AN
I N FORMAL
FRAME
INCORPORATING SOCIAL & ECONOMIC PRODUCTION OF SPACE IN REDEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Case study: Dharavi, Mumbai, India
Kritika Sha MSc Urbanism | Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment | Delft University of Technology
AN
I N FORMAL
FRAME
INCORPORATING SOCIAL & ECONOMIC PRODUCTION OF SPACE IN REDEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Case study: Dharavi, Mumbai, India
P4 Graduation Report submitted by: Kritika Sha Student no. 4505581 | MSc Urbanism | Delft University of Technology May 2017
AN I NFO R MA L F RAME INCORPORATING SOCIAL & ECONOMIC PRODUCTION OF SPACE IN REDEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Case study: Dharavi, Mumbai, India
P4 Graduation Report submitted by: Kritika Sha Student no. 4505581 MSc-4 Urbanism, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft University of Technology. Email: 1989.kritika@gmail.com; k.sha@student.tudelft.nl
Research Group: Complex Cities & Inclusive Cities - International Planning and Developing Regions
Mentor Team: Roberto Rocco (Spatial Planning and Strategy) Arie Romein (OTB)
May 2017
Image Sources: Cover: Dharavi, India - https://thumb9.shutterstock.com/display_pic_with_logo/622210/622210.jpg Opposite Page: A potter sells his wares - http://media.gettyimages.com/photos/an-indian-potter-id86379400
P R O LO G U E Ramjibhai Pithabhai Patel, a 65 year old Kumbhar (potter) lives in Dharavi Mumbai. From early morning, he is at work, pausing rarely for a break. A pail of smoke hangs over the corridor as a worker stamps on a mound of clay, preparing it for Ramjibhai and other potters. “When I was growing up, this was an open space. We could see Mahim station from here� He lives in Kumbharwada, a settlement where kumbhars (potters) who fled from the drought and famine in Saurashtra, Gujarat (a neighbouring state), many decades ago live and work today. - Excerpt from Rediscovering Dharavi by Kalpana Sharma
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research is the result of a yearlong graduation project conducted at the Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment at Delft University of Technology. A large share of this research is attributed to the critique and guidance offered by my mentors, Roberto Rocco & Arie Romein. Further guidance by the studio group was provided by relevant workshops and discussions, which provided the necessary tools for conduction the research comprehensively. Fieldwork, essential to the progression and the validation of research would not be possible without the assistance received from UrbZ (based in Mumbai). Jai Bhadgaonkar, Rahul Shrivastava, Matias Echanove, Shyam Kanle and Bhau Korde amongst others of UrbZ (Mumbai) spared no trouble and attempted to answer all my questions. The fieldwork would also not be successful without the cooperation of the residents and workers in 13-compound of Dharavi. Further insight into the planning and policy approach towards informal settlements in India was provided by Ainsley Lewis, George Jerry Jacob and Hussain Z Indorewala, as experts in this field based from Kamla Raheja Vidyanidhi Institute for Architecture and Environmental Studies (KRVIA) at Mumbai. Personal thanks goes out to my fellow graduates and friends, especially Rahul, who provided critique and support when required.
Image: 13-compound, s ource - Author
SUMMARY OF GRADUATION PROJECT The aim of this research is to investigate to what extent the existing production of space in informal settlements is related to its social ties and economic needs (social and economic values), and how it can be incorporated into a strategic framework for future redevelopment schemes. This stems from the meteoric rise of informal settlements in the global south, despite several redevelopment projects and policy attempts. The selected case study is Dharavi, located in Mumbai, India. The research defines the problem field of urbanisation in the global south and its manifestation as informal settlements and slums in most developing countries. This research confines itself to a test site in India, where the paradox of a low rate of urbanisation is coupled with a persistent nature of informality exists. The aim is to investigate the spatial quality produced in this particular case of Dharavi, its link to social and economic values, in order to develop a strategic spatial framework, which can be incorporated into future redevelopment schemes. This research, through a comprehensive analytical framework in Dharavi reveal strong correlation between the economic livelihoods and networks and the existing social structure. This correlation results in a distinct mode of production of space, to which Dharavi’s resilience and economic success can be attributed to it. What is also revealed is the lack of policy in the current redevelopment that addresses the pre-existing economic networks and thereby its social structure. In order to approach redevelopment of informal settlements such as Dharavi, in a more inclusive and sustainable manner, this project aims to use the hypothesis of ‘economic clustering’ in order to ‘reframe’ and develop a strategic framework for Dharavi. The strategic framework is then texted through a design framework echoing the same elements at a selected site (13-compound) inside Dharavi. The frame of ‘economic clustering’ offers a reframe on the traditional model of redevelopment in informal settlements in India and perhaps extending to the global south. Most informal settlements in the geographical realm of the global south, have distinct economic patterns and social networks which play a vital part in their existence and contributing to their perseverance. The proposed model of redevelopment aims to address and examine the existing economic networks incorporating them into a framework that provides a balanced combination of spatial guidelines and policy recommendations.
Source: http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_tPhjW0SzGG4/TG0H3q5KhtI/Idcq4uQBqtY/s1600/india+Album+-+03.JPG
01 02 03 04
Overview 1.1 Motivation
14
1.2 Context
16
The Issue 2.1 Problem Analysis
34
2.2 Problem Statement
40
2.3 Research Question & Sub-research Questions
42
2.4 Project Relevance
46
2.5 Aim of Research
48
2.6 Methodology
51
2.7 Theoretical Overview
56
Analysis - Dharavi Layer 1 - History of Dharavi
62
Layer 2 - Policy review 72
Layer 3 - Landform and Infrastructure 78
Layer 4 - Economical Structure
86
Layer 5 - Social Structure 98
Hypothesis 4.1 Synthesis & Conclusions at Dharavi
108
4.2 Design Hypothesis
114
4.3 Design Approach
115
05 06
Strategic Framework 5.1 Overview of Strategic Framework
118
5.2 Element: [RE]Divide
120
5.3 Element: [RE]Structure
126
5.4 Element: [RE]Inforce
130
Design Framework 6.1 Analytical framework at 13-compound
142
6.2 Exploration of Economic activities at 13-compound
148
6.3 Design Framework -
166
Element: [RE]Structure E lement: [ R E ] D iv ide Element: [RE]Structure
6.4 Time-frame
07 08
178
Reflection 7.1 Economic clustering as a spatial tool
182
7.2 Reflection on the process
188
7.3 Abbreviations
196
7.3 References & notes
197
Appendix 8.1 Survey Maps - Dharavi
202
8.2 Dharavi Redevelopment Project - Plans
206
8.3 Essay - Theorising informal urbanisation
2 11
Source: http://static.guim.co.uk /sy s-images/E nv ironment/Pix /pictures/2014/ 9/ 18/ 1411055882
065/World-population-increase-010.jpg
part 01 Overview
1.1 Motivation 1.2 Context 1.2.a Informal Urbanisation & its main challenges 1.2.b Definitions 1.2.c Why India 1.2.d Why Dharavi
1.1 MOTIVATION My interest in this rather broad topic of informal
cities like Mumbai (then Bombay) and Kolkata.
settlements stems from both academic and personal.
This journey has defined how Indian cities have
The informal settlement, or the slum as it is often
spatially organised themselves, often giving birth to
called in India has grabbed national headlines for
the “informal settlement”. This research, for me is
the last few decades. This topic is often gives rise
therefore a method to understand the evolution of
to polarising opinions of redevelopment and is
informal settlement, and therefore my own history.
also part of a larger academic discourse. Even with promises of a modern India in the 21st century, there is a constant growth of informal urban settlements with deplorable living conditions in most Indian
Selection of research studio:
cities. Although there are several organisations and policies working for these settlements, there a
The approach, argued by this research needs a
surprising lack of knowledge and discourse about
planning approach and spatial strategy composed
the spatial quality of these settlements in relation
with a combination of spatial design and policy
to their cultural, social and economic standing.
recommendations which have a direct spatial
My academic interest stems from this missing
impact. This approach is offered by the Complex
discourse, especially in the case of my selected case
Cities Research group, which also offers an
study of Dharavi.
additional aspect of governance and its possible collaborative elements.
Personally, I am myself a 3rd generation of migrants arriving to the city of Kolkata (then Calcutta),
Within this broad research group, my research
India at the end of the 19th century, settling in
focusses on the social-economic elements present
the numerous informal settlements sprouting in
in informal settlements and its translation into
and around the city. Along with my family were
inclusive redevelopment projects. I find support for
thousands of people leaving their drought ridden
this in the ‘Inclusive Cities’ research studio (a part
farmlands looking for better opportunities in
of the larger Complex Cities Studio).
14
“It is our dream that by the time we celebrate the 75th year of independent India, all the slums are replaced by cemented houses.” – Narendra Modi (Current Prime Minister of India)
“A slum is not a chaotic collection of structures; it is a dynamic collection of individuals who have figured out how to survive in the most adverse of circumstances.” - Kalpana Sharma (in her book - Rediscovering Dharavi)
15
1.2 THE CONTEXT 1.2.a Informal Urbanisation and its main challenges Global urbanization is at an unprecedented rate.
2011).
66% of the world’s population is expected to live in urban areas by 2050 (Nations, U., 2014).
The major share of these informal settlements
This has been highlighted by several authors and
(nearly 60%) are currently present in Asia, which is
organisations such as LSE and the United Nations
predicted to see the maximum increase and pressure
and even by popular media, in an increasing number
from urbanisation (figure 1.2). These informal
statements over the last few years. The consensus
settlements, apart from academia, has therefore
of this data and information, is that urbanisation
become the object of interest by several concerned
is mainly seen as both as a solution and problem
governments and organisations. The most prolific
in the countries of the global south, especially in
documents prepared as a result of this interest is
the countries of Latin America, Africa and Central
the UN-Habitat report on slums, published 2004. It
and South Asia. This urgency is highlighted in the
outlines 4 basic types of urban population expansion
map (figure 1.1), which illustrates, where in which
which has contributed significantly towards the
countries this proposed growth can be seen in the
growth of informal settlements (Un-Habitat, 2004)
next 35 years. The countries of the global south,
.
such as India and Brazil have been foreseen to have
• Rural-urban Migration
unprecedented growth. The rate of urbanisation is
• Natural Growth
also much higher for the developed regions than
• Combination of natural and migratory growth
that of the developing regions, as illustrated by
• Population displacement due to armed conflicts,
figure 1.3.
internal strife or violence
In this era, many parts of the global south have
These types of informal settlement is of particular
seen an increase in informal settlements, often
importance to any city in a developing economy, as
understood as a direct manifestation of this
it houses a large amount of urban poor, who do not
urbanization. Informal urbanisation in developing
have direct access to a formal housing market. UN
countries, first introduced as a mainstream topic
Habitat (2003). This type of informal settlement is
by Turner in the 1960s (Turner, J.C., 1968) has
seen predominantly in India, as a result of natural
since evolved and morphed by several other
and migratory growth. Several reasons have been
urban designers and planners. The discourse on
stated by UN habitat along with other scholars
urban informalisation has crosses boundaries,
(Tunas, D., 2008), mainly:
often delving into ideological overtones (Van Ballegooijen, J. and Rocco, R., 2013) along with
• A long period of laisser-faire attitude, from the
ontological and topological understanding (Roy, A.,
urban authorities towards land occupation and
16
Figure 1.1: Countries and territories with urban population exceeding 100.000 by 2050; (Circles are scaled in proportion to urban population size); Source: UNICEF Urban Population 2012) Figure 1.2: Proportion of slum in the world - World Urbanization Prospects, UN Habitat, 2014 Figure 1.3 Projected rate of urban population growth in different regions of the world; Source: http://ese.un.org/ unpd/wup/CD-ROM/Urban-RuralPopulation.htm
Greater than 75% 50%-75% Less than 50%
F igure 1.3
Countries and territories with urban population exceeding 100.000 by 2050
Latin America & the Carribean
13% S u b- S aharan Af rica
25%
ASIA
61% F igure 1.2
Proportion of slums in the world
F igure 1.3
Rate of urban population growth between less & more developed regions.
17
misuse of building regulations
• Tunas (2008) has also argued that in many
• A lack of capability of the housing and land
instances, city officials tend to close their eyes
market to cater to the rapidly increasing urban
to informal settlements because of a lack of
poor population.
financial support and the know-how. Constructing
• Political inertia, which has allowed the expansion
a low-income public housing scheme is often a
of informal settlements to a high magnitude that
difficult process in developing nations, needing
existing infrastructure and formal services could
large investment, motivation and involvement of
not address the requirements.
different stakeholders having their own agendas.
1.2.b Definitions This research also attempts to clarify the
the lack of recognition from the state, the formal
various terms used in this regard to classify such
city embodies the existence of the governing
settlements. The UN habitat uses the term “slum”
body and its resulting regulations. However, they
to refer to inner city areas which were planned as
are irrevocably linked to the informal settlement
per zoning and construction standards laid down
through “informality”.
several decades ago, but now over time have become dilapidated, overcrowded and are now only
“Informality” is not restricted to the urban poor.
exclusive to the urban poor.
Several authors have argues that informality is as much as the purview of the urban rich as it is of
On the other hand “informal settlement” refers to
the poor (Nijman, J., 2010). Informality is often
illegal urbanization or unsanctioned development
summed up as a state of deregulation, one where
at the (then) periphery where land invasion took
the usage and purpose of land cannot be mapped
place by squatters, erecting housing units without
(Roy, A., 2009a). Therefore it can be argues that
permission of the land owner and with materials
informality is a mode of production of space which
and building standards which are not according to
connects the separated geographies of the slum and
the building codes. Although these terms are quite
the suburb (Roy, A., 2011). Therefore the formal
broad, several countries have identified derivatives
city also plays a pivotal part in the nature and
of the definition of the informal settlement as slums.
existence of informal settlements, linked with each
They are often also labelled as shanty or squatter
other through a nature of “informality”.
settlement. This research mainly deals with specifically The “formal city”, on the other hand, is state-
informal settlements, present in inner city areas.
recognised. If the informal settlement arises out of
This phenomena is usually seen in many cities in
18
Figure 1.4: From left to right Rocinha favela in Sao Paulo - http:// www.alamy.com/stock-photo/favela-inrio-de-janeiro.html Slums in Philippines - http://www.citydata.com/forum/economics/2070771would-you-agree-philippines-appearsmost.html Dharavi in Mumbai - http://mapio. net/s/72187979/?page=6 Figure 1.5 Projected rate of growth of different cities of the global south (2025); Source: Data-LSE, Urban Age Projects
B R A Z IL PHILIPPINES
INDIA
Built environment in some informal settlements across the world
Figure 1.4
Figure 1.5
Projected rate of growth of different cities of the global south (2025)
19
the Global south, ranging from Dharavi in Mumbai,
Note: Many of these countries classify such
Kampongs in Indonesia, villa (31) in Buenos Aires
settlements as slums. However, in this uses the
to Rocinha favela in Sao Paulo.
broad definition set out by Un-Habitat (2004) and term them as informal settlements.
1.2.c Why India To test and delve into detail of this phenomena, I
and macroscopic scales (Nijman, J., 2015). It
explore this manifestation of informal settlements
has been argued by Nijman that India’s slow
in India. This is because, India presents a unique
manufacturing sector reduces its urbanization rate,
case in the persistence of large informal settlements
while simultaneously feeding small-scale industries
(again labelled as slums by the government of
within urban areas.
India) coupled with a low rate of urbanization (Figure 1.8).
This case of urbanization in India, has led to the formation of informal settlements as well as slums
As mentioned earlier, rapid urbanization is often
in inner-city as well as the periphery of urban areas.
understood as a main cause of the formation of
As per the Government of India (Census, 2011)
informal settlements. However, this situation is more
there are nearly 37.000 of these informal settlements
complex in India, where the rate or urbanization is
(referred by them as slums) present in India with
not that high as compared to the rest of the world.
a minimum size of at least 60 households. This
By 2030, if the Indian government has its way, 40%
figure is set to increase dramatically in the last few
of the India’s population will be urban. A 40% level
years, rising from 52 million people in 2001 to 65
of urbanization in 2030 would still rank India as one
million people in 2011 (Census, 2011). To put this
of the least urbanized countries in the world, and
in perspective, people living in informal settlements
even that would require acceleration of the current
in India has risen by 25% over the last decade.
growth rate (Nijman, J., 2015). They also have been particularly resilient towards However, the persistence of informal settlements in
government and private rehabilitation schemes.
most Indian cities counteracts the above argument.
This can be attributes to several more additional
To understand urbanization process in India and
factors apart from the ones listed by the United
its form in informal settlements, we must look to
Nations (Nations, U., 2014). These factors are:
explore urbanization through both microscopic
20
Figure 1.6: Urban population and the rate of urbanisation in India; Source Indian Census (2011) Figure 1.7: Mumbai’s population density compared to other Cities of the global south; Source - Derived from LSE urban Age Project, 2011 Figure 1.8: Percentage population of informal settlements in Indian Metropolitan cities; Source - Indian Census (2011)
Figure 1.6
Urban population and the rate of urbanisation in India
Mumbai 32.300
Mumbai Population Peak 121.312
Sao Paulo 7.100
Shanghai 6.200
Hong Kong 25.700
New York 1.800
1 grey square represents 1 Sq. km; 1 coloured square represents 1000 people Figure 1.7
Mumbai’s population density compared to other cities of the global south, highlights the high pressure in urban land
Figure 1.8
Percentage population of informal settlements in Indian Metropolitan cities
21
• The basic economic argument presented by several authors is these informal settlements serve as a base for cheap labour, especially for developing economies where mode of production are still very flexible and subject to change (Davis, M., 2007). • They are also destinations of unemployed workers from the hinterland (Breman, J., 2006). However, this is a seasonal feature in most informal settlements in India, with many workers heading home to their villages for harvesting season. • A more intricate aspect of the state’s inability to deliver basic housing and services (Un-Habitat, 2004) has been discussed by Ananya Roy (Roy, A., 2009b). She argue that informality present in the Indian planning system and institutions undermines its intention to fix the problem of informal settlements in India (Roy, A., 2009b). This reason is further supported, as these sites are now no longer a base for cheap labour, but also a site for economic production (Nijman, J., 2015). Although it is not possible to equate all informal settlements as the same, as they share different social economic factors as well as spatial
Figure 1.9: Location of informal settlements in the urban fabric of Mumbai; Source - www.mumbaidata.in
features. It is thus impossible to find a prototype that embodies the informal settlement typology
Figure 1.10: Mumbai’s iconic skyline at the Nariman point Source: http:// metromarker.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/mumbai-skyline-panorama.jpg
in India. However, this research will explore the phenomena of the informal settlement through one of its most prolific examples: Dharavi.
22
Figure 1.9
23
24
“All they know is that you’re trying to get to the city of gold, and that’s enough. Come on board, they say. We’ll adjust.” -Suketu Mehta (Author of Maximum City)
Figure 1.10
25
“More dreams are realised and extinguished in Bombay than any other place in India” -Gregory David Roberts (Author of Shantaram)
MUMBAI - 2011 POPULATION: 18.3 MILLION METROPOLITAN AREA: 4355 SQKM ANNUAL ECONOMY GENERATED: $ 238 BILLION Dharavi, highlighted in the urban fabric of Mumbai, India
0 km
5 km
26
27
1.2.d Why Dharavi
As one of the most visible informal settlements in
and developers.
India, Dharavi, has been the subject of discussion and debate by academicians, the government, the
In addition to this, Dharavi has hit popular limelight
private sector and the civic institutions. It has had
like no other informal settlement. With international
the notoriety of being labelled as “Asia’s largest
movies (Boyle, D., 2009) - figure 1.14 - and several
slum” (Sharma, K., 2000). Although, this has been
documentaries (figure 1.16) have highlighted the
hotly debated by scholars that this notoriety has
conditions and prevailing situation Dharavi.
been gained without reflecting upon the derogatory implications of using such a term (Arabindoo, P.,
This is put sharply into focus the efforts that the
2011).
Indian government has put into slum rehabilitation measures. Dharavi and other informal settlements
What makes Dharavi ia point of interest, is that
in India has seen several governmental measures
its current location in the heart of Mumbai – the
by the Slum Redevelopment Authority of India
financial capital of India. Dharavi cannot represent
over the last few decades. Most of the slum
all slum across the country, as such an example
redevelopment projects in the country aim to reduce
cannot exist. However, it does embody a resilience
the high living density to humane levels, building
and persistence towards external land development
high tower blocks with basic amenities such as
pressures, occurring from being situated in the
toilets. However, it has to be noted that most of
topographical centre of one of the most expensive
these interventions have failed in the larger sense.
cities in the country (Bharuchal, N., 2014). Dharavi
The most common argument presented is that these
is now at the centre of Greater Mumbai, located in
rehabilitation schemes disrupt the social ties and
close proximity to the city’s integral rail connection.
economic needs of the community, which has self-
This prime location has garnered great interest, both
evolved over the last decades.
from the government as well as private investors
28
Figure 1.11 - Clockwise from top left Book cover - http://www.goodreads. com/book/show/995483.Rediscovering_Dharavi Book cover - https://yourstory. com/2012/11/book-review-poor-littlerich-slum-what-we-saw-in-dharavi-andwhy-it-matters/ Movie Poster 2009- http://www.foxsearchlight.com/slumdogmillionaire/ Bollywood song - https://i.ytimg.com/vi/ u7kTOuASZUo/maxresdefault.jpg Documentary - https://i.ytimg.com/ vi/s_0X0wIvqVM/maxresdefault.jpg Figure 2.16: Illustration - http://www. santabanta.com/cartoons/cartoons/santabanta/203/?page=358\ Figure 1.12: Fro left to right - Cartoon illustration of the paradox of Dharavi - Source: http://www.santabanta.com/ cartoons/santabanta/203/?page=358 Cartoon illustration of the paradox of Dharavi - Source: http://vikassabnis. blogspot.nl/
Figure 1.11
The new attention: A variety of Movies, books and Documentaries based on Dharavi
Figure 1.12
29
F igure 1.13: The spatial characteristics of D harav i; Source: http://dev elopmentw ork s.co.za/w p-content/dharav i-mumbai.jpg
30
F igure 1.14: The spatial characteristics of D harav i; Source:http://metromark er.com/2016/ 02/ dharav i-panorama.jpg
31
Source: R edev elopment and the ex isting slums; http://assets.bw bx .io/images/users/iqjWHBF df x IU /idV qx I4v 6KF A/v 5/-1x -1.jpg
part 02 The Issue 2.1 Problem Analysis
2.1.a Urbanisation Processes in India 2.1.b Production of Space in Dharavi 2.1.c The paradox of redevelopment schemes in India
2.2 Problem Statement 2.3 Research Question & Sub-research Questions 2.4 Project Relevance 2.4.a Scientific Relevance 2.4.b Societal Relevance
2.5 Objectives of the Project 2.6 Methodology 2.7 Theoretical Overview
2.1 PROBLEM ANALYSIS 2.1.a Urbanisation processes in India Post the liberalisation of the Indian economy in 1991, there has been a decisive shift in its housing
and that’s enough. Come on board, they say. We’ll
policies and its approach towards urbanisation.
adjust.” This nature of urbanisation in Mumbai also
From a mixed-socialist and a highly regulated
runs parallel to its perception in general culture.
economy in till the 1980s, national policies moved towards a free market system. This changed India’s
The combination of the shift in national economic
perspective towards urbanisation, which is now
policy and the attitude towards urbanisation in India
viewed as an opportunity by the Indian government
has highlighted a divisive distribution of space – the
(Express, I., 2016), with the policy makers viewing
persistence and rise of informal settlements (with
it as a method to alleviate poverty. In the current
services, infrastructure quality of shelter), further
era of post-globalisation and the advent off neo-
encouraged by the new format of rehabilitation
liberalism, India’s approach towards informal
and redevelopment policies (Nijman, J., 2008).
settlements have also become increasingly reliant
Policies, specifically targeting informal settlements
on the “market” and the local “self-help” agencies
are now state and municipality led, instead of being
(Nijman, J., 2008). Mumbai, as the financial capital
at the national level, therefore more susceptible to
of India, signifies the epitome of this new model
market forces. A more direct impact on informal
of urbanisation, and also visibly illustrates the
settlements, which is very visible in Mumbai is the
revised approach towards its growing informal
reformation of local politics and cultures focussing
settlements. It has always been a city where land
on local groups and NGOs. This new approach
prices at one point the late 1990’s were high enough
towards informal settlements in India presents a
for it to be labelled as the most expensive city
paradox, with on one hand a dependence on smaller
in the world. It also based on the idea that cities
organisations and NGOs, with on the other hand a
such as Mumbai offer opportunities for people to
political culture that is strongly pro-growth with
develop a better life for themselves and their future
limited tolerance towards informal settlements,
generations. This nature has been romanticised by
particularly salient in urban areas with intense
several authors such as Suketu Mehta, who writes
competition for land (Nijman, J., 2008), bringing
in his prolific book (Maximum City), “All they
us back to Mumbai and the chosen example of
know is that you’re trying to get to the city of gold,
Dharavi.
