Introduction
FromthelatteryearsofKingJohn’ sreigntotheendofHenryIII’s,England’ s bishopswereattheheartofpoliticalevents.Theseeventsincludedthemakingof MagnaCartain1215and,perhapsmoreimportantly,itsrebirthinthereignof HenryIIIandsubsequententrenchmentinpoliticalsociety,aswellastherevolutionaryperiod1258–65,whenagroupofsubjectsseizedpowerfromthekingand establishedacounciltogoverninhisname.Thatbishopswereprotagonistsinthe dramaticstoryofthirteenth-centuryEnglishpoliticshas,generally,goneunrecognized,perhapsfortworeasons.Firstly,academicresearchhasforthemostpart focusedontheroleoflaymen whetherbarons,knights,orevenpeasants inthe politicsofthisera.Secondly,thepublicperceptionoftheseepisodes fromthe meadowofRunnymedein1215toWestminsterHallin1265,wheretherevolutionaryregimeledbySimondeMontfort,earlofLeicester,heldwhatisoftencalled the firstHouseofCommons rendersthemfoundationalmomentsintheconstructionofanenlightened,Westerndemocracy:apoliticalorderinwhich,evenin itsearlieststages,religiousleaderscouldexpectonlyawalk-onpart.Itisthepurpose ofthisbooktoturnthespotlightonthebishopsastheymove,inleadingroles, acrossthestageand,insodoing,torecasttheworldofthirteenth-centuryEnglish politics.Thiswasaworldinwhichpoliticianswieldedspiritualaswellastemporal power,wheretheiractionswereshapedbyscripturalexample,wherespiritual punishmentswerebroughttobearforcrimesagainstthestateandsecularpunishmentsmetedoutformoraltransgressions.Here,tobreakMagnaCartawasnotjust acrimebutasin,asinthatplacedyoursoulinjeopardy.Theparliamentof1265 mightbecelebratedtodayasthe firstHouseofCommonsbutitscentrepiecewas notavote itwasasentenceofexcommunication,theChurch’sequivalentof outlawry,proclaimedbybishopsinavividreligiousritual.Thisworldwasnot democratic,buttheocratic.
Thepeculiarcircumstancesofthisperiodprovidedasettinginwhichthebishops couldassumeacentralplaceinthepoliticalcommunity.WithKingJohn’slossof Normandyin1204andthesubsequentdefeatofhisforcesbytheCapetianking, PhilipAugustus,atBouvinesin1214,thePlantagenethousehadlostthemajority ofitscontinentallands.Henceforth,thekingwastospendalmostallofhistimein England.InHenryIII’scase,muchofthistimewasspentatWestminster,where thecourtandthemachineryofgovernmentwerenow findingapermanenthome. Thismeant asisoftensaidofJohn thatsubjectswereexposedtotheirkingina waythattheirparentsandgrandparentshadnotbeen.Henryandhismannerof rulingwerethusunderscrutinyinanentirelynewway.Themannerinwhich
Henrywasobligedtooperatewasalsonew,forhewasthe firstkingtoruleunder MagnaCarta.The firstissueoftheCharterhadlastednomorethanafewweeks but,followingJohn’sdeath,newversionswereissuedin1216andagainin1217 (thelatterwithitsnewpartner,theCharteroftheForest)onbehalfofHenry,who wasonlyachildwhenhetookthethrone.ThedefinitiveversionofMagnaCarta wasissuedbythekingin1225andconfirmedbyhimin1237,1253,and(whenhe wasunderthepoweroftherevolutionarycouncil)1265.ThetermsoftheCharter laidformidablerestrictionsonEnglishkingship.Aswellasbindingthekingtoact withinthelaw,theCharteralsoforbademanyofthetraditionalmoney-making activitiesoftheAngevinmonarchs,suchasthechargingofexorbitantsumsfrom baronsintheformoffeudaldues(thecustomarypaymentsduetotheking,as feudaloverlord,fromhistenants-in-chief)andprofferstohavethekingprovide justiceinlegaldisputes(inbothinstancestheamountchargedhadbeenset arbitrarilybytheking).
Yetthiswasalsoatimewhensignificant financialpressures,aswellasHenry’ s ambitions,drovethekingtosearchforcash.Hewasthusforcedtolookforwaysto raisemoneythatwerenotforbiddenbytheCharter.Insodoing,hesetthe machineryofhisgovernmenttobeardownheavilyuponlessersubjectsinthe localitiesinvariousways,inpartthroughlocalofficerswhowereoftenbrutaland corrupt.1 Thekingwasalsoforcedtogocapinhandtohisgreatersubjects, requestingtaxationinregnalassemblies(and,astheycametobeknowninthe 1230s,parliaments).2 ThisprovidedHenry’sgreatersubjectswithincreasedbargainingpower,anddidsoattheverytimewhentheyweremostencouragedtouse it.Theseearls,bishops,barons,and,increasingly,knightshadbeenaccustomed bythecircumstancesofHenry’ sminority(1216–27,whenthekingdomhad beenruledbyacouncil)tosteeringpolicyandappointingministersthrough conciliardiscussion.3 Now,dismayedbytheking’sregulardemandsformoney, andindignantatthecorruptionofhisofficers,theysoughtagainagreatervoicein thegovernmentofthekingdom.Theyensuredthatgrantsoftaxationwere conditional conditionalupontheking’sgrantingofconcessions,principallyhis promisetokeepMagnaCartaandtheCharteroftheForest.Gonewerethedays whenthekingcouldoperatewiththefullandterriblemightofAngevinkingship, coercinghismagnatesandprelatesanddestroyinghisopponentsthroughlargescaledisseisinsand financialpenalties,imprisonment,andevenmurder.4 Thiswasa
1 ForHenry’sburdensomegovernment,seeJ.R.Maddicott, ‘MagnaCartaandtheLocal Community1215–1259’ , PastandPresent,102(1984),25–65,at36–48,R.Cassidy, ‘BadSheriffs, CustodialSheriffsandControloftheCounties’,inJ.Burton,P.Schofield,andB.K.Weiler(eds.), ThirteenthCenturyEnglandXV (Woodbridge,2015),35–49,at37–40,andR.Cassidy, ‘William Heron, “HammerofthePoor,PersecutoroftheReligious”,SheriffofNorthumberland,1246–58’ , NorthernHistory,50(2013),9–19.
2 D.A.Carpenter, ‘TheBeginningsofParliament’,inD.A.Carpenter, TheReignofHenryIII (London,1996),381–408,at382.
3 D.A.Carpenter, TheMinorityofHenryIII (London,1990),402,407–12;J.R.Maddicott, The OriginsoftheEnglishParliament924–1327 (Oxford,2010),147–53.
4 TheextenttowhichtheAngevinkings particularlyKingJohn employedarbitrarymethodsis revealedinH.Summerson, ‘The1215MagnaCarta:Clause39,Academiccommentary’ , TheMagna
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 2
newworld,whichrequiredanewdegreeofcooperationbetweenrulerandruled:a majorshiftinthebalanceofpowertowardstheking’sgreatersubjects.
