hand stitched in Italy. With its minimalist ae label has become top-of-mind

in the growing luxury sneaker market. The first pair they launched 12 years ago, the Achilles, remains a favorite among known sneaker afficionados such as Frank Ocean, Nick Jonas, Drake, and Ellen DeGeneres. “In a way Common Projects doesn’t feel like ours,” says Girolami in an interview with the New York Times. It feels like it has a life of its own and belongs to a lot of people.” Common Projects is exclusively available at Univers (One Rockwell East Tower, Estrella corner Rockwell Drive, Makati; 553-6811). For this season, the brand follows the same style principles with hi-tops and low-cut sneakers done mostly in solid colors.

A SIMPLE PLAN The Common Projects aesthetic is popular among luxury sneaker brands with solid hues and clean designs a constant even in current collections

Our Legacy Two-strap classic sneaker

Raf Simons x Adidas Stan Smith strap in black

Visvim Slip ons in black

ALL AVAILABLE AT UNIVERS, ONE ROCKWELL EAST TOWER, ESTRELLA CORNER ROCKWELLDRIVE, MAKATI; 553-6811; HOMMEETFEMME.PH

Raf Simons x Adidas Stan Smith in white

A PR I L 2016 55

THE EYE WATCHES

1 OMEGA Globemaster One of the stars from last year’s Basel World is back with a slightly bigger case and an even better Master Chronometer Calibre. It’s new Annual Calendar model, with prominent detailing, also features a new movement.

The Big Blue The coolest of colors dominate the scene as a slew of timepieces tinged with blue are introduced this season WORDS BY JACS T. SAMPAYAN

TW STEEL CEO Canteen

MONTBLANC 4810

AUDEMARS PIGUET Royal Oak Yellow Gold

JAEGER-LECOULTRE Reverso Duoface

This Blue Steel model comes in 45mm and 50mm cases and has three varieties: three-hand, chronograph, and automatic. The Danish label has pieces in brushed steel, rose gold, blacks, and grays.

The century-old German manufacturer gives a different take on blue with pieces meant to entice the world traveler. The geographic face is complemented by sleek metallic curves and a reﬁned guilloche dial.

The Royal Oak line was ﬁrst launched in 1972 and was one of the ﬁrst to break the mold of gold pieces in lieu of a stainless steel line. This recent iteration brings the precious metal back to prominence.

This year is the 85th anniversary of the Reverso, and the Swiss watchmaker celebrates this by reimagining the line’s classic designs. The piece to-and-fros between a granulated silver dial and darker gray-blue face.

56 A PR I L 2016

THE EYE EYEWEAR

SPECKLED WONDER Originally made from Hawksbill sea turtles, tortoise shell glasses were extremely popular from the 19th to the early 20th century. The pattern, now produced artificially, is a mainstay in collections today STYLED BY PATRICK GALANG / PHOTO BY PATRICK DIOKNO

5 1

1 Persol “Persol Icon” collection sunglasses, P17,990 2 RayBan round fleck frames, P8,990 3 Dolce & Gabbana “Gentleman” collection eyeglasses, P13,990 4 Emporio Armani “Color Circles” collection sunglasses, P8,990 5 RayBan wayfarer fleck sunglasses, P10,990

ALL AVAILABLE AT EYE SOCIETY, 3/F SM AURA PREMIER HALL, BONIFACIO GLOBAL CITY; 553-3384; EYESOCIETY.COM.PH

A PR I L 2016 57

THE EYE FASHION

Russian propaganda and a post-Soviet aesthetic define 1984, the latest collection of Commes des Garçons’s breakthrough label WORDS BY JACS T. SAMPAYAN

TALES FROM THE MOTHERLAND

IT WAS A CHANCE MEETING with Commes des Garçons president Adrian Joffe ff at a dinner party hosted by former Russian Voguee editor Anna Dyulgerova that turned things around for creative wunderkind Gosha Rubchinskiy. The Russian photographer-turned-designer was struggling to keep his eponymous line of casual street apparel from Moscow, contending with high cost materials and difficult customs conditions. Upon meeting Rubchinskiy, Joffe, ff the man behind Dover Street Market, immediately wanted to stock the designer’s pieces in the London-based multi-level retail shop.

58 A PR I L 2016

GOSHA RUBCHINSKIY IS EXCLUSIVELY AVAILABLE AT HOODWINK, 152 UG/F SM AURA, BONIFACIO GLOBAL CITY, TAGUIG; 553-5559.

“I DO THINNGS ABOUT RUSSIA BECAUSE I GREW UP THERE, THOSE ARE THE THINGS I REALLY KNOW,” SAYS RUBCHINSKIY. “BUT IT'S NOT JUST ABOUT MOSCOW.. I TRY TO FEEL WHAT IS THE MOMENT.”

AFTER THE IRON CURTAIN

Done in collaboration with Reebok and Vans, 1984 features activewear in bold colors, emblazoned with notorious Soviet symbols such as the hammer and sickle.

But things developed beyond that as designer and retailer decided on a stronger professional partnership, evidenced by the Rubchinskiy’s line being absorbed by Rei Kawakubo’s eclectic fashion house in 2012. But it was only when they presented their 2015 Spring/Summer collection in Paris two years ago that the label really took off ff its inventory now is at about 50,000 pieces—doubled from the previous season—and stocked worldwide. Launched at Dover Street Market, 1984, Rubchinskiy’s latest collection is inspired by Russian historical propaganda and follows his usual post-Soviet carefree aesthethic. Jersey sweatpants, jackets, and denim are marked with lettering that spells out “ready to work and protect.” In an interview with Business of Fashion,

Joffe ff said that he was captivated by the Russian’s style point-of-view. “I understood why I loved it so much. This whole post-Soviet movement of people free at last and wanting to launch artistic things—it appealed to me,” he says. “I don’t see him as a fashion designer but as a photographer, a recorder of things. I think to me it hit a nerve because of its authenticity.” Later this year, Rubchinskiy will be in Florence as a featured designer at the prestigous menswear event Pitti Uomo, another barrier that the breakthrough brand has hurdled. He is quick to emphasize that his design voice goes beyond Moscow. He says, “I do things about Russia because I grew up there and those are the things I really know. But I always try to speak with my collections, not just about Moscow. I try to feel what is the moment.” A PR I L 2016 59

TAG TEAM Fred Perry celebrate the classics by collaborating with British design superstars for Spring/Summer 2016 WORDS BY JACS T. SAMPAYAN

BACK IN THE late 1940s, footballer Tibby Wegner began discussing the birth of an English classic with tennis great Fred Perry. After successfully teaming up for the earliest iteration of the wristband, the two set their eyes on the sports shirt, which they made out of knitted white cotton. The pair finally launched the item at the 1952 Wimbledon championships, where it was a tremendous hit. The label celebrates this collaborative spirit once again for its Spring/Summer 2016 collections. The popular Reissues collection— which dives into the Fred Perry archives for inspiration—continues to be a staple. Their M2 shirt is shaded with color combinations from the brand’s catalogues from the 60s and 70s: olive, gold, maroon, and black. Other highlights include reimaginations of the M2 Fred Perry Tennis Bomber, the long-sleeved Fred Perry shirts, and a new version of the tartan shirts, updated with black lichfield and royal oakleigh. The iconic M12, untouched since the 1950s, is back and

60 A PR I L 2016

makes use of Champagne, Navy, and Ice hues. Three collaborative collections go center stage this season. Raf Simons returns for his 13th team up with Fred Perry for a line that features a bold euro feel to striped pique shirts, zip front chevron pique shirts, insert shirts, and sweaters. Nigel Cabourn joins forces with the English brand for the third time with a collection inspired by Perry and Wegner’s original tennis kits. Training hoodies, pants, and pullovers have been updated with the laurel wreath logo and hues such as Clay and Dull Red. Another British designer, Bella Freud, partners with the brand for the third time. Inspired by her 70s London childhood, she brings her punk detailing and bold touches to gingham shirts, jumpers, and tennis skirts. The Reissues collection and all the collaboration collections are exclusively available at the Fred Perry Laurel Wreath shop (G/F Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati). Moving forward, the newly revamped space will house the brand’s one-of-a-kind lines.

FREDPERRY.COM Ground Floor Greenbelt 5 Makati City L2 SM Mega Mall Mandaluyong City R1 Power Plant Mall Makati City 0Upper Ground Floor Robinsons Magnolia Quezon City Lower Ground C1 Bonifacio High Street Central Taguig City L2 SM Mall of Asia Pasay City M2 TriNoma Quezon City Ground Floor Ayala Center Cebu City

DID YOU READ THE ONE ABOUT...?

“AMBITION, DESTINY, VICTORY: PRESIDENT NOYNOY AQUINO” PHOTOGRAPHED BY STEVE TIRONA (ROGUE, JUNE 2011)

GET ACCESS TO THE ROGUE ARCHIVES WITH THE NEW ROGUE APP. FOR EVERYTHING BEYOND THE ISSUE, VISIT OUR OFFICIAL WEBSITE AT ROGUE.PH

FACEBOOK.COM/ROGUE.MAGAZINE

ROGUEONLINE

Ap r i l 2 0 16

E DI T E D BY

JEROME GOMEZ

THE SLANT

ISSUE NO.

OPINIONS + IDEAS + PERSPECTIVES

Fernando Poe Jr. in the 1967 ﬁlm Matimbang Ang Dugo Sa Tubig.

IMAGE COURTESY OF SIMON SANTOS OF VIDEO 48

R Panday’s Last Fight

The Revolution will be Tweeted

Talk Duterte to Me

Bibeth Orteza

Victor Andres Manhit

Patrick Paez

An old friend joined Fernando Poe Jr. on the road during the 2004 presidential campaigns, and witnessed how the movie king cast his silver screen spell across the countryside.

Facebook has changed the dynamics of elections forever. But does social media really have the capacity to influence poll results, or are we wrongly assigning it too much power?

Some find his brash quality beguiling, and his promises both desirable and repulsive. Whatever the case, the Davao mayor’s recipe for seduction seems to be hitting all the right spots.

Bibeth Orteza ON HER ROAD TRIP WITH FPJ

Panday’s Last Fight As another Poe guns for the presidency, a friend recalls joining Fernando Poe Jr. on the campaign trail for the 2004 elections, bearing witness to a movie king casting his silver screen magic over farmers and fisherfolk of the hinterlands, as they lent an ear to an action hero who believed his “little people” would pull through for him in the end

first worked with Fernando Poe Jr. in his FPJ Productions’s pre-Metro Manila Film Festival offering My Little Christmas Tree, which screened on November 25, 1977, a full month before the MMFF. Also in the cast were Nora Aunor, Chichay, Dencio Padilla, Jimmy Santos, and Veronica Palileo. We were directed by Pablo Santiago, a long time FPJ pal since their Lo’ Waist Gang days. Chichay had earlier on requested that she be let off regularly at 10 P.M., claiming that after that she could no longer recall lines. Chichay left the set the one day that FPJ came in late, saying, “Pakisabi, umalis na ako. Sa dami ng nakalinya ngayon, imposibleng matapos ako bago mag-alas diyes!” FPJ arrived some 30 minutes later. I expected

him to send his pal Rudy Meyer to fetch Chichay, but no. He looked at me and said, “Come, let’s get her. I have to apologize.” We didn’t get into the back of his car for a driver to bring us to Chichay. FPJ drove, I sat beside him. The production person who delivered call slips was behind us, giving directions from the FPJ Studios in San Francisco, Del Monte, in Quezon City, all the way to Chichay’s house in Marikina. Chichay met us at the door, FPJ knelt, quickly, quietly, and humbly. Chichay forgave him, but of course, and rode back with us to the set, harrumphing while FPJ kept on chuckling. The day’s workload got done. Chichay was released on schedule. Before she left, Tita Amparing—as we called her—turned on her heel, shook a warning finger at FPJ saying, “Huwag ka na uli male-late,

ha?” He put his palms together, bowed his head, laughed, and Tita Amparing cackled with him. I’d already heard about how well he took care of people, not only those who worked for him, but even those he hardly knew; of how, on the way home, he’d stop to buy fruits and whatever else late at night to send street vendors home to sleep; have school roofs and classrooms fixed in areas he’d seen up close while shooting; pay for hospitalizations, funerals, and school fees of whoever approached him; prepare packets of relief goods for those affected by disasters, without his name or face on the bags—the Chichay incident confirmed the stories: may puso ang Anak ni Palaris. FROM THERE, MY ADMIRATION for him knew no bounds. Each encounter with him I filed in a

“I vote, pay taxes, do everything required of a citizen, make ﬁlms showing why we should be proud of who we are, of what we are as a people, then all of a sudden, I’m told I’m not Filipino?”

ANG SIGA AT ANG KUTING

IMAGE COURTESY OF FPJ PRODUCTIONS

folder on the desktop of my mind: his nuances, his manner of speech. He spoke English well, but was never wersh-wersh. On board with TAPE, Inc. and Eat Bulaga’s Tony Tuviera and FPJ scriptwriter Manny Buising in the FPJ media group that put ideas for FPJ ads together, I wanted to do more. So when one day in January of 2004 I was informed by FPJ spokesman Congressman Chiz Escudero that for FPJ’s campaign for the presidency I’d be master of ceremonies in sorties and rallies in Borongan, Calbayog and Catbalogan in Samar, Tacloban in Leyte, Bacolod in Negros Occidental, and La Union, I immediately said yes. A commercial plane first brought me to Tacloban, where I was quickly brought to a small hotel for the helicopter ride to Samar. FPJ was having breakfast with Senator Tito Sotto when I walked in. “Cause of delay,” my president ribbed me. The first sortie was in Borongan. Waiting to be called on stage after the local candidates did their thing, we were somewhere in the back, kept from full view by tarpaulins and streamers and vehicles galore. I bragged to FPJ and Senator Sotto that I was Samar-born. A group of Warays spotted us. They recognized FPJ and Senator Sotto, but gushed excitedly about me. “See?” I proudly told

the two, “They know I’m from here!” Woman 1: “Agi, asya nama’t hiya, kay tikang it hiya dide ha aton!” (That’s her alright, she’s one of us!”) Woman 2: “Agi, kay ugangan it hiya ni Armida Siguion-Reyna!” (She’s Armida Siguion-Reyna’s daughter-in-law!”) Woman 3: “Asawa niya hi Carlitos Siguion-Reyna!” (She’s married to Carlitos Siguion-Reyna!”) Woman 1, 2, 3: “Hi Maribeth Bichara!” (She’s Maribeth Bichara!) My face fell. Tito Sotto got teary-eyed from laughing. FPJ laughed so hard he dropped down on one knee. On stage, I did my spiels fluently in Waray. FPJ leaned over, mock-seriously whispered: “You’re good, Maribeth!” Daniel Barrion had a sense of humor. He did well in Borongan. For this trip we went by helicopter three times. Twice on the same day, from Tacloban to Borongan, then from Borongan to Calbayog. From Calbayog we went by land to Catbalogan via the Maharlika Highway, then we took the helicopter again to Tacloban the next day. FPJ never mounted his chopper without look-

FPJ with little Grace Poe who, like her adoptive father in 2004, is now running for the highest post in the land. Grace appeared as an extra in some of his ﬁlms, among them Dugo ng Bayan, Durugin si Totoy Bato, and Manedyer, si Kumander. “They were really short roles, you probably won’t even notice,” she said in an interview. “But it at least satisﬁed my curiosity about being in front of the camera.” Opposite: Da King with perennial sidekick Dencio Padilla.

ing for me. “Si Bibeth, si Bibeth?” I was touched by the thoughtfulness, and I told him so. He shot back, “I have to take care of you, I’m afraid of your mother-in-law!” IN CALBAYOG, WE WERE MADE to wait in the parish priest’s private quarters before the program started, shortly before lunch. FPJ was looking out of the window when I asked what he thought of the sudden doubts thrown at his citizenship. He went still for a beat, but kept his eyes on the cheering crowd outside. “I vote, pay taxes, do everything required of a citizen, make films showing why we should be proud of who we are, of what we are as a people, then all of a sudden, I’m told I’m not Filipino?” “Are you angry at the people behind this plot?” I kept at him. He shrugged. “More sad than angry.” A PR I L 2016 65

Bibeth Orteza ON HER ROAD TRIP WITH FPJ

Another burst of cheering from ground level distracted him. I felt a sudden urge to smoke. I moved to the door. Reggie, FPJ’s aide, asked where I was going. “Maninigarilyo. Walang ashtray dito.” FPJ left the window, walked to the bed, went down on all fours, confidently groped with his right hand on the floor, on the spot directly under the pillows, and—ta-dah!—brought out an improvised ashtray made from an old tin can. “How’d you know that was there?” I asked. “I used to be a sacristan when I was young,” he grinned, like a little boy. “I know the secret hiding places of ashtrays in a church.” His father, Fernando Poe, wanted him to be priest, if not a doctor. He got his first FAMAS Best Actor Award in Mga Alabok ng Lupa (1967), for playing a priest who gentled toughies in the slums. He was well-received in Calbayog.