34
Figure 2.1: Mumbai at its rush hour; Source: http://www.theworldisnotflat. com/files/includes/images/55_371d2d04ee.jpg-v-0.jpg
Figure 2.1
35
2.1.b Production of Space in Dharavi
Dharavi, as an example, illustrates the perseverance
2016). In Dharavi, one can see a certain dependence
of the informal settlement in the formal city.
on public space as an extension of the private life
Occupying around 432 acres and housing close to
(Figure 2.3), ensuring a high usage of the smallest
a million people, space inside Dharavi is highly
of available outside space. A particular example can
contested and valued. This is further enhanced by
be of the 90ft road, which runs through Dharavi and
its high geographical value by its position in the
it neighbouring area, transforming itself for various
formal city of Mumbai (as mentioned earlier).
social functions and economic enterprises. Informal economy (Figure 2.2), also rampant in informal
The production of space and spatial fabric of the
settlements like Dharavi, plays an important role in
informal settlement is often thus directly linked to
the mode of production of space within and around
the formal city. Informality is often seen as much as
it. Dharavi constitutes of a large cottage industry
the purview of the urban elite and it is of the urban
base, consisting mainly of recycling, pottery and
poor (Roy, A., 2005). The spatial quality of the
leather tanning. This has shaped a large part of the
informal settlements of the urban poor can therefore
spatial quality of Dharavi and its network with the
be directly linked to the production of space in its
formal city of Mumbai. Intrinsic to the livelihood
neighbouring formal fabric. This holds, especially
of the citizens, informal industries, especially
for the case of Dharavi, where the settlement existed
recycling forms a crucial part of the formal city.
before the formal city of Mumbai engulfed it over
These industries have evolved over the last decades
the last decades of the 20th century.
adapting the space to the required functions, finetuning itself to its present day form. This mode of
The formal city of Mumbai, therefore, shares a
production and system of space is often disrupted
much more direct link to the informality of Dharavi,
by the rehabilitation schemes proposed by the state
engaging and evolving its morphology, economy
and National government, with planned enclaves,
and social ties. It is much more than just a passive
which on one hand try to elevate the living
manifestation of surplus humanity (Davis, M.,
conditions but do not take into account the social
2007), but it can saturate to a larger area (Dovey, K.,
ties and economic needs of the pre-existing space.
36
Figure 2.2: Street life in Dharavi; Source - http://www.maciejdakowicz. com/files/posts/5499/india_mumbai_dharavi_slum_people_street_photography.jpg
F igure 2.2
37
2.1.c The paradox of redevelopment schemes in India The paradox of redevelopment schemes targeting informal settlements has been argued by Nijman
and local citizens, raising issues over the lack
(Nijman, J., 2015) and Roy (Roy, A., 2009b) in
of participation and the erosion of the social and
detail - although India’s informal urban areas
economic values
present themselves as a nuisance to most traditional urban planning strategies, they form a crucial
For a true inclusive redevelopment project to
part of India’s urban structure. However, this
work in an informal settlement, it is essential to
should not imply that we leave its citizens in the
incorporate its existing social-economic values
appalling and inhospitable conditions. On the one
involved in the production of space into the
hand redevelopment and large scale action from
upgradation scheme. This is so far missing from
the government and private sector is necessary;
the rehabilitation schemes in informal settlements,
but it should not come at the cost of its social
especially in India (some of them have been shown
organisation, social security and its economic
in Figure 2.4 & Figure 2.5). This is based on the
capacity. The research interprets this phenomena of
hypothesis that the social and economic values play
social and community ties and economic needs and
a crucial role in the production of space within the
the social and economic values of the space.
informal settlement and contributes to the resilience and the persistence of the settlement within the
As
discussed
previously,
India’s
informal
formal city. Argued by Nijman, who states that “the
settlement redevelopment schemes have evolved
slum-dweller’s identity is a communal identity and
from being state-led programs (pre-1980s) a more
its place-based” (Nijman, J., 2015), it thus becomes
market driven and local agency reliant schemes.
necessary to delineate what place-based factors
This is not limited to only India, as the growing
contribute to the resident’s identity and how they
problem of informal settlements now coincides
can be incorporated
with neoliberal policies in most developing countries. However, Dharavi, presents a unique
In conclusion, there is a considerable lack of
situation in its redevelopment history. It has been
knowledge about the social and economic structure
subject to several redevelopment schemes, ranging
of informal settlements in India, and their relation to
from the Slum Clearance Act in 1971 to the current
the production of space within the built environment.
Dharavi Redevelopment Project. There has been a
What is also missing is the linkage of this mode of
substantial amount of debate of with respect to this
production of space with the surrounding fabric of
plan, with arguments from grassroots organisations
the formal city.
38
Figure 2.3: Executed rehabilitation models - http://architecturebrio.blogspot.nl/2009/02/mumbai-slums-modelfor-world.html
Figure 2.3
39
2.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
India’s number of informal settlements have seen a meteoric rise of 25% in the last decade (Census, 2011), and the pressing need to rehabilitate its citizens is now a more important issue than ever before. Dharavi, in particular has prevailed and resisted most of the redevelopment and upgradation schemes. Only sporadic attempts by the Indian government have been made at its periphery, with none of them working well enough to be replicated in more numbers. This is accredited mainly to an indifferent attitude of the policy makers, planners and developers towards the existing social and economic mode of space, leading to insensitive and inefficient redevelopment and upgradation projects. This issue needs a deeper understanding of what contributes to the resilience of the space within the informal settlement of Dharavi which roots it deeply within the formal city, in order for redevelopment and upgradation schemes to work in a larger scale in a more inclusive and sustainable manner.
Figure 2.4: A model for sustainable and inclusive redevelopment of informal settlements; Source: Author On Page 43 - Figure 2.5: Executed rehabilitation models - High rise residential buildings are seen behind Dharavi in Mumbai; Source - https://40. media.tumblr.com/tumblr_ludyr70nUc1r3fzw5o1_500.jpg
40
SOCIAL EQUITY
SUSTAINABLE REDEVELOPMENT PROJECTS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES
ENVIRONMENTALLY RESPONSIVE F igure 2.4
41
2.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
POS S I BL E PRODUCT
How
METHOD
can a strategic spatial framework incorporating the ex isting social-economic production of
space in informal settlements link ing it to the f ormal city , lead to long term inclusive and sustainable redevelopment projects? GOAL
(Case study: Dharavi, Mumbai, India)
42
Figure 2.5
43
SUB RESEARCH QUESTIONS 1. What are the social ties and economic capacity which contribute to the value of the space in the informal settlement?
2. What are the approaches for inclusive and sustainable redevelopment and upgrading projects in informal settlements?
3. What is the spatial manifestation of these social economic values in Dharavi?
44
4. What is the current position of Dharavi in the formal city of Mumbai, with respect to its social and economic elements?
5. What role can this mode of production of space play in future redevelopment proposals for Dharavi?
6. How can this framework be translated for other informal settlements in India?
45
2.4 RELEVANCE 2.4.a Societal Relevance India will surpass China in terms of total population
l ittl e o f it has been trans l ated to the red ev el o p ment
by 2030, thus linking the urban future of the world
and upgradation schemes. Here is, therefore, a
directly with itself (Nijman, J., 2015). Out of this,
disconnection between the scholars who explore and
a large share will be living in informal settlements,
s tu d y the mechanis ms o f the s p ace o f the inf o rmal
with limited access to basic services such as housing,
settlement and the policy-makers and planners, who
s erv ices and inf ras tru ctu re – and hence ad d res s ing
d ev el o p and ex ecu te the u p g rad atio n s trateg ies . T il l
this problem is an urgent and pressing issue which
date, there has been little attempt policy makers and
req u ires a co mp rehens iv e s o l u tio n. Al read y cl o s e
planners make to incorporate how livelihood and
to 65 million people in India are in this category
cu l tu re can be v al u ed and u s ed f o r the co ncep tio n
(Census, 2011), a number which increases with each
of new forms of production of space that are not
passing year. Dharavi’s notoriety, and the troubles
only attached to global (capitalistic and western)
faced by the recent Dharavi Redevelopment Plan
forms, but also work at the local level. This gap
(DRP) have highlighted the problems faced by
has been further highlighted by Schrader in his
mo s t s l u m rehabil itatio n p ro ces s es in I nd ia. E v en
unpublished work, agreeing that the social and
p rev io u s u p g rad atio n p l ans hav e f aced res is tance
eco no mic s tru ctu re o f inf o rmal s ettl ements is s til l
from Dharavi’s citizens citing that their economic
deficient in nature. Calling informal settlements to
capacity becomes threatened with the new schemes,
be p erceiv ed as mo re than j u s t g eo g rap hic s p ace
forcing another way of spatial configuration on
and concentrations of urban poverty, he writes
a centu ry
s y s tem. T his d o es no t mean that
about them as areas “in which a large size of people
u p g rad atio n s chemes are no t req u ired ; in f act the
o ld
is living in inappropriate conditions, and which
ris ing p res s u re o f p eo p l e in areas s u ch as D harav i
city p l anners hav e to cl eans e o r s hif t; it is al s o a
requires urgent attention from policy-makers,
highly complex space of living and working, with
planners as well as developers.
s o cio eco no mic co nnectio ns to f o rmal and inf o rmal economy, the world market, and the place of origin of the migrants. Aspects of ethnicity, religion and
2.4.b. Scientific Relevance
social structure cut across this space” (Schrader, H.). T his res earch aims to bro ad en the u nd ers tand ing
Al tho u g h there has been d ial o g u e and d is co u rs e in
of social-economic space in informal settlements
acad emia and
(taking Dharavi, Mumbai as a case study), in order
g o v ernmental o rg anis atio ns abo u t
inf o rmal s ettl ements and their ro l e in the p ro ces s o f
to bridge the gap between theoretical understanding
urbanisation in the cities of the global south, very
and a planning framework implementation.
46
F igure 2.6: https://w w w .theguardian. com/w orld/201 1/mar/05/money -pow er-politics-battle-mumbai-slums F igure 2.7: http://economictimes. indiatimes.com/new s/dharav i-slumsdecades-old-inf ormal-economy -turnov er-of -1-bn-plus-now -threatened-by -dev elopment/54796670.c ms F igure 2.8: http://indianex press.com/ article/mumbai/no-tak ers-f or-dhar or-dharav i-rev amp-project-maharashtra-may -giv e-in-to-dev elopers-demands-recalculate-f si/
F igure 2.6
F igure 2.7
F igure 2.8
47
2.5 AIM OF THE RESEARCH This research will aim to develop a strategic
networks and its structure needs to be retained,
framework contribute to maintaining the social
thereby encouraging the continuance of the social
and economic dynamics and value of the space
structure.
in an urban informal settlement, linking it to its
• Guiding the typology the redevelopment
surrounding formal settlement. This framework
projects in order to ensure future social
would comprise of a combination of spatial
cohesion and a post-occupation success of the
guidelines the enhance and follow the existing
redevelopment project, ensuring social equity of
mode of production of space in Dharavi, along
the rehabilitation projects.
developing policy recommendations that influence
• Continuance of the economic structure aspects
redevelopment projects pf informal settlements in
of the entrepreneurial nature of the inhabitants of
India.
Dharavi, so as not to disrupt livelihoods and an industrial sector upon which there is also a heavy
The research supposes that the redevelopment and
reliance by the formal city of Mumbai.
upgrading projects of informal settlements in India
• Developing a recommendation to the current
need a framework which ensures its adherence
model of financing and policy execution.
to existing economic network and social ties. This is important to the continuance of social structure, ensuring a more successful and ingrained
In order to formulate and implement the strategic
redevelopment project.
framework, a design hypothesis – or a spatial tool, needs to be identified, which would be used as a lens to propose the new redevelopment model.
Objectives of strategic framework:
This hypothesis needs to be context specific, and therefore needs to be derived from a detailed
The main objectives of the strategic framework
analysis of Dharavi. Some of the possible spatial
need to contribute to an inclusive and sustainable
tools, which have relevance in informal settlements
redevelopment project in informal settlements such
in India (such as Dharavi) are:
as Dharavi. Therefore, it must ensure social equity for its inhabitants, offer continuance and an increase
Identification of the economic clusters: Informal
in economic opportunities and be environmentally
settlements, such as Dharavi have their spatial
sensitive and resilient in nature. Some of the main
characteristics based of their economic clusters.
features required for it to fulfil the objectives of the
Industries such as leather tanning, recycling,
framework in Dharavi are:
sewing form an intrinsic part of the structure
• Identification of areas within the informal
of Dharavi, establishing networks within and
settlement of Dharavi, where the economic
around the settlement.
48
Figure 2.9: Thesis structure and Timeline; Source: Author
Sept.
N ov .
D ec.
Jan.
P1
Motivation
F eb.
P2
M ar.
Apr.
P3
M ay
Jun.
Jul.
P4
P5
Project Definition & Research Questions
Fieldwork Theoretical Framework Analytical Framework
Formulation of spatial strategy and framework
Defining design tools and principles
Strategy formulation
Conclusion & Reflections
Implementation and testing of strategy via design
Development of design at selected site Evaluation of design via fieldwork
F igure 2.9
Timeline of Graduation Project
Mobility as a structuring tool: Movement
Structure
within Dharavi and most informal settlements
irrevocably
is intrinsically linked to the social structure
T he need
within the informal settlement. Restructuring
p rime imp o rtance in inf o rmal s ettl ements and
the red ev el o p ment as p er the ex is ting mo bil ity
can be u s ed as a g u id ing f acto r in the s p atial
patterns can offer us a way to retain the social
reconfiguration of the redevelopment process.
of
Infrastructure:
links
Mumbai
f o r f o rmal is ed
Infrastructure with
Dharavi.
inf ras tru ctu re is
o f
s tru ctu re. The appropriate spatial tool is identified based Public space structure: Public and common space
on the detailed spatial analysis of Dharavi, which
in Dharavi is often derived off its economic
would form the basis of developing the spatial
cl u s tering . I ts s o cial s tru ctu re is thu s d irectl y
and strategic framework. The selected spatial tool
linked to economic space. The framework needs
would also formulate the design hypothesis of the
to recognize this existing structure and ensure its
p ro j ect.
existence in the new redevelopment plan.
49
RESEARCH STAGE
P1
DELIVERABLES
• Research proposal outlining the problem analysis, research question and preliminary outline of thesis plan with intended methodology • Theoretical overview and initial framework
• Finalised Thesis plan and research proposal. • Methodological structure with design objective • Theoretical and analytical framework of Dharavi , based on the above
P2
methodology with preliminary conclusions for further research • Outline of the spatial and strategical framework, with the main components req u ired f o r incl u s iv e and s u s tainabl e red ev el o p ment in D harav i • Identification of the spatial tools required to execute the spatial and strategical framework in a selected area in Dharavi
• Empirical analysis – based on fieldwork – expert interviews, questionnaires,
P3
s eco nd ary s u rv ey d ata and o bs erv atio nal anal y s is • Development of the strategic framework for Dharavi • Initial analysis and testing of strategic framework on the selected cite within D harav i
• Detailed testing of the strategic framework in a test site. • Illustration how a combination of spatial guidelines and policy
P4 / P5
recommendations can be envisioned at the larger scale of Dharavi, along with implementation at a smaller scale within. • Reflection on the design hypothesis formulated and its implication on the l arg er bo d y o f acad emia. • Reflection on the graduation process and its composite elements.
F igure 2.10: D etailed M ethodolody f or the graduation research - by Author
50
2.6 METHODOLOGY The methodology of in order to conduct this research
incorporation of its inherent complexity. The Dupuy
has been divided into three broad frameworks: The
method of layers (illustrated in figure 3.3) is not
theoretical, analytical and empirical framework. In
taken to represent a superimposed set of territories.
this, the theoretical and the analytical framework
Instead, it view “relations” within the socio-spatial
run parallel to each other, complementing their
system as the main issue. The layers or perspectives
knowledge base.
in the Dupuy method have been broadly clubbed into 3 sections: 1st level operator (infrastructure, road networks and transportation); 2nd level
2.6.a. Theoretical framework:
operator (production-consumption networks) and the 3rd level operator (urban household networks
The theoretical framework forms the rationale for
and territories).
directing and conducting my research. Finding the right discourse about informal settlements
The aspect of governance and the geographical
helps in identifying the limits of generalisation
context was introduces to be able to evaluate spatial
in the research’s scope of interest. An initial
planning principles and policy making (Rocco,
literature overview defines the discourse on
R., 2008). These aspects enrich and provide much
informal settlements in which this research aims
needed context to the Dupuy Network city model.
to contribute. This is classified into 3 categories of “Urbanisation Processes”, “Economic Challenges” and “Policy Framework”, which are explored in
2.6.c. Analytical Framework:
more detail. Each category is further subdivided into smaller sets (as described in figure 3.6). Each
In this research, these two aspects are incorporated
sub-set contributes as a background support to
and in order to reframe the layers (or perspectives)
the layer, testing the spatial manifestations of the
of the Network city model so as to better suit the
theoretical explorations in Dharavi.
context of an informal settlement and its resulting complexities.
2.6.b. Spatial Framework:
These “reframed” layers also incorporate the backing of the theoretical framework, described
This forms the basis of evaluating spatial analysis
earlier, in order to provide more nuances
of Dharavi. The layers of this spatial analysis are
understanding of the socio-economic processes and
based on the network city model (Dupuy, G., 1991).
its spatial manifestation in Dharavi.
The Dupuy method, defines several perspectives to the socio-spatial system in order for a better
51
PROJECT METHODOLOGY
52
Project Methodology
53
Figure 2.10
design, fieldwork directed by expert interviews,
The layers used in this research are:
observational
analysis
and
local
ihabitant
• Layer 1 – The historical evolution of Dharavi’s
interviews is an important part of the methodology.
spatial and form with respect to its shared history
The following people have been identified for the
with Mumbai is explored in order to understand
set of expert interviews, based on the experience
base social and economic layers.
and working history within Dharavi:
• Layer 2 – The governance system runs parallel to Dharavi’s historical evolution. It has a shared
• Ainsley Lewis – Senior lecturer at KRIVA
aspect of how national policy approaches towards
and practicing architect in Mumbai, who have
informal settlement have influenced and affected
been involved with several research projects in
Dharavi’s growth.
Dharavi
• Layer 3 – Location and Morphology of Dharavi
• Gerry George Jacob: Asst. Professor at KRIVA,
is formulated on the layers of history and
led the development of the ‘REDharavi’ project.
governance approaches, playing an important
• Hussain Z. Indorewala: Asst. Professor at
factor in its present role in Mumbai
KRIVA, regarding policy towards informal
• Layer 4 – The informal economy is perhaps the
settlements.
driving factor of Dharavi, resulting in a complex
• Matias Echanove & Rahul Srivastava – Founder
soci0spatial network which extends to Mumbai
at Urbz, Mumbai - an experimental urban research
and sometimes even beyond.
and action collective, who have executed several
• Layer 5 – Intrinsically linked to the informal
workshops and hands-on research projects in
economic production of space, is the social
Dharavi.
structure and its resulting social security, which
• Jai Badgaonkar – Architect and urban designer
plays a defining role in the spatial construct of
at Urbz, Mumbai
Dharavi.
• Shyam Kanle – Field operator with URBZ. He has run many businesses in Dharavi where he
The
above
layers,
help
guide
the
spatial
was born and raised. He has also been involved
understanding of Dharavi, identifying the areas
in conflict resolution and local politics for many
within the area, where the spatial design and
years.
framework can be implemented and tested.
• Bhau Korde – activist and resident of Dharavi • Selected industrial workers and owners along with shop owners are interviewed to develop a
2.6.d. Fieldwork:
better understanding of the social and economic aspirations of the inhabitants
In
order
to
make
the
supplement
the
operationalisation of the strategic framework and
54
Figure 2.11: Dupuy’ network city model; Source: http://www.nordes. org/opj/index.php/n13/article/ viewFile/226/209 Figure 2.12 - Figure 2.13: A further analytical model derived from the Dupuy Network city model; Source: Author
k or rat twor ope old ne l e v eh d le us
3r
ba Ur
nh
e
5 tur yer uc La ial str oc
o
S
or k
etw tor n n era mptio p o u l s eve con
l n2nd ductio
two
e er 4 cal n Lay nomi
Pro
rks
o Ec
e
tur r ato truc per infras o l ve rk, t le two
1s ad ne o R
etc
re ctu
3 yer L a d for m an
Figure 2.11
Dupuy Network City Model
Source: Derived from (Dupuy, G., 2008)
ru ast nfr &I
L
n rna
e er 2 Gov Laylicy &
ce
Po
olu xt nte l ev Co torica
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uti
l er 1 l evo Lay torica His
nce ions rna icat ove impl
G icy ol P
Additional layers added
Figure 2.12
Source: Author
Analytical Framework for Dharavi Source: Author
55
on
Figure 2.13
2.7 THEORETICAL OVERVIEW Understanding an informal settlement is a complex
concentrations of poverty” and the slum is the
and layered process. There is no single discipline
physical manifestation of this clam (Davis, M.,
which solely address this problem, especially
2007). This theorization takes a more apocalyptic
in the global south. In order to develop a more
turn towards informal settlements and slums,
comprehensive understanding of the discourse, I
although it states that this form has emerged over
categorise the literature into various sub-themes
decades of structural changes and is therefore not
exploring the phenomena of urban informal
passive in nature.
settlements. Another dialogue which arises is the Southern turn Informal settlements have been explored by several
in urban studies and planning theory. The advent of
scholars and organisations such as the United
this discussion (often termed as Subaltern Urbanism)
Nations, in different aspects. One of the most
has been written about by several authors; with
prolific documents on the informal settlements was
informality being a particular interest to Ananya
“The challenge of slums: global report on human
Roy. She argues that “subaltern urbanism” helps
settlements (2003)”. It defined much of the discourse
to provide accounts of the slum as a terrain of
which followed on informal settlements. Within
livelihood, habitation and politics, working against
this literature, one can see an interest in the “South”
the apocalyptic and dystopian narratives of the
in order to reimagine the urban and to analytically
slum (pg. 224) (Roy, A., 2011). Subaltern urbanism
grasp the terrain of the “global” phenomena (Rao,
is also often seen a new geography of theory that
V., 2006). Davies later presented a paper, mainly
can help in the unbounding of the “global slum
an extension of this UN report, focussing on the
(Roy, A., 2011). She has argued how informality
idea of “surplus humanity” – people cut out of
is a mode of production of space which connects
the formal economy and driven into slums. He
the disconnected geographies of slum to the suburb;
termed this phenomena as a result of the decoupling
and that this separation happens in a fractal fashion
of
and
within the informalized production of space (pg.
development. The specifically focusses on the cities
223) (Roy, A., 2011). Informality and the slum has
of the global south, calling them as the “dumping
been called to be used as a theory by Chatterjee
ground of this surplus humanity”, instead of being
(Chatterjee, P., 2004) and Rao (Rao, V., 2006). Rao
engines of growth” (Davis, M., 2004). In his further
argues that the slum straddles the conceptual and
writings, he continues to add to his argument that
material forms of city-making that are challenging
slums are the only “fully franchised solution to the
the imaginary of the modern city, and therefore
problem of warehousing the 21st century’s surplus
can be used as an empirical and analytical point of
humanity” (Davis, M., 2007). Global cities of the
departure for understanding the cities of the global
south are therefore often equated with “gigantic
south (Rao, V., 2006). On the other hand, Pushpa
urbanisation
from
industrialisation
56
Figure 2.14: Theoretical Framework contributing to the layers used to analyse Dharavi; Source: Author
Figure 2.14
Theoretical Framework
57
Arabindoo (Arabindoo, P., 2011) questions whether
to benefit the poor (Appadurai, A., 2001). This
a more direct investigation of its application in the
exploration of a changed method of governance
new frontiers of urban development in the global
becomes relevant if we explore the production of
south needs to be explored. She argues that the
space to a mode of governance which works for all
“slums are epistemologically inadequate in terms of
the actors and stakeholders involved.
conceptualising urban poverty”, leading to distorted policy making decisions. She, however concedes
Exploring the phenomena of urban informal
that the term slum still has scholarly appeal, but
settlements through migration and movement
it should be restrained from becoming a “rhetoric
patterns, Doug Saunders argues the role which
linchpin” which can depoliticises the urban poor,
Dharavi (and other areas) play in the urban
i.e., it should not become a short-cut icon to a desk
transformation of the city, leading to a very direct
base research on urban poverty (Arabindoo, P.,
spatial impact. This phenomena of “arrival city” is
2011).
tested on the basis of how much social mobility the city offers to its inhabitants, linking migration to
Another
type
of
theorization
explores
the
urban development (Saunders, D., 2011). Dharavi,
connection of social and political life of the cities
like most informal settlements in India offers a
of the Global South. Two authors stand out in this
certain degree of social mobility, which links to its
discussion: Arjun Appadurai and Partha Chatterjee.
social space.