Contributingtothisshiftwasanotherimportantfactor:subjectshadlittlefearof theirking.Amedievalmonarchwasexpectedtocarryhimselfwithacertain authorityandtocommandhisdemeanour tobeintimidating,frightening,or charmingashewilled soastocompelaweandrespect.WilliamRufus,itwassaid, ‘would fixthemanbeforehimwithathreateninggaze,andwithassumedseverity andharshvoiceoverbearthosewithwhomhespoke’,whilstamongsthisfriends,in private, ‘hewasallmildnessandcomplaisance,andreliedmuchonjesttocarrya point’ . 5 IfasubjectspokeoutofturntoHenryII,thekingwouldstareatthemand holdtheroominsilence,astheybecameincreasinglyuncomfortableandfearfulof a fitofroyalanger.6 AnangryRichardIwascomparedtoa ‘fearfullion’ who ‘ roared horribly,burningwithrage’,whose ‘ravingfuryterrifiedhisdearestfriends’ . 7 HenryIII,incontrast,wasnotamancapableofclaimingfromhissubjectsa greatdealofrespect,stilllessofinstillingfear.IfHenryhadanepithet,itwas ‘simplex’:atermthatmeant,atbest,thathewasstraightforwardbut,atworst,just simple-mindedandeasilyled.8 Subjectsreferredopenlytotheking’ssimplicity: presidingoverahumiliatingmilitaryretreatinGascony,Henrywastoldbyoneof hisownmenthatheoughttobetakenandlockeduplikeCharlestheSimple,9 whiletheclergycomplainedinassembliesthattheking’ssimplicityhadallowed himtobedupedintofoolishpolicies.10 UnderHenry’spredecessors,nosubject wouldhavedaredtospeakinsuchaway.Oneonlyneedstoimagine ifonecan HenryII,Richard,orJohninsuchascenetorecognizeHenryIII’ smeagrestature.
Attheverytime,then,whensubjectshadnewexpectationsaboutthelimitingof kingship,newcomplaintsaboutthewaythekingmanagedhisgovernment,and newambitionstoholdgreaterswayintheruleofthekingdom,theybecame increasinglydaringintheirdealingswiththeking.Thesetensionswereignitedina
CartaProject (2014),http://magnacartaresearch.org/read/magna_carta_1215/Clause_39?com=aca,accessed 11Jan.2016;forKingJohn’sabilityandwillingnesstodestroythosewhostoodinhisway,seeC.Veach, ‘KingJohnandRoyalControlinIreland:WhyWilliamdeBriouzehadtobeDestroyed’ , EHR,129 (2014),1051–78;andforJohn’sexecutionofpoliticalprisoners,seeM.Morris, KingJohn:Treachery, TyrannyandtheRoadtoMagnaCarta (London,2015),153,186,273.
5 WilliamofMalmesbury, TheHistoryoftheEnglishKings(GestaRegumAnglorum),ed.andtrans. R.A.B.Mynors,R.M.Thomson,andM.Winterbottom,(Oxford,1998),I,554–7.
6 AdamofEynsham, TheLifeofStHughofLincoln,ed.andtrans.D.L.DouieandH.Farmer (2vols.,OxfordMedievalTexts,1961–2),I,66–8,116–18,onbothofwhichoccasionsHenry eventuallybrokethetension,inthe firstcasewithanembraceandinthesecondbylaughingraucously atajokemadeathisownexpense.
7TheChronicleofRichardofDevizesoftheTimeofKingRichardtheFirst,ed.andtrans. J.T.Appleby(London,1963),19–20.
8 Carpenter, MinorityofHenryIII,409–10;D.A.Carpenter, TheStruggleforMastery,Britain 1066–1284 (London,2003),338–40.
9 J.R.Maddicott, SimondeMontfort (Cambridge,1994),31–2.
10 See AnnalesMonastici,ed.H.R.Luard(5vols.,RollsSeries,1864–9),I(AnnalesMonasteriide Burton,1004–1263),361,forthecomplaintputforwardfromtheclergyofthearchdeaconryof LincolnatacounciloftheEnglishclergyin1256that ‘atthepromptingofcertaintraitorstheroyal simplicityhasbeenensnared’ concerningtheSicilianBusiness.
3 Introduction
parliamentinthespringof1258.Then,agroupofbaronsmarchedontheking’ s hallatWestminster,demandingtheestablishmentofacouncil.11 Thiscouncil, forceduponacoweringHenry,wouldcontrolthemachineryofthestate the chanceryandtheexchequer issuingordersforthegovernmentofthekingdom andsendingembassiestoforeigncourtsintheking’sname;itwouldalsomanage thekingdom’srevenues,appointroyalministersandofficers,andcontrolroyal castles.Thiscouncilwenton,throughout1258and1259,todrawupand implementaprogrammeofreformofcentralandlocalgovernment.Thisprogrammeaimedtorootoutcorruptionfromamongstroyalof ficers,haltexcessive spending,andoverhaulaccountingproceduresinordertorestoretheresourcesof royalgovernment;italsosoughttoimprovethelotoflessersubjectsbyrelieving someofthe financialburdensimposeduponthemandbyimprovingaccessto justice,enablingthemtoseekredressnotonlyfromroyalbutalsofrombaronial officerswhohaddonethemwrong.12 Thisprogrammeofreformcametobe knownastheProvisionsofOxford,aftertheparliamentofthesummerof1258 inwhichthemeasuresweredrafted.TheProvisions oratleasttheirmore controversialfeatures didnotlastlong,forbetween1261and1262Henry managedtobreakhisshacklesandregainmuchofhispower.Inthesummerof 1263,however,thereformmovementre-emerged,transformedintoakingdomwideenterprise,asSimondeMontfort,earlofLeicester,steppedforwardasleader. InMay1264thetwosidesmetinbattleatLewes.Montfortwasvictoriousandthe kingwastakenprisonertogetherwithhisheir,thelordEdward,andothermembers oftheroyalfamily.Anewcouncilwasestablished,ineffectwiththeplanof disinheritingHenry’sdynastyinfavourofconciliarrule.ItgovernedEngland untilAugust1265,whentheearlofLeicesterandahostofhiscomradeswere cutdowninbattleatEvesham.ThiswasEngland’ s firstrevolution.Theradical turnofeventsbetween1258and1265wasnotinevitable,butitwasaproductof theuniquecircumstancesandpersonalitiesofitstime.
Thisnarrativeis,inessence,afamiliarone:achapterinthestorydescribingthe emergenceoftheparliamentarystate.Itisanarrativethathasbeenshapedby studiesconcernedprimarilywiththeactivitiesofsecularelites.13 Yet,thatbishops deserveaprominentplaceinthetellinghasbeensuggestedbyseveralimportant piecesofresearchoverthepasttwoorthreedecades.BjörnWeiler,inanarticleof 2013,hasdrawnattentiontothedutythatwasincumbentuponbishopsto reprimandthekingformoraltransgressions adutythatcanbetracedthrough
11 Seep.107. 12 Seep.121.
13 TheclassicnarrativesofthemakingofMagnaCartaareJ.C.Holt, TheNortherners:AStudyin theReignofKingJohn,(2ndedn,Oxford,1992),whichfocusesonthebaronialrebels,andJ.C.Holt, MagnaCarta (2ndedn,Cambridge,1992),inwhichHolt,inhischapter ‘TheQualityoftheGreat Charter’,arguedstronglythatStephenLangtondidnotthinkitwasthebusinessofchurchmento intervenein ‘secular’ affairs(281,284–9) aninterpretationofLangton’sworldviewthathasbeen thoroughlydisprovedbyJohnBaldwinandPhilippeBuc(seep.38).Newresearchhasshown,indeed, thatthebishopshadaninstrumentalroleinthemakingofMagnaCarta,notonlyinnegotiating thesettlementbutindrawingupexemplarsoftheCharter,distributingthem,andsafeguardingthem (seep.7).