YOU CAN COUNT ON ME

From top: FPJ in his 1975 ﬁlm Alupihang Dagat, where he plays the native of a humble ﬁshing village hounded by a band of pirates; slugging it out at the manual counting of votes against Raul Roco, Ping Lacson, Eddie Villanueva, and the proclaimed winner Gloria Arroyo, May 10, 2004.

66 A PR I L 2016

PHOTO BY DAVID GREEDY/GETTY IMAGES

We didn’t think his opponents would dare cheat, for judging by the reception he got from north to south of the country, only massive cheating could do him in. But yes, they dared.

FPJ FRETTED IN THE CLOSED van assigned to us for the road trip to Catbalogan. He kept squirming in his seat. “People won’t see us here. They won’t know we’re inside. Sayang.” His sighs got longer. And louder. He told the driver, “Erap, ihinto mo.” The driver did as told. FPJ went down. We all did, Senator Tito, Reggie, and I. FPJ paced the highway, his forehead deeply furrowed, making a plan he didn’t share with us. He stepped aside to let vehicles pass. Then, from a distance, he saw a truck coming through with an open load bed and wooden railings. He rushed to the middle of the road, flailing his arms. The truck pulled to a stop. The driver’s jaw sagged down in disbelief. Was this the FPJ before him? FPJ rented the truck as well as a room in a nearby house to serve as a holding place for the goods the truck driver was originally transporting to Catbalogan, and got the truck driver’s services, too. “Erap, OK ba sa iyo kung ikaw na rin ang magmaneho sa amin?” By now the other vehicles in our convoy had arrived. Up the truck we went. TAPE cameraman Mike Vicencio joined us, as did many others. We’d suddenly become a much bigger group of around 20. Suddenly out there lining the Maharlika Highway, from Calbayog, passing by Sta. Margarita, then Gandara, then San Jorge, were people. People who came as if from nowhere, running in from stretches of forest, of trees and more trees. Where did they come from, from whose houses, from what communities, how did they know FPJ was passing through, in pre-smartphone days, when the phenomenon of every barrio person and his mother having a cellphone each had yet to be? FPJ stopped the truck only twice on the way to

Catbalogan, on both instances to talk to the owner of a horse and then in the next town, the owner of a carabao with “FPJ” painted on their animals’ bodies. “Water paint man la iton,” they reasoned out in Waray, then promised to wash the paint away before the day was over. We reached Catbalogan a little over two hours from Calbayog at around 4 P.M. The plaza was so crowded that I wept openly to see my birthplace welcome my president. I wept even more when I saw older people in the throng crying as well, shouting his initials out, the only time I didn’t laugh at my ig kasi Waray’s talent of mispronouncing: “If-Pe-Ji! If-Pe-Ji! If-Pe-Ji!” As soon as he heard that, If-Pe-Ji turned to me with twinkling eyes. It was as if Asedillo’s humor never left him.

neighbors would arm themselves with batya and palu-palo, dos-por-dos and dustpans, walis-tingting, kalderos and what-have-you, to combat contrabida goons. Even child actors joined in the finale fight, going back to as far as Jay Ilagan in Anak ng Bulkan, Bentot Jr., Dranreb, Niño Muhlach, and Vandolph, to name a few—and his voice cut off my thoughts. “Have faith in the little people. They will not let us down.” An hour or so in the car with us, he never referred to himself as “I.” Winning, for him, was a matter of “we” or “us.”

OUR GROUP CHECKED INTO Rolet’s Hotel after the citywide motorcade. Right away I made pasyada with my cousins Mimay, Weng, and her husband Eamon. We went around on foot for about two hours. Back in the hotel to freshen up, Reggie was pacing in the lobby waiting for me. “Hinahanap ka ni Ma’ger!” FPJ’s staff affectionately gave him nicknames. Ma’ger was short for “Manager” and he was also Piryong. It turned out he wanted a tabo in his bathroom, but didn’t know the Waray word for it. I translated: “Kabo.” Eseng ng Tondo was not one to impose himself. MEDIAVILLO TOOK CATBALOGAN BY STORM— as he did Tacloban, and Bacolod, and La Union. Pangasinan. Ilocos. Mindanao, particularly. The others who went with him to other places predicted a sure win. “Daya na lang ang ikatatalo ng kandidato natin.” We didn’t think his opponents would dare cheat, for judging by the reception he got from north to south of the country, only massive cheating could do him in. But yes, they dared. “Hello, Garci?” The day after the elections, we were at the Makati Coliseum, tabulating results coming in via cellphones. FPJ was ahead in Metro-Manila, but an alarming trend was fast appearing. A street rally was called the night of May 11, 2004, to protest the increasingly apparent cheating. I was standing by the small truck commandeered as makeshift stage, waiting for my turn to speak, when Susan Tagle, FPJ’s Girl Friday, made her way to me: “Tawag tayo.” FPJ’s white Land Cruiser was parked alongside the Mandarin Hotel. Tagle and I got in, and he told his driver Mario to leave us for a while. Then he let out his first question: “Why are we out on the streets? Are we not winning?” “Sir,” I replied, calling him that for the first

IKAW ANG MAHAL KO

From top: With wife, actress Susan Roces, who joined her husband during the 2004 campaign trail; the author, Bibeth Orteza, with her husband, ﬁlmmaker Carlitos Siguion-Reyna, and their children Aya and Rafa, joined by FPJ.

time since we’d become friends. “We were checking the returns. You’re winning greatly in the munisipyos, but figures are being altered at the end of the day at kapitolyo level. It looks like some people are ensuring your defeat.” Tagle agreed with me and said more. He slapped his thigh with a resounding whack. “How low you think of the little people! Pareho pa naman kayong galing UP!” he said. “If cheating’s really been planned, you think there’s not one guard at the Comelec who will stand up to volunteer that he’d heard cheating being discussed? You think there’s not one school teacher who will come out to complain they’re being made to change tally sheets? You think the Church will just let this go by, the priests, the nuns? What about the students? Won’t they want to have their say?” As he spoke, I recalled the “little people” in his films, where he never really won the fight on his own but always with the help of his community:

ON NOVEMBER 4 OF 2004, my mother-in-law and my husband celebrated their birthdays at the German Club in Legaspi Village. FPJ was there, with wife Susan, who was Manang Inday to Carlitos and I, and Mama Inday to our children Aya and Rafa. The couple left earlier than others, and Rafa and I brought them to the elevator. Rafa said, “Good night, Mr. President.” The image of FPJ’s response is still in my head, how he turned, how his mouth broke into an “o,” how with a slow smile he turned to face Manang Inday and saw her smiling at Rafa, too. I underwent a mastectomy two weeks later at the Makati Medical Center. I woke up to see FPJ standing by my left side, his two thumbs tucked into the side pockets of his jeans, as usual. “How are you?” he quietly asked. “Well, they took a load off my chest, so I guess gumaan ang pakiramdam ko.” He giggled his FPJ macho giggle, his left hand flying to massage the bridge of his nose, right by his eyes, as he was wont to do when trying to control his laughter. “I’m glad you still have your sense of humor,” he said. “What else does a woman do when she loses a breast, but keep what she can keep?” Bungisngis uli siya. We chatted for a few more minutes. I threw him a question, just as he was about to go. “I hear you’re being invited by the Powers-That-Be to discuss electoral fraud? Is this true?” He turned to look at me. “Yes.” “Are you going?” “I’m not sure. Still thinking about it.” “Why think about it pa?” “I’m really not comfortable with the idea of another country deciding who sits in as president of our country.” “But that’s what they’ve always been doing!” I exclaimed. He wagged a finger at me. “You’re a leftist, Maribeth.” And then he was gone. There’s so much more I’d like to say about that election year. But I stop here now, to just simply remind us all: he was Royalty. He was King. Ang Panday was the real winner of the elections of 2004. A PR I L 2016 67

Victor Andres Manhit ON THE RISE OF A FOURTH MEDIA

The Revolution Will Be Tweeted Will Facebook conversations predict the outcome of the 2016 elections? Or, as a data expert and former campaign strategist asks, are we assigning social media the gravitas it has yet to deserve?

68 A PR I L 2016

movements like elections. There was undue and unwarranted emphasis, they said, on its power in tilting public opinion. Even with mass media echoing trends and goings-on in the online world, they were still no match to name recall, machinery, TV, and radio ads—traditional tools in all national campaigns. But a lot has changed since then. In 2013, only 30 percent of Filipinos had access to the Internet, a number that has grown dramatically over the last three years. That social media could emerge as a game changer in the coming national elections is most evident in the increasingly dedicated and sophisticated social media campaigns of all

five presidential aspirants. Which is hardly surprising. Filipinos spend an average of 6.3 hours a day online, the highest in the world. Almost half of those online are below 34 years old, matching the youthful demographic of the voting population. While candidates are spending heavily on political ads via traditional tri-media, it is hard to discount the five to 10 million Filipinos who encounter political campaigns online. At its best, social media can be utilized by campaigns to spur engagement and pave the way for genuine conversation with potential voters, experts say. With Facebook as top favorite (with 26 million Pinoys using it everyday, mostly via their

ART BY DAN MATUTINA

n the 2013 senatorial elections, one of the most denigrated candidates on social media was Nancy Binay, the eldest daughter of incumbent Vice President Jejomar Binay. Everything was thrown at her, from lack of experience in public service to potshots at her complexion. When smoke from the polls had cleared, she emerged fifth in the race, the only opposition candidate in the top 10, and one of only three in the magic 12. She outperformed some of the most seasoned politicians in the contest, including a few with a formidable social media presence. Some said Binay’s victory put to question the influence of social media in shaping popular

Social media Black Ops have no rules and are almost impossible to prosecute, especially when false or even stolen identities are used for authorship. mobile phones), the various social media platforms have become integrated in a new ecosystem for news media. Television, radio, print, and social media have now developed an overlapping exchange that feeds on each other’s content. Seeing social media now as an avenue to expand one’s campaign, political operators predictably have a field day with this new ecosystem. Demolition jobs aimed at rival candidates are launched and operated on a new and, some would say, more potent stage. “Black Ops” they’re called, starting with a target, an objective, strategy, tactics, and of course, resources. Once a plan has been approved by a principal, social media operators are recruited and briefed on the mission. The number of operators will depend on the scale of operation: a few bloggers, an army, or even an ad-hoc alliance of social media “special ops groups.” Compensation may be on a retainer or performance basis. Required output would range from social media posts, reactions in the selected news websites and blogs. Parameters on messaging, if any, are then set, and when executed, the content posted is often left to the creativity of each post’s writer. Most of the time it’s anything goes, but ideally the language is styled to make it appear as genuine online comments from “real” people. The success of a social media campaign hinges, after all, in authenticity and transparency. Netizens belong to the educated and thinking voting public who have the smarts to discern the “fakes,” the ones that oversell a candidate, or worse, try hard to paint an image that is biased, one-sided, or plain dishonest. This is how some experts have accounted for the popularity of US presidential aspirant Donald Trump. Trump is perceived as “real,” even if many of his views are politically untenable. He regularly posts unedited harangues on Twitter, rarely mincing words. On the other hand, locally, a perception of inauthenticity has long hounded the campaign of administration bet Mar Roxas, which some say explains his difficulty in connecting with voters. But unlike TV and radio practitioners who work under legal media organizations, who must abide by their organization’s internal policy, journalistic ethics, and self-regulation, social media Black Ops have no rules and are almost impos-

sible to prosecute, especially when false or even stolen identities are used for authorship. The same way that Nancy Binay gained online notoriety through anonymously created memes, online conversations today are routinely highjacked by users of suspicious identity—bogus private armies or Internet warriors posting messages all day, set up precisely to tilt these conversations in favor of certain candidates. It is virtually impossible to expose these operations, much less police them. In February, social media-savvy news website Rappler said it detected manipulation in one of its surveys. It said there was a “curious pattern” in the surge of votes from overseas, all of which benefit one candidate: Mar Roxas. The Roxas campaign quickly distanced itself from the attempt to “game” the survey. In a statement, it said: “We are firmly committed to a campaign that empowers every Filipino to express his or her choice freely and credibly, not only at the polls but in all public fora.” These demonstrate the potential dangers in this new battleground. Because of the medium’s accessible, anonymous, and open nature, it is nearly impossible to regulate. Principles of journalism ethics, such as on accuracy, fact checking, and attribution do not apply. The responsibility of filtering usable, reliable content from malicious rubbish is left to the user, who is bombarded with information around the clock. The implications are multifarious and go beyond politics. If social media, for instance, could help third-ranked Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, who enjoys massive and dedicated online support, clinch the presidency, it will disrupt current trends and conventions in political marketing expenditure and strategy. It is a game changer that could well bleed into the way mainstream commerce invests in marketing campaigns, which is still largely conducted offline. The outcome of the 2016 elections will gauge the effectiveness of social media in shaping a national exercise like a presidential election. But will it replace traditional media as the new medium for political conversations during a campaign? Or will it prove to be, at most, a new channel, a new above-the-line alternative, unable to prevent—or predict—a Nancy Binay kind of victory?

THE ONLY MAGAZINE THE POWER SET READS FROM COVER TO COVER.