The informal settlements of the global south feature in their research as an important site. Both of them
The value informal economy has been debated by
try to track the emergence of governance from
Hernando De Soto in his writings. He explores and
which marginalised sectors seek to state their claim
argues for the importance of informal economy for
from (Appadurai, A., 2001) (Chatterjee, P., 2004).
the developing countries; stating that “the dynamics
Appadurai describes the alliance of three civic
of operating in the informal economy should be
institutions in Mumbai (NGO SPARC, the National
allowed to clear the way for free market, creating
Slum Dwellers Federation and Mahila Milan, a
market oriented reform” (De Soto, H., 1990). This is
cooperative representing women’s savings groups);
explored through the case of Lima, Peru. However,
and how they “individually and collectively, seek
it is not extended to the study of space, which is
to demonstrate to governments (local, regional,
directly produced because of informal economy. In
national) and international agencies that urban
the particular case of Dharavi, Nijman argues that
poor groups provide these agencies with strong
the economic activities are inseparable from the
community-based partners” (Pg. 01(Appadurai,
ethnic identities and the highly localised cultural
A., 2001)). Appadurai coins this phenomena of
milieu of the slum (pg. 10)(Nijman, J., 2010). As
negotiation in Mumbai as an illustration of deep
informal economy, plays an important role both for
democracy, which is rooted in local context and
Dharavi and Mumbai, its spatial organisation needs
is still able to mediate globalizing forces in order
to be explored from the above angle.
58
Figure 2.15: Analytical Framework applied on Dharavi; Source: Author
k or rat twor ope d ne vel sehol e l u ho 3rd ba Ur
e
5 tur yer uc La ial str oc
n
S
or rat tio ope ump vel -cons e l n 2nd uctio
or k etw nn
etw er 4 cal n Lay nomi
d Pro
s o rk
o Ec
e
r r ctu rato stru ope , infra l e k lev wor
etc
1st ad net Ro
Dupuy Network City Model
L
fr r 3 & In a ye m ndf
La
Source: Derived from (Dupuy, G., 2008)
re ctu
ru ast
or
ern er 2 Gov Laylicy &
e anc
Po
olu xt nte l ev Co torica
n tio
Hi s
lu er 1 l evo Lay torica
n tio
His
ns ce nan atio ver plic Go icy im ol P
Additional layers added Source: Author
Analytical Framework for Dharavi
Figure 2.15
Source: Author
The analytical framework composed of the spatial analysis and theoretical framework is tested and applied at Dharavi. It forms an integral part of the research leading to the formulation of the strategic framework. The following sections illustrates the five analytical layers and its spatial manifestation in Dharavi.
59
Source: R edev elopment project in D harav il; http://w w w .giuliodisturco.com/editorial/v ertical-slums/15_M G_3655-as-Smart-O bject-1
part 03 Dharavi - analysis
Layer 1 - History of Dharavi Layer 2 - Policy review Layer 3 - Landform and Infrastructure Layer 4 - Economic Networks Layer 5 - Social Structure
The analytical framework is explored through its 5 layers at the larger scale of Dharavi. Each layer contributes ans strives to reach a comprehensive understanding of the social, economic and political system the has shaped Dharavi to its present status.
3.1 LAYER-1 - HISTORICAL EVOLUTION OF DHARAVI In order to explore the complex relationship of
decision was taken mainly because of unsanitary
Dharavi, with respect to Mumbai, it is important to
conditions and a plague which ran though the
delve into its shared urban history.
city, resulting in the expulsion of industries such as tanneries. The first tannery arrived in 1887 and by 1890, other Muslim tanners from Tamil Nadu
3.1.a. The late 19th century & the early 20th century– Dharavi’s beginnings:
arrived and made Dharavi their base. Another group were potters from the state of Gujarat, who arrived in 1895, receiving a 99 year lease from the then
Dharavi’s beginnings go back longer than Mumbai’s
colonial government (Dossal, M., 1991) (Nijman,
(previously Bombay) roots. Prior to its colonial
J., 2010). This was the birth of Dharavi in its current
history, a small fishing village of the “Kolis” stood
form.
where Dharavi today is. Till the mid to end of the 19th century, Mumbai was classified into 2 main parts: the colonial part (towards the southern edge
3.1.b. Pre-Independence (1947):
of the island) and the native part (located north of the colonial town). Dharavi (in the form of the
The evolution of Dharavi, both in its population
fishing village – “Koliwada”) at this stage occupied
numbers and spatial area increased over time.
the northernmost part of the Native town, having a
The numbers of the migrating families grew
population of only 992 (Dossal, M., 1991, Pg. 197)
steadily over the next few decades, along with
. The Native part of Mumbai was characterized by a
Mumbai’s prominence in the colonial empire. The
high population density living in areas which were
communities, especially the potters from Gujarat
unplanned and not considering the quality of life of
(Western India) and the tanners from Tamil Nadu
its inhabitants.
(Southern India) established themselves in Dharavi,
The first instance of Dharavi’s resemblance to its
setting up community places and services such as
current form started to take shape in the late 19th
temples (the first temple was built in in 1913) and
century, when the polluting industries were expelled
schools - the first school (Tamil) in 1931 (Nijman,
from the colonial and the native town to the then
J., 2010). This helped Dharavi establish itself as
outskirts of Dharavi (Nijman, J., 2010). This
a base for more newcomers arriving in the city
62
Figure 3.1: Timeline of Mumbai Urban Growth; Source: derived from http:// www.mapsofindia.com/history/ by Author Figure 3.2: Mumbai historical growth documented; Source: http://www. mapsofindia.com/history/ Figure 3.3: Mumbai’s Urban Growth with its increasing informal settlements; Source: derived from http://www. mapsofindia.com/history/ by Author
1860
1846
1900
1900
1930
1909
Mumbai historical growth documented
63
1960 F igure 3.1
1933
1969 F igure 3.2
looking for work in Mumbai’s growing industries. Their numbers grew steadily in subsequent years as the original settlers were joined by overflow migrants from the central city as well as new rural
1600
in-migrants. Still, however, Dharavi formed a
1812
mino r s hare ( l es s than 0 . 2 mil l io n) o f p o p u l atio n o f Mumbai in 1950, which stood around 2.9 million (Census of India, 1951).
3.1.c. Post-Independence till 1991:
Mumbai’s Urban Growth
Post-independence, i.e., post 1947, saw a great surge in the p o p u l atio n o f M u mbai and its s u rro u nd ing regions. Greater Mumbai, or the Metropolitan area of Mumbai, grew immensely in the years following the independence, with its population increasing by large numbers along with its living density. As the independence era hit, rural-urban migration peaked, and Dharavi continued to be a place for the new arrivals to Mumbai. The numbers of informal settlements also increased in number, now forming
Total Population Population in Informal Settlements (Population in millions)
large pockets of dense urbanisation in the Greater M u mbai reg io n. The 1970s and 1980s saw Dharavi take a central position in Mumbai’s geography, and some of the leather tanneries were driven further out and were replaced by redevelopment projects as they were no t s een to be s u itabl e f o r a central l o catio n. O nl y the smaller tanneries remained in Dharavi. Some
64
0.1 0.0 1600
0.5
0.0 1800
1909
1964
2012
13.8
7
4.5 1.2 0.5 0.0 1900
2000
Private Development Timeline of Mumbai Urban Growth with its increasing informal settlements
Policy and Govt. Approach (1951 - )
Upgrading & Rehabilitation Demolition & Relocation
65
F igure 3.3
19091909 1909
1909
19641964 1964
1964
20122012 2012
2012
Urban Form ban Form Urban Form Urban Form Mumbai Mumbai ofof Mumbai of Mumbai
19001900 1900
1900
19501950 1950
1950
Act Act S l u m I mp ro v ement S l u Act mS l I u mpm roS I mp l vu ement mro I v mpement Act ro v ement (1 9 5 6 ) ( 1 9 5 ( 6 1 ) 9 5 6 () 1 9 5 6 )
m D S R l harav ehabil itatio S l u m R ehabil itatioS nl u mS l R u ehabil u m itatio R iehabil n nitatioD nharav D harav i D iharav i cheme 9 5 ) S cheme ) 9 9 5 ( ) 1 9 R 9 ed5 ) evR edel o evp R elment S l u m R ed ev el o p ment S l u mS l R u edm evS R l edu elmo evp S R elment edo p evment el o( 1 p 9 ment R S edcheme ev( 1 Sel9 cheme o 9 ( p 5 1 ment edo p evment el o p ment S cheme ( 1 1 ) 9 9 1 () 1 9 9 1 ) P ro S cheme ( 1 9 9 1 ) S cheme ( 1 S 9 cheme 9 P ro j ect P ro j ect j ect P ro j ect Relocation
Slum Demolition & & Relocation Slum Demolition Slum Demolition & Slum Relocation Demolition & Relocation
1909
1964
P T rime inis s M ter’inis s ter’ s T rohev ement P rime M inis ter’ T hes T P he rime M heinis P M rime ter’ S l u m I mp ro v ement S l u mS l I u mpm roS I mp l vu ement mro I v mpement P rant ro (j ect 8 5 () 1 9 8 5 ) ro g ramme 1 ( ) 1 9 P 7 ro1 ) j ect ( 1 9 8 G 5 rant ) G rant P ro j G ect 1 9 P 8 ro( 5 1 j ) 9ect P ro g ramme ( 1 9 7 1 P ) ro g P ramme P ro ( 1 g 9 ramme 7 ( 1 1 ) 9 G 7 rant
Upgrading & Rehabilitation Upgrading & Upgrading Rehabilitation Upgrading & Rehabilitation & Rehabilitation
1900 19001900 1900
1950
l l u P ting u s tries P o l l u ting ind u P s o tries l P l u o ting o ind l l u ting uinds tries s tries t f s irscho l o l T ind he u f irs t s cho T o he l T f he irs T f tirshe s cho o l t s o cho eD to harav i i mo v e to D harav mo ivmoe tov mo v eD toharav iD harav P o tters : P o tters : P o tters : P o tters : T he f irs t co l o T nyheT f he irs T f tirshe co tl f o coirsnyl to cony l o ny
1950 19501950 1950
2000 20002000 2000
2000
S l u m I mp ro v ement Act (1 9 5 6 )
S l u m R ed ev el o p ment
S l u m R ehabil itatio n S cheme ( 1 9 9 5 )
D harav i R ed ev el o p ment
o takrmal u ind s tries o f f e o f f G ras s ro S o cheme I nternatio 9 9G 1 s ras ) roI nternatio ro j ect I nf o rmal ind Demolition u I s nftries o I nfrmal I nfind eo o rmal uind f f s tries tak u s tries etako f ef tak t G ( 1 ras G o s rotraso st ro o nal t I nternatio I nternatio nal nal P nal Slum & Relocation ado cacy v o Limel cacy Limel ig ht ig ht ad v o cacy ad v ad v o cacy ig ht Limel ig Limel ht Co o p erativ e Co - o p erativ eCo - o p erativ Co - o ep erativ e Private Redevelopment o ciety ho u s ing s o ciety ho u hos ingu s hoing s o u ciety s s ing s o ciety S l u m U p g rad ing Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada P ro g ramme ( 1 9 8 5 ) Chambda Chambda Chambda Chambda Chambda T he P rime M Bazaar inis ter’ s mp ro Bazaar v ement Bazaar S l u m I Bazaar Bazaar G rant P ro j ect ( 1 9 8 5 ) P ro g ramme ( 1 9 7 1 )
Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada Chambda Chambda Chambda Chambda Bazaar Bazaar Bazaar Bazaar
Policy and Govt. Approach Dharavi haravi Dharavi Dharavi
Private Redevelopment Private Redevelopment Private Private Redevelopment Redevelopment 2012
S l u m U p g rad ing S l u mS l U u m p g S Uradl pu gm ingradU pingg rad ing ro g ramme P ro g ramme ( 1 9 8 5 P ) ro g P ramme P ro ( 1 g 9 ramme 8 ( 5 1 ) 9 8 5 () 1 9 8 5 )
Policy and Govt. olicy and Policy Govt. and Govt. Policy and Govt. Urban Form Approach pproachApproach Approach of Mumbai
1900
20002000 2000
2000
Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada Koliwada Chambda Chambda Chambda Bazaar Bazaar Bazaar
Upgrading & Rehabilitation
1900
1950
P o l l u ting ind u s tries mo v e to D harav i
I nf o rmal ind u s tries 1960s tak 1960s e o f 1960s f 1960s
1930s T he f irs t s cho o l 1930s 1930s 1930s
P o tters : T he f irs t co l o ny
2000
Co respect - o p erativ to e Mumbai Timeline of Dharavi’s growth with ho u s ing s o ciety Chambda Bazaar
Koliwada
Chambda Bazaar
Koliwada
G ras 2012 s ro o t ad v o cacy
I nternatio nal 20122012 2012 F igure 3.4 Limel ig ht
Chambda Bazaar
Koliwada
F igure 3.4: Timeline of D harav i’ s growth with respect to Mumbai; Source: derived by Author from http://www. mapsofindia.com/history/ & UrbZ, M umbai
Dharavi
1960s
1930s
66
Figure 3.5 & 3.6: Older images of D harav i f rom the 1960s and 1970s ; 2012 Source: www.mumbaihistory.in
Figure 3.5
Figure 3.6
67
o f this v acant l and became s ites f o r red ev el o p ment
becau s e o f g eo g rap hical co ns traints . T he p o p u l atio n
p ro j ects ( d is cu s s ed in d etail the u p co ming s ectio ns )
in Mumbai city stood at close to 9.9 million but also
(Nijman, J., 2010). This was also a time when
had a co ns id erabl e s hare o f its p o p u l atio n ( aro u nd
Dharavi became more visible with 1976 being the
41.3 % - illustrated in Chapter 1 - figure 1.10)
first census to be conducted for the inhabitants of
living in sub-standard housing such as informal
informal settlements in Mumbai (Chatterji, R.,
settlements (General, R., 1992). Dharavi rose in
2005). The establishment of the transit camp in
importance, mainly because of its now central and
Dharavi also occurred in the 1970s, to rehouse
v is ibl e p o s itio n in v ery a v al u abl e p iece o f real
inhabitants affected because of the construction of
es tate.
the Dharavi-Sion Road (north edge of Dharavi). Several documentaries and popular movies made this
3.1.d. Dharavi – post 1991:
p articu l ar inf o rmal
s ettl ement ev en mo re
visible, often being used to embody and illustrate the poor living conditions within such areas. It
P ost 1991, saw a major change in the spatial form
has to
o f u rban meg acities s u ch as M u mbai. T he f reeing
projects were attempted in this phase (discussed
up of economy and the onset of liberalization saw
in detail in the following section of Policies), none
a l arg er p ro p o rtio n o f inf o rmal s ettl ements to the
o f them co u l d be imp l emented at a req u ired l arg e
population of Mumbai (Census of India, 1991).
scale of Dharavi. Because of the city’s expansion
This was also a time when the land prices of
to the north-east and its geographical constraints,
Mumbai saw a steep increase. Mumbai had a steep
the land prices have increased significantly within
gradient in land values from the South to the North;
the inner core of Mumbai, making it one of the
this coupled with an influx of foreign corporation
most expensive cities in the world. Dharavi, now
creating a sudden escalation of land prices (Nijman,
occupies a prime slice of this very expensive land,
J., 2000). The Greater Mumbai region also saw
in close proximity to two railway lines, the airport
growth towards the North and North-East, mainly
and the s ev eral central ities o f M u mbai.
be no ted
68
al tho u g h s ev eral red ev el o p ment
DHARAVI - 2011 POPULATION: 1 MILLION (APPROX) METROPOLITAN AREA: 2.39 SQKM ECONOMY GENERATED: $ 1 BILLION Dharavi, in present day highlighted in the urban fabric of Mumbai, India Source: Derived from Google Maps
0 km
500 m
70
71
LAYER 2 - POLICY OVERVIEW AND ITS IMPLICATION 3.2.a Policy approach in India Dharavi has always shared a complex relationship
the evicted dwellers in peripheral areas of the city.
with Mumbai, with Mumbai needing it more for
This was, unfortunately, only restricted to “slums”
its labour and cheap industry, than the other way
and “informal settlements” present in government-
around. Often seen as a slum or squatter settlement,
owned land. It also increased the growth of informal
against the global image Mumbai wants to portray,
settlements in the periphery, as the resettlement
the state and national government has drafted several
would still take place in an informal manner.
plans to redevelop this area. The start of these policies have emerged soon after independence of India in 1947, and have since shaped the existence
ii) Upgradation and Redevelopment:
of informal settlements such as Dharavi, including their persistence.
The second phase was characterized by policies pertaining to upgradation and the improvement of
They can be categorised into three broad themes
the living condition of the inhabitants of informal
(Figure 4.4) as per their main ideologies and
settlements,
approaches. They have been discussed below:
collaboration with the World Bank). The impact of
through
financial
assistance
(in
this scheme was quite restricted as it did not apply to informal settlements on private and the central i) Clearance and Eviction:
government land, and was limited to land owned by the state government. Dharavi, in particular,
This phase was characterised by the first major
received a large grant via The Prime Minister’s
policy against informal settlements and slums.
Grant Project (1985), in order to relocate close
The Slum Area and Improvement and Clearance
to 20,000 families outside Dharavi (Bardhan, R.
Act (1956) made provisions for the clearance and
et al., 2015). It suffered from bureaucratic and
development of areas identified as a “slum” by the
construction delays coupled with the creation of
Indian government. However, it did not clarify any
a high-priced housing stock, which limited its
resettlement plan for the evicted population, leading
application scale.
to the evicted population to settle in other informal settlements or create new informal settlements (Bardhan, R. et al., 2015). Realising this basic gap,
iii) Privatization and Redevelopment:
the next policy of “The Slum Areas - Improvement, Clearance and Redevelopment - Act (1971) took
The liberalization and the advent of globalization
a more humanitarian approach, aiming to resettle
to India in 1991, brought in large scale foreign
72
Figure 3.7: National Policy towards informal settlements; Source: Author derived from Bardhan, R., et al. (2015)
oliwada
2012
1964
1950
2000
S l u m I mp ro v ement Act (1 9 5 6 )
S l u m R ehabil itatio n S cheme ( 1 9 9 5 )
S l u m R ed ev el o p ment S cheme ( 1 9 9 1 )
Slum Demolition & Relocation
D harav i R ed ev el o p ment P ro j ect
Private Redevelopment S l u m U p g rad ing P ro g ramme ( 1 9 8 5 ) T he P rime M inis ter’ s G rant P ro j ect ( 1 9 8 5 )
S l u m I mp ro v ement P ro g ramme ( 1 9 7 1 )
Upgrading & Rehabilitation
1950
F igure 3.7
2000
I nf o rmal ind u s tries takNational e o f f Policy towards informal settlements G ras s ro o t ad v o cacy Co - o p erativ e ho u s ing s o ciety Chambda Bazaar
Koliwada
I nternatio nal Limel ig ht
Chambda Bazaar
73
Koliwada
investment into the housing sector, with a scheme
increased the area allotted to the inhabitants, it still
of Slum Redevelopment Scheme (1991). The
catered mainly to the private developers, providing
incentive of an increased FSI (Floor Space Index)
them with an even higher FSI.
was provided to private developers, in order to rehouse the “eligible: inhabitants in-situ and free
This bent of redevelopment and rehabilitation relies
up space for profit-based development. However,
heavily on market forces, decreasing the focus on
the houses for the inhabitants came at a cost and
the actual inhabitants of these informal settlements.
the criteria for its eligibility also cut off a large
Dharavi, in recent history has been heavily
population (as they had to prove that they were
influenced by the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme
residents of the area before 1985). A modified
(1995), which protected the eviction of people who
version of the above policy came in the form of the
could prove that they were residents of Mumbai
Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (1995), which tried
before January 1995. This formed the basis of other
to rearticulate the terms of rehabilitation related
redevelopment schemes for Dharavi, including the
to informal settlements exclusively. Although, it
current Dharavi Redevelopment Project.
3.2.b The current project: The Dharavi Redevelopment Project In order to better understand the composition of
residents of Dharavi and enable them to integrate to
the Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) - Figure
mainstream development.
4.4, it is explored though 5 aspects, derived from European Cohesion Policy:
The Dharavi Redevelopment Plan (DRP) envisages the division of Dharavi into five sectors. Bids were invited from a consortium of international
i) Structure:
and national developers to provide free housing and infrastructure for the residents of Dharavi.
The Dharavi redevelopment project was the
The Developers had to pay a premium to the
brainchild of an Indian architect based in the USA,
Government and in return get as incentive ‘Floor
Mukesh Mehta. He saw an opportunity to develop
Space Index’ (FSI) on which they could build
a new more comprehensive plan for the whole of
more commercial and other structures and sell in
Dharavi instead of piecemeal projects. The DRP
the open market. The FSI offered till now is 4. In
proposes the intensive utilisation of land in Dharavi
this way, it was to be a win- win situation for all
for rehabilitation of slum dwellers and commercial
the parties concerned. The Government would earn
development. The argument is that this will lead
substantial revenues, the Developer would make
to more integrated development and benefits for
windfall profits and the residents of Dharavi would
74
Figure 3.8: Governance division in Mumbai, with Dharavi placed in the G (North) ward in Zone 2; Source Author, derived from www.mumbaidata. in
F igure 3.8
75
have more living space and better amenities than
has been highlighted by several parties.
before(Rao, S.G.B., 2012). It should be noted that the redevelopment projects by the developer, have been stated to be conceived based on participation
d) Performance
with the local residents of Dharavi. There has been no attempt or plan in the DRP to evaluate the project post its construction and b) Simplification:
occupation. It also does not incorporate lessons from other redevelopment schemes in order to
The DRP has a very top-down mechanism for
learn, how the post-occupancy works in similar
redevelopment, with the sector divisions formed
attempts. This is a major gap, where the DRP and
by the Slum Redevelopment Authority of India, in
the state government need to revise its approach.
consultation with Mukesh Mehta. Although citizen participation from Dharavi is encouraged, it plays a limited role in the initial stages. Once the sectors
e) Financial Instruments used:
have been allotted its private developers, it is up to them, how to redevelop it in order to generate profit
There has been no attempt or plan in the DRP
for rehabilitation schemes. Therefore, although
to evaluate the project post its construction and
the decision making process of the DRP is simple,
occupation. It also does not incorporate lessons
it largely ignores discourses from other actors,
from other redevelopment schemes in order to learn,
especially the inhabitants. What is also missing
how the post-occupancy works in similar attempts.
is a sense of transparency in the decision making
This is a major gap, where the DRP and the state
process, which is illustrated in the grey area of
government need to revise its approach, as only a
eligibility conditions for the low income housing
post-occupancy evaluation can ensure a inclusive
generated.
and socially sustainable redevelopment project. Note: The future of the DRP in its limbo, with no
c) Differentiation:
bids being received from the private developers for any of the 5 sectors of Dharavi (Bardhan, R. et
A large portion of Dharavi’s inhabitants along with
al., 2015). The main factors contributing to it were
several academicians have raised several arguments
tough eligibility conditions for the developers,
against the DRP. The most visible missing element
concerns over protests from the inhabitants and
is the consideration of current livelihoods and socio-
height restrictions by the state. This led to the
economic networks and whether these livelihoods
allotment of one sector to the state to develop
can be sustained in a post-redevelopment scenario.