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 4
theAnglo-SaxonperiodtothearchiepiscopateofStephenLangton(1207–26).14 JohnMaddicottdedicatedachapterinhismagisterialbiographyofSimon deMontfort,publishedin1994,totheearl’sreligioussensibilities,inwhich heconsideredtheearl’sfriendshipwithprominentchurchmen.15 Perhapsmost importantlyforourpurposes,Davidd’Avray,inanarticleof1998,showedforthe firsttimethecentralplaceofthebishopsintheenforcementofMagnaCartain thethirteenthcentury.WhenanewversionoftheCharterwasissuedbyHenry III’sminoritygovernmentin1216,thecontroversial ‘securityforpeace’,which empoweredtwenty-fivebaronsto ‘distrainandafflict’ thekinginordertocompel himtokeeptheCharter’sterms,wasremoved,leavingMagnaCartawithnomeans ofenforcement.16 Thischangedin1225whenStephenLangton,archbishopof Canterbury,andhissuffraganssteppedintopronounceageneralsentence ofexcommunicationagainstallwhowouldviolateMagnaCartaortheCharter oftheForest.Thearchbishop’sactionswereinformedbyhisownbiblicalscholarship,whichsetouttheneedforkingstokeepandabidebyawrittenvolumeofthe law,andplacedupontheshouldersoftheclergytheresponsibilityforensuring thatthisconditionwasmet(animportantelaboration,wemightsuggest,of theepiscopaldutytoreprimandthekingthathasbeenhighlightedbyWeiler). Inactingthus,Langtonsetaprecedentforhissuccessors,encouragingaculturein whichbishopswereduty-boundtooverseeroyalgovernmentandtokeeptheking’ s rulewithinthelaw.17
Ifwepauseforamomenttoimaginehowthissentencewasproclaimed(using thedescriptionsprovidedbythechroniclerMatthewParis),theimportanceofthe bishops’ placeinthepost-MagnaCartaworldisonlyheightened.In1237,duringa greatassembly,thekingstoodinStKatherine’schapelofWestminsterAbbey, surroundedbyhisbaronsandbishops,withthebishopsholdinglightedcandles. ThekingplacedhisrighthandontheGospelsandheldacandleinhisleft,and spokehisoathtothearchbishopofCanterbury,bindinghimselftokeepthe Charters.Toconsummatethesentence,alluttered ‘Letitbedone’,andturned overtheircandlesontothe floor.This filledtheroomwithsmokeandtheodourof thesmokingwicks,whichgotuppeople’snostrilsandirritatedtheireyes.Atthis pointthearchbishopproclaimed: ‘Thusmaythecondemnedsoulsofthosewho violatetheCharterbeextinguished,andthusmaytheysmokeandstink.’18 This
14 B.K.Weiler, ‘BishopsandKingsinEngland, c.1066–1215’,inL.KörntgenandD.Waßenhoven (eds.), ReligionandPoliticsintheMiddleAges:GermanyandEnglandbyComparison (Berlin,2013), 157–203.
15 Maddicott, SimondeMontfort,77–105.
16 Forthe ‘securityofpeace’,seeH.Summersonetal.(trans.), ‘The1215MagnaCarta:SuffixA’ , TheMagnaCartaProject (2013),http://magnacartaresearch.org/read/magna_carta_1215/Suf fix_A, accessed11Jan.2016.
17 D.L.d’Avray, ‘«MagnaCarta»:ItsBackgroundinStephenLangton’sAcademicBiblicalExegesis andItsEpiscopalReception’ , StudiMedievali ser.3,38:1(1998),423–38.
18 AccordingtoMatthewParis,Henryheldacandlefortheceremonyof1237butrefusedtodoso in1253,onthegroundsthathewasnotapriest: MatthaeiParisiensis,MonachiSanctiAlbani,Chronica Majora,ed.H.R.Luard(7vols.,RollsSeries,1872–83)[hereafter CM],III,382,andV,360–1(for eventsof1237);V,377(for1253).
5 Introduction
wasaspectacularpieceoftheatre,designedtoawakenthesensesandimpressitself uponthememory,bringinghomethespiritualburdenplacedoneveryoneto upholdMagnaCartaandtheForestCharter.
Itissometimessupposedthattheturnofthethirteenthcenturymarkeda profoundshiftinthewesternmedievalworld:withtheriseofbureaucracyand theparliamentarystatecametheendofcharismatickingship,andofcharismatic politicsgenerally:adisenchantment.19 Asseveralauthoritieshavepointedout,the picturewasmorecomplexthanthis.Thechangewasmoreoneofrecordthanof reality,andHenryIIIdidmuchtopromotethemystiqueofkingship.20 Moreover, asthesentenceofexcommunicationproclaimedinsupportoftheChartersshows, charismaticauthoritywascentraltotheoperationofthirteenth-centuryEnglish politics.Itwasnotanauthoritywieldedconvincinglybythekingbut,instead,by thebishops.Therewasindeedaprofoundchangeinthecultureofpoliticsin thirteenth-centuryEngland:therewasanewplaceforthebishopsattheheartofthe politicalcommunity.
Ourperiodbegins,then,in1213,withthereturnfromexileofStephenLangton, archbishopofCanterbury,andhissuffragans.KingJohn’srefusalin1207toaccept Langton’scandidacyforthearchbishopricofCanterburyhadforcedPopeInnocentIII totakesevereaction.BetweenMarch1208andJuly1214,Englandlayundera sentenceofinterdict:ageneralstrikeoftheChurchthatsawthecessationofmost ChurchservicesandalmostallofEngland’sbishopsdepartthekingdom.21 Itwas
19 T.Reuter, ‘AssemblyPoliticsinWesternEuropefromtheEighthCenturytotheTwelfth’,in T.Reuter, MedievalPolitiesandModernMentalities,ed.J.L.Nelson(Cambridge,2006),193–216,at 194–5,whichchangeReutersawalsointheroleofbishops: ‘Theperiodofcharismaticbishopshad cometoanend.Arguably,thepost-Gregorianerasawnomorethana “professionalization” of episcopality:thepatriarchal figuresofthetenthandeleventhcenturieswerereplacedbymanagers withanMBA:progress,perhaps,butcertainlylossaswell.’ (T.Reuter, ‘AEuropeofBishops:TheAge ofWulfstanofYorkandBurchardofWorms’,inL.KörntgenandD.Waßenhoven(eds.), Patternsof EpiscopalPower:Bishopsin10thand11thCenturyWesternEurope (Berlin,2011),17–38,at38).