READ ROGUE MAGAZINE ANYWHERE, ANYTIME, ON YOUR IPAD, ANDROID, MAC, AND PC. ZINIO.COM/ROGUE

J U N E 2015 69

Patrick Paez ON THE DAREDEVIL FROM DAVAO

Talk Duterte To Me From the push and pull in filing his candidacy to the brusque statements against his political opponents, presidential aspirant Rodrigo Duterte knows just the right buttons to push, the G spots that make a public lust for him—a craft he mastered in his personal life and in politics

70 A PR I L 2016

candidate, only to end up running again himself. It had become so predictable that his own people shrugged whenever he’d go on the record saying he was not interested in the presidency. Because all the time he was saying so, his political machine was humming and running. City Hall employees were the least surprised: they were already issued campaign t-shirts. Up until the last day of filing of COC, people close to Duterte were feeding media with all sorts of information: he had bought plane tickets and was flying in any moment; he was holed up in Manila Hotel, waiting for the final hour to file his candidacy certificate. Duterte went around the country on a listening tour to promote federalism, yet what heightened was not awareness of a new form of government but of him. He gladly accepted every media invitation to “deny” he was running, and at the same time tease the public with his vision of what it would be like under a Duterte regime: he will shut down congress if they obstruct him; the funeral business will experience a boom in the wake of his anti-crime campaign. I am also reminded of Miriam Santiago in 1991. She had shot to national prominence as the RTC judge who “ate death threats for breakfast.” Appointed by Cory as immigration commissioner, Miriam one day issued a press statement denying she was running for president. Until that press statement, there was hardly talk of her running. It was that statement in fact that introduced the idea of her as presidential material. It was classic wag the dog; a “denial” that set her on the road to the 1992 presidential election, where she placed second (and only because she was cheated, she says, by Fidel Ramos). Miriam has mounted a second attempt at the presidency, this time using “pickup” and “hugot” lines as way to “seduce” voters. In my interview with him in April, Duterte was not the cussing, cocky-yet-charming pol we often see on TV or read about. He was calm, collected, and somewhat introspective (in short, it was a boring interview). He offered insight on why he was different from the rest: he had the right moves, literally. “The masses know, from the moment you step out of the car, if you are one

MR. SUAVE

Despite his brash rhetoric, some camps are predicting a smooth road from Davao City Hall to Malacañang Palace for Duterte, photographed here in characteristic rogue style: barong and maong.

of them.” The untucked plaid shirt. The motorcycle. The menacing threats. The DOM moves. Dancing the nae-nae on Gandang Gabi, Vice. A lawyer by profession, born of middle-class parents, Duterte had the ability to empathize, to be common, not to alienate. He had street cred and moved in the ways of the jungle and wild that is Davao City and the rest of the country as well. The people perhaps are less in need of an enlightened leader than a strongman because they are powerless; a champion who can fix things for them fast because they are close to desperation. Duterte knows the right touch points, the erogenous zones of voters, how to whet their appetite and make them lust for him—a craft he mastered

PHOTO BY EDWIN TUYAY

or someone who claims to have led a wild, wasted youth, Rodrigo Duterte has transformed Davao City into the country’s most antiseptic city, akin to a provincial Singapore. Laws on smoking, littering, driving, drinking, and videoke are enforced in a manner that some say has made Davao boring. Nightlife is dead past 10 P.M.—quite unfairly, one might add, because Duterte once indulged in all common vices. There is only one vice that he and his dear city have not given up: women. He thanks Viagra for allowing him intimate pleasures in his senior years. His open flirtation with female reporters, in full view of crowd and cameras, is the stuff of legend—and printable and air-worthy news. This is where Duterte’s art of politics cum seduction becomes conspicuous. No Filipino leader has been punished in the polls for his philandering. If anything, he is rewarded. The fairy tale weddings of Mar and Chiz come only second to the narrative of a virile love conquistador. Shortly before the 2010 voting, a picture of Jejomar Binay with another woman surfaced suspiciously in social media. Being caught in the embrace of a younger, taller, skinnier, and fairer lady was only slightly embarrassing. While that photo may not have sealed his victory, it certainly foiled those who plotted to thwart him. I am reminded of that well-funded, well-researched campaign of another presidential aspirant. His handlers offered to pay a celebrity friend handsomely to be romantically linked to the, of course, married politician. Radio commentators and tabloid columnists on retainer would take care of spreading it. The ploy was to ensure the candidate’s talkability and name-recall via the requisite reputation of being a “babaero” and an “idol.” It is in this context that we might want to view Duterte’s atras-abante, insertion-withdrawal (or cock-teasing) over his presidential run late last year. I was in Davao City in April for a story on how it became an oasis of order and discipline in Mindanao. A local reporter pointed out that Duterte was notorious for filing his COC on the last day, always. Once, he had already endorsed a

No Filipino leader has been punished in the polls for his philandering. If anything, he is rewarded. The fairy tale weddings of Mar and Chiz come only second to the narrative of a virile love conquistador.

in his personal life and in politics. All that flipflopping or indecision did not stall his candidacy. It was seduction—a coitus interruptus. It was pure method, a tactic he employed for 22 years as mayor and left much of Davao City asking for more Duterte. From single digit, his survey ratings are now in the 20s, second only to the heir of FPJ. But while Grace Poe has been tested in a national election and has the Senate for a springboard, Duterte is going straight for Malacañang from the Davao City Hall. Not even the popular Erap Estrada, who went from San Juan mayor to senator and then vice president, was as brash. Backstage at UP Cebu for the TV5 debate,

Duterte sat with his second wife Honeylet and their daughter. There was no cordon sanitaire of seasoned politicians, political operators, or hotshot lawyers on loan from generous taipans. Sitting outside the room on a monobloc stool was his man Friday, Bong Go. Duterte is never anywhere without him. Go hardly said a word, his attention intensely fixed on SMS exchanges coming in the two Nokia GSM phones he held in each hand. Duterte was in jeans. He matched it with a barong he unfolded from a bag and wore with buttons half open and sleeves rolled halfway. Admittedly, it was a refreshing sight. Duterte continues to defy and dumbfound in ways that has left more and more Filipinos turned on.

J O Y F U L

R O S S I

O F

She’s always been drawn toward the wilder options, in willful disregard of what the show biz establishment deems beautiful actresses her age ought to be. On the occasion of two stunning ﬁlms she’s wrapped up as of late, one of them the spectacular Lav Diaz opus Hele Sa Hiwagang Hapis, Alessandra de Rossi talks to Philbert Dy about her other devotion—making music—and how in song as in her ﬁlms, she continues to dance to the beat of her own making

PHOTOGRAPHED BY MARK NICDAO / STYLED BY PATRICK GALANG

D E

M Y S T E R I E S

A L E S S A N D R A

T H E

ALESSANDRA DE ROSSI DOESN’T HAVE WHAT IT TAKES TO REALLY MAKE IT BIG IN SHOW BUSINESS. She knows it. She admits to being unable to live up to the expectations this industry seems to have for its artistas. She doesn’t have the disposition necessary to navigate the tricky politics of the work. She has hard limits for what she’ll do on screen: she doesn’t do love scenes and she won’t do horror. She is, perhaps, a little too frank, unwilling to hide behind a public persona of generic, unthreatening civility. She doesn’t play ball with the press, skipping out of press cons before the one-on-one sessions begin, wary of the show biz establishment’s hunger for easy headlines. Despite being one of the most talented actresses working in the Philippines today, her career has largely existed in the margins. She is a mainstay of the local independent film scene, an active participant in the continuing evolution of our cinema. She’s worked with the likes of Aureaus Solito (Busong), Raya Martin (Independencia), Adolf Alix (Romeo at Juliet), and just recently, Lav Diaz in the much lauded Hele sa Hiwagang Hapis. On television screens, she is likely playing the villainous foil tormenting the heroine of whatever teleserye is out there. “Alam na nila: basta pag may kontrabida na medyo mabigat yung role, si Alex ’yon.” (Alex is, of course, the shorter and spunky version of her real name, Alessandra) There is a tinge of tired acceptance in her voice. She bristles at being typecast into this kind of role, but she also acknowledges how having a steady job allows her the freedom to pursue other projects. “It’s paying for my house, my bills,” she says. “I’m proud to say that without compromising, I’m close to paying off my house after 10 years.” “Everyone has a day job,” she says. “This is mine.” This doesn’t stop her from voicing her displeasure at how these shows are done. “I have a problem with how they do characters. It’s all so cliché.” She talks about how she can’t make sense of her characters, how their awful behavior is always just passed off as a consequence of having some sort of mental disorder. “Palagi na lang bipolar. Hindi ba pwedeng maiba? “There was a time I wanted to destroy Alessandra de Rossi,” she said. “I wanted to kill that person na ginawa nila. Hindi naman ako ’yon.” But now, she seems to have made some peace with her function within this machinery. “I’m really grateful to the people who give me this work,” she says. “Kung 74 A PR I L 2016

wala ’to, hindi ko rin magagawa yung mga talagang gusto ko.” She talks about the music video that she shot just last night. “This is what I spend my money on,” she says. “Some girls buy bags. I make music videos.” The song is called Swept Away. She wrote it while in Palawan, shooting Baybayin back in 2012. She rattles off lyrics that she wrote at the height of her dissatisfaction with her roles on local TV. The song is a single from her second album. Her music places her airy vocals on top of electronic melodies that wouldn’t feel out of place in an American indie film. It is reminiscent at times of The Postal Service, or maybe Imogen Heap. She is releasing this album for free on the Internet. Her first one, Adrift, was also released this way. She isn’t making any money from her music, despite the time that she puts into it. “Wala talaga,” she says. “Passion ko ’to, eh. “I talked to record producers, and I had to be honest. Wala namang market yung genre ko. Hindi naman ito mapapatugtog sa radyo. “I like having control over every aspect of the music. If something doesn’t turn out right, wala na akong masisisi kundi ako.” And this seems to be her pattern. She stomachs work over which she has little control, so that she’s free to do other gigs that allow her to express who she really is. She admits she allows herself a little more humor toward her TV work now. “Kung gusto nila baliw, yun talaga ibibigay ko. Baliw na baliw.” She embraces the larger-than-life silliness of her roles, going over the top with her villainy. She professes a belief in the growing sophistication of the viewer, hoping that they’ll see the whole thing for what it is: a farce. And then, after the bills are paid, she takes control. She makes her music. She’s bankrolling her videos. And she continues to carve out her niche in the now decade-long revolution that is our independent cinema. “It really doesn’t pay well,” she admits. “There are still some productions that I never got paid for. But that’s okay.” She speaks highly of her experiences in these films. They are where she gets to expand her horizons. She begged her bosses to let her shoot Ice Idanan’s Sakaling di Makarating, where she is a romantic lead, a young artist wandering the country in search for answers that could fix a broken heart. In Zig Dulay’s Bambanti, she is a mother defending her family from small town persecution. In Paul Soriano’s Kid Kulafu, she is a young Dionisia Pacquiao. In Hele sa Hiwagang Hapis, she is Caesaria Belarmino, a woman who betrays her hometown to the Spanish invaders and does penance by accompanying Gregoria de Jesus on her quest to find the remains of Andres Bonifacio. The character, bursting with nuance and complexity, stands in direct contrast to the roles she gets on TV. “My biggest regret is not being able to finish high school,” she says. “Wala talaga akong alam.” And so she reveled in the opportunity to work in this historical playground, taking lessons in the country’s past from Lav Diaz. “Ang dami-dami kong natutunan from making this movie.” This is how she has functioned for the last few years, and though it seems to work for her, it’s clear that Alex is hungry for more. “I want to see what else I can do,” she says. “Pwede ba akong maging leading lady? Pwede ba akong maging Bea Alonzo? “People haven’t seen the Alex that’s alone with her boyfriend.” And she’s already thinking of a time beyond being an actress. “Gusto kong mag-off-cam, dahil wala naman akong planong magpagawa ng mukha,” she says quite frankly. She’s already written two screenplays, and she’s pitched them to producers. She has plans of directing one of them. She talks about these projects with certainty and clarity. These things are going to happen. It’s not a matter of if, but when. Alessandra de Rossi doesn’t have what it takes to be really big in this industry. If she did, she might have paid off her house in five years, rather than 10. But this is not a bad thing. She just isn’t wasting any more time than she has to on work she isn’t comfortable doing. She skipped the part in the actor’s career where one only does things for the money. Right from the start, she was already exploring the wilderness, taking risks usually unavailable to stars who have become untouchable because of their success. Alex doesn’t have time for all that. She no longer has time to worry about what other people think, no longer cares enough about being stuck in a rut in television. She’s got other things to do, and in the fringes of this strange, grueling industry, she’s carved out a career that continues to defy expectations.

CALVIN KLEIN COLLECTION HIGHWAISTED TROUSERS, DR. MARTENS LEATHER BOOTS. PREVIOUS PAGE: H&M CROPPED TOP, ACNE STUDIOS DECONSTRUCTED DENIM TROUSERS

CALVIN KLEIN COLLECTION SUIT JACKET, DKNY SWIM BIKINI BOTTOM, DR. MARTENS LEATHER BOOTS. OPPOSITE: H&M SWEATER

M A K E U P B Y R O B B I E P I Ñ E R A / H A I R B Y M A R K FA M I L I A R A PHOTOGRAPHER ASSISTED BY JAMES BAUTISTA,CHRIS SOCO, AND EGOY DIGITAL IMAGING BY CARLO SARDES / MOOO DIGITAL PRODUCTIONS

H&M SWEATER, DKNY SWIM BIKINI BOTTOM

Presidential hopeful Donald Trump lives like a king when he’s at his Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, no small thanks to the man who keeps it that way: Anthony Senecal, his butler of three decades. Speaking to Jason Horowitz about his

employer’s quirks and ostentations, the 74-year-old servant allows a peek into his master’s charmed life inside the 118-room Mediterranean-style mansion—a castle that could very well be the future winter White House P H O T O G R A P H S B Y E R I C T H AY E R

84 A PR I L 2016

would rock on the plate, it was so well done”), and how Trump insists—despite the hair salon on the premises—on doing his own hair. Senecal knows how to stroke his ego and lift his spirits, like the time years ago he received an urgent warning from Trump’s soon-to-land plane that the mogul was in a sour mood. Senecal quickly hired a bugler to play “Hail to the Chief ” as Trump stepped out of his limousine to enter Mar-a-Lago. Most days, though, he greeted Trump with little fanfare, taking the suit he arrived in to be pressed in the full-service laundry in the basement. The next morning, before dawn and after about four hours’ sleep, Trump would meet him at the arched entrance of his private quarters to accept a bundle of newspapers including The New York Times, The Daily News, The New York Post, and the Palm Beach papers. Trump would emerge hours later, in khakis, a white golf shirt, and baseball cap. If the cap was white, the staff noticed, the boss was in a good mood. If it was red, it was best to stay away. On Sundays, Trump would drive himself to his nearby golf course, alternating each year between his black Bentley and his white Bentley. Senecal tried to retire in 2009, but Trump decided he was irreplaceable, so while Senecal was relieved of his butler duties, he has been kept around as a kind of unofficial historian at Mar-a-Lago. “Tony, to retire is to expire,”

verything seemed to sparkle at the Mar-a-Lago estate here on a recent afternoon. The sun glinted off the pool and the black Secret Service SUVs in the circular driveway. Palm trees rustled in a warm breeze, croquet balls clicked, and a security guard stood at the entrance to Donald Trump’s private living quarters. “You can always tell when the king is here,” Trump’s longtime butler here, Anthony Senecal, said of the master of the house and Republican presidential candidate. The king was returning that day to his Versailles, a 118-room snowbird’s paradise that will become a winter White House if he is elected president. Mar-a-Lago is where Trump comes to escape, entertain, and luxuriate in a Mediterranean-style manse, built 90 years ago by cereal heiress Marjorie Merriweather Post. Few people here can anticipate Trump’s demands and desires better than Senecal, 74, who has worked at the property for nearly 60 years, and half of these years in service to Trump. He understands Trump’s sleeping patterns and how he likes his steak (“It

A KING IN HIS CASTLE

Left: The 17-acre beachfront estate Mar-a-Lago—the longtime winter home of billionaire Donald Trump—lies at the water's edge in Palm Beach, one of Florida's wealthiest enclaves. From above: The Republican presidential candidate often hosts news conferences for his campaign at the mansion, which he partly transformed into a members-only private club in; Anthony Senecal, 74, has served as the tycoon's butler at Mar-a-Lago for nearly 30 years .