(which is contradictory to the original plan), in
Along with that, a lack of consideration of existing
order to jump-start the project and attract other
social structure and economic system in the DRP
fresh investors.
76
Figure 3.9: The current system of the Dharavi Redevelopment Project, illustrating the relationship between the different stakeholders and the project.; Source: Interpretation by author
Figure 3.9
The system behind Dharavi Redevelopment Plan
77
LAYER 3 - LANDFORMS AND INFRASTRUCTURE Periphery Category
Scattered Slum Islands Category
Central Category
F igure 3.10
Categorisation of informal settlements as per UN Habitat’s report, “The challenge of the slums” (2004)
3.3.a Location: I nf o rmal s ettl ements are o f ten reg ard ed as p ro d u cts
• Central:
often regarded as products of failed policies, bad
“Central city slums tend to have been formed by the
governance, corruption, inappropriate regulations,
classic process where central, prosperous residential
dysfunctional land markets, unresponsive financial
areas o f cities u nd erg o d eterio ratio n as their o rig inal
systems and a fundamental lack of political will
owners move out to newer, more salubrious and
(Un-Habitat, 2004). The UN Habitat report also
more fashionable residential areas. Residents of
states that there is some correlation between the
slums that are located close to such zones are able to
l o catio n and
the inf o rmal s ettl ements .
benefit from the high concentrations of employment
Although, this may not always be applicable, the
opportunities, especially those related to unskilled
UN habitat report states with an example that in
and casual jobs. They are also likely to be better
a fast growing but young city, the location of the
off in terms of transportation. This makes centrally
older “informal settlements” would be outside the
located slums much more suitable for unskilled
centre o f the city . T he l o catio n o f the s l u ms hav e
workers” (Un-habitat, 2010).
ag e o f
been classified into three main categories (Figure 4.7) as per the UN Habitat’s report:
78
F igure 3.10: C ategorisation of inf ormal settlements as per UN Habitat’s report, “ The challenge of the slums” , 2004 F igure 3.11: C ategorisation of the inf ormal settlements in M umbai; Source - Author, Derived from www. mumbaidata.in
Figure 3.11
79
• Scattered Slum Islands:
3.3.b. Landform:
“These islands may have been intended as open or green spaces, as the land was thought to be
Dharavi, shares certain characteristics with the
unsuitable for future housing, or locations that are
“Central” and “Scattered slum island” category, but
physically or environmentally unsafe. Slum islands
is diverts from UN habitat’s definition resembling
are typically small, as few as eight to ten dwellings.
characteristics of “Scattered slum islands”. Although
They cannot support their own social infrastructure
Dharavi now occupies a central location in Mumbai,
(school, clinic, etc); but use the facilities of the
historically it was once the outskirts of the city (as
neighbourhoods in which they are located – unless
illustrated in figure 4.8). It was also not formed
they are denied access through social discrimination,
the manner the UN habitat expects the “Central”
which is quite common. Slum islands that are
settlements to be formed. It shares its formation
closer to the centre share many of the advantages
in the manner of a “Scattered Slum Island”, along
and attributes of the central slums described above.
with being placed in an environmentally sensitive
However, they are often physically isolated from the
area (Figure 4.12) of the Mahim Creek (which has
surrounding areas by barriers such as canals, storm
contaminated soil and flooding). Dharavi’s location
drains, railway tracks or motorways, and, though
in an area susceptible to natural hazards, such as
close to urban facilities and opportunities, may not
frequent flooding. Along with the a high density,
actually be able to benefit from them. Some islands
services such as the main potable water supply
may have started as rural communities that became
line to Mumbai cross the northern edge of Dharavi
engulfed by urban expansion; but this is rare, except
(Figure 4.10 & 4.11). Tidal fluctuations along the
towards the periphery” (Un-habitat, 2010).
Mithi River, especially during the monsoon period adversely affect this northern of Dharavi, making
• Peripheral:
it a major problem not only for its citizens but also
“Slums on the city fringes are either squatter
for the rest of the city. This edge is protected by a
settlements in which households have invaded
stretch of mangroves with tidal swamps, which are
(usually public) land, or they occupy land that
unfortunately under pressure from Dharavi’s growth
has been subdivided and for which they have paid
and a lack of maintenance from the city authority.
or entered a rent purchase arrangement with the
This environmentally vulnerable nature is reflected
developer or landowner. The urban periphery has
in most informal settlements, especially in the
distinct advantages over more central and urbanized
‘scattered slum island’ typology, who inhabit areas,
areas as there is less competition for the use or
where formalised settlements are hesitant to occupy.
control of land, especially if it is located outside of
Although it is in an environmentally susceptible
the municipal boundaries.” (Un-habitat, 2010).
area, it enjoys the advantages of a central location, one of the main ones being proximity to Mumbai’s railway lines (Figure 4.9). This proximity, enables its residents to access employment in other parts
80
Figure 3.12: Dharavi’s viable real estate location is mainly due to its proximity to Mumbai’s railway lines and the airport; Source - Author, Derived from www.mumbaidata.in
F igure 3.12
81
F igure 3.13
o f the city . I t is al s o l o cated in cl o s e p ro x imity to
one source (Risbud, N., 2003). Only 5 per cent of
the business hubs of Andheri and Dadar, along with
slums have individual taps whereas 17 slums with
being a short distance away from both the domestic
approximately 0.1 million inhabitants (0.87 per
and the internatio nal airp o rts . T his co nnectio n and
cent of the total) have no water supply and have
proximity to Mumbai’s mobility network, on one
to depend on adjoining settlements. Sanitation in
hand has attracted mo re and mo re p eo p l e o v er the
slums is very poor as 73 per cent of slums depend
l as t d ecad e and o n the o ther hand as attracted the
on community toilets provided by the government,
private developers’ interests.
28 per cent defecate in the open, 0.7 per cent slums have pay to use toilets managed by NGOs and only 1 per cent of slums have individual toilets. Dharavi
3.3.c. Infrastructure:
perhaps shares the worst ratio with only 1 toilet per 1440 people. This is in spite some toilet blocks were
About 49 per cent of slums, including Dharavi have
constructed after 1995. Thus, Dharavi illustrates
access to water supply from shared standpipes,
the gaping hole left by the absence of water and
while 38.3 per cent have a supply from more than
s anitatio n inf ras tru ctu re.
82
Figure 3.13: Stakeholder relationship of w ater and sanitation serv ices in Dharavi; Source: Author F igure 3.14: D harav i’ s soil ty pology ; Source - Author, Derived from www. mumbaidata.in F igure 3.15: M ain w ater supply line to M umbai, w hich passes through Mumbai; Source - http://blog. mailasail.com/bluemagic/599/image/ jpgWbbHCG86BX.jpg F igure 3.16: The northern edge of mumbai has a stretch of mangrov e and tidal plains; Source - http://images.midday.com/images/2016/oct/Mangrovef orest.jpg F igure 3.17: The queue to access w ater services outside in Dharavi; Source: U rbz, M umbai F igure 3.18: The ex isting main w ater infrastructure circling Dharavi; Source: Author; deriv ed f rom w w w .mumbai.in
Figure 3.14
83
F igure 3.15
F igure 3.16
F igure 3.17
84
F igure 3.18
85
LAYER 4 -INFORMAL ECONOMIC CLUSTERING AND NETWORKS: 3.4.a Informal Economy & the Informal Settlement The entrepreneurial nature of the “informal” has
of informal economy. He calls for the recognition
been lauded by several planners, economists and
of “System D” (a phrase used in former French
journalists. Hernando De Soto lauds the importance
colonies to describe self-starting merchants),
of informal economy, basing the case in his Native
which translates as the ingenuity economy and the
Peru, which was created as a direct response to the
economy of improvisation (Neuwirth, R., 2011,
rigid regulations by the state forcing entrepreneurs
Pg 17). This builds on Turner’s emphasis in the
to find a way around the system (De Soto, H.,
importance of self-help and autonomy, portraying
1990). He applauded this initiative, deeming it as
the urban poor and inhabitants of informal
a basic necessity in developing countries, required
settlements as pioneers. Also, Turner was heavily
for a large amount of the population to survive
against government help and intervention, citing
and thrive. Although he was challenged on his
a better result by involving outside agencies who
methodology and results by many academicians,
are free from legislative restrictions (Turner, J.C.,
one cannot overlook the ingenuity behind his ideas.
1968). On the other hand James Holston, vies this
Till recently popular authors such as Neuwirth have
phenomena as a form of “insurgent citizenship”.
claimed about the importance and the large scale
He view this form of informality as a movement,
86
Figure 3.19: Industrial production sites in Dharavi, which are almost often busy sites - Source: http://www.dnaindia. com/big-picture/photo-pongal-inmumbai-1951046 Figure 3.20: Industrial production sites in Dharavi; Source: Urbz, Mumbai’ Figure 3.21: Connection of other informal centres to the rest of the city Source: Urbz, Mumbai
Figure 3.19
where the marginalised in city regions contest their exclusion. He states that this insurgence begins
informal, whereas the “upward” link refers to the
with the struggle for the right to have a daily life
opposite direction (Gruber, D. et al., 2005). It can
in the city worthy of a citizen’s dignity (Holston,
be therefore argued that the informal sector cannot
J., 1998). Although Holston lauds the creativity
exist independently of the formal sector. There
of this informal economy and its practice, he cites
are arguments present that show that the informal
the need to produce critical research, which is
sector is often exploited by the formal. For example
not reductive and complacent in nature. The idea
by sub-contracting cheap and flexible labour to the
that the informal economy is linked directly with
informal sector, leads to a lack of social security of
the formal is not new. Gruber describes a link
the employees and therefore a price-cut of the goods
derived from Madhu Singh’s (Singh, M., 1996)
produced (Gruber, D. et al., 2005). It is within this
discourse on connections between the informal
conflicting discourse of informal economy that this
sector and the formal sector. These connections
research intends to place Dharavi in. What role does
can be described as “upward” and “downward”
the informal economy play in Dharavi? How does
linkages. The “downward” vertical link refers to the
it shape its urban form, and does it transcend and
flow of goods and services from the formal to the
connect to the formal city of Mumbai?
87
Figure 3.20
88
The map will be redrawn
89
Figure 3.21
3.4.b Working as a nature in Dharavi
location of Dharavi in Mumbai. This is highlighted in the map in Figure 4.16, which illustrates spatially
The idea of a “working” or entrepreneurial nature
the linkage of the industries in Dharavi to Mumbai.
of Dharavi has been ingrained in its history. With a
A detailed examination of the leather production
wide mosaic of migrants flocking to it from different
and finishing, also shows its outreach into a national
parts of the country seeking better opportunities,
and international market (illustrated in Figure
came a variety of professions and industries such as
4.24). Other industries which are irrevocably links
leather tanning, pottery, textile, which gave Dharavi
Dharavi to the “formal city” (Mumbai) are the
its unique identity of self-sufficiency and a high
readymade food industry, the bulk of services such
employment rate of almost 80% (Nijman, J., 2015).
as house maids, laundering, ironing, milk supply, vegetable vending to neighbouring localities like
However, estimates regarding Dharavi’s turnover
Sion, Matunga, etc (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala,
and the scale of its enterprise is limited due to
Q.).
the informal nature of these enterprises. An older survey in 1986 by the National Slum Dweller’s
To develop a more comprehensive understanding
federation estimated around 1044 manufacturing
of how industries and informal economies are
units which included 722 scrap and recycling units,
organised and located, the most visible of them are
152 units making food items, 111restaurants, and
described and illustrated below:
85 units entirely working for export, 50 printing presses and 25 bakeries, along with 244 small scale units and 43 medium scale enterprises (Ranede, S.
(i) Recycling:
and Doongerwala, Q.). A recent publication, “Re-
The 1986 survey by the National Slum Dwellers
Dharavi”, puts the average estimate of the daily
Federation Survey estimated that the recycling
turnover of Rs.500 million a day (nearly 7 million
section in Dharavi is one of the largest in the
euros per day). The report highlights the vibrancy
country. It estimated around 700 units (both large
of Dharavi, noting that almost every third house
and small), employing around 5000 people existed
seems to have some sort of economic activity
in 1986. This has increased in the last two decades,
within it (Patel, S. et al., 2010). It also counts 1700
however it is difficult to get an exact estimate. The
enterprises of various sizes, excluding home based
system of recycling is integrated into the system of
industries.
the larger city of Mumbai. Workers from Dharavi collect garbage from the rest of the city, some by
These industries and enterprises are implicitly linked
garbage pickers, and others by garbage containers.
to the rest of Mumbai city, establishing a mutual
This is sorted in the 700 odd units of the recycling
relationship of dependence between the “formal
enterprises (Figure 4.19). They are mainly located
city” and the “informal settlement”. Core industries
in the 13th compound, where the Mahim Sion Link
of Dharavi, such as leather production and finishing
road meets Dharavi’s 60 ft road (Patel, S. et al.,
and recycling rely heavily on the connections and
2010). Everything, from plastic drums, oil cans,
90
Figure 3.22: Connections of Dharavi to the rest of Mumbai via industry; Source: Author, derived from “Dharavi Ground up” by Mumbai commission for Development Studies
Towards Palghar
Towards Bhiwandi
FROM DHARAVI TO MUMBAI ECONOMICAL NETWORKS P ap ad w al a
D eliv ery / collection
D ho bi / Lau nd ry
D eliv ery / collection
R ecy cl ing
D eliv ery / collection
B ro o mak ers
D eliv ery / collection
M ap deriv ed f rom: “ D harav i - Ground U p: A D w ellers-F ocused D esign Tool f or U pgrading L iv ing Space in D harav i” ; M umbai C ommission f or dev elopment Studies at the Austrian Academy of Sciences; 2 013 0 k m
3 k m
6 k m
F igure 3.22
91
H ind u I mmig rants
M u s l im
Lo cal o rig in
O ther
Inhabitants’ Origin
Religious Composition
chemical containers, metal scraps, empty bottles, p l as tic co ntainers and p ap er – al l g et s o rted ( mainl y manu al l y ) and are recy cl ed . M o s t o f the p ro d u cts which don’t get recycled are cleaned and reused
S el f E mp l o y ed
(Patel, S. et al., 2010).
H ind u
W ag e E mp l o y ed I mmig rants T H emp ind o u rary J o bs
O w ners bo rn in D h
Lo cal W o o rkrig O inu ts id e M u s l im
O I mmig w ners rants bo rn o u ts id e
M u s l im
(ii) Textile:
The textile industry in Dharavi grew toO ther its current s tag e o f p ro minence d u ring the cl o s u re o f the co tto n
Employment ratios Inhabitants’ Origin
Religious Composition
mills in Mumbai in the 1960s. This spurred an
Business Ownership
O ther
Inhabitants’ Origin
Religious Composition
informal industry of weaving, printing and tailoring based within Dharavi, dispersed throughout its
Rs 32500
urban fabric. It also deals with a lot of S outsourced el f E mp l o y ed manufacturing and finishing work from outside
10 hrs/day
W ag e E mp l o y ed
manu f actu rers .
S el f E mp l o y ed O w ners bo rn in D harav i
T emp o rary J o bs H ind u W o rk O u ts id e
(iii) Earthen Pottery:
Working hours
M u s l im
Employment ratios Kumbharwada, is perhaps one of the most districtO
ther
W ag e E mp l o y ed O w ners bo rnI mmig o u ts idrants e T emp o rary J o bs
occupies around 12.5 acres of land at the intersection
Rs 32500
Working hours
ag e E mp l o y ed
8000
Average Working Salary per monhth
O w ners bo rn o u ts id e
M u mbai
Rs 32500
D harav i
10 hrs/day
Average Working Salary per monhth e Working hours
Rs
T emp o rary J o bs
O w ners bo rn in D harav i 8000
W o rk O u ts id
O w ners bo rn o u ts id e
S. et al., 2010). Working as a shared community, the furnaces and kilns are shared, shaping the urban Employment fabric of the community (Figure 4.20) ratios
O w ners bo rn in D h
Business Ownership
of the 90 ft road and the 60 ft road. As per the last
and work in this neighbourhood of Dharavi (Patel, W
D harav i
W o rk O u ts id e
Inhabitants’ Origin Employment ratios
el f E mp l o y ed Rs
Rs 8000
M u mbai
Lo cal o rig in
Business Ownership
areas in Dharavi, with aReligious pottery community which Composition can be traced back to the origins of Dharavi. It
10 hrs/day estimates made, around 250 potters’ families live S
Lo cal o rig in
Business Ownership
M u mbai
D harav i
Average Working Salary per monhth
(iv) Leather making: Rs 32500
Leather tanning was the first industries to be set up in Dharavi. They were mainly from the south 10 hrs/day
of India (from the state of Tamil Nadu) and the profession was traditionally for Muslims. This Working hours business grew quite rapidly, attracting more workers
Rs 8000
Figure 3.23: Facts and figures for industry in Dharavi; Source: REDharavi by KRIVA
M u mbai
D harav i
F igure 3.24: C oncentration of Economic Activities in Dharavi; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom analy sis
Average Working Salary per monhth
F igure 3.25: Industries in D harav i; Source: Urbz, Mumbai
f ro m o ther p arts o f the co u ntry . As it is no t a v ery F igure 3.23
clean industry, i.e., it would cause a lot of pollution, most of the 39 major tanneries were moved to the
92
F igure 3.26: C oncentration of Economic Activities in Dharavi; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom analy sis
Figure 3.24
93
Figure 3.25
94
Figure 3.26
95
Figure 3.27
outskirts in 1996 by the city government (Patel, S. et al., 2010). After that, finishing of leather goods
in Dharavi (Patel, S. et al., 2010), the nature of
took over the business, locating themselves (the
informality makes the diverse livelihood if its
network is illustrated in Figure 4.24). Several
citizens vulnerable to larger interest groups. The
additional workshops have popped up, mainly due
vision of the larger interest groups are quite different
to the demand. However, they remain in cramped
from those who are at the lower end at the spectrum
lofts and squalid conditions, desperately needing an
(discussed in detailed in the review of the Dharavi
upgrade along with recognition.
Redevelopment Project). Dharavi is defined and characterised by its diverse economies, contributing to the vibrancy if its streets and a resilience which
3.4.c Preliminary conclusions
is characterised by the reliance of the formal city (Mumbai) on the informal economy generated by
Although, there is an impression of a “rich slum�
Dharavi.
96
Figure 3.27: Flow of recources in industries in Dharavi; Source: Author, derived from analysis Figure 3.28: Industry concentration and typology in Dharavi; Source: Author
Figure 3.28
97
LAYER 5 -SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND TIES 3.5.a The role of social capital and its spatial implications
Economic activities are often inseparable from
This social capital plays a very important role in
ethnic identities and from the highly localised
the spatial organisation of an informal settlement.
cultural milieu of the slum (Nijman, J., 2010).
They are highlighted in a clear spatial divide and
This is also highlighted by other researchers, and
a social class which are present in most informal
is especially true in the case of Dharavi. It is also
settlements in the Global South. It also plays a very
irrevocably linked to the migration patterns which
important role in providing a social security in an
create different social clusters within informal
informal settlement.
settlements, especially in the global south. This clustering can be mainly attributed to a need for
Does Dharavi display the above signs demarcating
social security, which is provided “social capital”
spatially its notion of “social security”? How has is
derived from the temporary nature of the existence
notion manifested in the perception of urban space
with the informal sector (Gruber, D. et al., 2005).
within Dharavi?
Social Capital, has been theorised by several
Dharavi is sharply divided on the basis of ethnic
researchers, such as James Coleman and Francis
lines. Its economic activities, ranging from textile
Fukuyama. Both of them define social capital
to recycling are divided as per the ethnicity of its
based on its functionality. Coleman writes “It is
workers. This relates back to the notion of achieving
not a single entity but a variety of different entities,
“social security” through “social capital”. Gruber
with two elements in common: they all consist
describes this division based on ethnicity and
of some aspects of social structures, and they
religion also creates as homogeneous structure and
facilitate certain actions of actors, whether persons
network, contributing to a “self-created security”
or corporate” (Coleman, J.S., 1988). Both of them
(Gruber, D. et al., 2005). This is also supported
also emphasize the role of “trust” in the creation
by Nijman’s observations in Dharavi, who writes
of social capital. Fukuyama describes social capital
that the majority of Dharavi’s residents are of
as “informal values and norms which share all
the lower caste group of Dalits, cluster together
members of the group and which make possible the
in tight knit communities within Dharavi. This is
cooperation between the members of the group. If
predominantly because of social stigma faced by
the members of the group assume that the ‘others’
them, which has lead to the formation of the above
behave honestly and dependably, then they will
mentioned clusters (further sub-divided based
trust in each other” (Fukuyama, F., 2000).
on regional origin and professional status). The
98
Figure 3.29: Commercial activity in te main street of Dharavi; Source:http:// www.designmuseumdharavi.org/ Design_Museum_Dharavi/why.html Figure 3.30: Namaz prayers on Id at the main street in Dharavi; Source: http:// www.thisblogrules.com/tag/slums Figure 3.31: Festival activities in the main street of Dharavi; Source: http:// www.dnaindia.com/big-picture/photopongal-in-mumbai-1951046 Figure 3.32-3.33: Pongal Celebrations in Dharavi; Source: http://1080. plus/Pongal_Celebration_in_SIWS_ College_2014/ZnBqPAum2lM.video Figure 3.34:Major divisions in Dharavi; Source: Urbz, Mumbai
Figure 3.29
Figure 3.30
Figure 3.31
99
Figure 3.32
Figure 3.33
100
Figure 3.34
101
H ind u I mmig rants
M u s l im
Lo cal o rig in
O ther
Inhabitants’ Origin
Religious Composition
Demographic and community data in Dharavi
F igure 3.35
majority of Dharavi’s inhabitants, about 70%, are S el f E mp l o y ed
Hindus (mainly Dalit). Most of the Muslims (about W ag e E mp l o y ed 20%) originally migrated from Tamil Nadu, and
O w ners bo rn in D harav i
o rary 10% J o bs particularly from Tirunelvelli district.T emp About
of Dharavians are Christian and many W o rk O ofu ts them id e come from the southern state of Kerala. One third
ratios of theEmployment people in Dharavi are Maharashtrians, and
O w ners bo rn o u ts id e
Business Ownership
others originate from Gujarat, Karnataka, and Uttar Pradesh (Nijman, J., 2015).. Nijman describes this as a “social and cultural residential mosaic”, in which people are identifies 10 hrs/day on the terms of where they belong, illustrated in Figure 3.36. Moving outside this defined social
hours space creates Working feelings stress, apprehension and the absence of “social security” (Nijman, J., 2015).
Rs 32500 Rs 8000
M u mbai
D harav i
Average Working Salary per monhth
The main streets (for example the 60 ft road and the 90 ft road), are accessible easily by people who are not inhabitants of Dharavi. It is just off these main roads, that the nature of social space changes drastically. The width of the streets do
F igure 3.35: D emographic and community data in Dharavi; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom deriv ed f rom Nijman (2015)
not encourage vehicular navigation. Social space changes dramatically within these areas, with social control becoming apparent (Nijman, J., 2010).
Figure 3.36: Spatial location of the most dominant religious communities; Source: Author, derived from UrbZ M umbai project
These major roads also guide the classification of various nagars (figure 3.34) in Dharavi.
102
103
rk to r era netw o p o d ol el l ev useh 3 rd an ho
e 5 tur y er struc a L i al
b U r
Soc
w r net ato ption r e o p um v el -cons e l n 2 nd ductio
or k
tw r 4 cal ne e y i La nom
Pro
o rk
s
o E c
tc
ee
tur r ato astruc r e r l o p , inf ev e tw ork l t 1 s ad ne
re ctu
R o
3 y er orm & a L f
City Model
nd L a
upuy , G., 2 008 )
dded
tr u ras Inf
er 2 Lay licy &
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Po
uti ex t l ev ol t n Co torica
on
Hi s
uti 1 v ol r e e l Lay torica His
ns ce nan licatio r e p v G o icy im l Po
Analytical Framework for Dharavi Source: Author
104
on
The analytical framework is explored through its 5 layers at the larger scale of Dharavi. Each layer contributes ans strives to reach a comprehensive understanding of the social, economic and political system the has shaped Dharavi to its present status. They form the basis of formulating the strategic and design framework through the lens of a design hypothesis.
