Internationalism on the Evolution of the Vernacular by .RR.

MANCHESTER SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE

INTERNATIONALISM ON THE EVOLUTION OF THE VERNACULAR An investigation into the effects of internationalism and critical thinking on the mobilisation of the vernacular in modern day architecture

ROBERT J. ROSTRON

Case Study: Liberal Arts and Sciences Building, Doha, Qatar

Abstract We have entered a new dawn of architectural assembly. Debates surrounding the influence and dominance of global drivers within a local arena are more prevalent than ever before. Consequently, the utilisation of the vernacular component, once a defensive mechanism to foreign fashions, has been mobilised and reconfigured as a direct result from the effects of internationalism. The vernacular, formerly an intrinsic symbol of local regional factors and emblematic of cultural dynamics for an indigenous population, has had to readapt and evolve to its 21st century role in new building typologies that exhibit ‘iconic forms’ (Jencks, 2005) and ‘transnational social spaces’ (Sklair, 2010). Through a diffusionist perspective, international forces have intermittently transmitted trends and styles to mature the vernacular, which has developed a form of critical thinking in the same vain as Critical Regionalism was born out of a ‘resistance’ (Frampton, 1983) to generic global modernism. As a result, the function and virtues of the vernacular have been completely reversed and forever transformed. This phenomenon is best exemplified in nations with fast developing economies, heightened political ambitions and rapidly urbanising metropolises. Therefore, the case study focuses upon the Liberal Arts and Sciences (LAS) building in Education City in Doha, the capital of Qatar, which demonstrates all these attributes. Through a series of site visits, along with a detailed questionnaire and two semi-structured methodology

interviews, examines

and

comprehensive dissects

specific

architectural components that resonate a vernacular quality. This will establish how the function enacts the vernacular and the degree of evolution from its original employment. The mobilisation of the vernacular witnessed in the LAS building can be attributed to the effects of internationalism, as it was constructed by renowned international architects, houses a foreign style of education, was the first higher co-educational building in Qatar and was designed to be an iconic symbol of Qatari political intent on a world stage.

Contents

List of figures

1.0

Introduction

2.0

The Vernacular: From Internationalism to Critical Regionalism

2.0

Introduction

2.1

The Vernacular: to necessitate the function

2.2

Internationalism and globalisation: the vernacular revisited in modern day

production 2.3

Critical Regionalism: the ‘resistance’ to global trends

2.4

Schools of thought on the adaptation of the vernacular function

2.5

Conclusion

3.0

Liberal Arts and Sciences building, Doha, Qatar: Introduction and background

4.0

The aesthetic formalist approach to uncover how the function enacts the vernacular

5.0

Diffusionism and the transportation of foreign ideals to a different cultural dynamic

5.0

Introduction

5.1

Gender segregation: transparent classrooms

5.2

Islamic city: internal spatial organisation

5.3

Courtyard housing typology: outdoor patio areas

5.4

Prayer rooms

5.5

Conclusion

6.0

Conclusion

References

Appendices

List of Figures

See Appendix A, p.29-43. All images by Robert J. Rostron, apart from where referenced. 1

Ground Floor Plan of the LAS building. Patio areas marked in green. (AKAA, 2007)

p. 29

First Floor Plan of the LAS building. Prayer room marked in red. (AKAA, 2007)

Location Plan of wider region, Qatar and Doha. (Not to scale). (AKAA, 2007)

Site Plan of Education City. (Not to scale). (AKAA, 2007)

Liberal Arts and Sciences building during the day.

Liberal Arts and Sciences building at night.

The arabesque pattern on the façade.

The arabesque pattern at night.

Outer most skin with arabesque pattern on double skin façade.

Small square windows on inner skin of double skin façade.

Close up of internal aluminum screen with arabesque pattern.

Aluminum screen used as a visual barrier to respect privacy and define spaces.

Typical example of a mashrabiya and how it prevents excessive daylight. (CCA, 2010)

Another example of a mashrabiya acting as a visual barrier. (ArchDaily, 2009)

Aluminum screens used on perimeters of patio areas to block out daylight.

Aluminum screens in patio areas.

Wind tower pierces building through patio area into basement. (Nishikawa, 2006a)

Total of six wind towers that are evocative of traditional vernacular design. (Nishikawa, 2006b)

Wind tower in Mohammed Said Naserallah’s House in Doha constructed in 1920. (Jaidah, 2009)

Square windows, 40cm by 40cm, on external perimeter.

Fluorescent lighting directly above windows in dark corridor.

External view of windows in between two skin façade.

Outside of typical classroom with translucent screen.

Inside typical classroom with translucent screen on right hand side.

One of the patio areas in the LAS building.

Access to patio area, doors ‘described as maintenance doors’ (Gharib, 2012).