20 D.A.Carpenter, ‘KingHenryIIIandtheCosmatiWorkatWestminsterAbbey’,in D.A.Carpenter, TheReignofHenryIII (London,1996),409–25;D.A.Carpenter, ‘KingHenryIII andSaintEdwardtheConfessor:TheOriginsoftheCult’ , EHR 122(2007),865–91;D.A.Carpenter, ‘KingHenryIIIandtheChapterHouseofWestminsterAbbey’,inR.Mortimer(ed.), WestminsterAbbey ChapterHouse:TheHistory,ArtandArchitectureof ‘aChapterHouseBeyondCompare’ (London,2010), 32–9;E.H.Kantorowicz,LaudesRegiae: AStudyinLiturgicalAcclamationsandMediaevalRulerWorship (BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1946),171–9;N.Vincent, TheHolyBlood:KingHenryIIIandthe WestminsterBloodRelic (Cambridge,2001);N.Vincent, ‘ThePilgrimagesoftheAngevinKingsof England1154–1272’,inC.MorrisandP.Roberts(eds.), Pilgrimage:TheEnglishExperiencefromBecket toBunyan (Cambridge,2002),12–45;N.Vincent, ‘KingHenryIIIandtheBlessedVirginMary’,in R.N.Swanson, StudiesinChurchHistory39 (Woodbridge,2004),126–46;N.Vincent, ‘Twelfthand Thirteenth-CenturyKingship:AnEssayinAnglo-FrenchMisunderstanding’,inJ.-P.Genetand F.-J.Ruggiu(eds.), LesIdéespassent-elleslaManche?Savoirs,représentations,pratiques (Paris,2007), 21–36;andtheworkofBjörnWeiler inextenso,e.g.B.K.Weiler, ‘SymbolismandPoliticsintheReign ofHenryIII’,inM.Prestwich,R.Britnell,andR.Frame(eds.), ThirteenthCenturyEnglandIX (2003), 15–41,andB.K.Weiler, ‘BishopsandKingsinEngland, c.1066–1215’,inL.Körntgenand D.Waßenhoven(eds.), ReligionandPoliticsintheMiddleAges:GermanyandEnglandbyComparison (Berlin,2013),157–203.
21 TheclassicaccountoftheinterdictisprovidedbyC.R.Cheney, ‘KingJohnandthePapal Interdict’ , BulletinofJohnRylandsLibrary,xxxi(1945),295–317.
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 6
onlyintheautumnof1212,withthethreatofrebellionathomeandinvasionfrom France,thatthekingwasforcedtoconcedeandacceptLangton,inordertowin papalsupport.InMay1213,thekingresignedhiscrowntothepope,becominga papalvassalandpromisinganannualtributeof1,000marks,therebygainingthe pope ’sprotectionandsoscupperingtheinvasionplansofPhilipAugustus,kingof France.Therefollowed,inJuly1213,adramatichomecomingforLangtonandhis colleagues:beforeWinchesterCathedral,Johnthrewhimselftearfullyatthe bishops’ feet,beggingtheirforgiveness.Thebishopsliftedhimfromtheground andledhimintothecathedral,whereJohnsworetodefendtheChurchandher clergy,tomaintainthegoodlawsofhiskingdomandtoprovidejustice effectively arenewalofhiscoronationoath.22
Thiswasanattemptbythebishopstoreformanerrantking,whoseunjustand burdensomerulehadprovokedwidespreadresentment,inanefforttoavertcivil war.Itultimatelyfailedbutitwasthebishops,ledbyLangton,whotriedagainin 1215tobrokerpeace,bringingkingandbaronstogetheratRunnymede.Whilst Johnandhismenremainedintheirpavilionsandthebaronsintheirtents,the archbishopandhiscolleaguesshuttledbackandforthbetweenthemtonegotiatea settlement.23 Todescribetheirroleherewithsuchameagretermas ‘go-between’ wouldbeafailuretograspitsnature.Bringingtogethertwosidessodividedby idealsandbyenmity,andkeepingthemtogetherlongenoughtohammerouta peacetreaty,requiredtruegrit.Italsorequiredaprofoundauthority,drawnfrom thecharismaoftheepiscopalofficeandfromthetrustofbothkingandbarons.The bishops’ role,though,didnotendhere.AsnewresearchbyDavidCarpenter, NicholasVincent,andTeresaWebberhasrevealed,theyprovidedtheirownscribes tohelpdrawupengrossmentsoftheCharter,inordertoensurethatthecontentsof thedocumentwouldbepublishedabovethewishesofareluctantKingJohn.The bishopswerealsotheprincipalguardiansofMagnaCarta1215,takingexemplars backtotheircathedralsforsafe-keeping,fromwheretheycouldbereador publicized.24 Thebishopstookonafurtherrolein1225,aswehaveseen,when LangtonandhissuffragansassumedthetaskofenforcingMagnaCarta,bymeans ofageneralsentenceofexcommunication.Thissentencewasrepeatedwhenthe 1225MagnaCartawasconfirmedseveraltimesinthethirteenthcentury,strengtheningacultureinwhichchurchmenweretheguardiansoflawfulgovernment.
Thiswasadutythatthebishopstookseriously.In1234,whenHenryIIIhadfor atimecastofftheprinciplesofMagnaCarta,StephenLangton’spupiland successorasprimate,EdmundofAbingdon,andhissuffragansconfrontedthe kinginparliamentwithacatalogueofroyalmisdeedsandthreatenedtoexcommunicatehimunlesshemendedhisways.Itwasathreatthatthekingtook seriously,forherepentedofhisunjustactionsandbenttoEdmund’scounsel.25
22 Seepp.61–2.
23 RadulphideCoggeshallChroniconAnglicanum,ed.J.Stevenson(RollsSeries,1875),172.
24 N.VincentandD.A.Carpenter, ‘FeatureoftheMonth:June2015:WhoDid(andDidNot)Write MagnaCarta’ , TheMagnaCartaProject (2015),http://magnacartaresearch.org/read/feature_of_the_ month/Jun_2015_3,accessed11Jan.2016;D.A.Carpenter, MagnaCarta (London,2015),373–9.
25 Seepp.62–3.
7 Introduction
Onanotheroccasion,threeyearslater,heandanumberofhisbaronssoughtfrom thearchbishopabsolution,incasetheyhadfallenunderthesentence.26
Asthethirteenthcenturyworeon,thebishopsmadeincreasingeffortsto publicizethesentenceofexcommunicationtothewiderkingdom.27 Theywere drivenbytheirresponsibilitytoensuregoodgovernmentbutalsobytheirpastoral obligations:ifanybodyviolatedMagnaCarta,theirsoulwouldbeplacedin jeopardy,meaningthatthebishopswereduty-boundtowarntheir flocksofthe Charter’sterms,lestanybodyfallunderthesentenceinignorance.28 TheconsequencewasthatMagnaCartawasbroughttoabroadpublic,toparishchurchesas wellasshirecourts,andthustotheunfreeastothefree,towomenaswellasmen. Thebishops,then,werenotonlyattheheartofthepoliticalcommunitybutalso instrumentalinitsexpansion.
Between1258and1265,whenthekingdomwasoverturnedbyrevolutionand civilwar,thebishopswereonceagainatthecentreofthings,thoughthistimetheir involvementwasofadifferentnature.Onlytwobishopsjoinedthereform movementinitsearlieststagesbutby1263–4,attheverytimewhenSimonde Montfortwasre-establishingconciliarruleanddoingsoinmoreassertivefashion, changesinpersonnelatthebenchfortuitouslybroughtforthbishopswhowouldbe favourabletoMontfort’scause.Asubstantialcohort(eightbishops,aroundhalf oftheepiscopate)workedwithMontforttoseizethereinsofgovernmentfrom HenryIIIandimposeacouncilthatwouldruleintheking’sname.Drawnby Montfort’scharisma theirbeliefthathewasuncommonlyvirtuousandthathis leadershipwasdivinelyordained andbyaffectionfortheearl,theytooktheir placeinthevanguardoftherevolution.TheysupportedMontfort’simprisonment ofHenryIIIandthesuppressionofhispowerandwereactivemembersofthe councilthatgovernedthekingdomafterthebattleofLewes.Theyalsoformedthe ideologicalarmofthemovement,constructingargumentsthatsoughttolegitimize theregimeandusingtheirpowersofexcommunicationtoenforceitsdecrees.Their participationwascentraltheoverthrowofroyalpower:theywereleadingprotagonistsinEngland’ s firstrevolution.