PHOTO BY TOM WILLIAMS/CQ ROLL CALL

Trump told him. “I’ll see you next season.” Senecal, with horn-rimmed glasses, a walrus mustache, and a white pocket kerchief in his black jacket, seems to reflect his boss’ worldview: He worries about attacks by Islamic terrorists and is critical of Trump’s ex-wives. And like Trump, he is at ease among the celebrities who visit the estate. But while he might once have admired Dixie Carter sipping crème de menthe by the fireplace and reciting soliloquies from the television show Designing Women, these days Senecal encounters Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey lounging on a couch under the living room’s 21-foot gold-leafed ceiling, or chatting with Sen. Jeff Sessions of Alabama as he exits the luxurious Spanish Room. The butler’s up-close observations of Trump over the years have revealed not only the mogul’s quirks—Trump rarely appears in bathing trunks, for example, and does not like to swim—but also his habitual, self-soothing exaggerations. In the early years, Trump’s daughter Ivanka slept in the same children’s suite that Dina Merrill, an actress and a daughter of Post, occupied in the 1930s. Trump liked to tell guests that the nursery rhyme-themed tiles in the room were made by a young Walt Disney.

“You don’t like that, do you?” Trump would say when he caught Senecal rolling his eyes. The house historian would protest that it was not true. “Who cares?” Trump would respond with a laugh. Trump is abundantly proud of his ability to drive a golf ball, once asking rhetorically during a news conference: “Do I hit it long? Is Trump strong?” Senecal suggested that Trump was perhaps not quite as strong as he imagined, remembering times they would hit balls together from the Mara-Lago property into the Intracoastal Waterway. “Tony, how far is that?” Trump would ask. “It’s like 275 yards,” Senecal would respond, though he said the actual distance was 225 yards. Still, Senecal said that Trump could be generous when the mood struck him, sometimes peeling $100 bills from a wad in his pocket to give to the groundskeepers, whom Senecal described as appreciative. “You’re a Hispanic and you’re in here trimming the trees and everything, and a guy walks up and hands you a hundred dollars,” Senecal said. “And they love him, not for that, they just love him.” According to Mar-a-Lago lore, Post, who was once the wealthiest woman in the United States, scoped out the property that would become the A PR I L 2016 85

86 A PR I L 2016

Senecal adored the Trump children, but found Ivana an especially demanding presence. She would instruct him to “get that spot out of that rug” and then do it herself if he failed. The gardeners would go inside when she wanted to swim naked in the pool. estate in the 1920s by crawling through the junglelike brush between Lake Worth and the Atlantic Ocean. She imported stone from Genoa, Italy, and 16th-century Flemish tapestries that she protected by drawing the drapes in the brightest hours. (They faded after Trump bought the place and blasted the living room with sunlight.) When she died in 1973, Post left the house to the US government with the intent that it would become a presidential retreat. But the upkeep proved too expensive, and ownership was transferred back to Post’s daughters, who unloaded it to Trump for less than $10 million in 1985. He turned it into a private club a decade later. These days, what really seems to bug Trump is the sound of planes over the property. Whereas Post ensured that the nearby airport would divert flights away from the estate during her stays, the same courtesy has not been extended to Trump, and the constant roar of engines “drives him nuts,” Senecal said. “Tony,” Trump would often shout. “Call the tower!” The candidate is suing the county-run airport. He has also sued the town in a dispute over the size of his estate’s flagpole; the size of the banquet hall he added to the property; and the size of the club, which, to frighten the local gentry, he once threatened to sell to followers of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. More recently, Mar-a-Lago has set off controversy in the Republican primary, as Trump has been criticized by rivals for hiring employees from abroad to staff the club rather than relying on the local workforce. “There are a lot of Romanians, there’s a lot of South Africans, we have one Irishman,” Senecal said of the staff, before echoing Trump’s defense that locals shunned the short-term seasonal work. But he also added of the foreigners: “They’re so good. They are so professional. These local people,” he trailed off, making a disapproving face. Over the decades, he has grown close to the Trump family. He recalled how Trump’s father, Fred C. Trump, once stepped out of his limo on the club’s gravel driveway and remarked to Senecal, “Somebody better get that coin.” The butler went on his hands and knees and after a few minutes found a crusty penny. “His eyes were incredible,” Senecal said of Fred Trump. “Mr. Trump has the same eyes.” He also remembered Donald Trump’s young sons running through the library, paneled with centuries-old British oak and filled with rare first-edition books that no one in the family ever read. When the library became a bar, Trump put a portrait of himself on a wall, posing in tennis whites. “I’ve been in other homes in Palm Beach—same exact painting,” Senecal confided archly. “Just a different head.” Senecal adored the Trump children, but found Ivana, Trump’s first wife, an especially demanding presence. She would instruct him to “get that spot out of that rug” and then do it herself if he failed. She would occasionally tell Senecal to have the gardeners go inside because she wanted to swim naked in the pool. In 1990, Senecal took a sabbatical to become the mayor of a town in West Virginia, where he gained some notoriety for a proposal requiring all panhandlers to carry begging permits. He said that Trump wrote to him, “This is so great, Tony.” Senecal returned in 1992, and took up his old residence in the butler’s room, but was soon asked to move out after Trump married Marla Maples, who “really didn’t belong here,” Senecal said. Also, Trump wanted to rent the room out to members. A decade later, Trump decided to put his own imprint on Mar-a-Lago

THE GLITTER AND THE GOLD

Above: A 1946 portrait of socialite and heiress Marjorie Merriweather Post, who wears a Cartier diamond and sapphire necklace. The daughter of cereal magnate and General Foods founder C. W. Post was the "dowager queen of Palm Beach" when she built Mar-a-Lago (Spanish for “Sea to Lake”) for $8 million in 1927. Trump bought the property in 1985 from Post's daughter, who unloaded it for less than $10 million. Opposite, top to bottom: Much like the rest of the mansion's 118 rooms, the living room has remained largely unchanged over the years; the Card Room. The house was originally designed by society architect Marion Sims Wyeth.

by building the 20,000-square-foot Donald J. Trump Ballroom. The venue made its big debut with the 2005 wedding of Trump to Melania Trump, whom Senecal described as exceptionally compassionate. Tony Bennett, whose paintings hang in the mansion, sang. Senecal greeted guests at the door, including Hillary Clinton. (In the interview, he offered a profane description for Clinton, the front-runner in the Democratic presidential race.) The ballroom later hosted an 80th birthday party for Maya Angelou, thrown by Oprah Winfrey, during which part of the hall was set aside for a “religious ceremony with the hooting and the hollering,” Senecal recalled. “Mr. Trump was right on into it. It was so great. He was clapping.” Senecal’s admiration for his longtime boss seems to know few limits. On March 6, as Trump made his way through the living room on his way to the golf course, Senecal called out “All rise!” to the club members and staff. They rose. Trump was wearing a “Make America Great Again” cap. It was white, not red. He seemed in a good mood. A PR I L 2016 87

1. ROXAS, MANUEL ARANETA 2. POE, GRACE 3. DUTERTE, RODRIGO 4. BINAY, JEJOMAR

The vote of the rich and powerful will not account for much in the polls given their miniscule populace, but their vote of confidence—in the form of millions and private planes—can easily put wannabe presidents to power. Nelson Navarro presents a guide to this election season’s contenders and the money behind them, while Iris Gonzales divulges the politics liti off big bi b business i b backing ki palace l h hopefuls f l

The country’s businessmen know how it goes every presidential election season; they know the game like the back of their hand and can retell it like runes. Each presidential candidate gets their support—from millions in cash for campaign expenses to the free use of their private jets for provincial sorties, sources in the different business circles say. “As a practice, all businessmen support all candidates,” says Filipino-Chinese businessman Francis Chua, chairman emeritus of the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry. But there will always be one candidate who will get a bigger share of donations and resources, another businessman says. “They usually give to all but to their preferred candidate, they give more. That is how it plays every election season,” he explains. Sometimes, they agree among themselves on who would be the favored candidate but most decide on what’s good for their business. “It’s called self-preservation,” he says. It’s no surprise that businesses have been thriving for decades even as presidents have come and gone. In this country of 100 million people, the country’s richest people account for more than 70 percent of the economy. This year will be no different. The race is on and the country’s richest have thrown their support to the five candidates—to the King’s daughter who promised to set the stage for investments to pour in; to the former city mayor with a P1.2 billion mansion; to the heir to the yellow throne who vowed to keep the country corruption-free; to the charming bully who will fight criminals and bring back peace and order and to the female judge who insists she is healthy enough to be the next president. Among the five, it is the King’s daughter, current presidential frontrunner Senator Grace Poe who is said to be the favorite of businessmen including San Miguel Corp. (SMC) president Ramon Ang, ports tycoon Enrique Razon, and the Zobel brothers, Jaime Augusto and Fernando, various sources in the business circle say. Some members of the Makati Business Club and Management Association of the Philippines, the two most influential business groups, are likewise rumored to favor Poe among all the candidates. “They are for Poe maybe because she is inexperienced, which makes her receptive to their ideas,” one source says. In a dialogue with members of the two groups last month, Poe gave businessmen what they wanted to hear. “I want you to make lots of money so that you 90 A PR I L 2016

will reinvest the profits here, create more jobs for our people, and pay more taxes to fund our social projects,” she says, drawing loud applause from the crowd of businessmen. However, the same crowd also gave Liberal Party presidential aspirant Mar Roxas the same warm welcome when it was his turn to attend the presidential forum hosted by the two business groups. MBC president Ramon del Rosario Jr. said the business groups have invited all presidential candidates to present their platforms of government and policies. For some Chinese businessmen, meanwhile, the choice is Duterte because of his promises to fight institutionalized crime and corruption. “I believe Duterte would be a good and strong president to lead the nation in going against institutionalized crime and corruption. His strongarm tactic should make people respect and obey the law or suffer the consequences. Legitimate businesses have a better chance of survival if corruption, political patronage, and smuggling can be totally eradicated,” says Eugene Villanueva, Crown Asia president. But businessmen insist they equally support each and every candidate. “I support all. I am not stupid to support just one candidate because I work in San Miguel and it would affect the company. That is why, all those who are running, we help them. They can borrow my plane as long as it’s available,” SMC’s Ang tells Rogue. Poe and her vice presidential candidate Francis “Chiz” Escudero have secured the endorsement of the National People’s Coalition, a political party headed by SMC chairman Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco, but Ang says Poe does not use San Miguel’s planes. “The plane that Poe borrowed is not owned by SMC, it’s my personal plane and other people use it as well including Liberal Party members,” he clarifies. Whoever wins in this year’s elections is still anybody’s guess. There’s no telling for now if the King’s daughter can keep her lead in the surveys or if Duterte, the charming bully, will back out at the last minute. What is clear is that whoever wins, it will be business-as-usual for the country’s businessmen because, as in previous elections, they have placed their bets well enough to keep them where they are. – IRIS GONZALES

MANUEL ARANETA ROXAS THE HEIR ALSO RISES

or almost a decade or so, Roxas has been in a seemingly rabid pursuit of the presidency. As noted, the closest he ever got was to lag far behind Manny Villar in 2010, only to save face by giving way to the last-minute man of the hour, Benigno S. Aquino III. What had loomed as Roxas’s certain victory as Aquino’s number two (and a free pass in 2016 as president) turned into the Binay nightmare that has since kept Roxas on edge. With Binay first, then Poe, and now even Duterte well-positioned to rain on his now-ornever quest for presidency, Roxas needs to run even faster just to remain competitive in case the race turns into a squeaker for the eventual winner. President Aquino’s endorsement, which Roxas pursued with dogged determination against more sensible advice to be positioned as his own man, is both a blessing and a curse. A blessing because the perks and powers of

PORTRAIT BY BIEN BAUTISTA

THE A-TEAM

Roxas, during his Wall Street days in the early 1980s, with (from left) grandmother Ester Araneta, grandfather J. Amado Araneta, aunt Stella Marquez-Araneta, father Sen. Gerry Roxas, mother Judy Araneta-Roxas, and uncle Jorge “Nene” Araneta at their Manhattan apartment.

A PR I L 2016 91

The Araneta clan is one of the nation’s richest and has direct ties to every other conglomerate or fortune in the land. Running out of money is not an option. The strategists and tacticians orchestrating the campaign are touted as the second to none. incumbency, indeed the awesome might of the palace, are theoretically at his beck and call. In reality, this has not always been the case. Until the Mamasapano debacle, Aquino was said to be deftly playing off Binay against Roxas, all the better to keep alive the distant but plausible dream of a second term that had eluded his own mother and immediate predecessors. But Mamasapano, more than the Janet Napoles scandal and the pork barrel funds declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court all but sealed Aquino’s fate. The death of 44 police Special Forces under the president’s watch also shot down the pending Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), his prime legacy project, as well as any hope of getting the coveted amendment to allow his extended stay in Malacanang beyond June 30, 2016. The price of Aquino’s endorsement is stiff and could backfire disastrously. It demands no less than absolute fealty to “Daang Matuwid” or the Straight Path of Aquino politics. Although billions of pesos in public funds could be disbursed with Roxas taking credit as Aquino’s designated point man, it could also be a 92 A PR I L 2016

double-bladed weapon at his expense. With desertions and betrayals the natural fate of administration candidates languishing with low poll survey numbers, Roxas has had cause for alarm. His hopes for victory are said to have gone down to solid wins or landslides in his home region of the Visayas, particularly Iloilo and Cebu. Who are Roxas’s main financiers and backers? The Roxas-Araneta clan is one of the nation’s richest and has direct ties to every other conglomerate or fortune in the land. Running out of money is not an option. The strategists and tacticians orchestrating the campaign are touted as the second to none. Led by Senate President Franklin Drilon who helped engineer GMA’s 2004 victory over FPJ with million-vote majorities in Iloilo and Cebu, the Roxas machine is second to none. Its legal and operations man is Avelino “Nonong” Cruz, once GMA’s defense chief and, along with Drilon and the Hyatt 10, the crack warriors behind Roxas who until the palace infighting turned zero-sum have had to co-exist with the NoyBi bloc of Paquito Ochoa and Maria Montelibano.

GRACE POE AV E NG I NG G R AC E

T PORTRAIT BY JL JAVIER

he undisputed and instant beneficiary of the anti-corruption campaign against Binay, Grace Poe, the youngest and lone woman in the race, quickly rose to the top of presidential poll surveys. Given maximum media coverage for her adroit handling of the Senate probe of the Mamasapano Massacre (she tagged the president as “ultimately responsible” for the carnage, but fell short of indictment and did not call for impeachment), she emerged as the more attractive and winnable candidate against Binay (and Duterte) than the under-performing Mar Roxas. But the president had long committed to endorse Roxas come hell or high water. It seemed that he only wanted the disappointed Poe to be the latter’s running mate and boost Roxas’s stock against the crippled vice-president. Public

wooing of the lady unfolded for the two. All to no avail. Grace Poe had, in the meantime, decided to run for president and picked Chiz Escudero as her running mate. Proudly proclaiming themselves as independents, the new team immediately stole the thunder from the Liberal Party, with Poe close on the heels of Binay and Escudero way ahead of BBM and the rest of the field. Guns then shifted targets from the muchbattered Binay to the fast-rising Poe-Escudero tandem. The Commission on Elections dutifully ruled Poe ineligible on both citizenship and residency counts, a crippling double-blow that she had to immediately bring before the Supreme Court to save her neck. Her poll numbers had suddenly sputtered and financial backers began to hem and haw.

Much to the chagrin of the Roxas and Binay camps, who both stood to gain from Poe’s elimination, the High Court reversed the Comelec’s decision by a decisive 9-6 vote. It ruled that Poe, as a foundling, had natural-born status at birth as prescribed by the Constitution and declared that she had satisfied the 10-year residency rule for presidential candidates. Poe almost immediately reclaimed frontrunner status. It was Escudero whose ratings took a dip. A damaging split of the region’s vote could well hand the vice-presidency to BBM on a silver platter. What’s propelling Grace Poe on the tortuous road to Malacanang? Simply put, she represents the long-sought vindication of FPJ’s 2004 presidential debacle and sudden death not long after.