Ablution fountains in Georgetown University in Education City.

List of Figures

See Appendix B, p.44-51. Online questionnaire by Robert J. Rostron. Participants were current users of the LAS building. 28

The online questionnaire on www.makesurvey.com.

p. 45

Q5. Would you describe the L.A.S. building as ‘iconic’?

Q8. Do you think the L.A.S. building fits in well with existing Islamic architecture in Qatar and

the Gulf region? 31

Q9. On a scale between 1 and 10, 10 being the highest, to what extent do you think the L.A.S.

building demonstrates an understanding of local and traditional features? 32

Q10. What architectural feature do you feel makes the L.A.S. building relate to Islamic

architecture the most? 33

Q11. On a scale of 1 to 10, 1 being easiest, how easy is it to move around inside the L.A.S.

building? 34

Q13. Have you ever been lost in the L.A.S. building?

Q15. If you do use them, how often do you use the prayer rooms?

Q16. If you do use them, do you like the prayer rooms?

Q17. Do you use any of the outdoor patio areas in the L.A.S. building?

Q20. On a scale of 1 to 10, 1 being the easiest, how easy is it to work, study, learn and be

productive in the classrooms? 39

Q21. Do you find the transparent walls in some classrooms a distraction?

Q22. Do you feel the classrooms would be a better learning environment if they were more

private and the walls were not transparent?

1.0 Introduction There has been an unquestionable shift in the treatment and mobilisation of vernacular components in

today’s

architecture.

Historically,

vernacular

architecture was the first form of regional architecture and represented a defensive mechanism against global fashions and tastes. The vernacular exhibited unique individual forms and functions specific to different localities based on terrain, cultures, climate and available materials. It was defined to be a matter of relative numbers as the architecture shared many similar characteristics as other buildings within the locale. The vernacular could only be constructed in a certain area or region. It was born out of a need to necessitate a specific function or requirement that was essential for the indigenous population and one that was constructed, as Wright (1941 cited in Oliver, 2003:9) advocates, with ‘native feeling’ and intent. Due to the increase in internationalism in architecture and with the advent of globalisation, the whole notion of the vernacular has adapted and evolved. Once a barrier to reject alien elements by promoting locality at its most basic sense, the vernacular has been conquered and reinterpreted by foreign forces in modern day architectural production. One can see this trend best in rapidly urbanising cities, such as Kuala Lumpur where traditional Islamic motifs and ornaments have been incorporated into facades and floor plans of the Petronas Towers.1 Previously, the vernacular endorsed local characteristics and necessary regional ingredients, but now international architects are showing an appreciation of what once was in the region and a

1 The Petronas Towers are twin skyscrapers housing commercial offices in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and were completed in 1998. Argentine American architect, César Pelli, designed them. The total building cost was $1.6 billion and from 1998 to 2004 they were the tallest buildings in the world.

continuation to the past, by using components and

second being through the perspective of diffusionist

strategies to enact the vernacular.

theory and the transportation of foreign ideals to a

This transition has led to a tension between the local

different cultural dynamic.

versus global drivers in architectural practice. From the theories of ‘Critical Regionalism’ (first coined by Tzonis and Lefaivre, 1981) to ‘transnational spaces’ (Sklair, 2005), the dissertation explores relevant

literature and debate, before placing the empirical research within an extensive theoretical framework and establishing a suitable methodology. Through the process of dissecting architectural components, the scale of adaption from their original vernacular

function will be recorded and shown to be as a direct result from internationalism and critical thinking.

The case study is the Liberal Arts and Sciences building

in Doha, Qatar. The Liberal Arts and Sciences (LAS) building was the second building completed in Qatar’s Education City and prominent Japanese architects

Kazuhiro Kojima and Kazuko Akamatsu designed it in 2004. Qatar and Education City are of particular interest and relevance to the subject at hand, as Education City is an example of how Qatar is in the process of developing its cultural and urban identity into a modern global power. As a result the vernacular of Qatar has witnessed a massive transformation (Jaidah,

2009),

and

this

transition

has

been

encapsulated in the LAS building. Through a catalogue of site visits to document photographs, sketches and diagrams, as well as surveys and interviews to discover user interaction in the building, the research methodology will focus on components that resonate a vernacular function.