Itisthestoryofthistransformation frompeacemakersandoverseersofroyal governmenttopartisansandrevolutionaries thatthisbooktells.Sincebeforethe NormanConquest,Englishbishopshadbeenresponsibleforreprimandingthe kingformoraltransgressionsbut,intheearlypartofthethirteenthcentury,their remitintheoversightofgovernmentwassignificantlyextended.29 Crucialtothis developmentwereStephenLangton(archbishopofCanterbury1207–26)andhis successor,EdmundofAbingdon(archbishopofCanterbury1233–40).Between themtheybuiltupontheexampleoftheirpredecessorstocreateanewmodelfor episcopalinvolvementintheaffairsofthekingdom,especiallyduringtimesof
26 F.A.C.MantelloandJ.Goering(eds.), TheLettersofRobertGrosseteste,BishopofLincoln (Toronto,2010),252–4.
27 Seepp.176–7.
28 F.Hill, ‘MagnaCarta,CanonLawandPastoralCare:ExcommunicationandtheChurch’ s PublicationoftheCharter’ , HistoricalResearch 89(November2016),636–50.
29 Weiler, ‘BishopsandKingsinEngland’,194.
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 8
discordbetweenkingandbarons.Prioritizingthepeaceofthekingdom even whentheyfeltsympathyforbaronialgrievances theymaintainedtheirloyaltyto thekingaswellashissubjects,sothattheywereempoweredandincentivizedtoact aspeacemakers.
Theirinterventiontookaparticular,peculiarlypotentform.Whenillegalor destructiveroyalpoliciescausedbaronialdiscontentthatthreatenedcivilpeace,the bishopscouldstepintoreformtheking’sbehaviour,purginghimofhisself-serving tendenciesandrecreatinghimsymbolicallyasanewlyworthy,piousking.Their rolewasfoundedupontheexampleoftheOldTestamentprophetsandthatof theirpredecessors,aswellastheirroleasanointersofkings.Theyputtheirpowerto usenownotonly(astheirpredecessorshaddone)inthedefenceofecclesiastical libertybutalsointheinterestofthebroaderkingdom.Thestrengthofthe episcopateinactingthuswasbuttressedbyavigoroussenseofcorporatesolidarity, developedthroughthethirteenthcenturyasprelatesmetfrequently,notonlyin synodsbutalsoinregnalassemblies,wheretheking’sregulardemandsfortaxation encouragedengagementwithroyalpolicyaswellascollectiveaction.Thepowerof theEnglishbishopstoreformroyalrulewasunusual,incomparisonwiththeir colleaguesinotherEuropeankingdoms,aswastheirmotivation:thegoodofthe kingdomingeneral,ratherthanthepreservationofecclesiasticallibertiesalone.
Althoughtheythreatenederringkingswithecclesiasticalcensure,English bishopsinthe firsthalfofthethirteenthcentury,suchasLangtonandEdmund ofAbingdon,neverattackedthefoundationsofroyalpower.Theirpolicywas continuedbyRobertGrosseteste(bishopofLincoln,1235–53).Grossetestewasan energeticandcommittedpastor,aleadingscholar,avigorouspersonality,anda friendtoSimondeMontfort,aswellasacolleagueofseveralofthebishopswho wouldgoontosupportMontfortintheseizureofpower.Historiansoftheperiod havelongsensedthatGrossetestemighthaveplantedtheseedsofrevolution.30 Yet, whenthebishop’swritingonkingshipandgovernmentisreviewed,itbecomes clearthatthepictureismorecomplex.Grosseteste,likehispredecessorsand colleagues,advocatedthecorrectionoferrantsuperiors.Meanwhile,elementsof hisscholarshiponkingship(which,drawnfromhisworkonAristotle,insistedthat kingsneededvastpersonalresources,managedwell,inordertorulewithout burdeningtheirsubjects financially)mighthaveinfluencedthe financialreforms putinplacein1258.31 ButGrosseteste ’sworldviewprecludedtheusurpationof royalpower,aviewinlinewithwiderscholarlydiscussions,aswellascontemporary eventsinotherkingdoms,onthematterofremovingmonarchsfromtheseatof government.
TheMontfortianbishops,between1258and1265,breachedtheboundaries laidoutinthediscourseofroyalpower.Incontrasttotheviewsandactionsoftheir predecessors,theyrenouncedtheirloyaltytotheking.AspartisanMontfortians,
30 S.T.Ambler, ‘OnKingshipandTyranny:Grosseteste’sMemorandumanditsPlaceinthe BaronialReformMovement’,inJ.Burton,P.Scho field,andB.K.Weiler(eds.), ThirteenthCentury EnglandXIV (Woodbridge,2013),115–28,at116.
31 Seepp.155–8.
9 Introduction
theywerenolongerqualifiedtoactaspeacemakers.Membersofaregimethat seizedroyalpower,theyadvocatedmeasuresthatearlierbishopswouldhave considered,andtheircontemporariescertainlydidconsider,illicitanddangerous. Thisrupturecreatedanintellectualconflict,re flectedintheactionsandjustificatoryargumentsoftheMontfortianbishops,whohadtoconstructtheircasefrom scratchinthecrucibleofpoliticalcrisis.Theirstoryprovidesanidealtypeforthe studyofpoliticalthought:spontaneousideology.Notthecausebuttheconsequenceofeventsontheground,theirarguments attimesobfuscating,often strained,andultimatelyunsatisfyingtotheiraudience revealtheeffectonthe productionofideasexertedbyexternalpressuresandtheinternalconflictsofthose whocreatedthem.
Thisbookisanattempttounderstandthebishopswhooperatedonthepolitical stageduringthisparticularperiod,toreconstructsomethingoftheirculture,wayof thinking,andwayofoperating,todiscerntheforcesthatmovedthem,andto recognizetheireffortstoshapetheirworld.Thisbookdoesnotseektoencompass theentiretyofepiscopalculture.Forinstance,thebishops’ interestinpastoralcare istreatedonlywhereitinteractswithpoliticalactionandthought,andsoreaders interestedindiocesanprovisionandadministrationmustlookelsewhere.Nordoes itseektofollowthecourseofpoliticslater,inthefourteenthcentury,andthe bishops’ parttherein.Thisdecisionisdeliberate.Somereaders,familiarwiththe perturbationsoflateryears,whichsawEdwardII firstconfrontedwithdemandsfor conciliaroversightandthendeposed,andthenRichardIIsimilarlybroughtlow, mightseektotracealinebackwardsfromtheseeventstothoseofthe1260s.Thatis theirprerogative.Myaimhasbeentoapproachtheactionsofthethirteenthcenturybishopswithoutthebenefit orindeedtheblinkers ofhindsight.Forthe factthatdrasticactionwastakenagainstcertainkingsinthefourteenthcenturycan leadtotheassumptionthatsuchactionwassomehowinevitableor,atleast, consideredacceptable.Whateverthepoliticalclimateinthefourteenthcentury, inthethirteenthcenturysuchactioncertainlywasneitherinevitablenorconsidered legitimate.Specifically,thenotionthatacouncilofsubjectswasentitledtooperate powersthathithertohadbeenconsideredroyalprerogatives,andthatsucha councilwouldimprisonthekinganddisinherithisdynastyinordertoachieveits goals,wasutterlyradicalin1258,andwassostillin1264,whenthecouncil’ s powersweredefinedmoreclearlyandboosted.