The jewel in Poe’s crown is the endorsement of Danding Cojuangco’s NPC, second only to the Liberals in funding. This comes with San Miguel’s political infrastructure.

IN THE NAME OF THE FATHER

What’s propelling Poe on the tortuous road to Malacanang? The long-sought vindication of FPJ’s 2004 presidential debacle and sudden death not long after.

94 A PR I L 2016

RODRIGO DUTERTE THE MAN WITH THE IRON FIST

illed as a reluctant candidate and the last to throw his hat into the ring, Rodrigo “Digong” Duterte could yet pull the biggest upset of all on May 9. Unlike his rivals, he has never sought national office and until lately was considered no more than a colorful provincial or regional leader albeit with some claim to a potent law-and-order constituency beyond Davao City, the vote-heavy and richest metropolis in Mindanao. A San Beda law graduate, the tough-talking mayor and self-proclaimed arch-enemy of drug cartels has long been the idol of political machis-

PORTRAIT BY EDWIN TUYAY

Her adoptive parents’ (FPJ and Susan Roces) enduring nationwide popularity offers a huge reservoir of potential voters to put her within grabbing distance of the presidency. Bright and exposed to modern ideas of governance by her U.S. education and residence, she is said to be the perfect antidote to traditional politics and feudal practices that have long impeded the nation’s march to progress. The jewel in the crown of her freshly reborn candidacy is the much-coveted endorsement of Danding Cojuangco’s Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC), second only to the ruling Liberals in funding. This comes with the San Miguel conglomerate’s ready-made political infrastructure down to the precinct level. Other smart moneybags are said to have come aboard or hedged their bets (the celestial taipans, Razon of the casinos and container ports, and the Zamoras of nickel mining). The Manny V. Pangilinan (MVP) group of the Indonesianowned PLDT and Meralco cannot be far behind. Ditto sharp-elbowed corporate fatcats like the Ayalas and some members of the Makati Business Club. After getting torn between Binay and Poe, the “first among equals” of the Three Kings, Erap Estrada, running for reelection as mayor of Manila, finally chose Grace Poe.

IN THE SHADOWS

"Although Duterte has loudly claimed he is not supported by big money, Davao’s political and business elite led by the Dominguezes and Alcantaras, have rallied behind their mayor," writes Navarro. "With close ties to Makati’s corporate highrollers, this group is rumored to enjoy the unsaid backing of the Sultan of Brunei who, like the pro-Binay mainland Chinese, have to be extra-careful not to trigger a legal and nationalist backlash."

PORTRAIT BY STEVE TIRONA

mo. He is known to favor summary execution of criminals or to airily dispense with laborious legal processes that have rendered the police and the courts toothless. The poster boy of Davao’s vigilantes and notorious death squads, he is on record as vowing to rid the nation of crime within six months of assuming the presidency. It is a tall order he may yet come to regret in the course of this increasingly brutal political season. He has found a niche in tapping the outrage of citizens not only in Davao but all over a country who are sick and tired of unrelenting waves of criminality and despair. For all his iconoclastic reputation, Duterte is not exactly wanting or shorn of Establishment backing from one of its most enduring wings— the Ramos loyalist camp. Although running under the puny Pilipino Democratic Party-Laban (PDP-Laban) of the Pimentels that broke off with Binay, Duterte’s ground troops are largely drawn from remnants of the Lakas-Kampi Party of Ramos and GMA. Although Duterte has loudly claimed he is not supported by big money, Davao’s political and business elite led by the Dominguezes and Alcantaras, rich in agribusiness and mining, have rallied behind their mayor. With close ties to Makati’s corporate highrollers, this group is rumored to enjoy the unsaid backing of the immensely wealthy Sultan of Brunei who, like the pro-Binay mainland Chinese, have to be extra-careful not to trigger a legal and nationalist backlash. For media warfare and agitprop, the old PIRMA movement has been gassed up by the fiery columnist Carmen Pedrosa with behind-thescenes assistance of top Ramos men Joe Almonte and Joey Alejandrino. Operations are handled by Gen. Hermo Esperon, a Ramos-GMA mainstay. Is the Duterte campaign the opening wedge of a full Marcos restoration some 30 years after the dictator was ousted by People Power? It would appear to be so with the candidate boldly declaring that, if elected with BBM (shorthand for Bongbong Marcos) and he is unable to erase crime in six months, he would turn over the presidency to BBM to finish the job. This double charade cannot help but amuse jubilant followers and enrage the opposing camps. BBM is running under the visibly cancer-stricken Miriam Defensor-Santiago in a pro-forma campaign and Duterte’s official running mate is Allan Cayetano. In the final stages of the race, it has been surmised, Santiago may dramatically drop out and throw the race into a mad scramble. The two Nacionalista senators also running for vice-president (Cayetano and Antonio Trillanes) could match the spectacle and create a bandwagon for BBM’s victory with or without Duterte.

JEJOMAR BINAY T H E F R O N T RU N N E R S T U M B L E S

ot too long ago, Jejomar Binay appeared to be the sure winner and darling of Danding Cojuangco’s San Miguel group captained by Ramon S. Ang, the pre-eminent taipans Henry Sy and Lucio Tan, and the Solaire Casino group of Ricky Razon. Add to that the immense political firepower of the other two of “The Three Kings”—Erap Estrada and Juan Ponce Enrile— and it was assumed that Binay (the third king) was as good as elected, indeed crowned, as Benigno S. Aquino III’s successor way, way before the May 9, 2016 polls.

All talk of Binay’s deep Chinese pockets have been muted, reduced to a mere trickle by Malacañang’s virulent antiChina Spratly policy and anti-money laundering crusade.

96 A PR I L 2016

press coverage and financial strangulation, the candidate’s five-year advance work in the hustings was bound to unravel. Once ready to defect en masse from the ruling Liberal Party after this year’s first quarter distribution of pork barrel funds, many provincial bosses have apparently developed cold feet. All over Mindanao and the Cebuano-speaking regions, Davao’s Rodrigo Duterte as a native son appears to be siphoning populist support that would have easily gone to Binay. Likewise, Grace Poe appears to be drawing droves of yellow voters that had once rallied behind the NoyBi team, Binay’s natural constituency which had dumped and humiliated Mar Roxas. In vote-heavy areas in Luzon, Gloria Arroyo diehards once irreconcilable to Aquino and Roxas for persecuting their still-jailed patroness and thus long counted in the Binay column, have seemingly evaporated into thin air. In GMA’s home province of Pampanga, Governor Lilia

Pineda jumped to the Roxas-Robredo tandem. In Batangas, Binay’s home province itself, Rep. Ed Ermita, GMA’s executive secretary, has followed suit to the Roxas camp. What remains going for Binay? Perhaps the considerable residue of his uphill but phenomenal victory in 2010 plus long years of trawling up and down the archipelago as president-in-waiting. Binay’s grassroots support cannot be underestimated. Think of Makati’s Sister Cities program that he nourished since 1987, the national Boy Scouts movement he has led even longer, the widespread Alpha Phi Omega Fraternity to which he belongs and it’s obvious the man has done his homework. Crack political operatives led by Ronnie Puno, the man behind Estrada’s shattering 1992 presidential win, and Malou Tiquia, the compleat Svengali, are said to be itching to snatch victory in his name from the very jaws of disaster.

PORTRAIT BY STEVE TIRONA

This was all too good to be true and could well have amounted to Binay’s fatal mistake—declaring for the presidency too grandly and too early for his own good. A UP law graduate, former human rights activist in the martial law years, Cory Aquino’s staunch admirer and the so-called Lord of Makati for the past 30 years, Binay is now reportedly down to hardcore backers like Roberto “Bobby” Ongpin of the Alphaland group, Marcos’s finance whiz kid, with whom First Gentleman Mike Arroyo was once deeply associated. All talk of deep Chinese pockets including massive, if questionable mainland funding have been muted, some say reduced to a mere trickle by Malacañang’s virulent anti-China Spratly policy and anti-money laundering crusade. Fairly or unfairly branded as “China’s candidate,” Binay could only retreat or take two steps backward in prudent self-defense. Faced by dwindling poll numbers, hostile

SECOND FIDDLES A D E A D LY S I D E S H OW

he now-frantic race for number two may turn out to be more of a cliff-hanger than the presidential derby itself. With Chiz Escudero and Bongbong Marcos locked in a statistical tie, third-placer Leni Robredo could tilt the race one way or the other. As the only woman and somewhat of a fresh face in what’s become a season of surprises, the University of Nueva Caceres law graduate could conceivably steal the crown from her morepedigreed and favored rivals. At stake is the presidency itself in 2022 or just six years farther down the line. This is hardly an eternity in a country where the next electoral battle begins the very next day after the winners are declared. With presidents pinned down by the constitution to a single six-year term, whoever is installed as legal successor or “spare tire” has a definite edge. The vice-president, often elected separately in split tickets, stands literally one heartbeat away from winner-take-all power. Escudero has long time backers Ramon Ang, Roberto V. Ongpin, and Lucio Tan who supported him in 2007 and 2014 for his senate bid, and also in his aborted 2010 presidential run. Bongbong Marcos has, of course, Marcos and Romualdez money (note that Martin Romualdez, his cousin, is now one of the biggest spenders). Robredo draws from LP funds with lots of funds for airtime and prop. Honasan has JPE funds as surrogate son. Remember Jackie Enrile was wellfunded in 2013? But Honasan appears to be a token run for Binay so he is not expected to spend much. Cayetano and Trillanes are funded by the Zamoras of mining and the Villars of real estate. The latter are also indirectly funding Duterte because Cayetano finances Duterte. Escudero and Marcos cannot be oblivious of the dangerous game they are playing. With Robredo more or less consigned to the spoiler role and the three other also-runs—Cayetano, Trillanes, and Gregorio Honasan—simply decorative or out of the loop, it is the intensifying two-man race that bears watching and vetting with a fine-toothed comb. Like Binay who was far ahead of the pack before the brass knuckles were called in, Escudero cannot help but take his predicament seriously. Whoever egged Robredo to take the slot spurned by Poe and Recto could only have anticipated dealing Escudero a devastating blow. Two Bicolanos (Escudero of Sorsogon, Ro-

VICE AND VIRTUE

Bongbong Marcos and Leni Robredo are locked in a tight battle for the second highest position of the land, with the former backed by his family's money and the latter by her party's machinery. Robredo, who could conceivably steal the crown from her more-pedigreed rivals, has bared claws of steel and has taken on the avatar role against the Marcoses.

bredo of Naga City) suddenly scrambling for the vice-presidency could not but be music in the ears of Marcos, whose poll numbers could not help but surge upward. Splitting the awesome Bicol regional vote that could have offset Marcos’s lock on the Solid North two ways compels Escudero to run scared. The more votes in Bicol that the late-starting Robredo gains, the worse Escudero’s situation gets. The same goes for Robredo. Sharing or, more accurately, blasting out the otherwise formidable anti-Marcos vote in a country ruled for the past three decades by the book-end Aquino presidents and their allies complicates the big picture beyond words. Indeed, President Aquino himself faces the classic agony of having to ultimately choose between Scylla and Charybdis, between Robredo and Escudero. Either way, BBM could only gain more steps towards Malacañang and the Marcos Restoration dreaded by the Aquinos and the Edsa constituency. But Robredo has taken note of her unsought but pivotal position and is not above demanding her pound of flesh. Casting aside the demure and innocent image that Cory Aquino at first projected but quickly abandoned, Robredo has bared claws of steel and, stealing a march on Escudero, has taken on the avatar role against BBM and the Marcoses. This has taken the sails out of Escudero who had expected a gentlemen’s battle with BBM. Because Escudero’s late congressman-father had served in the Marcos cabinet (untarred by corruption it has been pointed out), it would be out of character for the son to go for gutter politics that only Robredo could gain from. What then to expect of the nasty triangular fight for the vice-presidency? Barring Robredo’s most unlikely return to tweetums civility, she could only play gladiator to BBM and taunt Escudero to follow suit. Or the latter could gamble by playing cool, taking the lumps and watching the lady immolate herself. As expected by some observers, Escudero could well emerge as Aquino’s “secret” candidate or Plan B along with Grace Poe. But openly abandoning Roxas-Robredo for Poe-Escudero is out of the question. Indeed, a deadly sideshow is being fought at close quarters and must, out of necessity, be handled with extra cunning to save Aquino’s skin and endangered place in history. A PR I L 2016 97

THE EVOLUTION OF LENI ROBREDO

Miles apart now from the widow-in-grief persona that brought her to public renown, Leni Robredo has come into her own since plunging into the vice presidential race. As her numbers continue to strengthen in the leadup to the May polls, she talks to Paolo Enrico Melendez about her political awakening, navigating the trapo culture of the countryside, and taking on the big sharks of the national political arena, all the while sticking to the causes of the grassroots that have become integral to her narrative—one that might end with her assuming the second highest seat in the land PORTRAITS BY JL JAVIER

t’s an overcast February weekend. The country is midway to its next presidential elections. Posters dot streets. Ads interrupt TV and radio programs. News both professional and vetted, made-up and hysterical, blanket social media like so much early summer grime. I am at a private home in an exclusive subdivision out in the suburbs. It’s a bungalow, but of the kind that requires a lot of flattering adjectives to describe. Spacious living room. Wellappointed kitchen. Even an elegant lanai. Right by the classy dinner table is a grand spread, of the kind one would see on equally grand occasions. The china is heavy and the slim drinking glasses come in cosies. And on one of the handsome couches sits Leni Robredo, the newcomer congresswoman with a background in community work and a reputation for tsinelas leadership. She is in plain flats, and a shirt that is approaching that worn look that luxury brands seem to go for these days, only hers looks organically so. To be perfectly honest, she looks a little out of place. Robredo is chatting with her staff about a recent mall trip to buy a new belt. “Nahuhulog na ang mga pantalon ko,” she says with a laugh. More people recognize her these days, too. “I ask them, ‘Paano mo ako nakilala?’ And then I remember that I’m in the middle of a campaign.” She admits that the recognition is still novel. That’s downplaying her own renown, of course. Robredo first captured public attention in 2012 as the grieving but composed widow of cabinet secretary and Ramon Magsaysay awardee Jesse Robredo, who died in a plane crash earlier that same year. She later moved on to pummel a 40-yearold political dynasty in Bicol, coming out from NGO obscurity to secure 80 percent of the province’s popular vote. Her reputation for good governance is such that, as presidential candidate Mar Roxas’s running mate, Robredo seems (even to casual political observers) to be somewhat of a one-woman PR solution for the Liberal Party: the known mass to the LP’s own unquantified fumbling, keeping the balance scale of public opinion steady if 100 A PR I L 2016

RIDE OF A LIFETIME

At the start of the 90-day campaign trail, Robredo expressed her determination to reach as many corners of the country as possible. “Kung kailangang magtrabaho tayo ng doble o triple, gagawin ko upang maabot ang lahat ng Pilipino at maiparating sa kanila ang mga plano’t programa natin para sa kanila at sa buong bansa,” she told Rogue. Opposite: With her late husband Jesse Robredo, former Secretary of the Interior and Local Government. In August 2012, he passed away in a plane crash off the coast of Masbate.

not quite dead even. In 2014, a photo of the congresswoman waiting alone for a Naga-bound red-eye bus went viral. The image seemed to inspire copycat; Everyman portraits of every other national candidate popped up looking to drum up some street cred. The thing is, the savvier among us will point out that such photos—in-queue at the airport or mid-meal in a crummy eatery—have more capacity to weird us out rather than move us. Why, after all, would someone flaunt participating in something the rest of us would gleefully bypass, given the chance? The key difference between Robredo’s photo and the rest is something PR guys can’t hack: stark, shocking, and undeniable ordinariness. The photo looks accidental, even, as though some hipster just wanted to Instagram a snap of urban decay, and a woman in a blue shirt and two big shoulder bags happened to be in-frame.