105
Source: L if e in D harav i; http://w w w .jonasbendik sen.com/N ational-Geographic/D harav i/1/thumbs
part 04 Hypothesis
4.1 Synthesis & Conclusions at Dharavi 4.2 Design Hypothesis 4.3 Design Approach
4.1 - SYNTHESIS
Economic Concentration of Dharavi is mainly concentrated around the industrial 13th Compound, which combines the living - working relationships. The predominant of Dharavi, such as leather finishing and recycling are located in areas which have on one hand a high value in terms of mobility, but on the other hand a high susceptibility to environmental hazards.
Dharavi is composed of a fine social grain consisting of migrants from various parts of the country. Its social strata is composed mainly of lower caste migrant communities that co-habit, sharing a common notion of social security and capital, brought on by Dharavi’s prime location. Utilising this notion is paramount to the redevelopment of Dharavi.
Infrastructure services remain largely absent within Dharavi, highlighted especially by the lack of potable water and sanitation services. This strikes out starkly in contrast to the surrounding fabric of Mumbai, creating a challenge for redevelopment.
Figure 4.1: Synthesis of exixting features in Dharavi; Source Author, derived from previous analysis
108
Intensity of Economic Production
Fine Social Grain
Lack of water infrastructure
Figure 4.1
109
4.1 CONCLUSIONS AT DHARAVI The five analytical layers used in this project help develop a clear understanding of the spatial
to Dharavi. Professions such as leather tanning,
production in Dharavi - in the past and well as in
sewing and garment dyeing have evolved
the present. The element that dominates the spatial
depending on the historical communities that
quality produced in Dharavi is the economic activity
have been associated with it. Employment
it generates, which is explored in the analytical
opportunities are mainly by word of mouth,
layer 4 in this research. Spatial qualities, such as
ensuring that employees share the same social
mobility within the settlement are shaped around
structure and networks.
the dominant layer of ‘economic networks’. Social ties and community networks are also dependant on
•Social aspects, explored in layer 5 of the
the primary layers of economic networks. The main
analysis, such as social security and social
conclusions reached from the desk spatial analysis
capital are also connected to the economic
are explored below:
structure and networks present in Dharavi. A person’s occupation is often determined by their social standing in Indian society, which is still
Established
and
dominant
links
between
analytical layers:
present in Dharavi’s socio-economic system, thus connecting the analysis layers 4 and 5 intrinsically. For example the earlier profession
•The influence of historical socio-economic
of leather tanning and now leather finishing was
evolution of Dharavi (explored in analytical
started by a Muslim community from Tamil
layer 1), is present and visible in all other
Nadu in Dharavi, who still form the dominant
analytical layers, so more so than others. Clear
community in this profession. Similar elements
relationships between the historical traces are
are visible in other professions, such as
found I the economic networks (layer 4) and the
recycling, laundering broom-making amongst
social ties (layer 5). Its influence is also seen
others (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.).
directly on the policy and governance model (layer 2), which is almost directly shaped by
•Historic influence is also extended to the social
the changes in socio-economic dynamics in
structure in Dharavi. Specific communities
areas such as Dharavi and the larger context of
occupy and maintain hierarchy within Dharavi,
Mumbai.
with recognizable clusters being formed. These social clusters are also linked to the economic
•Economic networks and professions are
functions (Gruber, D. et al., 2005) and are thus
mostly determined by the familial networks
directly linked to the concept of social mobility
which are transferred from the ancestral village
and social capital.
110
Figure 4.2: Established connections in the analytical framework in Dharavi; Source Author, derived from previous analysis Figure 4.3: Missing links in the analytical framework in Dharavi; Source Author, derived from analysis
Historical influence on the social structure
Historical connections influence the present economic networks
Policy approach towards informal settlements is derived from historical influence
The governance model influences the present infrastructure
Economic networks strongly influences the social structure
F igure 4.2
Established connections in the analytical framework in Dharavi
111
4.1 CONCLUSIONS AT DHARAVI Along with the established links and connections
current position offers close to 25-30 square
between the analytical layers of Dharavi, certain
metres of housing area to a single family unit
crucial links are missing and disconnected.
(Mukhija, V., 2003), based off the 1995 Slum Redevelopment Scheme (1995). It does not
•The most evident of this is the lack of
provide any section or provision of retaining or
policy response to the existing economic
even relocating the existing commercial shops
livelihoods. India’s informal settlement and
and manufacturing or industrial units, resulting
slum redevelopment program at its policy core
in a standstill between negotiations between
addresses only the housing requirement. The
policy makers and the inhabitants
Existing policy does not incorporate community structure and social capital
The current infrastructure does not support the growth of economic networks
Economic networks is not incorporated in the existing policy structure
112
•The existing policy based off the SRS scheme, al s o d o es no t inco rp o rate the ex is ting s o cial and co mmu nity s u ch as
s tru ctu re in inf o rmal s ettl ements D harav i.
T he intricate co mmu nity
networks are crucial to the continuance of the economic networks and form an essential part o f the no tio n o f s o cial s ecu rity in D harav i. T he current housing policy, which focusses solely on providing eligible candidate with low-income ap artments d o es no t co ns id er the ex iting s p atial manifestations of socio-cultural relationships. T his res u l ts in p o o r maintenance o f the ho u s ing blocks post-construction, as is evident from complexes such as Kalaghar in Dharavi. •What also emerges from the spatial analysis is the lack of basic infrastructure (such as water supply and sewage services) that should penetrate the urban fabric of Dharavi. The current man water infrastructure, as illustrated in analytical layer 3, skirts the boundaries of Dharavi, barely delving into its inner fabric. This illustrates a clear lack of an essential relationship between layer 4 and layer 3 of the analytical layers. For an inclusive, sustainable redevelopment project to work at the larger scale, the existing policy needs to incorporate and address the missing links, es p ecial l y
targ eting
the el ements
o f
eco no mic
l iv el iho o d s . T al s o need s to be s u p p o rted by o ther elements of housing and accessible public space, incorporated with basic infrastructure. This project aims to provide a strategic framework (comprising o f a co mbinatio n o f s p atial g u id el ines and p o l icy recommendations) for Dharavi, addressed through a design hypothesis of ‘Economic Clustering’. F igure 4.3
113
4.2 -DESIGN HYPOTHESIS
Economic Clustering and its spatial manifestation & organisation can act as a shorthand for the cultural and material spatial aspects in Dharavi.
In order to ensure a framework for sustainable redevelopment project in Dharavi, that encourages
eco no mic activ ity and cl u s tering p res ent as a p art
social equity, economic opportunities and is
o f the red ev el o p ment meas u res . T his is o ne o f
environmentally responsive in nature, a spatial
its critical flaw, as Dharavi is illustrates a vibrant
strategy which uses “economic clustering” as a
economic buzz at every corner, which should be
s p atial to o l is co ns id ered . T his s p atial to o l is u s ed
harnes s ed and u til is ed ins tead o f being ig no red .
to
res tru ctu re f u tu re red ev el o p ment p ro j ects
in
Dharavi (Figure 4.4).
Therefore, this project presents a ‘design hypothesis’ that inco rp o rates the d o minant characteris tics and
T he p res ence o f eco no mic activ ity to
a s cal e il l u s trated
in D harav i
in the anal y s is l end s to
a
requirements of Dharavi, forming a baseline for f u tu re red ev el o p ment p ro j ects .
perception that Dharavi can no longer be viewed ex cl u s iv el y as an inf o rmal s ettl ement. I t acts as a
Economic Clustering and its spatial manifestation
site where simultaneously both residential activity
& organisation can act as a shorthand for the
and
cultural and material spatial aspects in Dharavi.
eco no mic p ro d u ctio n o ccu rs . E nv iro nments
such as Dharavi cater to mainly small scale, labour intens iv e that p ro v id e rel ativ el y s tabl e l iv el iho o d s .
The hypothesis is the lens through which the larger
On the other hand, the current model of the Dharavi
strategic framework for Dharavi is formulated. This
Redevelopment Project (explored in analytical
framework is then is tested on a selected area in
layer 2), in its current form does not recognise the
Dharavi, via a design framework (Figure 4.4).
114
F igure 4.4: Project and design approach; Source Author
4.3 -DESIGN APPROACH
F igure 4.4
115
116 Source: L if e in D harav i; http://w w w .jonasbendik sen.com/N ational-Geographic/D harav i/1/thumbs
part 05 Strategic Framework
5.1 Overview of Strategic Framework 5.2 Element: [RE]Divide 5.3 Element: [RE]Structure 5.4 Element: [RE]inforce 5.5. Strategic Framework - conclusions
117
5.1 STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK FOR DHARAVI The strategic framework at Dharavi aims to propose
addresses the missing links and connections in the
a combination of spatial guidelines and policy
5 analytical layers are addressed, framed through
recommendation in order to provide a structure
the design hypothesis of ‘economic clustering’.
for future redevelopment projects. This structure
The three elements complement each other in
is divided into three main elements, each of which
their objectives working in synchronisation. Each
Existing policy does not incorporate community structure and social capital
The current infrastructure does not support the growth of economic networks
Economic networks is not incorporated in the existing policy structure
118
element also attempts to renegotiate and reformulate
along with policy recommendations which enable
existing stakeholder relationships in order to ensure
the execution of the project.
implementation at a larger scale. Each element comprises of a balance of spatial guidelines that
The three elements are – [Re]Divide, [Re]Structure
directs the spatial quality of the redevelopment,
and [Re]inforce.
119
5.2 STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK
[RE] D I V I D E
Overview The element of strategic framework aims to address
viable private developer showing any interest.
the p arcel l atio n o f D harav i at the at city p o l icy
This has lead the MHADA to start on a section
l ev el . T he cu rrent red ev el o p ment mo d el o f D harav i
of Dharavi (Sector 1 of the DRP) without private
Redevelopment Project devised by MM Consultants
investment, in order to kick-start the project.
divides Dharavi into 5 large sectors. Each sector is to be opened for public bidding, staggered over
What the Dharavi Redevelopment Project failed to
the next few years, would be allotted to private
recognize is the finer social grain and social structure
d ev el o p ers as p er the al l o tment p ro ces s es .
present within Dharavi. Research and fieldwork recognises that there are easily 85 smaller divisions,
However, this process has been plagued by several
or nagars, present within the urban fabric. Each of
challenges. Because of the large size or area of the
these nagars display a distinct social composition,
sectors, the requirements for the private developers
il l u s trated by rel ig io n o r cas te categ o ris atio n. As the
hav e been s et at hig her s tand ard . T he bid d ing
social composition of the nagars reflect on the type
co nd itio ns req u ire d ev el o p ers to f o rm a co ns o rtiu m
of employment, these nagars have a direct reflection
with a maximum of three partners. The financial
o f the s p atial co mp o s itio n o f D harav i.
co nd itio ns req u ired
by
this co ns o rtiu m are that
any o f the three p artners s ho u l d hav e co mp l eted a 4,460 crores project in the last seven years. It is
Proposed model:
also expected to provide a bank guarantee of 280 crore. Other conditions such as the consortium’s
An analogy of the nagars could be linked to that
minimum net worth (1450 crore) and their
of a checkerboard, with different alternating
cumulative turnover over the last three years (1680
p atterns d is tinct f ro m o ne ano ther. I n o rd er to
cro res ) . T hes e res trictio ns hav e p u s hed the D harav i
truly understand how the nagars could be mapped,
Redevelopment Project to a standstill, without any
d emarcating them in the p hy s ical s p ace is es s ential .
120
F igure 5.1: D iv ision and sectors of the D harav i R edev elopment Project; Source Author, de riv ed f rom the M ASHAL surv ey f or M M C onsultants F igure 5.2: Analogy of the N agar div isions to a chequerboard ; Source Author F igure 5.3: M ark ing of the nagars on the ground in D harav i ; Source Author F igure 5.4: Proposed stak eholder relationship in the new strategic f ramew ork of nagar div isions; Source Author F igure 5.5: Spatial mark ings of the 85 nagars in D harav i ; Source Author
Figure 5.1
121
An independent research committee along with the n Slum Redevelopment authority needs to be formulated. The nagar divisions are currently only derived from the inhabitants of Dharavi. Therefore to make these divisions more tangible, cooperatives comprising of long term inhabitants and local community leaders needs to be formed in order to work with the independent research community. The proposed model aims to mark out the nagar divisions on the physical space of Dharavi (figure_____). The residents of Dharavi, in
conjunction
with
cooperatives,
academic
organisations and members of the alliance, re-draw the boundary lines to align with their physical and social reality on the ground. The act of drawing new boundary lines, based on the communities’ needs and livelihoods, shifts the balance of power to give the residents of Dharavi a voice in the process of the development of their part of the city. The new nagar divisions and cooperatives form then aim to formulate the redevelopment model customised to recognize the finer social and economic grain of Dharavi, with a more active citizen participation. Cooperatives could be formed based on these nagar division, who could act as representatives for the local interest of its citizens, and therefore increasing the participation of the inhabitants, not only in the formulation process, but also in the postdevelopment maintenance process.
122
Figure 5.2
DRP-5 sectors
85 nagars
Figure 5.3
Demarcating of the nagars on the streets of Dharavi
123
Figure 5.4
Stakeholder model for [RE]dividing Dharavi
124
Figure 5.5
125
5.3 STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK
[RE] STRUCTURE Overview: The most striking infrastructure, or rather the lack
supply and sewer lines as they would cause the
of infrastructure, is the absence of basic water and
l eas t d is tu rbance to
s anitatio n s erv ices f ro m the inner u rban f abric o f
T he p ro p o s ed mo d el al s o aims to inv o l v e the l o cal
D harav i. B ecau s e o f its ex tremel y
co o p erativ es f o rm as p er the nag ar d iv is io ns to be
hig h d ens ity
the res t o f the bu il t f abric.
compared to the surround urban fabric of Mumbai,
more involved in the maintenance and upkeep of
imp l ementing
the s erv ices . T his ens u res that s erv ices s u ch as the
a s tru ctu red
s y s tem ad d res s ing
water and sanitation services has provided to be
common toilets and community wells are used and
chal l eng ing
maintained as p er their f u l l cap acity .
f o r the inhabitants . I n the cu rrent
situation, he main water supply and sewer lines skirt the boundaries of Dharavi without entering
In addition the network of open spaces in Dharavi are
its
connected to a proposed water run-off system. This
u rban f abric. O nl y
l imited
co mmo n to il ets
and water outlets provide this basic service to
runoff is implemented as a smaller grain, ensuring
the large number of Dharavi’s residents. Water
the d is p o s al o f heav y rain f ro m the cl ay ey p ed iment
Infrastructure, including the supply of potable
soil below. The aim of this model is to remove the
water, sanitation services and run-off channels are
chal l eng es f aced
es s ential s erv ices that are req u ired as a bas e f o r
co mmercial u nits d u ring the mo ns o o n s eas o n. A
f u rthering red ev el o p ment p ro j ects in D harav i.
reworking of stakeholder model is also proposed,
by
the ex is ting
ind u s tries and
where the inhabitants of Dharavi take a more active ro l e in the imp l ementatio n and maintenance o f the
Proposed model: T he p ro p o s ed
ntrire s y s tem.
mo d el cal l s f o r the res tru ctu ring
of water infrastructure in Dharavi. This is a fundamental service which needs to be present
F igure 5.6: N etw ork of w ater supply lines in the urban f abric of D harav i; Source: Author
within the inner urban fabric. In order to implement water supply lines and sewage sewer lines, the main
F igure 5.7 & 5.8: Stak eholder relationship in the new proposed model; Source Author
avenues are identified. The model recommends that these avenues act as the main routes for water
F igure 5.9: Proposed sy stem of w ater run-off in Dharavi; Source Author
126
Figure 5.6
127
Figure 5.7
Stakeholder model for [RE]structuring water infrastructure in Dharavi
Figure 5.8
128
Figure 5.9
129
5.4 STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK
[RE] INFORCE Overview T he co re o f the red ev el o p ment p ro j ect aims to
as well as to Dharavi. In order to do so, a revised
reco g nis e and
policy proposed, where further working space for
reinf o rce the ex is ting
eco no mic
concentration and avenues. Dharavi, as explored
entrep reneu rs and s p ace f o r the ex is ting ind u s tries
previously, is known in general media for its
to grow is generated with investment from external
‘working nature’. This working nature ranges out
enterprises (figure______).
to a v ariety o f ind u s tries and co mmercial u nits s u ch
a greater flexibility and involvement from the
as recycling, garment, leather finishing, processed
inhabitants o f D harav i ad d res s ing their as p iratio ns
food packaging, pottery, amongst others. The
as a priority. Along with the above, these economic
cu rrent red ev el o p ment p l an d o es
no t reco g nis e
avenues also aim to enhance Dharavi’s connections
or make any provision for incorporating them
to the surrounding business hubs, such as the
into
Bandra Kurla Complex on its northern side.
the red ev el o p ment p ro ces s . T his
s trateg ic
This model enables
framework supposes that it is these industries and co mmercial u nits that need to f o rm the bas e o f the
T he p ro p o s ed
red ev el o p ment p ro ces s .
model of stakeholder relationship, which has an
mo d el al s o
p res ents
an intricate
additional number of actors, compared to the p rev io u s red ev el o p ment mo d el . T he l o cal ind u s trial
Proposed Model
and commercial shop owners are the stakeholders leading the discussion, and the cooperatives formed
This element of the strategic framework aims
by them are res p o ns ibl e f o r the maintenance and
to
upkeep of the system
id entif y
the d o minant eco no mic cl u s ters and
F igure 5.11: R einf orcing economic clusters; Source Author
av enu es and treating them as trig g er cl u s ters f o r redevelopment. The identification of these areas
F igure 5.12: Proposed policy and financial model for economic clusters; Source Author
s tem f ro m the s p atial anal y s is o f the area. T he strategic framework aims to increase collaboration
F igure 5.13 : Stak eholder model f or [ R E ] inf orcing the economic clusters and av enues in D harav i; Source Author
between the economic clusters present in Dharavi and ex ternal enterp ris es and entrep reneu rs in the f o rmal eco no my
F igure 5.10: R einf orcing economic av enues; Source: Author
o f M u mbai. T his el ement aims
F igure 5.14 : R einf orcement of economic activ ity in D harav i; Source Author
to strengthen the economic networks both within
130
Figure 5.11
Figure 5.10
Reinforcing economic avenues
Reinforcing economic clusters
Figure 5.12
Proposed policy and financial model for economic clusters
131
Figure 5.13
Stakeholder model for [RE]inforcing the economic clusters and avenues in Dharavi
132
Figure 5.14
133
STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK
The elements of [re]divide, [re]structure and [re]inforce work together to provide a strategic framework that aims to structure future redevelopment projects in Dharavi. It outlines a combination of spatial guidelines and policy recommendations that aim to retain the existing socio-economic production of space in the area along with reinforcing it connections with the formal city. In order to test this strategic framework, a design framework is formulated based on the elements of [re] divide, [re]structure and [re]inforce. These elements are applied on a site which exhibits a high intensity of industrial and economic production, therefore acting as an emblematic illustration of the larger strategic framework.
134
135
Source: L if e in D harav i; http://w w w .jonasbendik sen.com/N ational-Geographic/D harav i/1/thumbs
part 06 Design Framework
6.1 Analytical framework at 13-compound 6.2 Exploration of Economic activities at 13-compound 6.3 Design Framework Element: [RE]Structure Element: [RE]Divide Element: [RE]Structure
6.4 Time-frame
6.1 TESTING OF STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK - 13-C0MPOUND D harav i can be res hap ed s p atial l y u s ing the no tio n of economic clustering, combining both long term and s ho rt term s trateg ies and p o l icies . The above strategic framework is tested on a selected site in Dharavi. The selected site is 13-compound. T he s ite ex hibits the hig hes t co ncentratio n o f the economic and industrial production with industries such as recycling, garment and leather finishing d o minating the l and s cap e. The following section explored how a design framework can be implemented in 13-compund so as to ensure a long-term , inclusive and sustainable model of redevelopment. The analytical framework used for Dharavi is echoed in the 13-compound in o rd er to g et a co mp rehens iv e anal y s is o f the area.
F igure 6.1: 13 compound highlighted in D harav i; Source Google E arth
138
13 COMPOUND
Figure 6.1
139
13-Compound
140
141
6.1 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK AT 13-C0MPOUND The analy tical f ramew ork is at the scale of D harav i through its 5 lay ers is echoed through to the smaler scale of 13-compound.
Overview 13th compound in Dharavi occupies an area of
fisherman allotted a parcel of land to the arriving
0.042 sq. km, in its North-west corner. Sandwiched
Muslim immigrants from Tamil Nadu. This land
between the junction of the Sion-link road and 60
was located in the downstream area of the Mithi
ft road and the Western line railway in Mumbai.
River, so as not to interfere with the Hindu fishermen
This prized position in Dharavi has been the
village (Koliwada in Dharavi). Although most
co ncentratio n o f eco no mic and ind u s trial activ ity
leather tanning has moved away to the outskirts of
since its formation at the turn of the 19th century.
Mumbai today, what remains is an extensive leather
T he d o minant ind u s tries o f recy cl ing hav e f o u nd
finishing industry. Amongst other ruminants is the
their first foothold in this area, with its first plant
o l d es t mo s q u e in D harav i – the M as j id U mar in
setting up their business in the 1960s . Leather
Navrang compound within the 13-compound area.
industry too, features prominently in the 13 compound
neighbourhood,
along
with
other
industries of garment finishing, garment dyeing,
Layer 2 – Policy and Governance
snack food packaging, etc . To systematically understand the position of 13-compound and
13 compound is not a homogeneous area, as
the role it plays in Dharavi, this research project
understood by the current Dharavi Redevelopment
explores 13-compound using the same analytical
plan, but is an amalgamation of several heterogeneous
layers derived from the combination of Dupuy’s
districts or Nagars. Four distinct nagars can be
network city model and the theoretical framework.
identified within its area: Navrang, Sanaullah and Babban Compound. Each Nagar display a distinct socio-economic history and current composition of
Layer 1 – Historical Context:
its inhabitants . T his is no t cu rrentl y reco g nis ed in the redevelopment plan, which clubs 13 compound
13 Compound forms one of the oldest industrial
into a larger area of Sector 1 . The overall vison of
areas
the s ev eral
Sector-1 does not recognise the intensive industrial
expeditions into the area, Shyam reveals that the
production of 13 compound along with its social-
o l d es t l eather tanning u nit f o r s et in this area at the
economic heterogeneity, which needs a rework at
turn of the century (early 1900s), when the local
the s tate p o l icy l ev el .
in D harav i. D u ring
o ne o f
142
F igure 6.2: Water Inf rastructure and landf orm at the 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une
13-C0MPOUND - INFRASTRUCTURE F igure 6.2
Dharavi to the rest of Mumbai. The major western railway line of Mumbai, borders the 13 compound
Layer 3 – Landforms, Infrastructure and location
on its western edge. One of its major stations, Mahim Junction, is its nearest stoppage directly acro s s f ro m D harav i. O ne o f the maj o r ro ad s in
13 compound is located at the critical junction
the vicinity, the Mahim-Sion Link road borders its
between two of the major avenues connecting
Northern Edge, providing the industries present
143
13-C0MPOUND - ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES F igure 6.3
within 13 compound its transport links. Another
mo s t internal areas o f D harav i. T he main M u mbai
arterial road within Dharavi, the 60 feet road, runs
Municipality Water supply lines cross Dharavi in
along its eastern front. 13-compound, therefore,
the 13th compound, but do not provide for the area
p ro v id es its ind u s tries the mu ch cru cial s u p p o rt o f
itself. Only intermittent taps that are shared between
mobility, connecting it to the rest of Mumbai.
s ev eral neig hbo u rho o d s are p res ent al o ng the main edges of 13th compound. Sewage pipelines also
What is absent in terms of essential infrastructure
exclude Dharavi’s inner workings. 13-compound
is - water. Water supply remains absent through
144
F igure 6.3: Industrial and commercial buildings in 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une F igure 6.4: M ajor mobility av enues and mov ement in 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une
13-C0MPOUND - MOBILITY AVENUES F igure 6.4
is no different. Only a few community toilets are
Perhaps the most defining feature of 13-compound
l o cated
l o ng
is
ind u s try
and
its
eas tern ed g e l eav ing
res id ents
d ev o id
o f
its
inner
a bas ic and
neces s ary rig ht.
its
intens ity
o f ind u s trial p ro d u ctio n. E v ery
corner of 13-compound is a mix of Dharavi’s dominant industries, such as recycling, leather finishing, Garment sewing and dyeing, snack food packaging amongst others. High intensity industrial
Layer 4 – Economic Networks
pockets are visible, with often distinct industries dominating certain areas. The economic networks
145
13-C0MPOUND - GOVERNANCE DIVISIONS F igure 6.5
in 13-compund are comprised of mainly industrial
manner arriv e f ro m ind u s tries
and manufacturing sections, with the commercial
and its outskirts with timed precision. The majors
often taking a backseat. Commercial units are found
industries in 13-compound, such as leather
sparingly in the outskirts, along the peripheral roads
finishing, recycling and garment finishing – all
of Mahim-Sion Link road and 60 ft road.
show evident traces of this link to the formal city
acro s s
M u mbai
of Mumbai. Dharavi, and especially 13-compound What also emerges is 13-compound’s connection
acts as almost an ‘in-between’ space – a ‘middle
to the formal city. The arrival of raw good, which
man’ that contributes to the industrial process.
are either to be processed or packaged in some
146
F igure 6.5:Gov ernance and nagar div ision in 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une
Another spatial quality – shared mobility between different industrial units - emerges due to the
by Fukuyama, F. (2000). The clustering of social
limited space allotted to common services. With
cl as s es and in tu rn their d is tinct eco no mic activ ities
limited space at their disposal, different and at times
illustrate a form of ‘social capital’ leading to a
conflicting industries form a shared system in terms
form of ‘social security’, creating a self-made
of transport of raw goods and finished products.
structure and network. Due to spatial constraints
T his s hared s p ace is at time ex tend ed to the u s ag e
in 13-compound (and Dharavi), although the social
of any common space outside the industrial unit,
classes occupy distinct areas and professions, the
which often act as temporary storage spaces.
no tio n o f s hared s p ace is ex tend ed to s o cial and public realm. Conflicting social and religious functions co-exist in the limited space available, which results in the blurring of the public space of
Layer 5 – Social Structure
the s o cial cl u s ters .