Thisiswhythejustificationoftheseactionswassuchachallengeforthe Montfortianbishops,notleastbecauseoftheintellectualandmoraldiscomfort thebishopshadtobear.Myaimhasbeentoviewtheseeventsfromtheirpointof view,tounderstandhowtheyexperiencedthingsastheyhappened.Othersmay wishtoinvestigatewhathappenednext,andhowsomeoftheideasbroughtforth inthisperiodplayeduponthemindsofthosewhoconfrontedEdwardIIor RichardII.Theyshould,though,bearinmindhowmuchhadchangedinthe interveningyears.Politicshadbecomeviolentinawaythatithadnotbeen, generally,sincetheNormanConquest.Thisprocessbeganwiththecold-headed decisionofthelordEdwardtounleashslaughteruponhisnobleopponentsat
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 10
Eveshamin1265,andcontinuedthroughEdward’sactionsaskinginScotland, fromhisexecutionofnobleenemiesandroughimprisonmentoftheirwomenfolk tohisconcertedhumiliationoftheScottishking.32 Partlyasaresultofthisturn towardsamoreaggressive,brutaltypeofpolitics,thenobilityinthefourteenth centurywasoperatinginaverydifferentclimatefromthatofitspredecessor. Somethingelsehadalsochanged:thosemembersofthenobilitywhocontended withEdwardIIhadgrownupknowingthatkings inEnglandandinScotland couldbebroughtlow.Theirswasadifferentworld.Forthebishopsandbaronsof the1250sand1260s,theideaofdisplacingroyalpowerinfavourofconciliarrule, anddoingsobythethreatanduseofviolence,wasradical,anditsimplementationimpulsive.Even(orespecially)for thosewhosupportedtherevolution,the ideawasprofoundlydisconcerting.Itisonlywhenweappreciatethis byseeking tounderstandthechoicesofourprotagonists,theirvalues,theirattachments, andtheirfears,andthewayinwhichtheyconfrontedthechallengesplaced beforethem,allthewhileremindingourselvesofthesenseofimmediacythat suffusedtheirsituation thatwecanmakesenseoftheirpoliticsandtheir politicalarguments.
32 SeeM.Strickland, ‘Treason,FeudandtheGrowthofStateViolence:EdwardIandthe “Warof theEarlofCarrick”,1306–7’,inC.Given-Wilson,A.Kettle,andL.Scales(eds.), War,Government andAristocracyintheBritishIsles, c.1150–1500:EssaysinHonourofMichaelPrestwich (Woodbridge, 2008),84–113.
11 Introduction
BishopsandthePoliticalCommunity
ThechurchofSalisburywasespeciallyexcitedbyhistranslation[tothesee],asshe had,inhim,hadastrenuousdeanformanyyearspreviously,whomsheknewtobe learnedinthehighestdegree sufficientlyadornedinallhabits.Andthewhole kingdomapplaudedhisappointment,becausehehadgoneagainstLouis,sonofthe KingofFrance,andhisFrenchmen afaithfulandoutstanding fighter.1
Thirteenth-centuryEnglandwasaspecialplace,andtime,tobeabishop.These bishopswere astheirpredecessorshadbeen anointersofkings,tenants-in-chief, pastors,counsellors,spiritualleaders,diplomats,thebrothersandfriendsofkings andbarons,andtheprotectorsoftheweak,rolestowhichtheybroughtaunique spiritualauthority.Andnow,atthistime,circumstanceandpersonalityconverged toproduceanepiscopalcommunityuncommonlydedicatednotonlytoitspastoral missionbutalsotothedefenceofthekingdomandtheoversightofroyal government,boundasacohortlikeneverbefore,empoweredtoinfluenceevents andcompelledtoactbydutyanddevotion.Whowerethebishopsofourperiod, howwastheircommunityformedandtheircultureshared,andwhatwastheir placeinthewiderpoliticalcommunity?
Thebishopsofthisperiodhailedfromdifferentbackgrounds.Somecamefrom prestigiouslines:WalterdeCantilupeofWorcesterandFulkBassetofLondon wereofgreatbaronialfamilies,whileBonifaceofSavoyofCanterburywastheuncle ofthequeen.Otherscamefromlessillustriousstock:EdmundofAbingdonof Canterburyfromamiddlingurbanfamilythatmighthavemadeitslivingfrom trade,RobertGrossetesteofLincolnfrompeoplewhowereofthepoorest.2 Almost all,though,atthistime,hadbeenraisedtohighofficeinrecognitionoftheir qualificationsandcommitmentasleadersandpastors.Forthethirteenthcentury, asKatherineHarveyhasrecentlyargued,wasa ‘goldenageofelectoralfreedom’ . 3 HenryIII,likehispredecessors,expectedchapterstochoosebishopswhowould providegoodserviceforkingandkingdombut,unlikeearlierkings,herarely interferedinaseriouswaywiththeprocessofelection.Itistruethatroyal
1 TheRegisterofSaintOsmund,ed.W.H.RichJones(2vols.,RollsSeries,1883–4),II,4–5.
2 ForEdmund’sbackground,see TheLifeofStEdmundbyMatthewParis,ed.andtrans. C.H.Lawrence(Oxford,1996),3–5;forGrosseteste,seeR.W.Southern, RobertGrosseteste:The GrowthofanEnglishMindinMedievalEurope (Oxford,1986),75–8,J.McEvoy, RobertGrosseteste (Oxford,2000),19–20.
3 K.Harvey, EpiscopalAppointmentinEngland, c.1214–1344:FromEpiscopalElectiontoPapal Provision (Aldershot,2014),71–125and(forquotation)thebook’sabstract.
patronagecouldstillprovidepowerfulsupportinaclerk’sclimbuptheecclesiasticalcareerladder.Severalclerkswhoactedaskeepersoftheking’ ssealduring Henry’sreign,forinstance,laterwentontoobtainepiscopaloffice.4 Butthiswas nottheonlyroutetoadvancement.JohnGervase,forexample,hadservedasaroyal clerkandenjoyedthesupportofboththekingandhisbrotherRichard,earlof Cornwall,inprocuringbenefices,butGervasehadalsoservedinthehouseholdof thesaintlyRichardWychofChichester,andowedhisappointmenttotheprestigiousandpowerfulseeofWinchestertopapalprovision.5 RobertGrossetestehad nopatrontosupporthim,maintaininghimselfandhisscholarshipthrough employmentindiocesanadministrationuntilhewas finallyfavouredwithhis firstbeneficebythebishopofLincoln(presumablyinrecognitionofhistalents, scholarship,andcommitmenttothepastoralmission)inhismid-fifties.6 Hewas lecturingtotheOxfordFranciscanswhenthecanonsofLincoln,havingfailedto agreeonacandidate,compromisedandchosehimastheirbishop.7 Richard GravesendmadehiscareerinseniordiocesanadministrationunderGrosseteste’ s wing,becomingarchdeaconofOxfordandthen(afterGrosseteste’sdeath)deanof Lincoln;hewasthusarelativelystraightforwardchoiceforthecanonswhoelected himbishopofLincolnin1258.8 Insum,royalservicewasnolongertheprimary pathtoepiscopaloffice.Soonscholars,pastors,andservantsoftheChurchhada criticalmass.Theeffectwastoimbuethiscohortwithasenseoffreedom.Even whenmendidrisetoofficewithroyalsupport(BonifaceofSavoy,forinstance,was appointedbyfreecapitularelection,butbycanonsmindfuloftheking’swishes),9 theydidnotfeelbeholdentotheking.They felt free,whichoftenmeantthatthey feltfreetounitewiththeirfellowstoopposeroyalpolicy.10 Whatmanyofthesemenhadincommonwastheirlearning.Theschoolsof Parishad flourishedfromthelatertwelfthcenturyandwerestilladesirable destinationforyoungscholarswiththeambitionanddedicationtotestthemselves. ButtheschoolsofOxfordwerefastbecominganattractivealternative manyof thosewhoweretobecomebishopsspenttimehereaswellas,orinsteadof,the Frenchcapital.Theappointmentofauniversityprofessortoanepiscopalseehad beenanunusualeventwhenStephenLangtonwasconsecratedarchbishopof Canterburyin1207,butsoonitwastobecommon.Ofthebishopswhoheld officebetween1215and1272,forty-threereceivedsubstantialuniversityeducations(allbutoneofthesewereknownbythetitleof ‘ master ’),faroutnumbering thosesecularclerkswhohadnotspenttimeatOxfordorParis(twenty-seven) andthosefrommonasticbackgrounds(eight).11 Themasterswerethosewhohad
4 SilvesterdeEverdon,WilliamofKilkenny,HenryWingham,NicholasofEly,WalterofMerton, andJohnChishullallheldthesealbetween1244and1263andwentonlatertoobtainbishoprics (E.B.Pryde,D.E.Greenway,S.Porter,andI.Roy(eds.), HandbookofBritishChronology (3rdedn, Cambridge,1996),85).