BORN MARIA LEONOR GERONA, Leni Robredo says that her legal career was a given. The eldest among her siblings, taking up law “was my sentence,” she says. Her father, Antonio Gerona, was an RTC judge who later presided over the heinous crimes court. Growing up, she was used to her father bringing home people who needed one form of assistance or another. When the typhoons rolled in, as they do so frequently in the Bicol region, the Robredo bungalow became a de facto evacuation center. The family culture was only reinforced by schooling under the Vincentian Daughters of Charity. “Yung mga laruan namin, binibigay sa mga ibang bata,” she says, “Kahit gusto pa namin.”

FROM STRENGTH TO STRENGTH From reluctant VP aspirant to one ballsy enough to stand firm against the wrongs of her opponents, here is Robredo’s journey in the last six months— in her own words

OCT 2015

Of the eight mayors in her district, only one was supportive; of 186 barangays, only 25. She was denied barangay halls or covered courts. “Parang sine. Sasaraduhan ka.”

“Bakit ako? Sa dinami-dami ng puwedeng pagpilian, bakit ako pa? . . . [Pero] Matapos po ng malalim na pag-iisip, malawak na konsultasyon, at taimtim na dalangin—buong puso, buong pananampalataya, at buongtapat ko pong tinatanggap ang hamon na tumakbo bilang pangalawang pangulo ni Mar Roxas. Ibinibigay ko po ang aking sarili ng buong buo sa ating mga kababayan, lalong lalo na sa inyong mga nakatsinelas na nasa labas, nasa ibaba, at nasa laylayan ng lipunan.” — Accepting the administration’s invitation for her to run as VP, Club Filipino, October 5, 2015 “In the last surveys, parang three percent lang ako . . . Against other vice presidential candidates, ‘pag titingnan mo yung numbers, parang walang pag-asang manalo, parang it will really be an uphill climb. Ang problema, wala rin kami resources.” —Interview with Tina Palma, ABS-CBN News Channel, October 5, 2015

NOV 2015 She was an Economics sophomore at the University of the Philippines when Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated, an event Robredo considers her political awakening. “I started joining protest actions. By the time I graduated, EDSA had happened, and I was inspired to work for government.” The elder Gerona allowed her, on condition that her civil service be limited to a single year. While working at a river development office, she met Jesse Robredo, then a former corporate executive turned public official. The two would marry two years later. She joined the Public Attorney’s office after passing the bar. Her husband was mayor by then. Jueteng had popped up in town, and the mayor cracked down hard on the bookies. As PAO attorney, Robredo found herself defending the very people her husband was working to put away. “Pinapahuli ni mayor, pinapalaya ni misis,” was the local joke. “My husband understood that it was part of my work,” she says. But both knew that it was a contradiction they could not abide. It was then that Robredo landed a gig with SALIGAN (Sentro ng Alternatibong Lingap Pangligal), an alternative legal support group, begun in Ateneo de Manila University and based in Bicol. “We were like community organizers,” she says of their work. The team would trek to farflung communities with little to no access to legal aid, and provide paralegal help. “We believed that knowing the law puts one in a better position to defend one’s rights,” she said. The SALIGAN lawyers would spend three to four days in the field, laymanizing legalese, and conducting legal clinics and briefings. It was tough work. In farming communities, the team would be housed

“I would like to be as genuine as possible. I don’t like being packaged into this or that. I want you to see who I really am, not the write-ups or commercials that you read or see . . . I don’t like any sugar-coating. If you accept me, thank you. If you won’t, then I can’t do anything about it.” —Addressing a crowd at the University of San Carlos law building, Cebu City, November 6, 2015

kami na-achieve. I never made any mention of Davao.” —At a forum at the University of the Philippines, with vice presidential candidate Chiz Escudero, December 1, 2015 “For me, it’s anyone’s game. We have seven months to go and being confident about winning the elections is farthest from my mind. I always think I am at a disadvantage.”—At the Ugnayan sa Batasan forum, December 2, 2015

JAN 2016 “Empowered people demand more from their government. They expect no less than transparency and accountability. This is the perfect system that keeps any leader not just effective but also honest.”—Facebook post, January 26

FEB 2016 “Mas malapit-lapit na nga sa katotohanan than before. Remember, I started at one percent. Si Senator Chiz, when we started talagang napakataas na. Ngayon mas tumataas tayo, kaya tingin natin mas achievable kaysa noong umpisa. Marami pang pagod yung ibubuno pero sanay naman tayo. Marami pang ihahabol pero, palagay ko, worth the fight.”— Addressing a crowd in Naga City to kick off the LP campaign in Luzon, February 12

MAR 2016

DEC 2015

“[Ang] EDSA, hindi po ‘yun personal kay Bongbong Marcos o Pangulong Aquino, pero ‘yun ay ang pagbibigay ng hustisya sa maraming naging biktima sa panahon ng Martial Law; pagbibigay po ng pagkakataon na ‘yung sinasabi ko na nanakaw na salapi sa ating bansa ay maibalik.” — GoNegosyo Vice Presidentiable Debate, Manila Polo Club, March 14, 2016

“When that interview was conducted, ang tanong: am I in favor of iron-clad, Duterte style leadership? Yung aking sagot do’n, hindi. Kasi sa Naga participatory kami at inclusive at marami naman

“I am comfortable where I am right now. But the target is to be at the top spot. That’s all there is to this. I should win.” —Addressing an audience in Batangas, March 9, 2016

“For me, it’s a major issue that you’re running for president and yet at one point in your life, you renounced your Filipino citizenship.”—At a roundtable discussion with reporters from the Inquirer, November 14, 2015

in the unwalled shacks used by farmers to rest in at noon. In fishing communities, the team would sleep in fishing boats, only to be roused late at night when it was time for the fishermen to push out to sea. They slept in neighborhoods facing demolition. More disheartening than the physical difficulties were systemic hurdles. “The traditional legal mindset is, ‘That’s the law. You have to abide.’ In alternative law, which was our mindset, ‘If the law isn’t just, change it,’” she says. The team would write draft amendments, which they then peddled to local officials and national lawmakers. Few listened. “Palagi kaming talo ng malalaki.” To the younger Robredo, that was the biggest hindrance to development. “In the traditional model of governance, binibigay ang solusyon. But I believe you have to create an environment in which the citizens are given a voice, and therefore become stakeholders.” She spent a decade with SALIGAN. “I told my husband once, ‘That’s where I found myself.’ If I had been allowed to continue working for SALIGAN while serving in congress, I would have continued.” Robredo found triumph in the group’s little gains.“Basta keep pushing forward,” she says. And the experience helped her as a Representative. “I was naive to think na ang mga batas na naiisip ko, mapapasa,” she says with a laugh. “You have to compromise to get those little gains. Natutunan ko iyong sikmurain.”

102 A PR I L 2016

BACK IN THE SUBDIVISION, Robredo does another interview, on video this time, with a positive action youth group. The questions are in English, but she answers in Filipino. The group is frequently interrupted. The village sits right under the final approach to Ninoy Aquino International Airport, and planes pass at regular intervals. Through it all, Robredo stays composed, making jokes about the noises, going over her lines, adjusting the lapel mike that she seems uncomfortable wearing. At one point, somebody’s car alarm goes off, once, then again. The interview begins to stretch beyond the allotted time. When the alarm goes off yet again, a staff member rushes out of the garage. But Robredo calls after her, saying they can’t shush the neighbors, better to adjust the day’s schedule instead. The whole scene is characteristic of the low-key Robredo, who has none of the usual pulitiko’s grand gestures and careful speech. In fact, she speaks so casually in conversation that her choice of words can sometimes be alarming. For instance, earlier in my interview with her, she described her husband’s pioneering civic work in Naga as a “guinea pig” experiment. I almost dropped my pen. She is even more plainspoken when talking about the event that initially thrust her into the life of politics. “When I left NGO work, I considered

Then her speech turns anecdotal—the same story she shared with me, made general for a broader audience. The crowd takes all her story in. The respectful vibe is impressive. She says “Guinea pig” again, and this time I want to cheer. the judiciary as my next step.” It was the more stable option for a wife and mother, and something that she was personally excited to take on. “I was influenced by my husband’s work,” she says. But that arch was cut short by the death of her husband, when the small plane he was riding crashed just off Masbate—the very province in which Robredo spent so much of her time organizing rural communities. In the confusion of those last few moments, Robredo managed to contact her husband, whose last words to her were “Tatawagan na lang kita. May inaasikaso lang ako.” In Robredo’s interior monologue “Sana mabuhay” turned into “Sana mahanap ang katawan”—until her husband finally was recovered three days later. Jesse Robredo was 54. It was a month after the couple’s silver anniversary. Jesse Robredo’s death led to a party vacuum in Naga. Faced with a split leadership, the LP called on Robredo to be the unifying candidate in the next elections. Her children begged her to decline, but Robredo promised them that it would just be a three-year stint. Out on the campaign trail was just like out on community work for Robredo, in that it was make-do and jury-rig as she went along. “I needed a sound system. The cheapest was P7,000. I couldn’t afford that.” A friend donated a rechargeable speaker, the kind one has to charge forever. And it was so small that Robredo had to keep her meetings small. Which was just as well. Of the eight mayors in her district, only one was supportive; of 186 barangays, only 25. She was denied barangay halls or covered courts. “Parang sine. Pagdating mo, sasaraduhan ka.” So she talked to voters in residential yards, speaking to 10, 20 people at a time, from five A.M. well into the night. It would take her two whole days to finish a single barangay. Then her opponent would move in, with bands, singers, dancers, and a raffle of appliances. In those rallies, the people would number in the hundreds. “Papaano naman ako mananalo nito?” she admits to having thought at the time. We all know how this sub-plot ends. It’s such a quixotically Filipino narrative. Perhaps alarmingly easy to exploit, too. Because here again is Robredo, reprising her role as reluctant candidate. Was she pressured to run for a position she didn’t want because she would give the larger party a better chance at bagging votes? There is an undeniable disconnect between what Robredo stands for and how her party has been behaving. One values good governance, the other has shown a pigheaded refusal to ax inept but loyal appointees. One works to educate, the other is restructuring national education towards a more employable but

arguably less critically-equipped workforce. At one point in our interview, Robredo said with obvious pride that the fishermen they gave legal clinics to eventually became the stewards of the waters in which they fished. But then, her face turning grave, Robredo told me that the same fishermen were later sued by, and lost to, a group of large fishing companies. And right there is the most striking contradiction, in that the candidate seeks to empower the public space, and the party seems all too willing to slash the safety nets from under our feet in a flurry of public-private partnerships and other concessions to big business. We are one of the worst countries in the world in unsolved media murders. Ours is a moribund Freedom of Information bill. And we have the collapse of the Basic Bangsamoro Law as full stop to all attempted elaborations on inclusive growth. That the latter two were laws Robredo herself had worked unsuccessfully to pass is just a well-timed cymbal accent to a bad joke. There was certainly no clarity to Robredo’s motivation for running in the early months of the race. The public version of the story has it that she did a bit of soul searching, asked her daughters for their permission, and finally agreed, with a host of riders to the deal. These days, she is more forthright. “I think I can do more in the Executive branch. That’s the attraction for me, the pot of gold. There’s so much possibility.” She also reveals a more personal reason. “For a very long time, I was used to being in the shadow of everyone else. Even as a congresswoman. Ngayon, ako na.” She did not like how things changed at first. “Nahirapan ako. It was a complete 360. I spoke to 1,200 people at the Araneta once. I thought, ‘May makinig kaya sa akin?’ But I’m more energized now. My eyes are open, even if I’m still a little naïve.” That’s great for her. But it’s heartbreaking to think what else politics will demand Robredo to surrender. “My daughters and I miss being together most,” she says of the personal toll. “Honestly, that’s why I had trouble getting their approval at first. That is our biggest sacrifice.” And there’s the matter of her reputation, too. For instance, pre-campaign spending disclosures had people in a rage for the absurd amounts. News like that will hurt any candidate, even Robredo, who seems to be largely unhitched to the bigger LP machinery.

ROBREDO’S LAST ENGAGEMENT in the subdivision is a rally at the village

basketball court, in a continuation of her favored grassroots approach to winning supporters. Pundits say she needs more visibility, and it’s easy to agree. But her methods have been subjectively and quantitively effective: she is the least targeted candidate in the vitriolic memes circulating on social media, and she has been steadily climbing the survey results, from the bottom of the vice-presidential pack in October last year, to a statistical tie for second place with two other candidates as of March of the current year. Large streamers on the chicken wire enclosure welcome Robredo. On the bleachers are large plastic bags crammed with styrofoam bowls ready to be used for lugaw: the highlight of the day’s rally. There are perhaps 250 people inside the court, 300 tops. Some flash yellow banners with Robredo’s name in big bold letters. Others wave giant foam hands in the Aquino “L” sign. Among the crowd are the village power brokers. They are easy to spot, sitting on the sidelines or at the very last row of monobloc chairs. They A PR I L 2016 103

“I think I can do more in the Executive branch. That’s the attraction for me, the pot of gold. There’s so much possibility . . . For a very long time, I was used to being in the shadow of everyone else. Even as a congresswoman. Ngayon, ako na.” KEEPING GROUNDED

Speaking in Laguna last November, Robredo displayed a relaxed stance, and spoke mostly in conversational Filipino. In many sorties around the country, she sticks to her agenda of championing the slipper-clad citizens in the fringes of society. “Ibinibigay ko po ng buong-buo ang aking sarili sa ating mga kababayan,” she said at Club Filipino the day she officially accepted the LP invitation to run as the party’s VP bet. Opposite: Posing for Rogue in February in between interviews and a meet-and-greet with supporters in Parañaque, in a house owned by one of her staff. Previous spread: Engaging corn farmers of Compostela Valley last October.

wear the best clothes. They are always the first to clap. They have a grave, scrutinizing air about them, like they have the most to gain in a successful turnout to the rally. On stage, Robredo’s body language is relaxed. She talks about advocating comprehensive reform instead of piecemeal change, government investment, public over private interest. She says our most urgent task is to improve transportation infrastructure in the provinces and focus antipoverty programs so that the countryside can see an increase in jobs and services. It’s all very policy-oriented, and therefore very different from the advocacy-level mindset she had as an NGO worker. Then her speech turns anecdotal—the same story she shared with me, 104 A PR I L 2016

made general for a broader audience. The crowd takes her story in. The respectful vibe is impressive. She says “guinea pig” again, and this time I want to cheer. It’s photo op time after the speech ends, and I observe people gravitating first toward the power brokers, who then direct them up to the stage in waves, like elders sending grandchildren off with their blessings. Off to the edges, lugaw begins to be served. The distinctive smell fills the air: ginger and green onion and garlic and calamansi. As people take selfies with Robredo, the candidate’s campaign jingle starts playing over the PA system, loud and impossible to ignore: an earworm, sure, but more than a little lyrically forced, and definitely melodically cornball. It is in this moment that one can see most clearly what Leni Robredo was, and what she has become. How will she fare, in the end, is of course a matter of conjecture. But we as observers have a clue to go on. When her husband’s body was retrieved, Robredo was told not to look. But she insisted. “I remember,” she says of that day. “It was a metal casket. Inside the casket was a body bag. My husband was under the sea for three days.” And after the briefest of pauses, she concludes, “Nakita ko.” A woman facing the most profound of changes, doubt doused by confronting a wound.