13-compound can be divided into four distinct identifiable neighbourhoods (or Nagars) – as
Conclusions:
explained in layer 2. The socio-ethnic mix in 13-compund can be explored through these nagars.
13-compound illustrates a strong linkage in certain
Navrang compound today is a predominantly
analytical layers. They are:
Hindu community comprised of migrants from
•A strong co-relation between the economic
the s tate o f B ihar and U ttar P rad es h. B abban and
networks (Layer 4) and the social structure (Layer
Sanaullah compound are comprised of mainly
5).
M u s l im mig rants f ro m U ttar P rad es h and
T amil
•Economic networks (Layer 4) and Social structure
Nadu. This distinction also plays an important role
(Layer 5) have evolved from the historic context
in the economic networks generated in the present
under which Dharavi was formed (Layer 1).
day (Layer 5). For example, the older Muslim community from Tamil Nadu were the forerunners
The exploration into 13-compound also brings
of leather finishing, which has continued till this
to the forefront the absent or weak relationships
date . This model of social structure is therefore,
between certain analytical layers:
intrinsically linked to the inhabitant or the
•The current policy and redevelopment plan (layer
community’s historic profession, leading to a
2 ) d o es
cl u s tering o f a certain g ro u p o ccu rring in p articu l ar
networks (Layer 4) and social structure (layer 5).
areas .
•The infrastructural services required are absent in
no t res p o nd
to
the ex is ting
eco no mic
the internal urban fabric of 13-compund, thereby Social structure in Dharavi and 13-compound in
limiting its growth and development of its economic
turn reflects the notion of social capital elaborated
p o tential .
147
6.2 EXPLORATION OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES AT 13-COMPOUND
13-C0MPOUND - INDUSTRIAL CLUSTER F igure 6.6
I d entif y ing
and
u nd ers tand ing
the
ind u s trial
units at 13-compund comprises of mapping the main mo rp ho l o g ical ro u tes and
cl u s ters p res ent.
Industries such as recycling, leather finishing and garment dominate the urban fabric in 13-compund. The shared space between them are analysed in o rd er to
retain the in the p ro p o s ed
148
d es ig n
F igure 6.6: Industrial cluster in 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une F igure 6.7: C ommercial cluster in 13-compound; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom Surv ey maps by M ASHAL , P une
13-C0MPOUND - COMMERCIAL CLUSTER F igure 6.7
framework. The same process is carried out for the commercial units which co-exist with the industrial and manu f actu ring u nits . E ach o f thes e d o minant ind u s tries are then ex p l o red in d etail in o rd er to understand the specific spatial requirements for each.
149
ra nd a sB rd
wa To
Tow ard s
Ma him
Jn
Mah
150
im-S
ion L
ink R oad
60
ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL UNITS IN 13-COMPOUND
d oa r t
f
Industrial units Commercial units Residential units
151
Main economic typologies in 13-compound In order to f ully ex plore the f easibility and applicability of the hy pothesis of ‘ economic clustering’ and the elements of the strategic f ramew ork , the dominant industrial units and commercial units present in the selected site are ex plored in detail. The industries of leather finishing, recycling and garment finishing are explored in terms of their spatial arrangement, their surrounding built env ironment,
present
conditions and f uture aspirations. This study , mainly conducted by field observations and interv iew s, contributes to the implementation of the larger strategic f ramew ork on the smaller site of 13-compound.
LEATHER UNIT
152
GARMENT UNIT
RECYCLING UNIT
153
6.2.A - RECYCLING Overview at 13-compound D harav i p res ents
recy cl ing .
owners reveal that these kabaddi shops originally
According to the NSDF survey, the plastic recycling
many
s cal es
o f
started in the 1980s, propagated by the need to
industry in Dharavi is one of the largest in India,
survive after the economic freeze triggered by
employing about 5000 people in a concentrated
the emergency period of the 1970s. They also
area. Its turnover in 1986 was estimated to be about
have a distinct profile with regards to the social
Rs 60.00.000 per year (86.000 euros approx. in
composition, even though they are a diverse
cu rrent ex chang e rate) . I t al s o es timates that ev ery
g ro u p in terms o f cas te and rel ig io n. Amo ng the
day about 3000 sacks of plastic leave the area. The
participants in the study conducted by (Ranede,
multiple scales of the trade include the rag-pickers
S. and Doongerwala, Q.), the social composition
who collect assorted waste and bring it to the kabadi
consists
(colloquial term for ‘rubbish’) shops. At the these
(trader-caste) and Muslims and Nadars. They
shops, present in 13-compound, the second stage
range from the upper castes to the Other Backward
of segregation begins, where the sorted waste is
Classes (OBCs) in their respective regions. Most of
collected by larger recyclers of specialised waste
the Hindu migrants working in recycling are mainly
such as iron, paper, plastic, glass etc. These large
first generation migrants, with the workers staying
recyclers are based mainly in the 13th Compound
in Dharavi on rent. The Muslim participants, on the
in Dharavi (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.). It is
other hand, have been based in 13-compound have
this waste which then reaches the factories, present
been in 13-compound longer, and have been in this
in the outskirts of Mumbai, for the final stage of
business for two generations, and are engaged in it
recy cl ing . D harav i theref o re p l ay s the ro l e o f the
as a joint family (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala)
of
Brahmins
(priest-caste),
Baniyas
“middle-man” acting as a meeting point between the lower rung (i.e., rag-pickers) and the upper rung (i.e., factories) of the production ladder.
Recycling Process The people working in the kabadi shops play the role
Kabadi-shops in 13-compound
of classic middle men. They are the link between the individual waste pickers and the large dealers
There are several kabaddi (or rubbish collecting)
who deal in specialised waste. Most of them deal
shops present in 13-compound, dotting the
in plastic, newspapers, glass and iron. The waste
entire ind u s trial l and s cap e in the neig hbo u rho o d .
pickers who are affiliated to particular shops roam
Additionally the kabaddi shops also use particular
around and collect assorted waste. This is deposited
and continued connections for sourcing the raw
at the shop and separated into items that are wanted
waste material. Conversations with a few shop
and tho s e that are o f l ittl e v al u e. T hes e s ep arated
154
F igure 6.8: L ay out of R ecy cling unit in 13-compound; Source: Author
F igure 6.8
155
items are then s o l d to d eal ers . M o s t o f the s ho p
this has meant s tabl e inco mes f o r al l the s crap s ho p
owners who are doing well; deal with iron. Paper,
owners who all reported monthly incomes of more
on the other hand fetches the least profit. The other
than Rs10.000 (140 euros approx.), the capacity
key to profit in the recycling business, as explained
to tap into the growing opportunities differs
by some shop owners, is volume. Being able to
considerably. In spite of this growth in business
store larger volumes of waste requires greater
opportunity, studies and research reveal that no one
space, which is one of the main spatial challenges in
amo ng the s tu d y p articip ants p erceiv es this as a
13-compound. The average earnings made from the
desirable occupation for their children, and view
recycling business, broadly amounts to Rs 750- 800
the recycling business as a no-alternative form of
(10-13 euros) per day and at least Rs 10,000 (140
income (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.). The
euros) per month (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala,
p ro s p ect o f red ev el o p ment bring s abo u t certain
Q.). There is some variation in the actual handling
elements of apprehension. Several residents and
of waste. One section of the shops lend a hand with
workers, by the virtue of their tenancy face eviction
the actual sorting of the waste, whereas the other
in the cas e o f red ev el o p ment. T here is no t g u arantee
s ectio n are no t inv o l v ed in this p ro ces s g et it d o ne
of a commercial space in the redevelopment model,
through the rag-pickers (or waste pickers). This
l et al o ne an ind u s trial o r manu f actu ring u nit. Al s o
d iv is io n has been attribu ted by res earchers to the
there is a p o s s ibil ity that the s p ace p ro v id ed by the
caste identity, linking the stage of employment to
redevelopment is insufficient, or more importantly
the s o cial s tru ctu re. T he s co p e o f recy cl ing has o nl y
does not respect the pre-existing economic and
increased in the last few years. There is an increase
morphological networks.
in card board, plastic and now e -waste. The number of kabadi shops has thus increased over the years.
For the recycling industry to find a firm base in
Some of the shop owners who participated in the
Dharavi, it is essential for it to transcend from
s tu d y hav e ex p and ed the s cal e o f o p eratio ns bu t
the middle stage. A possible potential would be
no ne to a s cal e that they hav e been abl e to match
to harnes s the al read y ex is ting creativ e natu re o f
the big o p erato rs .
work in Dharavi. A select group of entrepreneurs have already seized to opportunity to be involved in the finishing process of the recycling business,
Future Direction
directly getting involved at the final stage. External collaborations
with
commercial
units
could
The recycling business is a growing business.
also benefit the existing industry, which would
E ach o f the o p erato rs is s ens ing
require changes to the spatial configuration. This
the s ame. T he
shop keepers observe that the number of big dealer
enabl es them to
shops have increased, in the sense there are more
a
shops buying iron waste, big cardboard etc. While
req u irements .
red ev el o p ment
156
be mo re res il ient and mo d el
that
res p ects
d emand their
F igure 6.9: Images f rom recy cling cluster; Source: U R BZ M umbai
Figure 6.9
157
6.2.B - - GARMENT UNITS Spatial Arrangement The garment industry has several different types
floor. All labourers are Muslims originating from West
in the 13th compound. Most of them work in the
Bengal. They have no fixed contracts but are recruited
finishing of the product, working as the in-between
ev ery day anew . The w ork ing time cov ers ten hours a day .
s tag e o f p ro ces s ing bef o re co mmercial s al e. T his
The w ork ers are using sew ing machines, but beside this,
research explored a few units in the area, focussing
they do not use any higher technology . There is a radio
on the sewing units of jeans.
and neon lights on the ceiling, as w ell as v entilation under the roof. One of the workers tells us that he has been
One of the units had around 10 men and 2 women,
working for A. for five years. He originally comes from
all of them in their 20s, producing almost 100 jeans
C alcutta and now aday s liv es in the neighbourhood. In an
per day. A quick conversation with the owner and
adjoining room, A. employ s another six boy s at the age
supervisor of the unit revealed that the workds
f rom 15 to 16 y ears. E v ery day they hav e to w ork f rom 9
belong to mixed castes and religions. Some of them
a.m. until 10 p.m. w ith a lunch break of tw o hours. The
also lived outside Dharavi, coming into the unit in
room look s sparse and less comf ortable but at least there
the mo rning ev ery d ay f ro m o ther p arts o f M u mbai.
is drinking water offered and ventilation available. As in
T he p ro d u ctio n p ro ces s incl u d es ev ery s tep f ro m
the other units, we do not find permanent staff over here.
the purchase of the raw material from Mumbai
The labourers merely hav e the status of daily labourers.
markets to the final packed product, which is sold
There is a high uncertainty concerning the daily orders.
in the Indian market. The main production unit is
There are usually no continuous orders, since they are
a large room, which is well lit and ventilated and
depending on the demand in the local mark et.”
is almost 40 square metres in size. This particular bu s ines s amo ng s t many o thers d ep end s l arg el y o n
Future direction:
an intermediary or ‘middleman’. The middleman,
The garment industry is more flexible in terms of
with whom the business has a form of contract
s o cial s tru ctu re in D harav i and emp l o y s a l arg er
p ro v id es o rd ers to p ro d u ce a certain amo u nt o f j eans
proportion of new migrant labourers. It is also an
d ep end ing o n the l o cal d emand . T his p articu l ar u nit
industry that employs workers from outside Dharavi.
did not function associated with a commercial unit
T he co mmercial u nits ins id e D harav i are no t o f hig h
d irectl y .
q u al ity and are no t co nnected to the manu f actu ring
Ranede and Doongerwala describe another garment
unit present. A more direct connection between
unit in their report, Dharavi: Ground up -
the co mmerce and manu f actu ring s ectio ns o f the
“The sewing unit of S. A. was founded in 1990. In the
garment industry offers Dharavi a more marketable
main building, he employ s ten men at the age of 2 6 up
industry. It would also enable them to branch out
to 40 y ears and three y oungsters ranging f rom 11 to 16.
into more varied products, thereby cementing their
The house is w ith the main w ork ing space in the ground
p res ence in the red ev el o p ment p ro ces s .
158
F igure 6.10: L ay out of Garment unit in 13-compound; Source: Author F igure 6.11: Sew ing unit, Sour ce: Author
Figure 6.10
Figure 6.11
159
6.2.C - LEATHER UNITS Social Linkage in the industry: Leather industrial and manufacturing units dot the
current competition between tanneries in Madras
landscape in 13-compound. It is also representative
who are said to produce finished leather with higher
of the social structure and familial networks found
q u al ity and D harav i tanneries g o ing o n. T he l eather
in the inf o rmal s ecto r. O ne o f the p ro d u ctio n u nits
that they take is goat, sheep, buffalo, elephant and
documented for the site was co-owned with a
cow as well as pig but the reputation of this caste
commercial unit. What also emerges is the strong
is no t v ery hig h s o there are ru mo u rs that no D ho r
ho mo g eneo u s
could effort other leather than the cheapest of the
s o cial
s tru ctu re.
Ano ther s tu d y
observed the same, commenting on one of their
cheap .
examples which was founded around 15 years ago, having almost all its workers from the Chamarkar caste family (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.).
Spatial requirement of the industry:
The Chamarkar caste in this case, are among the top three l arg e cas tes in terms o f p o p u l atio n in the s tate
The working process contains the processing of the
of Maharashtra, and form large sections in other
raw material bought from the tanneries that were
states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar etc. Due to cultural
f o rmerl y al s o l o cated in M u mbai and then s hif ted
heritage the passing of knowledge from one family
to Chennai, up to the final products like leather
member to another, land a policy of monopolisation
wallets, belts or hand bags. Dharavi illustrates
of the traditional caste occupation, leatherwork
the entire range of leather finishing, ranging from
s til l s eems to
washing sutting of leather pieces to the formation of
be attached
to
the cas te. Ano ther
reason could simply be that leatherwork guarantees
the finished product for commercial sale.
minimu m s u bs is tence in the abs ence o f any o ther
Ranede and Doongerwala describe a leather
source of livelihood (Gruber, D. et al., 2005). The
finishing unit in their report, Dharavi: Ground up-
work with leather is, based on the belief of physical and spiritual purity, looked down upon as dirty
“ It is a big dark look ing dirty hall in w hich a pungent
work. The bags are sold at high prices and the work
stench is permanent, many cats running around probably
with leather as such as in production is left to some
because of the rotten meat on the floor. Five men are
d is tinct cas tes . T hes e d o the tanning o f the l eather
w ork ing in the hall each of them separately . A big cutting
as well as a cutting and colouring of the material
machine is standing nex t to the entrance. A room w hich is
(Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.).
half closed on the lef t side w ith some dirty tables and chairs in f ront of it, is probably used f or storing the chemicals,
So the work of the Dhor is explained as a semi-
one can see canisters of chemicals f or bleaching and
finished leather with low quality and there is a
tanning the leather. In the rear f ront of the hall, one
160
F igure 6.12: L ay out of L eather unit in 13-compound; Source: Author
F igure 6.10
F igure 6.12
161
can see pools of round about 2 x 2 meters this is used f or
room of 2 5-30 square meters. The room is alighted by a
soak ing the leather in a chemical compound, w hich has
tube light and one w indow , w hich is half closed.”
substituted the three-day lasting w ater bath. Three cutting machines are ex isting in the hall in almost ev ery corner one. During a demonstration, three layers of fine leather
Conclusion
are cut out of the 4mm thick buffalo leather piece. One w ork er tells us that ev en f our lay ers are possible w ith
Leather is perhaps one of the few industry
elephant leather. In the centre of the hall, w hich is alighted
in Dharavi which works in tandem with its
only by one tube light, one can see a small stall, w hich is
corresponding commercial unit. However, the
standing v ery near to a k ind of gigantic w ashing drum. In
co mmercial u nits bas ed in the area hav e a certain
this machine, the leather gets coloured. Af ter the colour
negative image associated with it. The shops
is on it the leather is printed sometimes w ith natural
present in Dharavi are looked upon as keeping
looking finish in a separate machine. The stall shall
‘low-quality’ products. The prices of the products
help prev enting accidents because f or the printing, an
available here, are although under the influence
electrical heater is used and the electricity is dangerous.
of inflation are often called as the ‘cheapest in the
Theref ore, the leather comes as a raw
material into the
city’ (Ranede, S. and Doongerwala, Q.). The wages
tannery . The leather has still old meat on it and hairs.
offered to the workers, as a result is also one of the
Theref ore, they tak e it and at a machine w ith a teethed
lowest. Although the leather industry in Dharavi is
waltz, the rest meat is being scratched off. Then the leather
more rooted via all its production stages, it is also
goes into the chemical compound-bath f or round about
v u l nerabl e to chang es cau s ed by the red ev el o p ment
nine hours af ter this the leather is tak en out and w altzed
model. Leather industry in Dharavi is already
again then it is dried. Af ter that, the leather is cut either
making inroads to revamp itself, marketing it more
length-wise or breadth-wise and diametric. Sometimes
d irectl y to co ns u mers and chang ing the p rev al ent
one w ork er cuts 4-5 lay ers out of one raw piece. Then it
perception from a low-quality to a higher quality
is coloured and af ter this is done, the lay ers, w hich hav e
commercial product. However, the spatial consition
no natural surf ace, are printed one on it. Again, a w altz is
d o es no t res p inf to this mo v ement f ro m the l eather
used to imitate the natural finish. Then this is sold on the
industry, and needs to be upgraded. Opportunities
mark et… …
to train ind u s trial u nits to better their p ro d u ct is
It tak es about 14-15 min f rom the raw material
to the final product. There are always 40 to 50 pieces in
required, along with a more direct connection to the
one w ork ing step being processed.4-5 people w ork in a
formal industry in Mumbai and its outskirts.
162
F igure 6.13: Images of L eather unit in 13-compound; Source: U R BZ , M umbai
Figure 6.13
163
6.2.D - CONCLUSIONS OF ECONOMIC CLUSTERING IN 13 COMPOUND The exploration of the three dominant industries and manufacturing units in 13-compound illustrates
persistence of the current economic clusters are - a)
the challenges, current position and the potential of
Shared social structure and resulting social space; b)
each industry or economic cluster. The strongest
the proximity to railway nodes; c) the proximity to
aspect which makes the industries more rooted
middle class localities; d) Coexistence of multiple
in Dharavi is the interconnections between the
communities; e) Will to survive and improve; f)
livelihoods. Each livelihood does not exist in
Proximity to planned services; g) possibility of and
isolation but is bound by the nature of shared space
co-existence of varied norms.
in Dharavi. Perhaps the clearest example of this is the recycling industry, which has mainly prospered
Factors that have inhibited development include
in Dharavi due to the presence of other industries.
– a) Absence of critical infrastructure; b) Absence
Besides the involvement of thousands of workers
of policy framework that recognises the social
at multiple levels in the industry; it is also able to
structure even within a smaller area; c) Lack of
generate several ancillaries such as transport (small
recognition of the manufacturing and commercial
tempos, hand cart pullers, trucks) and reprocessing
capability of its inhabitants
(shoe repair, clothes repair, processing of oil from coconuts etc).Other industries such as garments
In order to truly develop as an economic cluster, and
and leather that are prominent also have several
target redevelopment models through it, each type
interconnections within Dharavi. Similarly there
needs to become more integrated into the formal
are plumbers, electricians, building contractors,
market. This would ensure their continuance in
caterers etc. These interconnections make Dharavi
the redevelopment scheme and would also act as a
an economically strategic location, a place where
viable attractor for future developers. 13-compound
kabadi walas like refuse to leave, even when they
is at the forefront of industrial intensity, but it
have a choice. The analysis of the different modes of
still needs to harness and direct its manufacturing
livelihoods also reveals that they operate at multiple
creativity and capability. Reinforcement of the
scales. The large scale of operations makes it at
already existing industries would also contribute
once easy to set up business (knowledge available,
to the resilience of redevelopment scheme.
presence of other supportive firms) as well as more
Therefore, the strategic framework and its elements
competitive which need to be reinforced by trade
of ‘re-divide’, ‘restructure’ and ‘reinforce’ need
associations in order to negotiate and improve
to be applied through the hypothesis of economic
terms.
clustering for ensuring a more long term, and inclusive redevelopment scheme in Dharavi. This project uses the 13-compound to illustrate the
Spatial requirements:
strategic framework and its elements through a
The major factors that have contributed to the
detailed design framework
164
Leather unit
Garment unit
Recycling unit
Residence unit
SPATIAL REQUIREMENTS BY DIFFERENT INDUSTRIAL TYPOLOGIES
165
6.3 - DESIGN FRAMEWORK
[RE] INFORCE
I n o rd er to reinf o rce the ex is ting eco no mic l ines
connect to work on real and personally meaningful
and clusters, such as recycling, leather and garment,
projects, informed by helpful mentors and expertise,
the concept of ‘maker-space’ is used to propagate
using new technologies and traditional tools.
them into the formalised market. Makerspace in 13-compound cannot exist in isolation but needs to work in tandem with a
Makerspace in 13-compound
combination of other “work” industrial spaces, that integrate with the formal economy. This
Maker-space concept is not new, and is perhaps
model, although driven by economic clusters
best known by the “DIY” culture of the electronics
needs to incorporate the “live-work” culture that is
markets in Shezhen . Broadly speaking, a
synonymous with Dharavi.