5 Seepp.126. 6 McEvoy, RobertGrosseteste,29.
7 McEvoy, RobertGrosseteste,29–30.
8 Seep.138.
9 Harvey, EpiscopalAppointments,69,92,106. 10 SeeChapter4,pp.82–104.
11 ThiscountisbasedonthelistingofbishopswithshortbiographiesgiveninM.Gibbsand J.Lang, BishopsandReform,1215–1272:WithSpecialReferencetotheLateranCouncilof1215 (Oxford,
13 BishopsandthePoliticalCommunity
inceptedintheliberalarts,havingstudiedlogic,grammar,mathematics,and astronomyforsomethinglikesixyears.Somewentontostudycanonlaw,others toundertakethedemandingcourseoftheology,continuingforafurthereightyears toattaintherankofdoctor:StephenofBerstedandHenryofSandwichboth inceptedasdoctorsoftheologyatOxfordinthe1250s,becomingbishopof ChichesterandLondonrespectivelyintheearly1260s.12 Thisworldoflearning builttiesamongstthemenwhowouldgoontobeleadersoftheChurch.Their outlooksmightbeshapedbytheinfluenceofteacheruponpupil:whileatParis, StephenLangtonhadtaughtfouror fivefuturebishops,13 EdmundofAbingdon taughtatleasttwo,perhapsthree.14 Bondsmustalsohavebeenformedbetween students:StephenofBerstedandHenryofSandwichmusthavecometoknoweach otherwell,studyingtheologytogetheratOxford.15 Thistrainingproducedthe characteristicfeatureofthethirteenth-centuryepiscopate:somanyofitsmembers wereshapedoutsidetheroyalcourt,inacollegiateenvironmentwheretheywere taughtbytheirown.LikethemodernBritishArmy,thethirteenth-centuryChurch traineditself,producingthemeansbywhichastrongsenseofidentity,and distinctiveculture,couldbeformedandfosteredamongitsleaders.
Thesemenwerenot,though,ivorytoweracademics.Firstly,theireducation servedthepastoralmissionoftheChurch,equippingshepherdsofsoulswiththe learningnecessarytounderstandandguidetheir flocksandinstillinginthemthe dedicationnecessaryforthefulfilmentoftheirduties.Secondly,thiseducation servedtoequipastudentfortheinterpretationofandinteractionwiththeworld aroundhim.Theologians,inparticular,investigatedreal-worldproblemsofmoralityandpoliticalethics.16 Theyalsolearnedthatitwastheresponsibilityof churchmentoinvolvethemselvesinthepoliticalworld,forchurchmenwerethe purveyorsofwisdom(andwerethusqualifiedtoinstructkings),aswellasthe 1934),appendixC,thoughtothelistofmastershasbeenaddedJocelinofWellsandRichardMarsh; WalterGray,whilenotreferredtoas ‘ master ’,wasatOxford,wherehewastaughtbyEdmundof Abingdon(seenote14).
12 Berstedis fi rstnotedasadoctoroftheology(regent)inMarch1254;Sandwichinceptedin1256 (A.B.Emden, ABiographicalRegisteroftheUniversityofOxfordtoA.D.1500,3vols.(Oxford, 1957–9),I,170,III,1638).
13 AlexanderofStainsby(bishopofCoventryandLichfield1224–38),RichardPoore(bishopof Chichester1215–17,Salisbury1217–28,andthenDurham1228–37),BenedictofSawston(bishop ofRochester1215–26),EdmundofAbingdon,andconjecturallyJocelinofWells(bishopofBath/ BathandWells1206–42):N.Vincent, ‘MasterAlexanderofStainsby,BishopofCoventryand Lichfield,1224–1238’ , JEH 46(1995),615–40,at619–20;N.Vincent, ‘“LetUsGodownfrom thisJoyfulCommencementtothePlain”:RichardPoerandtheRefoundationofSalisburyCathedral’ , inP.BinskiandE.A.New(eds.), PatronsandProfessionalsintheMiddleAges,HarlaxtonMedieval Studiesxxii(Donnington,2012),5–40,at11;Lawrence, LifeofStEdmund,23–4;J.Sayers, ‘Jocelinof WellsandtheRoleofaBishopintheThirteenthCentury’ , JocelinofWells:Bishop,Builder,Courtier (Woodbridge,2010),34–52,at36–7.
14 Richard(bishopofBangor1236–67)andWalterdeGray(bishopofWorcester1214, archbishopofYork1214–55),andconjecturallyWalterSuffield(bishopofNorwich1245–57): C.H.Lawrence, StEdmundofAbingdon:AStudyinHagiographyandHistory (Oxford,1960),115; C.Rawcliffe, MedicinefortheSoul.TheLife,DeathandResurrectionofanEnglishMedievalHospital:St Giles’s,Norwich, c.1249–1550 (Thrupp,1999),22.