The cards say it will be a tight Roxas versus D uterte battle come tally time. The spirits say it will be a Poe victory, bu t only until the citizen arguments against her ship finally crush her presid ential dreams. When there’s no telling what the future has in store, we knock on the occu doors to off lt’s ffer clues. Yvette Tan do es the knocking

I ll us tr at io ns by G il be rt D ar oy

he presidential election s are nearing and it see ms that until now, no which of the candidate one can decide s will be the clear winn er. In times of stress— knowing who’s going such as not to hold your country in the palm of his or her tend to refer to the sup hand—we ernatural. Roguee asked Robert Rubin, founder Philippines, the countr of Mysterium y’s latest intuitive devel opment organization, anonymous but gifted and an tarot reader to apply the the country. The proces ir powers of intuition ses used were the tarot, to the fate of which gives out detaile the tarot’s intellectual, d impressions; the Le logical, straight-to-the normand, -po int younger brother tha scr ying, the most nebu t off ffers clear-cut images; lous of the three, where and the reader goes into a that he bases his narra trance and perceives cer tive on. The intuitives tain images (fancy word for psych is each candidate hiding ics) were asked three qu , what would each be estions: What like as president, and wh winning? Here’s what at are each candidate’s the fates revealed. chances of

Lenormand

Tarot

According to the fates, when it “Among all of them, the only comes to Binay, we’ve mostly seen it person who [seems] really happy all: a seeming partiality for friends right now is Binay,” the psychic and family members and a penchant says. He’s the calmest and the one for interesting business deals with with the least to lose. It also looks equally interesting individuals like there are many people out and organizations (air quotes on to get him—something he isn’t the interesting). What he lacks, worried about because, to use a car however, is support from parties metaphor, he’s quite the defensive he doesn’t have his usual dealings driver. If he wins, people will be with. It also seems he’s in the race divided into those loyal to him and just to see how far he can go as a those who doubt his abilities, with politician. While we would suppose almost no one in between. Whether it would be super awesome—for he wins or loses, his next step seems him and his fambam—if he won to be to disappear from the political the presidency, it doesn’t seem like spotlight, hopefully while doing it’ll matter too much to him if he jazz hands. doesn’t. He might have to lay low if the latter happens, though. Kidding. Migration seems a wise option.

Scrying It looks like there’s going to be a lot more wink-wink-nudge-nudge going on under this administration. There’s a chance a Binay victory will affect ff the elementals, possibly resulting in more typhoons. He may make potentially unpopular decisions with regard to who he aligns himself with in the local and international spheres—though he may have a change of heart toward the end of his term and try to appease the public.

Lenormand

Tarot

ool and Roxas can be pretty old sch xas There’s a big chance of a Ro oldd goo will probably win the backed victory, especially since he’s ving sho h oug thr y— fashioned wa ion. This by the current administrat le, ilab ava nue ave ry eve at g his mu course, is good news for Roxas, of out him for getting people to vote for his d could be very bad news and ever, ked of sheer recall. Past that, how kic e hav enemies—those who ng ndi sce tran e ubl tro e hav he may t few a lot of mud his way the pas you ll, his current image of—we s say he months—because the fate ge is— a get know what his current ima for sn’t seems the type who doe sectors, e som to lead y and this ma , however, slight. Roxas as president et mainly the ones with Intern his close will be very good news to him ng ppi dro access, completely he may supporters because, while y’ve the if n eve e tim come voting does not not be corrupt in that he the of he, t tha t ugh tho , ffers always nt coff covet from the governme est option. rent cur presidentiables, is the san * ugh *co e som like ch he, mu battles— his tch wa He will have to know, *cough* heads of state we will He ely. wis m the ose and cho up for his has the tendency to stick by way y ntr excel in running the cou thin— friends through thick and s and tion rela n eig friends do, of improving for because that’s what good s. crafting law policies be damned.

Scrying ut The fates seem confused abo ency sid pre r Ma a e aus bec s, thi a rise indicates that there may be the like s ent elem in power for in power CBCP, and an equal rise ts (his righ for things like LGBT e the lov to wn kno wiffe Korina is it if , ich wh y)— nit mu gay com lause happens, deserves slow app d, Mar, because, well . . . well-playe may ers ort upp n-s No d. well-playe ugh, tho have to watch their backs, find ly den sud because they may themselves in hot water.

Lenormand

Tarot

seems According to the cards, it s about What the Lenormand say the for that Santiago’s desire ed Santiago can be best express waning. gs: highest office looks to be son i Jov n through a bunch of Bo e less giv ’ll she an me sn’t That doe ly living Right now, she’s most like she uld sho than her best though, should nce on a prayer health-wise, but gia alle her n stio win. People que bably go she keep the faith, she’ll pro and s, ilie fam al itic pol to certain is likely down in a blaze of glory. It tly on bed a although the focus is curren be to ng goi t isn’ y enc her presid uld sho ple peo her health. one scion, it seems of roses, mostly because of g kin loo and per dee be digging she may Bon Jovi aside, it looks like rpheus said, to elsewhere, because, as Mo ier eas de ma s law e push to hav be told can one “Unfortunately, no because, understand by the layman, e to see it hav You is. trix what the Ma smart as honestly, none of us are as for yourself.” she is.

Scrying Santiago’s As President, it looks like resting inte y going to enact some ver e, Lik g. stin ere int laws. Like, legit ich wh g, stin ere int ly historical for the could result in good things ich is wh of t country, not the leas mes. me of lot a of the generation t tha nce cha a re’s the , said That ause bec , self she may overwork her g erin ff suff rth wo is es the Philippin , (a not or it e liev “Be it. n for, dam ht be more Santiago presidency) mig the psychic ,” one e tert strict than a Du be can she e aus bec y onl says, but . rm ma ool sch the te qui

Lenormand There seems to be a bit of doubt if Poe can handle being Preside nt, given her as yet limited experie nce as public servant. She seems to be in it for the same reason Batman fights crime—to avenge a fam ilial wrong—except she’s leery about donning a uniform, in this case her father’s denim jacket, especially since it’s too stuff ffy and punishing in this present weather. “Luck is on her side, but the process is not,” the psychic says. Also, “I am seeing here that the country will look a lot more beautiful. She will focus a lot more on aesthetics. She really wants first impressions to last.” Opposing parties will try to have her disqualified ever y step of the way, perhaps even up until she takes her oath of office, where they’ll be like, “Psych!” If she wins and gets disqualified, the big question is who will replace her: the elected vice president, or the presidential runner up? Should she get around that, the next interesting thing would be the First Gentleman, who the fate s say mayy do the country a solid in term s of policy, which would be grea t except that he’s, you know, also of a diff fferent kind of red, white, and blue—the kind without a yellow.

Tarot According to the cards, Poe seem s to be the most sincere—at the minimum, the least tainted— though the same probably may not be said of the people behind her. “She means well,” the psychic says. She still has too many technica l glitches going against her for everything to go smoothly, but she’s not going to let a setback like k that keep her from reaching her goals.

Scrying Poe still has to rebirth herself— kind of like the Phoenix. It seem s that her mentions of her father aren’t just to garner votes—Poe really does believe that she’s carrying on the good that he cou ld have done. “She might take a licking now, but she will rise from those flames,” says a this psychic— pretty much repeating what the other psychic said. Whoa.

Lenormand Should he become president, peo ple may start disappearing—as he has more than hinted at a few times. Crime rate will go down. Funnily enough, he may encourage pub lic gatherings, as in if people wan t to stage protests they are free to do so. “Believe it or not, the country may be healthier with a Dutert e presidency, and foreign elements may be blockaded,” the psychic says. Money will probably not trickle in as much, but what does will most likely be clean money. “It may mean that there will be security, but we pro bably won’t be indebted to any institut ion or countries.” He’s a very “the end justifies the means” guy, which may make it sometimes seem like it’s The Punisher or The Wolf (from Pul p Fiction) running the country, whi ch doesn’t sound so bad, as long as you’re on his good side.

Tarot Duterte may seem like a lone gunman, but it looks like he’s hidi ng a well-oiled political zamboni that he’s just attached rocket engines to. That said, it seems like he really doe s mean well for the country, even though he can get a tad impatient about the way things get done. Should he win , he’ll probably make good on his pro mises to clean up the country through unorthodox methods, though it seems that as long as the results are good, most citizens won’t care how he goes about it. “What are his cha nces? They’re pretty good,” the psychic says. “It would really be between him and Mar.”

Scrying If Duterte wins, his hand will probably be felt at even the low est government level, meaning less funny stuff ff for fear of losing more than just their jobs. This may mean streamlining of governm ent processes. The scrying glass also foresees more movement with in the country as more people want to travel within the Philippines. (Becau se: very fun + much more safe = Wow!) More opportunities will be available in the South, and perhaps about time, too. His methods will probably eng ender a lot of protest from people who value such things as human rights, tho ugh they may soften their stance bec ause he may also gun for the consoli dation of national resources, such as layi ng claim on a certain group of islan ds that rhyme with “Mratlys.”

P H O T O G R A P H E D B Y PAT R I C K D I O K N O

G I V E

Despite a decades-long hiatus from public oﬃce, former cabinet secretary Rafael Alunan III is now rallying to return as a member of the Senate. In light of an uphill campaign leading up to the May elections, he sits down with Arianna Lim to discuss what has kept him occupied and what has called him back

or much of the last year, Rafael Alunan III engaged in heated debate with himself on whether he should return to public office. Everyday he ended in a stalemate. In a blog post he authored on the website Defenders of Philippine Sovereignty in September of last year, the twotime former cabinet secretary wrote, “My heart says YES; and dream of being carried to victory on the shoulders of those sectors who I’ve journeyed with. But my head says NO because the current political culture militates against people like me. I am not ‘popular,’ rich, and ‘flexible.’” Thus played out much hemming and hawing that finally concluded in the choice, on the evening before the last day of filing for candidacy, that he would not go back to government service. Discussing the matter with former senator Richard “Dick” Gordon, they decided there were simply more cons than there were pros. They went to bed decided—only to both appear at the Commission on Elections office the next day, where they officially became 2016 senate aspirants. “I don’t know if you want to call it divine intervention, a miracle, or serendipity,” the first Aquino administration’s Tourism Secretary and the Ramos administration’s Interior Secretary says now. “I woke up with a very heavy heart. I had never experienced something like that before. And then I got a call from Dick Gordon and he said, ‘You know, I woke up with a very big, splitting headache.’ So that’s it, I think somebody’s telling us: You just go ahead, go for it. Just let go and let God.” Of course, a national campaign asks much more of a candidate than just his commitment. A change of heart will not alter the fact that the 67-yearold Alunan will face the lead up to May 9 with a sizable handicap. For one, there is his acknowledged shortage of funding, an issue certainly unaided by his decision to jump into the game a mere seven months before votes are set to be cast. Sitting now in the study of his Quezon City residence—one with all the indications of a home far out of reach for the average Filipino earner, but quite modest by the standards of our one percent—he recalls a conversation with another politician: “Raf, you’re coming back after 20 years; you’re going to need a lot more money than we do, because we’ve got easier name recall. In my case, I spent only P100 million in 2010.” To which Alunan replied, “Did you say only?” He is of course no stranger to the electoral process, having been involved in Ramos’s presidential bid in the early 90s. “The reality of politics is that you need big organizations, you need money, you need machinery. [For the 2016 elections] I was an independent, I wasn’t part of any of these so-called ‘parties’ that are nothing but fraternities or syndicates.” Though

it’s worth noting that he is officially running under Gordon’s Bagumbayan Party, he explains, “I expected that things would’ve changed for the better, no? But things are still so commercial, and if we talk about that kind of money, you’re just excluding so many people who are qualified who don’t have money.” He adds, “To get elected is like climbing two Mount Everests because the guys, the entrenched, the status quo will make sure they preserve their seats of power.” Secondly, there is the issue of recall. This year marks the second consecutive decade since Alunan last held a post in government. For that reason, the average Filipino under the age of 30 is unlikely to be familiar with his name, let alone his politics. He himself admitted in the aforementioned blog post, “Building a national base for new politics takes time in terms of advocacy and organization-building based on integrity, service, and merit. The majority of voters—mainly the youth, D, and E segments—who, most of all, need a better and secure life, don’t know who I am.” On the issue of the youth, Alunan’s stance is one that is revelatory of both his sincerity in his desire to serve as well as, perhaps, a little naïveté. “Really, it’s not about me. It’s my message: I stand for new politics. And the youth would have to research; there are a lot of candidates out there. They’ll have to determine for themselves: ‘Who are the guys that represent new politics that will fight for our future?’” he says. “We’re just here to make ourselves available to help them out. If they don’t need our help, then that’s it. So be it. They’ll have to live with the impact of the consequences of their choices.” Unfortunately, the national Philippine elections have long been a game in which personality politics trump regard for platform, and one’s financial resources are the buy-in for media attention. Seeking to change this is commendable, but to presently consider it otherwise is a delusion. Fortunately, of late Alunan has been an active voice in pressing issues that have warranted him airtime, namely the West Philippine Sea dispute with China and the highly contentious Bangsamoro Basic Law. Both on air and in person, it’s these topics that ignite a more impassioned discussion in the otherwise composed and sober Alunan. He has been a vocal critic of the BBL, while to address the former he co-initiated the West Philippine Sea Coalition. He calls it a form of “information warfare” that spreads our country’s word about the dispute beyond our own borders, where the media rarely think to cover it. Over the years the Filipino has developed an indiscriminate aversion to public officials. Our knee-jerk reaction is to be suspicious of their initiatives, wary of their motives. Willingly stepping before this increasingly jaded A PR I L 2016 113

electorate, Alunan gives the impression of a man who is genuinely eager to do well by his country in what he believes is his greatest capacity. Speaking of his 50th high school reunion last year, he says he and his La Salle Bacolod batchmates were reflecting on the distressing state of the country over the last three decades. Now well into their 60s and having found success and influence in their individual arenas, they agreed they could not allow themselves to become fault-finding old men whose only contribution to society was to bemoan its downfall. “We’re senior citizens now, but we’re still in the front lines . . . And so we said, if we’re going to be just critics in our old age, that’s not good enough. We have to really put our money where our mouth is,” he recalls. “We’re not fighting for ourselves anymore. We’re fighting for the younger generations. We’re going to croak in 10 to 15 years, right? You guys will be here for the next maybe three, four decades.” Thus was formed Alunan’s five-point legislative agenda. The first point involves ensuring that people in government are “matino at mahusay” by strengthening existing laws on good governance and right-sizing our bloated bureaucracy. This is a course of action of which Alunan is already familiar. “The first thing I did when I sat down as DILG chief: I retired 67 generals and colonels and then retired 3,000 more, and some of them I filed cases [against] in court,” he says, going on to say he did the same in local government units as well as in the DOT. “We were very busy cleaning up and reducing red tape, because red tape contributes to corruption.” The second involves reforming the criminal justice system, which has been damaged by the pervading culture of corruption and ineptitude, entitlement and impunity. “If there’s no justice, there is no peace. And if there’s no peace, you can’t develop, you can’t compete effectively ff with the 114 A PR I L 2016

A TALE OF TWO PRESIDENTS

A signed photo of Alunan being awarded the Outstanding Achievement Medal from then incoming President Fidel V. Ramos and Brigadier General Leo Alvez on June 25, 1992 in Fort Bonifacio. He was lauded for his help during the December 1989 coup attempt. Inset: Being sworn in as Secretary of the Department of the Interior and Local Government by outgoing President Corazon Cojuangco Aquino in 1992. His term ended in April 1996. Opposite: Alunan performing his duties as Troop Commander during the AFP Reservist Day in Camp Aguinaldo, December 2004.

rest of the world,” he says. Next are poverty and national development, which he says ought to be focused on reviving agriculture to reverse the diaspora as well as on using agro- and eco-tourism to fast track the economy. Related to this is human and ecological security, which deals with improving our way and quality of life so as to take into consideration succeeding generations. His last point is that of internal security, public

“I don’t want to be caught in my deathbed being asked by my grandchildren, ‘Lolo, what did you do for a better Philippines?’ and I wouldn’t have anything to answer. It’s a matter of conscience.”