‘makerspace’ is a physical location where people
Therefore, along with the maker-spaces to integrate
gather to share resources and knowledge, work on
the existing units, other complementary units
projects, network, and build. Makerspaces provide
become essential, especially for 13-compound.
to o l s and s p ace in a co mmu nity env iro nment—
a
Incubator hubs, business centres, co-working space
library, community centre, private organization,
and ho u s ing f o r the inhabitants al l p l ay an eq u al
o r camp u s . E x p ert ad v is o rs may be av ail abl e s o me
s p atial s hare in the red ev el o p ment mo d el d es ig n
of the time, but often novices get help from other
framework for the area.
users. A key element in the maker movement is the growth in makerspaces. These community-oriented
The implementation of the maker-space units
workshops are equipped with freely-accessible
is to the benefit of the inhabitants of Dharavi,
tools, traditional and digital, such that people can get
enco u rag ing
involved, meet and share resources and knowledge
in the urban fabric along with linking them to
and to build and make things. There is an ethos of
the formal economy. Maker-space concept also
sharing designs, instructions and ideas, and making
aims to respect the live-work dynamics existing
them available to the ‘commons’ through open
in 13-compound. Therefore the requirement of
source principles. Learning environments rich with
affordable housing cannot be ignored and needs to
possibilities, makerspaces serve as gathering points
be incorporated in the design framework.
where communities of new and experienced makers
Along with affordable housing, identifying and
them to
166
ro o t the ex is ting
ind u s tries F igure 6.14: Ty pical ex isting built f abric in 13 compound; Source: Author F igure 6.15 : Implementation of M ak er Space in an unit in 13 C ompound; Source Author F igure 6.16 : D esign f ramew ork reinf orcing economic clustering through M ak er Space; Source Author
COMPONENTS OF MAKERSPACE MAKER-SPACE
Gathering points w here communities of new and ex perienced mak ers connect to w ork on projects
CO-WORKNG SPACE
INCUBATOR HUB
Shared w ork ing space betw een f ormal and inf ormal creativ e industries
Supporting sy stems and space f or entrepreneurs, non-gov ernmental organisations
Priv ate enterprises, local industry
L ocal E ntrepreneurs, priv ate industry , N GO s, C ooperativ es
L ocal Industry , cooperativ es, industry ex perts
LOW-INCOME HOUSING
BUSINESS HUB
CULTURAL CONNECTOR
Business space f or outside enterprises on lease w ith cheaper rental of f ered
ECONOMIC CLUSTER
F acility space f or art & cutural activ ities w ith f lex ible leases, shared use of common space
Priv ate industry , N GO s, C ooperativ es
N GO s, C ooperativ es
BASIC SERVICES
R ebranding of 13-compound, as
A Special E conomic Z one in
E -commerce play s an important role
O ccupancy rights could tak e v arious
an innov ation hub, w hich prov ides
13-compound, offering tax benefits
in integrating the inf ormal industry .
f orms such as long term leaseholds,
recognition to the inf ormal industries
for informal industries, that formalise
Already a grow ing trend, 13-compound
rentals, transf erable leases on
and also helps attract other
themselves in the same location
could encourage it amongst its ex isting
indiv idual, plots etc.
industries as a means to operate.
entrepreneurs.
FEATURES OF MAKERSPACE
167
Water Management Water Supply Sewer Lines Storage Tanks Filtration Tanks Rainwater Collection Common Toilets F igure 6.15
Market Space Local Commerce Housing Local Industry Coworking Space Incubator Space Maker Space Coworking Space F igure 6.15
Existing Situation
F igure 6.14
168
DESIGN FRAMEWORK - [RE]INFORCE F igure 6.16
d emarcating p u bl ic s p ace is a cru cial req u irement f o r the maker-space to take a foothold in 13-compound. The open area along the North-South axis of 13-compound, is identified to be developed as a multi-purpose space for activities such as an open fair, local markets and festival grounds. Therefore, maker-space in 3-compound targets not only the ind u s tries bu t o ther es s ential s s u ch as acces s to public space and affordable housing for its workers and inhabitants .
169
6.3 - DESIGN FRAMEWORK
[RE] STRUCTURE
F igure 6.17
13 compound is also highly devoid of basic services
there is no d irect s u p p l y to the inhabitants o f the
that would be essential for it to redevelop as a viable
area. This issue is not exclusive to 13-compound,
economic cluster, and attract investment from
but is reflected throughout the urban fabric of
ex ternal enterp ris es . T he mo s t es s ential amo ng s t
D harav i.
these services, are the same as the rest of Dharavi water supply and sanitation.
Therefore the strategic framework at the larger scale targ ets acces s ibil ity to this bas ic s erv ice res p ecting the existing morphology of the urban fabric. Sewer
Design Framework:
and sanitation lines run across the main routes, so as to no t to d is ru p t the u rban f abric. I n the s mal l er
The main water supply of the BMC cuts across in
scale of 13-compound, the concept of “re-structure�
the western quadrant adjacent to the North-South
manifests itself in a finer urban grain. Common
railway track. Because of the maintenance required
areas and pockets are identified where interim
for this supply, a large tract of the land was cleared
bas ic s erv ices
cutting 13-compound transversely. Despite of the
areas co u l d be d ev el o p ed to be s hared by a s ing l e
water supply line cutting through 13-compound,
economic cluster and thereby maintained by citizen
are es tabl is hed . T hes e co mmo n
170
F igure 6.17: Prov ision of w ater inf rastructure in an unit in 13 compound; Source: Author F igure 6.18 : D esign f ramew ork restructuring the w ater sy stem; Source Author
DESIGN FRAMEWORK - [RE]STRUCTURE F igure 6.18
co o p erativ es . E l ements s u ch as co mmo n to il ets and
collection points fitted with a basic filtration system.
common water wells could be considered in these
In a similar manner, sanitation services, such as
areas .
co mmo n to il ets co u l d al s o echo the s ame p ro ces s as the community wells, providing services to the
The concept of community wells is not new in most
eco no mic cl u s ters . I ncreas ed p res ence o f co mmo n
Indian communities, where shared services is a
to il ets is al s o enco u rag ed in the area. D u e to its
common sight. Community wells could provide as
high density, individual access to sanitation in the
an addition support, required because of the high
immediate future is challenging, however, common
intensity of population. A network of the community
sanitation services, that are maintained by the local
wells could also be supported by rainwater
cooperative of 13-compound is a feasible option.
171
6.3 - DESIGN FRAMEWORK
[RE] DIVIDE
F igure 6.19
Economic clusters in 13-compound need also to
d ebate and d is cu s s io n amo ng s t the inhabitants and
respond to the social structure, pre-existing in the
co mmu nity l ead ers . T he s tag e o f the f o rmu l atio n
area. What has emerged from the spatial analysis
of the nagars plays a crucial role, as it leads to the
are the different community clusters that exhibit a
formulation of cooperatives at the ‘nagar’ scale.
d is tinct eco no my and g ro u p o f p eo p l e.
T hes e co o p erativ es
are co mp o s ed
o f the l o cal
community leaders, industry and commercial The strategic framework at the larger scale aims to
owners and would be responsible for leading
id entif y the s mal l er nag ars in D harav i and to inv o l v e
negotiations between the inhabitants and the
them d irectl y into the red ev el o p ment p ro ces s . T his
ex ternal enterp ris es and g o v ernment o rg anis atio ns .
increas ed s y s tem o f acto rs al s o manif es ts its el f into the scale of 13-compound. At least 3 distinct nagars
Formation of further sub-sections is determined
are identified, each of them exhibiting a dominant
morphological explorations. These sub-sections
eco no mic and
ty p o l o g y . T he d es ig n
would make the implementation of the economic
framework proposed that all three of these nagars
clusters or ‘maker-space’ logistically possible, by
need to be demarcated on ground, encouraging
dividing the nagars into feasible sizes.
ind u s trial
172
F igure 6.19: D emarcating the N agar and the subdiv ison; Source: D eriv e f rom contested urbanism by U C L F igure 6.20 : D esign f ramew ork div iding the morphology ; Source Author
DESIGN FRAMEWORK - [RE]DIVIDE F igure 6.20
173
DESIGN FRAMEWORK
TEXT TO BE PROVIDED LATER
F igure 6.21: D esign F ramew ork f or 13 C ompound; Source: Author
174
DESIGN FRAMEWORK - 13 COMPOUND F igure 6.21
175
ILLUSTRATION OF DESIGN FRAMEWORK
176
MAKER-SPACE
CO-WORKNG SPACE
INCUBATOR HUB
BUSINESS HUB
CULTURAL
LOW-INCOME HOUSING
ECONOMIC CLUSTER
BASIC SERVICES
Lo w - inco me ho u s ing to the inhabitants w ith l o ng - term l eas e rig hts
E co no mic cl u s ters f o rmu l ated as mak ers p ace, as the d riv ing red ev el o p ment p o rces s
Acces s to bas ic w ater inf ras tru ctu re al o ng w ith aces s ibl e p u bl ic s p ace
177
TIMELINE OF STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK
IMAGE TO BE UPDATED FOR P4 PRESENTATION
178
TEXT TO BE PROVIDED LATER
179
part 07 Reflection
7.1 Economic clustering as a spatial tool 7.2 Reflection on the process
ECONOMIC CLUSTERING AND ITS IMPLICATION IN REDEVELOPMENT PROJECTS OF INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS Overview The overall aim of the project was to explore how the
red ev el o p ment o f inf o rmal s ettl ements
existing socio-economic production of space could
Dharavi, in a more inclusive and sustainable
be inco rp o rated into the red ev el o p ment p ro j ects in
manner, this project aims to use the hypothesis of
informal settlements. The urgency to deal with the
‘economic clustering’ in order to ‘reframe’ and
inf o rmal s ettl ements ris es f ro m their p ers is tence
develop a strategic framework for Dharavi.
s u ch as
and increase over the last few decades especially in the global south. However, redevelopment
The frame of ‘economic clustering’ offers a reframe
p ro j ects ad d res s ing the inf o rmal s ettl ements hav e
o n the trad itio nal mo d el o f
been far from successful have not reached a long-
inf o rmal s ettl ements in I nd ia and p erhap s ex tend ing
term viable solution. In the selected case-site of
to the g l o bal s o u th. M o s t inf o rmal s ettl ements in the
Dharavi, explored in this research, also illustrates
geographical realm of the global south, have distinct
s ev eral f ail ed
economic patterns and social networks which play
attemp ts
by
u rban p l anners
and
red ev el o p ment in
policy makers. The research attributes this failure
a v ital p art in their ex is tence and
to the indifferent attitude of the policy makers,
to
planners and developers towards existing social
red ev el o p ment aims to ad d res s and ex amine the
and economic mode of production of space with
existing economic networks incorporating them into
its associated values, leading to highly insensitive,
a framework that provides a balanced combination
u ns u s tainabl e and
o f s p atial g u id el ines and p o l icy reco mmend atio ns
u neq u al
red ev el o p ment &
co ntribu ting
their p ers ev erance. T he p ro p o s ed
mo d el o f
u p g rad ing p ro j ects . This research, through a comprehensive analytical framework in Dharavi reveal strong correlation between the economic livelihoods and networks
The feasibility clustering
of
using
economic
and the ex is ting s o cial s tru ctu re. T his co rrel atio n results in a distinct mode of production of space,
T he hy p o thes is
to which Dharavi’s resilience and economic success
usage as a spatial tool, bears of particular relevance
can be attributed to it. What is also revealed is the
in D harav i. D harav i has
lack of policy in the current redevelopment that
over the past decade, especially regarding its high
addresses the pre-existing economic networks and
eco no mic intens ity that ex is t in s q u al id co nd itio ns .
thereby its s o cial s tru ctu re. I n o rd er to ap p ro ach
It’s current model of redevelopment, i.e., Dharavi
182
o f eco no mic cl u s tering
and
its
been in the l imel ig ht F igure 7.1: C onclusions deriv ed f rom the analy tical f ramew ork f or D harav i; Source: Author
E x isting policy does not incorporate community structure and social capital
The current inf rastructure does not support the grow th of economic netw ork s
E conomic netw ork s is not incorporated in the ex isting policy structure
F igure 7.1
Conclusions from Analytical Framework
183
Redevelopment Project currently only addresses the
p ro v is io ns f o r meeting the ho u s ing need s o f the
housing need of its inhabitants, without responding
slum dwellers. This research proposes an integrated
to
its intens e eco no mic p ro d u ctio n. T he cu rrent
model where interested private enterprises can
mo d el p erceiv es inf o rmal s ettl ements and the area
collaborate with the industrial units of Dharavi,
it occupies as a potential source of high-end real
f o r their mu tu al interes ts o f g enerating a hig her
estate, ignoring the existing economic potential
eco no my . T his
of the area. Unsurprisingly, this model has faced
workers in Dharavi to enter into a direct dialogue
criticism from its residents, with regards to its
regarding redevelopment, and thus ensuring a more
ignorance towards their means of livelihood. The
viable and long-term solution.
chang e enabl es
inhabitants
and
model has also faced difficulties in finding suitable investors and private developers, notably because o f the el ig ibil ity co nd itio ns imp o s ed o n them al o ng with the perceived difficulty in getting cooperation
Limitations and future direction of the research
from the inhabitants. This would also limit the long-term viability of redevelopment attempts in
The proposed model is not without its challenges.
D harav i.
T he s el ected cas e s ite o f D harav i is embl ematic at best and cannot represent or be equated with other
T his p ro j ect p ro p o s es that ins tead o f ap p ro aching
informal settlements, even in India. The proposed
the red ev el o p ment p ro j ects o f inf o rmal s ettl ements
mo d el
such as Dharavi through the lens of generating low-
clustering can incorporate the economic networks
income housing along with the high-end real estate,
and social structure in Dharavi, but would require to
redevelopment could proceed with reinforcing the
be catered and modified to redevelopment models
ex is ting
eco no mic p ro d u ctio n and
in o ther l o catio ns . T he res earch has p res ented j u s t
them to
j o in the f o rmal eco no my . T his
enco u rag ing
o f
red ev el o p ment
thro u g h
eco no mic
mo d el
one example of how a strategic framework can be
caters d irectl y to the need s and as p iratio ns o f the
formulated, viewed through the lens of economic
local inhabitants, especially aiming to retain the
clustering. What remains to be tested are its
l iv el iho o d and s o cial s tru ctu re o f the area as its
imp l icatio ns as a l arg e s cal e d ev el o p ment mo d el f o r
primary objective. In order to make this model
o ther inf o rmal s ettl ements and its inev itabl e imp act
implementable, the finer social structure and grain of
on the larger urban system. The long-term viability
D harav i is ex p l o red in o rd er to inco rp o rate them into
and success is currently difficult to perceive
the strategic framework. The strategic framework
empirically within the given parameters.
al s o aims to ad d res s p o l icy at the natio nal l ev el o f the Slum Redevelopment Authority. The current
A f u rther chal l eng e is p res ented in the ap p l icatio n
policy offers a more top-down mechanism making
o f
eco no mic cl u s tering
184
by
the g eneral l y
hig h
F igure 7.2: E x isting policy model tow ards inf ormal settlements in India; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom policy analy sis of SR A F igure 7.3: Proposed policy model of economic clustering to address redev elopment in inf ormal settlements in India; Source: Author
Existing policy model
Proposed Policy Model
185
F igure 7.2
F igure 7.3
a dr
an sB d r
wa To
d ens ity o f habitatio n in inf o rmal s ettl ements s u ch as Dharavi. Although, there is an intrinsic socioeconomic system present, which manages to operate even within the high densities, any implementation Ma him
Jn
o f a red ev el o p ment p ro j ect o f a l arg e s cal e p ro p o s es
Tow ard s
a logistical challenge. Although, the framework p res ented in this res earch p res ents a mo re inv o l v ed system with Dharavi’s inhabitants and workers (i.e., stakeholders), ensuring long-term validity, it also p res ents f u rther l o g is tical chal l eng es to imp l ement the u rg entl y req u ired red ev el o p ment. The ‘economic clustering’ model also aims to ad d res s
the u rg ency
reg ard ing
red ev el o p ment
in informal settlements. Lack of basic services such as water and sanitation are hurdled to any redevelopment project as they require a significant inv es tment and a l o ng time f rame to ex ecu te. T he use of the analytical framework in the project highlights this missing service, noting that for any redevelopment model to work in an inclusive and sustainable manner, this investment into the p ro v is io n o f bas ic s erv ices
is
ines cap abl e and
cru cial . Despite the challenges presented, the exploration in this res earch hig hl ig hts the p o tential s o f ref raming red ev el o p ment o f the l ens
inf o rmal s ettl ements
thro u g h
o f eco no mic cl u s tering . T he p ro p o s ed
mo d el aims to thu s p ro v id e f o r an incl u s iv e and
F igure 7.4: U rban f abric and composition of D harav i; Source: Author, de riv ed f rom w w w .mumbaidata. in, Google Earth and fieldwork
sustainable redevelopment while retaining the existing production of socio-economic space.
186
Mah
im-S
ion L
ink R oad
ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL UNITS IN 13-COMPOUND
60
d oa tf r
Industrial units
F igure 7.4
Commercial units Residential units
187
REFLECTION ON GRADUATION PROJECT & PROCESS The graduation project originated with the aim
each other. The theoretical framework provides
of understanding the model of socio-economic
the overview of the socio-economic dynamic
p ro d u ctio n o f s p ace in inf o rmal s ettl ements . T he
and production of space within the informal
objective was to explore how to incorporate and
settlements, focussing in the global south. Split
ad ap t the cu rrent mo d e o f p ro d u ctio n o f s p ace into
into
redevelopment projects, so as to ensure a more
processes, the economic challenges and the policy
long-term, sustainable and inclusive development
implications - the project explores the dominant
of its inhabitants. For this reflection, five crucial
theo retical themes p ertaining to inf o rmal s ettl ement
as p ects o f the g rad u atio n p ro ces s are ex p l o red and
in the g l o bal s o u th. T his is s u p p o rted by s p atial
reflected in this section - on the thesis’s process,
analysis of Dharavi, using Dupuy’s Network
the relationship between research and design, the
city
l imitatio ns and the d irectio n f o r f u tu re res earch.
thro u g h three l ev el s o f o p erato rs – inf ras tru ctu re
three s ectio ns
mo d el p ro v id ing
thematical l y
–
u rbanis atio n
an ex p l o ratio n o f D harav i
networks, production-consumption networks and urban household networks. Both the theoretical
Aspect 1: The relationship between research and design
and spatial analysis is combined to create a final analytical model for Dharavi, which comprises of a total of 5 layers. The layers of historical context,
Since the topic of socio-economic production of
policy and governance, landform and infrastructure,
s p ace in inf o rmal s ettl ements is q u ite bro ad and can
economic networks and social structure is used
be explored through various facets, an emblematic
to ex p l o re D harav i thro u g h a mu l titu d e o f l ay ers
and prolific case study is selected which would
in order to develop a strategic framework for the
provide a backdrop to test and explore the research.
whole of Dharavi illustrating it through a detailed
Dharavi, in Mumbai, India provided as the ideal
design at the selected site of 13-compound. This
site, where its production of space has been of
anal y tical mo d el f o rms a co re co mp o nent o f the
s o me interes t to s ev eral acad emicians and s cho l ars .
thesis, echoed and reflected in both in the analysis
The selection of the case-site was also heavily
as well as the design section, tying the narratives of
influenced by my participation in the honours
research and design. The strategic framework and
programme (2016-2017), which used Dharavi as an
design framework proposed is derived directly from
empirical site for testing dominant western theory
the conclusions of the analytical model, addressing
on self-made or informal settlements.
absent or weak links within the layers of the anal y tical mo d el . T he res earch and d es ig n s ectio ns
The main research splits into two sections – the
are therefore, irrevocably linked through the layer
spatial framework and the theoretical framework
model which reflects in both research and design.
in o rd er to d ev el o p bo th p arts co mp l ementary to
188
F igure 7.5: Analy tical F ramew ork as a combination of spatial f ramew ork and theoretical f ramew ork ; Source: Author
k o r rat tw or o p e old ne l e l ev useh 3 rd an ho rato r w ork b U r l o p e ld net o e l ev ouseh d 3 r an h
e
b U r
w net o r rat tion o p e nsump l e rk l ev n-co tw o 2 nd ductio rato r tion ne o e p r P l o p m e nsu l ev n-co 2 nd ductio Pro
Dupuy Network
5 tur y er uc La ial str Soc e 5 tur y er uc La l str
or k
i Soc
o rk
etw er 4 cal n Lay nomi o rk s E c w o 4 net r l e a c Lay nomi
tc
ee
ur to r uct era nf rastr p o i el tc k, l ev w or re e 1 s t ad net ato r tructu R o o p er nf ras l , i ev e ork City 1 Model s t l netw
a
o E c
e tur ruc ast r f 3 & In re y er ctu L a df or m tr u n a L ras f n 3 & I y er L a df or m n L a
Source: D eriv ed f rom ( D upuy , R G., oad 2 008 )
Dupuy Network City Model
Source: D eriv ed f rom ( D upuy , G., 2 008 )
nce rna ov e G & licy nce Po rna 2 ov e r e G Lay licy & Po
Lay
ti olu x t nte l ev Co torica n Hi s tio olu x t nte ical ev o C tor
on
Source: Author
n tio
ns ce nan atio v er plic G o icy im l Po nce ons i rna plicat o v e
Source: Author
His
G y im added Polic
Spatial Additional layersFramework added
er 2
lu er 1 l ev o Lay torica on His uti r 1 l ev ol e y a La ric
Hi s
Additional layers
s
to
Analytical Framework for Dharavi Source: Author
Theoretical Analytical Framework for Framework Dharavi Source: Author
Analytical Framework
189
F igure 7.5
reg ard ing inf o rmal s ettl ements o f g l o bal s o u th in
Aspect 2: The relationship between the graduation lab theme and the subject/ case study chosen:
g eneral and
D harav i in p articu l ar–
u rbanis atio n
processes in India, production of economic space in informal settlements, and the paradox o f red ev el o p ment s chemes in I nd ia. E ach as p ect
In this thesis, the overall objective is to develop a
is explored in-depth, writing critically on the
strategic framework illustrated through a design
processes involved in each aspect, contributing
framework, i.e., deriving a set of spatial guidelines
to defining the composition of sustainable and
in combination with policy recommendations
incl u s iv e red ev el o p ment p ro j ects
for Dharavi. In this connection, the graduation
s ettl ements
lab offered by the Complex Cities research group
o f
p ro v id es the neces s ary to o l s and techniq u es req u ired
s ettl ements s u ch as D harav i is ex p l o red thro u g h
to prepare a comprehensive project. Within the
the shift in India’s national economic and housing
larger research group, the challenges of developing
policy from its independence era (post 1947) to
inclusive and sustainable redevelopment projects,
post economic-liberalisation era (post 19911) . T he
p articu l arl y in inf o rmal s ettl ements o f the g l o bal
l ates t s hif t in the natio nal p o l icy are d o minated by
south is addressed particularly by the ‘Inclusive
market forces, which ignores the existing mode of
Cities’ sub-research group, where design is
production of space in informal settlements, that
proposed through a ‘research-based’ studio. Design
have resulted in non-inclusive, and unsustainable
and spatial planning is viewed as a cyclic process,
redevelopment projects. Redevelopment attempts
involving the formulation of strategic framework
and
along with spatial design and policy to achieve that
evident in Dharavi, where the presence of a large
framework. The testing of this strategic framework
economic industrial base is largely overlooked by
co ntribu tes
policy makers and planners, which is presented by
to
the bo d y
o f
acad emic res earch
challenging and revising the existing knowledge
mo re in g eneral .
f o r inf o rmal
T he imp l icatio n
cu rrent u rbanis atio n p ro ces s es
their f ail u re are es p ecial l y
o n inf o rmal
hig hl ig hted
and
the p ro bl em anal y s is in the g rad u atio n rep o rt.
base. The theme offered by the Inclusive City subresearch group also explores issues of urbanisation,
The project aims to propose a ‘reframe’ on the
environmental sustainability and socio-economic
current
integration under conditions of rapid urban growth,
informal settlements, approaching it through the
often coupled with inadequate governance and
lens of ‘economic clustering’. The proposed model
weak institutional capacity. Therefore, the selection
aims
of the research group and the sub-research group
redevelopment that incorporates the existing socio-
played a crucial part in developing an in-depth
economic production of space, ensuring a more
p ro bl em anal y s is .
inclusive and sustainable result. What emerges
to
approach
towards
redevelopment
achiev e an imp l ementabl e s y s tem f o r
f ro m this res earch is the need The problem analysis is divided into 3 themes
in
to
ref rame and
rethink the redevelopment models, especially in
190
F igure 7.6: Project M ethodology ; Source: Author
Project Methodology
191
F igure 7.6
the u rbanis ing g l o bal s o u th. Acad emic ex p l o ratio ns
g ro u p
need to reco g nis e the s hif t in u rbanis atio n centre to
fieldwork played a critical role in structuring the
the g l o bal and theref o re need s to d ev el o p a d eep er
interviews and providing a framework for the
u nd ers tand ing o f its d is tinct natu re o f p ro d u ctio n
observational analysis. Stakeholder analysis also
o f s p ace. T his res earch aims to s hed l ig ht o n o ne
formulates an essential part of the research which
such emblematic case-site of Dharavi, thereby
was guided by additional support from the research
contributing to the current body of work on informal
group. With the structure provided by the Complex
settlement in the global South.
cities graduation lab, fieldwork was assisted by
reg ard ing
metho d o l o g ical
ap p ro aches
in
URBZ (a research collective, working in Dharavi) who provided the much needed support at site level.