15 Seen.12. 16 Seep.47.
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 14
successorsoftheOldTestamentprophets(andthusauthorizedtocorrectthem).17 Manyscholars,moreover whetherbylearningordisposition possessedthe qualitiesthatmadevaluableservantsofthekingdom:politicalacumen,anunderstandingof humannature,courage,energy,andresilience.MastersStephenLangton, JocelinofWells(bishopofBath),andRichardPoore(bishopofSalisbury)were tobekeyministersintheminoritygovernmentofHenryIII,andmasterWalter deCantilupewasamemberofHenryIII’scouncilinthe1250s.18 Theyformed relationships,andworkedtogether,withthoseoftheircolleagueswhohadnot passedthroughtheschools:FulkBasset,forinstance,whorosethroughtheranks withtheaidofhisprestigiousfamilyconnections,wasacorrespondentofthegreat scholarandpastorRobertGrosseteste,andsatalongsideWalterdeCantilupeinthe royalcouncil;deCantilupeandBassetactedinconcerttoleadtheEnglish episcopateinoppositiontoroyaldemandsforataxonChurchincomein 1255.19 Thatsuchmenworkedcloselytogethershouldnotbesurprising.Men likeFulkBasset,whodidnothailfromtheschools,andwhohadmadetheirway throughthepatronageoftheirprestigiousfamilyorthroughroyalservice,were quitecapableofbeingatoncepersonallydevoutaswellasconscientiousdiocesans andablegovernmentservants thisis,bynow,atruism.20
Onbecomingbishops,allofthesemensharedaspecialstatus,havingundergone thesametransformativeactattheirconsecration.Otherstatusgroupswerebound byritesofpassage(mostobviouslytheknight,drawnfromabroadsocialstratum rangingfromthemiddlingranksofthegentrytotheearl,wascreatedbytheactof knighting).Butthebishop’sriteofpassagewasdistinguishedinthatitsceremony wasakintoaroyalcoronation,comprisingagrandprocession,oath-swearing, anointingwithholyoil,andenthronement.21 Atthattimethebishoptook possessionofhissee,forunlikekingsorearlshewasrootedinaprofoundwayto hisseat(hiscathedralcity),anassociationfoundedonaLateAntiqueideal.22 There hemightbuild,rebuild,orexpandhiscathedral:RichardPoore’sconstructionof themagnificentchurchatSalisbury,JocelinofWells’sbuildingofthewestfrontat Wells,andtherebuildingbythebishopsofLincolnoftheircathedralafterits collapsein1185beingjustthreedistinguishedexamples(accordingtolegendHugh ofAvalon,bishopofLincoln,evencarriedstonesfortherebuildingofhiscathedral
17 Seepp.33–4. 18 Seepp.25,26,27. 19 Seep.96.
20 C.R.Cheney, FromBeckettoLangton:EnglishChurchGovernment,1170–1213 (Manchester, 1956),35–41;C.R.Cheney, HubertWalter (London,1967),177–86;N.Vincent, PeterdesRoches: AnAlieninEnglishPolitics,1205–1238 (Cambridge,1996),4–6;N.Vincent, ‘JocelinofWells:The MakingofaBishopintheReignofKingJohn’,inR.Dunning(ed.), JocelinofWells:Bishop,Builder, Courtier (Woodbridge,2010),9–33,at33;Vincent, ‘RichardPoerandtheRefoundationofSalisbury Cathedral’,6–9.
21 Reuter, ‘AEuropeofBishops’,21;M.Parisse, ‘TheBishop:PrinceandPrelate’,inS.Gilsdorf (ed.), TheBishop:PowerandPietyattheFirstMillennium (Münster,2004),1–22,at11;T.Reuter, ‘Bishops,RitesofPassage,andtheSymbolismofStateinPre-GregorianEurope’,inGilsdorf(ed.), PowerandPiety,23–36;K.Harvey, ‘TheFirstEntryoftheBishop:EpiscopalAdventusinFourteenthCenturyEngland’,inJ.S.Hamilton(ed.), FourteenthCenturyEnglandVIII (Woodbridge,2014), 43–58.
22 S.Watson, ‘TheBishopandhisCathedralCities’,inDunning(ed.), JocelinofWells,67–98,at 68–71.
15 BishopsandthePoliticalCommunity
onhisshoulders).Thebishopmightalsobuildpalaces,onascaleofartistryandsize thatreflectedanabilitytocommandresources,patronizethebestofartisans,and transformthelandscapecomparabletothatofkings.23
Asbishops,thesemenbegantotreadtogetherthepoliticalstage.Englandwasa smallandcloselygovernedkingdom,sothatbishopsmetregularlyatcourtorin assembly,andinprovincialorsupra-provincialsynods.24 Many,indeed,built townhousesinLondonsoastobewithineasyreachoftheroyalcourt,clustering aroundonestretchofroadfromtheStrandtoWestminster:attimesofgreat Londonassemblies,theywouldhavecountedthemselvesneighbours.25 Seeingeach otherregularlyhelpedtofosterasenseofcommunity(athemeexploredin Chapter4).Whentheywerenottogether,theywrotetooneanother:theletter collectionofRobertGrossetesteshowshimincommunicationwithEdmundof AbingdonandBonifaceofSavoy(botharchbishopsofCanterbury),Walterde Gray,archbishopofYork,AlexanderofStainsburyofCoventryandLichfield, WalterdeCantilupeofWorcester,RalphdeNevilleofChichester,Hughof NorthwoldofEly,andWilliamRaleighofWinchester.26 Thiscollectionisarare survivaland,comprisingacarefullyselectedcorpus,mightrevealonlyasmall partofGrosseteste’sletter-writingcircle.27 The(again,probablypartial)lettercollectionofGrosseteste’sfriendandcollaborator,theFranciscanAdamMarsh,addsto theircirclethenamesofRichardWych(likeGrosseteste,amajorsupporterand collaboratorofthefriars),FulkBasset,andRichardGravesend(oneofGrosseteste’ s archdeaconsandanothertrustedcollaboratorinscholarlyandpastoralpursuits, consecratedbishopofLincolnin1258).28 Throughconversationsandcorrespondence,theysharedideas,workedoutdifferences,andnourishedfriendships.
Thebishops’ friendshipandcollaborationcanbeseeninperhapstheirmost celebratedwork:theirdiocesanlegislation.Thethirteenthcenturywas,famously, an ‘ageofreform’,inwhichthebishopstransfusedintoEnglandtheidealsof clericaleducationanddiscipline,andpastoralcaresetoutinthedecreesofthe FourthLateranCouncil,celebratedbyInnocentIIIin1215.OnlynineEnglish
23 Vincent, ‘RichardPoerandtheRefoundationofSalisburyCathedral’;T.Tatton-Brown, ‘Jocelin ofWellsasaPalaceBuilder’,inDunning(ed.), JocelinofWells,101–9,at108–9;J.Sampson, ‘Bishop JocelinandhisBuildingsinWells’,inDunning(ed.), JocelinofWells,101–22;N.Temple,J.Shannon Hendrix,andC.Frost(eds.), BishopRobertGrossetesteandLincolnCathedral:TracingRelationships betweenMedievalConceptsofOrderandBuiltForm (Farnham,2014),7–8.
24 SeeChapter4.
25 JocelinofWellshadahouseoppositeStHelen’schurchinBishopsgateandthenasecondinSt ClementDanes;RalphdeNevilleofChichesterbuiltahousenearNewTemple;thebishopsof Salisbury,Norwich,Carlisle,andDurhamallbuilthousesalongtheStrandinthe1220s;Hugh ofLincolnwasclosetoHolborn;andthepalacesofthearchbishopofCanterburyandthebishopof Winchesterweresitedonthesouthbankoftheriver,atLambethandSouthwark(Sayers, ‘Jocelinof WellsandtheRoleofaBishop’,40,Tatton-Brown, ‘JocelinofWellsasaPalaceBuilder’,101–3).
26 MantelloandGoering(eds.), LettersofRobertGrosseteste,nos.12,17,23–4,26–8,34,62,72, 83,86–9,96,98–9,113,116,126.
27 MantelloandGoering(eds.), LettersofRobertGrosseteste,16–18.
28 C.H.Lawrence,ed., TheLettersofAdamMarsh,(2vols.,Oxford,2006–10),nos.72,74,75,80, 81,82,83,96.ForRichardWych’srelationshipwiththefriars,see SaintRichardofChichester:The SourcesforhisLife,ed.D.Jones(SussexRecordSoc.,1993),18,67,181;andforGrosseteste’ s,see Southern, RobertGrosseteste,258–9.
BishopsinthePoliticalCommunity 16