FAMILY AFFAIRS

Above, from left to right: (ﬁrst row) Alexi Alunan-Sarmiento, Cristina AlunanGatmaitan, and Barni Alunan-Escaler; (second row) Carlo Gatmaitan, Rafael Alunan III, Elizabeth Jalbuena-Alunan, Katrina Alunan-Gonzalez, and Amina Aranaz-Alunan; (third row) Mark Escaler, Robin Sarmiento, Bong Gonzalez, and Rafa Alunan. Right: Alunan in the study of his New Manila home.

safety, and national defense “because it’s constitutional duty to defend our country, our people, our sovereignty, our resources.” Despite what is evidently a long-considered platform, it cannot be said that Alunan harbors any illusions of his prospects of success. When asked by potential funders where he sits in the polls, he likes to say, “I’m somewhere in cyberspace.” He adds, “It’s a big task that I’ve placed before myself. The other motivation is that I don’t want to be caught in my deathbed being asked by my grandchildren, ‘Lolo, what did you do for a better Philippines?’ and I wouldn’t have anything to answer them. It’s a matter of conscience as well.” These words jive perfectly with the outward persona of the man speaking them. Whether or not you agree with—or are aware of—his political perspectives, Alunan seems to exude sincerity. Where other politicians incite you to cock an eyebrow at their PR, he gives the impression of an agreeable, well-respected uncle whose jokes are humored if only to be polite. For this interview he has donned a polo shirt ornamented with two of his campaign stickers, and he insists on being photographed in what he calls his trademark pose: a hearty thumbs up, which manages to be both endearing and unfortunate. When considering his attitude in combination with his obvious political stumbling blocks, perhaps the only controversial issue that can be drawn from his senatorial bid is his choice of president. He has thrown his support behind strongman Rodrigo Duterte, whom he has known since he was a new mayor in Davao. Alunan has an understanding and appreciation for his methods of leadership, champions his “moral use of force,” and fails to give satisfying answers to questions relating to the man’s potential parallels with late dictator Ferdinand Marcos, of whom Alunan was an active dissident. It is up to voters, however, to discern what this may or may not say about Alunan. All things considered, whether or not there is a seat for him at the senate following next month’s elections is anybody’s guess. But as the China dispute and the Bangsamoro Basic Law face a rising place among our country’s concerns, Rafael Alunan III can be expected to continue to be an active voice in the next phase of Philippine politics, be it as an elected official or a force somewhere in cyberspace. 116 A PR I L 2016

A P R I L 2 0 16 / I S S U E 97

THE ROGUE ARENA Promotions and relevant items, direct from our partners

SPACED OUT Lojel unveils its lightweight, durable, and futurisitic travel companion

Being true to high quality and style, Lojel (Landmark Trinoma, North Ave. cor. Mindanao Ave. Quezon City; 9015867; lojel.com) prides itself on being a luggage and travel accessories brand

that emphasizes innovation in design and high-grade material with a travelercentered approach. Founded in Japan in 1989, the brandӊs attention to detail has led to countless excellent travel pieces. Their dedication to their craft and to future trends led them to create Kosmos, which is inspired by the dream space travel with a futuristic approach to fashion. Rather than using the usual aluminum frames, this chromed-colored luggage’s frames are made out of magnesium alloy, making it lightweight but sturdy. This zipper-less compact luggage was dubbed by CBS News travel editor Peter Greenberg as 2015’s Best Luggage. It comes in three different

sizes and has passed Lojel’s rigorous quality tests. Also, having polycarbonate shells as its material, it boasts of its lightness with a good strength-toweight ratio. For personal security, Kosmos employs TSA-compatible locks. These tiny mechanisms are equipped with a master access key that can only be utilized by airport security in the USA and Canada to inspect the luggage. This master key prevents any outside tampering and theft. The body’s durability and streamlined surface have given Kormos its own sense of style aimed at travelers armed with the desire for adventure and an eye for great taste.

A P R I L 2 0 16 / I S S U E 97

THE ROGUE ARENA Promotions and relevant items, direct from our partners

Leather-clad or nylon-bound, Daniel Wellington watches are made for the adventurous rake

The story goes as such: while traveling in Australia, Filip Tysander met an Englishman wearing a vintage watch equipped with a NATO strap. Tysander was impressed by the manӊs sense of style emphasized by this intriguing timepiece. Inspired by this encounter, the Swede launched a watch brand in 2011 and named it after the Englishman—Daniel Wellington. NATO bands have a history of use by the military, so it’s functional and fail-safe, perfect for summertime adventures. These historical bands hace become the trademark of Daniel

Wellington (My Diamond, First level, EDSA Shangri-La Plaza Mall, Mandaluyong 638-9376; danielwellington.com), whose watches are light and elegant yet versatile. Pieces, which can also be paired with leather strapping, comes with a white dial and a polished steel or rose-gold case. The diameter of the face comes in various sizes, from 26mm to 40mm. The brand’s four styles— the Classic, the Dapper, the Grace and the Classy—are defined by the watch’s index, which are mostly unisex. The Classic’s hours are marked by slim, clean,

no fuzz lines. The Dapper has Roman numerals, with blue hands that are cool to the eyes. The Grace combines the first two, lining Roman numerals six and 12. Meanwhile, the Classy’s hours are embellished with Swarovski crystals. What sets a DW watch apart is its interchangeable band. The exquisite simplicity of its face adapts well to black or brown leather or multi-colored, striped NATO-inspired bands. Flexible and well made, this is a stylish and luxurious watch that stands out no matter the place or season.

A P R I L 2 0 16 / I S S U E 97

THE ROGUE ARENA Promotions and relevant items, direct from our partners

Rocio Zobel, Bianca Zobel-Warns with Mattias Zobel-Warns, Zobel Foundation chair Dee Ann Zobel, Audi Philippines head Benedicto Coyiuto, and Fred Borromeo

Front row: Vince Bitong, Fiola Labron, Jay de Jesus, and Anthony Filamor. Back row: Manot Montilla, Alﬁe Araneta, Benedicto Coyiuto, Dee Ann Zobel, Tommy Bitong, Paola Zobel with Mattias Zobel, and Bianca Zobel-Warns with Olivia Reynolds-Zobel

Senator JV Ejercito and Porsche Philippines president Roberto Coyiuto III

SWING AND DRIVE Audi TT headlined the iconic parade at the 13th edition of the Enrique Zobel Memorial Polo Cup It was an action-filled day as enthusiasts of the “sport of kings” trouped to the field for the 13th staging of the Enrique Zobel Memorial Polo Cup. Headlining the vehicle parade were the vastly improved vehicles from Audi Philippines (11th Avenue corner 28th Street, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig). A low-goal, four-chukker match commenced

the event’s festivities, with Paola Zobel, Manot Montilla, Tommy Bitong, and Alfie Araneta of the Audi Reds beating out the Audi Greys’ Fiola Labron, Jay de Jesus, Vince Bitong, and Anthony Filamor to an 8-4 beating. The high-goal, five-chukker match, with Santi Laborde, Iñigo Zobel, Gus Aguirre, and Martin Espain of the Audi Whites, garnered a

10 winning score over Benjamin Urquiza, Cole Aguirre, Dirk Gould, and Ignacio Ithurburu of the Audi Blacks, who scored 5 points. The traditional parade of horses transpired, as well as the salute and Rocio Zobel’s and Mattias Zobel-Warns’ ceremonial throw-in. The winners were given their due recognition during the simple awarding ceremonies headed

Maricris Zobel with Olivia Reynolds-Zobel

PGA Cars chairman Robert Coyiuto, Jr., E. Zobel Inc. CEO Iñigo Zobel and San Miguel Corp. president and COO Ramon S. Ang.

Ramon Ang, German Ambassador Thomas Ossowski, Anjellica Lopez, Roberto Coyiuto, Jr. and former German Federal Minister for Economics and Technology Michael Glos

Philippine Stock Exchange chairman Jose T. Pardo

Front row: Dirk Gould, Benjamin Urquiza, Cole Aguirre, Santi Laborde with Mattias Zobel-Warns, and Ignacio Ithurburu. Back row: Manila Polo Club general manager August Samala, Martin Espain, Benedicto Coyiuto, Dee Ann Zobel, Iñigo Zobel, Gus Aguirre, Bianca Zobel-Warns with Olivia Reynolds-Zobel, and Fred Borromeo.

by Zobel Foundation chair Dee Ann Zobel, Manila Polo Club president Isabel Caro Wilson and general manager August Samala, and Audi Philippines head Benedicto Coyiuto. The event was triumphantly capped off with a parade of vehicles, led by the third-generation Audi TT and the second-generation Q7. The improved TT, made with hybrid steel and aluminum architecture, is now a mere 2,712 pounds. It is powered with a 230-horsepower 2.0-liter turbo four that produces 273 lb-ft of torque. Following in the spectacle was the fitter second-generation Q7, supercharged by a 333-horsepower 3.0-liter V-6, with massaging front seats for improved comfort—a revolutionary combination of style and function. At the heart of Audi S8 is a turbocharged 605-horsepower engine. Technology-driven, it features a head-up display that projects the car’s speed, navigation, and driver assistance systems onto the windshield. Audi R8 Spyder was also at the parade. The vehicle is made out of resilient yet lightweight materials, and under its hood is a 5.2-liter V10 that yields 525 horsepower. Because of an “Audi magnetic ride” adaptive damper system, it allows the driver to appease his driving mood for a wild or smooth ride. Porsche Philippines and Bentley Manila also expressed their support and showcased their innovative vehicles, namely the Porsche Boxster S and Bentley Flying Spur, which have been the event’s trophy cars since the Zobel Cup’s conception in 1994.

Ap r i l 2 0 16

SHOP LIST Where to buy the products featured in this issue

THE JOYFUL MYSTERIES OF ALESSANDRA DE ROSSI, PAGE 72

H&M Cropped top; G/F SM Mega Fashion Hall, EDSA cor. Julia Vargas Ave., Mandaluyong; 531-5374. Acne Studios Deconstructed denim trousers; Homme et Femme, G/F, 8 Rockwell, Makati.

3/F Mos Design Building Bonifacio High Street, Taguig; 0917-668-3951. Seletti 2680 F.B. Harrison Street, Pasay; 0917-858-2680. A11 2680 F.B. Harrison Street, Pasay; 0917858-2680. JB Woodcraft Dalan Betis, Guagua, Pampanga; 9002750; jbwoodcraft.com. E. Murio Inc. Merville Access Road, Merville, Parañaque; 776-5459.

PAGE 75

PAGE 39

PAGE 72

Calvin Klein Collection Highwaisted trousers; SM Aura Premier, 26th Street cor. McKinley Parkway and C5, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 887-0188. Dr. Martens Leather boots; Unit 9, Two Parkade, 30th Street cor. 7th Avenue, Taguig; 869-9836. PAGE 76 Calvin Klein Collection Suit jacket; SM Aura Premier, 26th Street cor. McKinley Parkway and C5, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 887-0188. DKNY Swim Bikini bottom; 2/F Rustan’s Department Store, Ayala Center, Makati; 8133739. Dr. Martens Leather boots; Unit 9, Two Parkade, 30th Street cor. 7th Avenue, Taguig; 869-9836. PAGE 77 H&M Sweater; G/F SM Mega Fashion Hall, EDSA cor. Julia Vargas Ave., Mandaluyong; 531-5374. PAGE 78 Calvin Klein Collection Highwaisted trousers; SM Aura Premier, 26th Street cor. McKinley Parkway and C5, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 887-0188. Dr. Martens Leather boots; Unit 9, Two Parkade, 30th Street cor. 7th Avenue, Taguig; 869-9836. PAGE 80 H&M Sweater; G/F SM Mega Fashion Hall, EDSA cor. Julia Vargas Ave., Mandaluyong; 531-5374. DKNY Swim Bikini bottom; 2/F Rustan’s Department Store, Ayala Center, Makati; 813-3739. DARK ROOMS & IRON FISTS, PAGE 37 PAGE 38 BoConcept G/F MOs Design Bldg., B2 Bonifacio High Street, Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 8562745; boconcept.com. MO Space

122 A PR I L 2016

Studio Dimensione G/F One Parkade, 28th Street cor. 7th Ave., Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 736-3728. Emily Campos 0918943-6459. PAGE 40 Studio Dimensione G/F One Parkade, 28th Street cor. 7th Ave., Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; 736-3728. MO Space 3/F Mos Design Building Bonifacio High Street, Taguig; 0917-668-3951. JB Woodcraft Dalan Betis, Guagua, Pampanga; 900-2750; jbwoodcraft.com. PAGE 41 MOSpace 3/F Mos Design Building Bonifacio High Street, Taguig; 0917-668-3951. JB Woodcraft Dalan Betis, Guagua, Pampanga; 900-2750; jbwoodcraft.com. LET THERE BE LIGHT, PAGE 45 Louis Poulsen Units 106 & 107, G/F, Fort Victoria, 5th Ave., cor. 23rd Street, Taguig; 830-2230; livinginnovations.ph. PATRIOT GAMES, PAGE 49 Louis Vuitton, Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 756-0637; louisvuitton.com. THE BIG BLUE, PAGE 56 Omega Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 728-0436; omegawatches.com. TW Steel Adora, 2/F Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 217-4030. Montblanc Rustain’s Makati, Ayala Center, Makati; 813-3739. Audemars Piguet Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 813-3739. Jaeger-LeCoultre Greenbelt 5, Ayala Center, Makati; 728-0094. All prices available upon request.

THE RESIDENCES AT ALPHALAND MAKATI PLACE, FULLY FURNISHED TO THE HIGHEST STANDARD AND NOW READY TO MOVE IN

JUST BRING YOUR TOOTHBRUSH!

7232 Ayala Avenue Extension, Makati City, Philippines For inquiries contact: T: +632.846.6205 or +632.737.0020 | M: +63.999.886.4420 E: sales@alphaland.com.ph

www.makatiplace.com.ph Alphaland Makati Place license to sell nos.: TOWER 1: 26224 | TOWER 2: 029188

Ap r i l 2 0 16

FAMOUS ROGUE

ONE IS HARD-PRESSED to condense the achievements of the late Jovito Salonga into a few hundred words, if only because it is difficult to pick out the peaks of three decades of outstanding government service that began before Martial Law and continued through its turbulent aftermath. Born to a pastor and public market vendor, Salonga managed to earn law degrees from the University of the Philippines—where he topped the boards—Harvard, and Yale by the time he first entered congress. In the same year that Ferdinand Marcos won as president, Salonga topped the senatorial elections in what would be the first of three occasions. What followed was a courageous and implacable opposition to the dictatorial regime, including the legal defense of political prisoners and the publication of detailed exposés that earned him the moniker “The Nation’s

Fiscalizer” from the Philippines Free Press. Following the People Power Revolution, having come home after nearly four years of exile in the US, he was tasked with searching for the Marcoses’ ill-gotten wealth as the head of the Presidential Commission on Good Government. Arguably his most notable act, however, came when he served as president to the Senate that successfully voted for the removal of the US bases on Philippine soil—which some say cost him his presidential bid in 1992, where he emerged sixth in the seven-man race. Though he then returned to private life, his crusade for good governance continued in the form of his organizations Kilosbayan and Bantay Katurungan. By his death in March 2016, at the age of 95, Salonga had carved out a legacy of leading by courageous example in the endless fight against greed and corruption.

“Power corrodes and corrupts and blinds even the best of men.”

PHOTO BY CYNTHIA JOHNSON/GETTY IMAGES

JOVITO SALONGA, statesman