Aspect 3: The relationship between the methodical line of approach of the graduation lab and the method chosen by the student in this framework
Interviews and site visits were conducted with the logistical support from URBZ, who also provided historical insight into the socio-economic dynamics o f D harav i.
The methodology used in the project was guided predominantly by the research group’s (Complex Cities – Inclusive Cities) approach of combining a
Aspect 4: The project and the larger social context
theoretical model with a detailed spatial analysis, resulting in a final analytical framework for a
Research regarding redevelopment projects in
selected site. This analytical framework also includes
informal settlements is not new – they have been
a d etail ed
part of a polarizing discourse in academia and
ex p l o ratio n o f p o l icy
mo d el s and
its
imp l icatio n o n the s p atial q u al ity o f red ev el o p ment
policy makers. Informal settlements have proved
projects. The combination of theoretical, spatial
their persistence and resilience even with promises
and
the res earch
of a modern India in the 21st century, however with
studio’s methodological approach. Other aspects
d ep l o rabl e l iv ing co nd itio ns in mo s t I nd ian cities .
of the research was supported by fieldwork – site
Al tho u g h there are s ev eral o rg anis atio ns and p o l icies
observations and interviews, which forms an
working for the rights of these settlements, there is
important part of the methodology, filling the gap
a surprising lack of knowledge and discourse about
imposed by the lack of data in informal settlements
the s p atial q u al ity o f thes e s ettl ements in rel atio n
(such as Dharavi). Conducting interviews (both
to their cultural, social and economic standing. It
structured and non-structured) in Dharavi, proved
is this mis s ing d is co u rs e that this res earch p l aces
p articu l arl y chal l eng ing as the g iv en natu re o f is
its el f in – ex p l o ring the g ap p res ent in the p o l icy
d iv ers ity in terms o f eco no mic activ ity and s o cial
discourse and the pre-existing socio-economic
structure. The workshops organised by the research
d y namics p res ent in inf o rmal s ettl ements s u ch as
p o l icy
anal y s is
is
g u id ed
by
192
F igure 7.7: Project & Source: Author
D esign approach;
Project Design Approach
193
F igure 7.7
the selected site of Dharavi. As a comparatively established and older informal settlement, Dharavi has been a prominent part of the academic discourse
restricting the accuracy of the spatial study in this
in India, especially in the last decade. Its socio-
thesis. The current data and survey set used is based
economic dynamics with economic and industrial
off a survey commissioned by MM Consultants
production has also received attention from popular
in 2008 and conducted by ‘Mashal (Maharashtra
media. However, despite this attention, policy
Social Housing and Action League), at the
makers and planners in India have been unable to
commencement of the latest redevelopment scheme
formulate long term redevelopment plans, resulting
proposal for Dharavi. The survey data set is not
in deplorable and unsustainable living conditions
comprehensive along with certain areas not being
that lack basic services and infrastructure in
commissioned for survey work. Hence it is difficult
most informal settlements including Dharavi.
for this project to truly present a complete picture of
Dharavi’s notoriety, and the troubles faced by the
Dharavi. However, the project still make attempts
recent attempt at redevelopment by the Dharavi
to fill in this missing information of the database,
Redevelopment Plan (DRP) have highlighted
particularly in the economic clustering present with
the problems faced by most slum rehabilitation
Dharavi in general and 13-compund in particular.
processes in India, where the existing economic
What would also provide a better contextual
livelihoods and social networks are not considered.
reference, would be a comparison with another
This does not mean that upgradation schemes are
informal settlement in Mumbai would validate
not required and that the pre-existing economic
some of the assumptions regarding the socio-
and social networks need to be preserved, rather,
economic space produced. It would also help map
policy makers and planners need a rethink as to
the impact of the redevelopment model presented in
how to reformulate projects so as to ensure a long
this research on the larger scale of Mumbai.
term inclusive and sustainable redevelopment. It is within the dual dialogue is required to be addressed
Notes:
by academia and policy makers, which this research
1. The economic liberalisation in India refers to the economic
aims to address and highlight.
liberalisation, initiated in 1991, of the country’s economic policies, with the goal of making the economy more market and service-
Aspect 5: Project Limitations
oriented and expanding the role of private and foreign investment. Specific changes include a reduction in import tariffs, deregulation
Any research or graduation project is not without
of markets, reduction of taxes, and greater foreign investment.
limitations. The biggest restriction faced in this
Liberalisation has been credited by its proponents for the high
project were the constraints of limited empirical
economic growth recorded by the country in the 1990s and 2000s.
fieldwork. Survey data and precise mapping is
Its opponents have blamed it for increased poverty, inequality and
limited in informal settlements such as Dharavi,
economic degradation
194
195
ABBREVIATIONS
BMC: BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation DRP: Dharavi Redevelopment Project MASHAL: Maharashtra Social Housing and Action League MHADA: Maharashtra Housing and Development Authority MMRDA: Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority MM: Mahila Milan MM Consultants: Mukesh Mehta Consultants NSDF: National Slum Development Federation PGMP: Prime Minister’s Grant Project PUKAR: Patterns for Urban Knowledge, Action and Research SPARC: Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres SRA: Slum Rehabilitation Authority SRS: Slum Redevelopment Scheme
196
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SINGH, MADHU 1996. Überlebenssicherung und Kompetenzerwerb im städtischen informellen Sektor in Indien: untersucht am Beispiel von Kleinproduzenten in Neu-Delhi, IKO-Verlag für Interkulturelle Kommunikation. TUNAS, DEVISARI. 2008. The spatial economy in the urban informal settlement. TU Delft, Delft University of Technology. TURNER, JOHN C 1968. Housing priorities, settlement patterns, and urban development in modernizing countries. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 34, 354-363. UN-HABITAT 2004. The challenge of slums: global report on human settlements 2003. Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal. UN-HABITAT 2010. State of the world’s cities 2010/2011: bridging the urban divide, Earthscan. VAN BALLEGOOIJEN, JAN & ROCCO, ROBERTO 2013. The Ideologies of Informality: informal urbanisation in the architectural and planning discourses. Third World Quarterly, 34, 1794-1810. VAN SCHAICK, JEROEN 2009. Shift towards networks: integrating social and physical subsystems of the city through stratified models. Nordes.
Notes: 1 Based on interview at Sanaullah Compound on 05 February 2017 2 Based on Author’s fieldwork and site interviews with industry owners. 3 Shyam Kanle works as a researcher and field operator with URBZ. He has run many businesses in Dharavi where he was born and raised. He has also been involved in conflict resolution and local politics for many years. He is a well-respected and influential person in his community and is fluent in Marathi, Hindi and English. 4 See Dharavi Redevelopment Project - Appendix 5 Based on interview of Shyam Kanle, Urbz 6 Based on Survey carried out by the National Slum Development Federation in 1986
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part 08 Appendix 8.1 Survey Maps - Dharavi 8.2 Dharavi Redevelopment Project - Plans 8.3 Essay - Theorising informal urbanisation
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Theorizing informal urbanization Viewing the Global South through the lens of the informal urbanisation: An exploration via narratives
Abstract In the last few years, several academicians and scholars have attempted to theorise informal urbanisation in order to develop an analytical framework which explores the larger field urbanisation processes in the global south. This stems from a decisive shift from the Euro-American centred theoretical production to theory being produced in the Global South itself, which offers a wider imaginary of epistemological narratives generated. Within the context of global south, where urbanisation is viewed as an inevitable phenomenon, the ‘megacity’ acts as a metonym for the urbanisation processes and the theories it generates. The narratives discussed in this paper focus on informal urbanisation, as it is often the most recognisable form of urbanisation in the global south. This paper explores the different epistemological narratives and their understanding of informal urbanisation processes, debating on their contrasting approaches. The ideologies of these narratives lead to the recent method of exploring urban theory through subaltern urbanism, which explores the role of local political agencies. A reworking of the subaltern is provided by Roy (2011) wherein she aims to separate the notions of informal urbanisation and urban poverty making inroads into the development of a normative base for understanding urbanisation processes in the global south. Although there are advantages of developing a theoretical construct through the frame of informal urbanisation, this paper highlights its future challenges, especially in the lack of empirical grounding as well as the negative connotations associated with its terminology. The paper concludes with recommendations for the applicability for the future of viewing urbanisation processes in the global south through the frame of the informal.
Key words: informal urbanisation, epistemological narratives, global south, subaltern urbanism
211
1 Introduction
The last few years have seen a return to
south.
the theorisation of ‘informal urbanisation’ from several academicians and even popular authors. Popular writers such as Davies (2004, 2007) along with scholars such as Rao (2006) and Roy (2011) have lauded the need to theorize the ‘informal’
2 The premise of the Global South, its megacity and informal urbanisation
aspect of urbanisation. This need is supported by an argument that this model of theorisation could
offer a normative base for developing an analytical
the global south has been used to test emerging
framework to better understand urbanisation
geographies of urban theory. This is a distinctive
processes in the cities of the Global South. Two
shift from the ‘global North’ to the ‘global South’,
diverse and dominant narratives have emerged from
resulting in a realignment of ideas and theoretical
attempts at theorising informal urbanisation, which
notions of urban design and studies. Several
have been termed and elaborated upon in this paper
authors have seen this shift as long overdue and an
as the ‘dystopian city’ and the ‘entrepreneurial
inevitable phenomenon (Robinson, J., 2002). This
city’. As a response to these narratives, a third
new geography of urbanisation theory dislocates
position arose from the inhabitants of this mode
itself from the previous ‘Euro-American centre’ of
of urbanisation within the global south – subaltern
theoretical production, moving towards the ‘global
urbanism,
of
south’ and studying its megacities as empirical
different popular agencies that work with informal
cases (Roy, A., 2009). This shift was also furthered
urbanisation.
by the ontological limitations of ‘Euro-American
which
incorporates
the
work
Since the latter half of the 20th century,
centre’ sites of theoretical production, resulting The aim of this paper is to explore the value of
in a restricted imagination of the epistemological
these different dominant narratives in deriving a
narratives generated.
normative base to understand the phenomenon of urbanisation in the global south. In order to
Illustrating this shift, Rao (2006) cites the example
investigate this, the ideologies of the two dominant
of the modern South Asian City, where the recent
narratives are briefly explored, delving into a more
‘southern turn’ in a steady stream of literature
detailed exploration of the subaltern approach. The
has changed the perspective of viewing cities of
paper concludes with an assessment and possible
global south by the academicians. This perspective,
recommendations for the future of theorising
she argues, has lifted much of the theoretical
informal urbanisation in order to apply them to the
uncertainty and ambiguity previously associated
larger field of urbanisation processes in the global
with this context (Rao, V., 2006). In this context of
212
Note: 1. The authors and their arguments presented here focus mainly on South Asia and in some cases Africa. This does not represent the entire dialogue of the southern turn, only focusses a body of work, which I find more relevant to the larger graduation project.
the global south, the megacity becomes an object of
and violence. The second narrative, in contrast,
enquiry, with urbanisation viewed as an inevitable
lauds the entrepreneurial nature of the informal
phenomenon (Prakash, G., 2002). Therefore, it
opposing state interventions and interference in
is the megacity of the global south which acts as
its working system. The following two sections
a metonym for urbanisation and the theories it
investigate¬ the arguments of each narrative along
generates.
with its supporting authors.
Within the framework of the megacities of the global south, the narratives discussed in this paper focus on the theories related to informal urbanisation.
3 The dystopian city
Informal urbanisation, or to use a more colloquial term - slums are often seen as a recognisable form
The dystopian narrative is marked by
of urbanisation in the global south. It is also often
one of the most prolific documents produced
seen as the recognizable frame through which the
regarding informal urbanisation by the UN habitat,
megacities of the global south are perceived and
titled ‘The Challenge of Slums: Global Report on
understood (Nuttall, S. and Mbembe, A., 2005).
Human Settlements’ (Un-Habitat, 2004). The report
This lens on the informal urban settlement is also
highlights the urgency and the extent of problems
supported by other authors such as Rao (2006)
faced by the inhabitants as a result of informal
who states that these settlements often ‘acquires
urbanisation, highlighting the need for increased
ideological overtones as a theoretical construct’,
state intervention and policy level actions. Informal
thereby ‘straddling the conceptual and material
urbanisation and slums are, as the report argues,
forms of city-making’ in the global south, which
a manifestation of rapid urbanisation and the
challenges the current method of imagining the
urbanisation of poverty, extending to 32 % of the
modern city.
world’s total urban population reaching up to 78.2% of the urban population of the least developed
The dominant narratives emerging in the discourse
countries (Un-Habitat, 2004).
over informal urbanisation can be categorised into two distinct epistemological positions. Each
This report spurred other authors such as Mike
position is supported by a set of authors who take
Davies (2004, 2007), who continued in the same
a ‘southern turn’ in their process of reimagining
vein describing the dystopian nature of the slums in
the ‘urban’ (Rao, V., 2006). The first dominant
his book, ‘Planet of the Slums’, published in 2007.
narrative takes an apocalyptic vision of informal
In Planet of the Slums, informal urbanisation is
urbanisation contained within the megacities of the
seen as a result of ‘surplus of humanity’ (Davis, M.,
global south. They are visualised as overcrowded,
2007, p.174), where large parts of the megacities in
disease and poverty ridden and overtaken by strife
the global south are bursting at its seams, poverty
213
ridden, overtaken with violence and a present a
Documents such as the UN Habitat report attempt
constant struggle for survival.
The ‘surplus of
to address the phenomenon of informal urbanisation
humanity’ is reasoned to be caused by people
in an empirical manner, highlighting the urgency
being cut off from the formal world economy
of its problems. Its restrictions include offering
and driven into urban slums. Arguing that the
policy makers an easy way out to equate informal
above phenomenon is predominantly due to the
urbanisation and urban poverty. The broad strokes
decoupling of urbanisation from industrialisation
used by the authors in this narrative also tend to
and development in the global south, Davies posits
label informal urbanisation as homogeneous areas
that the ‘planet of the slums’ is the only fully
of poverty and crime, rather than the heterogeneous
franchised solution to the problem of warehousing
landscapes of economies and social structures.
the 21st century’s surplus humanity (Davis, M., 2007). Reasoning against the dystopian epistemological
4 The entrepreneurial city
position taken for informal urbanisation, scholars such as Alan Gilbert & Pushpa Arabindoo warn us
In contrast to the dystopian narrative,
of the negative connotations attached to the urban
theorising
theory of informal urbanisation. Gilbert writes
‘entrepreneurial city’ was explored by several
extensively against the terminology associated
western urbanists and journalists. This lauding
with informal urbanisation, especially ‘slums’, as
of informal urbanisation, especially about its
too many observers and scholars apply these terms
entrepreneurial nature was propositioned by De
with ‘broad strokes’, embracing any place that is
Soto in his book ‘The Other Path: The invisible
problematic and including any group of people that
revolution in the third world’ (De Soto, H., 1990).
live there (Gilbert, A., 2007). Another disagreement
De Soto’s rejected any state intervention in the
is brought forward by Pushpa Arabindoo, who states
workings of informal urbanisation and its processes,
that these larger debates about theorising informal
basing his argument out of Lima, Peru, arguing the
urbanisation processes leads to the theorisation of
survival instincts of the inhabitants is to be lauded
urban poverty, which requires an empirical rather
instead of suppressed.
informal
urbanisation
as
an
than a theoretical approach (Arabindoo, P., 2011). Although there is an urgent need to improve the
In this aspect, perhaps the most radical claim
squalid conditions created in informal settlements
was made by urbanist Rem Koolhaas, in his
and slums, caution must be exerted so as to not treat
work on non-western cities, envisioning them as
urban poverty and informal urbanisation through
‘incubators of the future prospect of the global city’
the same theoretical lens.
(Enwezor, O., 2003). In her review of Koolhaas’s work on Lagos, Rao (2006) explores his attempt
214
to turn dysfunctionality resulting from informal
in the arguments against interference from the
urbanisation in developing countries into a virtue,
state, but without a methodological approach to
using it as a theoretical tool to incubate the future.
improve the squalid conditions present in informal
He called on Lagos as the ‘ultimate dysfunctional
urbanisation.
city’ – but in terms of all the initiatives and ingenuity, almost ‘utopian’ in nature (Michael, C., 2016). This lauding of the modernity present in the mega-cities of the global south, is often shared by
5 The rise of the subaltern discourse
other authors. Robert Neuwirth has explored the phenomenon of the informal economy produced
The
two
dominant
epistemological
by slums, terming it as ‘System D’. He elaborated
narratives on informal urbanisation present two
on system-D as a form of ‘ingenuity economy, the
vastly polarised accounts. As a response, to these
economy of improvisation and self-reliance, the
generalised accounts, several authors have called
do-it-yourself, or DIY economy’, claiming that this
for a recognition of local agencies and people,
‘spontaneous system, ruled by the spirit of organized
moving towards a non-western approach in
improvisation, will be crucial for the development
theorizing informal urbanisation – which is term as
of cities in the 21st century’ (Neuwirth, R., 2011).
the ‘subaltern’ approach.
This celebration of the ‘informal’ has left a
Subaltern space is therefore, often interpreted as
distinct mark in the urban theories generated about
a ‘space of difference’, associating itself with the
informal urbanisation. Although the narrative of the
populace (Spivak, G., 2003), and is also used to
‘entrepreneurial city’ has helped shed the negative
call out on the elitism of the existing historiography
misconceptions
settlements,
(Guha, R., 1988). Subaltern urbanism aims to
highlighting the ingenuity applied by its residents
theorise the megacity of the global south in terms
in order to survive, it has also contributed to the
of informal urbanisation, highlighting the need to
romanticising of urban poverty. In their discourse,
recognise the different popular agencies that work
Neuwirth and De Soto have offered simplified,
with urban poverty (Roy, A., 2011). In recent years,
ideological solutions to an issue that requires a
scholars such as Chatterjee (2003) and Roy (2011)
nuanced, empirical approach. De Soto in particular
have propagated the idea of using the ‘subaltern’
has received little academic support, with criticism
as an agency for change in order for the local
stemming towards his lack of a methodological
inhabitants lay a claim on livelihood and existence.
about
informal
approach and empirical evidence (Gilbert, A., 2009). In a similar manner as the ‘dystopian city’
The subaltern approach arose from the need of
narrative, the ‘entrepreneurial city’ narrative also
re-theorising the urbanisation processes in the
tends to over-generalise, offering a universal appeal
global south, especially with the emergence of
215
the 21st century megacity and its resulting in
their work in South-east Asia, they explore how the
a shift in focus of urban theory. This shift was
marginalised class lay their claims to the state.
predominantly because of the limited epistemology of the urban theory generated previously, requiring
The main struggles with the subaltern has been
a re-imagination of the sites where this theoretical
raised by Roy (2011), in her paper, titled, ‘Slumdog
production
cities – rethinking subaltern urbanism’, where she
took
place
previously.
Subaltern
urbanisation aims to address the shortcomings
states:
existing dominant narratives of the ‘dystopian
‘…. subaltern urbanism tends to remain bound to the
city’ and the ‘entrepreneurial city’, presenting
study of spaces of poverty, of essential forms of popular
urbanisation processes in the global south as a
agency, of the habitus of the dispossessed, of the
heterogeneous theoretical landscape. Presenting the
entrepreneurialism of self-organizing economies.’
views of the people an agencies within the ‘subaltern space’, it directly writes against the dystopian vision
In order to recognise the heterogeneity of the
of informal urbanisation in the Global South. It also
informal urbanisation processes in the global
differs from the viewpoints of Neuwirth and De
south, Roy (2011) argues that the subaltern needs
Soto of the heroic and optimistic ‘entrepreneurial
to break away from its ontological and topological
city’. The subaltern, instead presents a distinct
constrains of urban poverty. In an attempt to
type of politics, where ‘flexibility, pragmatism and
do so, Roy divides the subaltern into four sub-
negotiation’ characterize the habitus of informal
categories: ‘peripheries, urban informality, zones
urbanisation (Bayat, A., 2000). Although the
of exception and grey spaces’, where each has a
subaltern urbanisation runs on common ground
distinct genealogy (Roy, A., 2011). Attempting
with that of the entrepreneurial city narrative, it has
to move away from the realm of urban poverty,
had limited reach and appeal towards policy makers
these sub-categories offer an alternative to the
in the megacities of global south (Roy, A., 2011).
existing vocabulary of informal urbanisation. Writing against the synonymous nature between
The subaltern, however, has found an audience
informal urbanisation and urban poverty, Roy
in the territory of informal urbanisation. Informal
argues that informality is a ‘mode of production
settlements and slums feature as empirical and
of space that connects the seemingly separated
analytical points of departure in the political
geographies pf the slum and the suburb’ (Roy,
exploration of the megacities of the global south
A., 2011). This argument, therefore propositions
(Rao, V., 2006). Navigating the political landscape
that the informal urbanisation is also the purview
of the subaltern, authors such as Chatterjee (2004)
of the urban elite as much as it is the purview of
and Appadurai (2001) explore informal settlements
the urban poor. Dislocating from urban poverty,
and slums as a legal and territorial construct delving
the sub-categorised perspective of the subaltern
into the governance aspect within it. Focussing
allows informal urbanisation to move away from
216
both the dystopian as well as the entrepreneurial
framework from informal urbanisation theory in
city narratives. The sub-categories of the subaltern
order to view the larger landscape of the megacity in
presented by Roy (2011) can offer a departure from
the global south? Urban theory has rarely ventured
the previous approach of generalising urban theory
into informal urbanisation, expect as initial forays
in the case of urbanisation processes in the global
into epistemological narratives discussed in this
south. It also incorporates the role of political
paper. The subaltern has made inroads in this
identity and its influence, especially in the case of
aspect, using the notions of popular agencies and
informal settlements.
the role of governance in their arguments. Forming the beginnings of a normative base for exploring
The drawback in Roy’s approach is the lack of
informal urbanisation, the subaltern offers a
location based testing, which results in the sub-
possibility of developing an analytical framework
categories being limited to intangible sites. What
for the megacity of the global south. Roy (2011)
appears initially useful in Roy’s take on using the
supports this attempt in theorizing informal
subaltern to view informal urbanisation in the global
urbanisation via the subaltern, recognising this
south through a multitude of lenses, suffers because
as a necessary challenge to the existing dominant
of the lack of empirical evidence. This results in
narratives. With the addition of the politics of
difficulties in illustrating the subaltern categories
local and advocacy by popular agencies, urban
via real-world examples, offering challenges to
theory around informal urbanisation can become a
develop an analytical framework for the megacities
departure point for the megacity, as it is the point
of the global south.
of intersection of different dialogues emerging from the global south.
6 Conclusions: The theorizing the slum
challenges
of
7 The future of urban theory in informal urbanisation
What has emerged quite distinctively
from the earlier narratives of the ‘dystopian city’
It is evident that there are clear advantages of
and the ‘entrepreneurial city’ and has also continued
the informal urbanisation being viewed as a
into the ‘subaltern’ approach is a decisive shift
theoretical construct. Along with challenging the
towards how the megacity of the global south and
current imaginary of the megacities of the global
its urbanisation processes are viewed and explored
south, it also provides much needed visibility
theoretically.
to its inhabitants and their needs. Supporting it, Rao (2006) states that analysing the informal
However, is there any value of deriving an analytical
217
urbanisation processes and the theory it generates
in a normative sense could be used to gain visibility
into empirical and location based grounding, so
for certain histories and the landscapes of politics
as to translate it into an analytical framework that
and action that have not had enough exposure (Rao,
explores urbanisation processes in the global south.
V., 2006).
A relook into the missing empirical aspect would free the dominant epistemological narratives from
However, one must be careful of the terminology
the homogeneous landscapes of urban theory it
used in the context of informal urbanisation. The
generates. It would also help the translation of the
dominant epistemological narratives and subaltern
subaltern urbanism as an applicable perspective of
urbanism have brought back the usage of terms
viewing the urbanisation processes in the global
such as ‘slum’. This terminology has received its
south.
share of criticism by scholars such as Alan Gilbert, who posits that the negative connotations associated with slums would limit urban theory within the
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