Analysis of specific vernacular components in the LAS building will demonstrate a degree of evolution and how they have been adapted and tailor made for their current purpose, which will be argued is a direct impact from the effects of internationalism. The empirical

chapters are structured around two schools of thought regarding the reinterpretation of the vernacular. The first being the aesthetic formalist approach and the

2.0 The Vernacular: From Internationalism to Critical Regionalism

2.0 Introduction This research paper explicitly explores the role of internationalism

and

critical

thinking

the

reinterpretation of the vernacular component in modern day architecture. It is imperative that the empirical

research

should

positioned

and

understood within the context of greater architectural discussion. Therefore, the following chapter will review and analyse literature and previous debates, before placing the empirical research within a comprehensive theoretical framework. The chapter has four main sections. The first section will begin by defining and understanding the term vernacular. It will do this by highlighting the importance of function over form and how it was once a symbol of locality, and as a direct result from cultural dynamics. The second section will introduce internationalism and globalisation by discussing their impact on the reconfiguration of the vernacular. In the third section, the chapter will explore debates surrounding the movement of Critical Regionalism and explain how it was born out of ‘resistance’ (Frampton, 1983) to global trends and as a reaction to universal cosmopolitanism, by calling for a coalition between regional factors to work with internationalist agendas. The fourth section will examine other schools of thought regarding the reinterpretation of the vernacular, before situating and refining the empirical research amongst two of the schools and establishing an appropriate methodology.

2.1 The vernacular: to necessitate the function The term vernacular architecture is often not fully understood or misinterpreted. Many seem to assume that the vernacular of a specific region is limited solely to the most traditional and prevalent form, but in fact there are many interrelated and worthy attributes it must also evoke.

However, one of the most important qualities of the vernacular and one that tends to get over looked is the fact that the vernacular was born out of need to necessitate a particular function or process that met with local requirements. Brunskill’s (1987) work is seen to be at the forefront of vernacular literature and he specifically points out that ‘the function of the building would be the dominant factor’ (Brunskill, 1987:27), for

One of the most important attributes, as Lawrence

the catalyst to construct a vernacular building. He

(1983) suggests, is that ‘no building is or is not

further adds, ‘aesthetic considerations, though present

vernacular for its own qualities but is so by virtue of

to some small degree (would be) quite minimal. Local

those which it shares with many others, and the

materials would be used as a matter of course, other

identification of vernacular buildings is very much a

materials

matter of relative numbers’ (1984 cited in Mercer and

exceptionally’ (Brunskill, 1987:28). This strengthens the

Hutton, 1984:13). This means a vernacular building is

argument that the vernacular followed function rather

not simply a bespoke or one off product. It must form

than form. Each vernacular building and individual

part of a collection or family of buildings, even with

element was designed or created to allow for a specific

varying typologies, scales and functions.

process that met with cultural, climatic or other

being

chosen

and

imported

quite

regional factors. The vernacular did not import Another vital quality a vernacular building must exhibit

international designs or styles and was emblematic of

is the use of locally available resources. Wright (1941)

locality, region and context.

wrote vernacular architecture was fixed ‘into the environment, by people who knew no better than to fit

The vernacular was produced to necessitate a specific

them with native feeling’ (1941 cited in Oliver, 2003:9).

function

The available resources would have been directly linked

dynamics

to the region’s climate, historical context, culture and

Nowadays, however, the original and intended function

local materials. This is what makes the vernacular so

of the vernacular has witnessed a monumental

unique to its exact region. Mercer (1975) described

reconfiguration and adaptation due to the impact of

vernacular buildings as those that belong to a particular

internationalism, as the empirical research will later

place and a particular time.

explore. The vernacular, once a resistance against

that

was

rather

determined than

through

rationalist

cultural

justifications.

global trends and styles, has now been conquered and Furthermore, the vernacular was Architecture without

mobilised by foreign forces. As the chapter will reveal,

Architects, as the title of Rudofsky’s (1964) book

international architects now look to incorporate

suggests. It has been argued by scholars such as Oliver

vernacular

(1987) that the very process of consciously designing a

traditional motifs and ornaments, within their modern

building is not vernacular, as it has to be ‘the

day designs in an attempt to display a continuation with

architecture of the people, and by the people, but not

the past.

elements

and

components,

such

for the people’ (Oliver 1987:14). To create vernacular architecture it had to be an organic process. It was constructed and erected because the indigenous populace demanded it and they could construct it themselves, without the need for skilled professionals or craftsmen.

2.2

Internationalism

and

globalisation:

the

vernacular revisited in modern day production

American architect César Pelli who used ‘Islamic motifs incorporated into the façade and floor plans (which is)

The impact of internationalism and globalism has forever affected architectural production and practice in countless ways. Not only do we interact and live differently within our own urban environment, but the manner in which we design, communicate and travel has had an astounding impact on the whole profession and output of architecture. The evolutionary process of architectural production in an increasingly globalised world has meant that overseas work has become a routine aspect of contemporary practice. This means the understanding of locality and context in an unfamiliar land is a vital part of the job (McNeill, 2009). McNeill (2009) offers a thoroughly researched and

an attempt to fuse standardized western production methods with locally sensitive design vocabulary’ (McNeill,

2009:117).

Steele

(1997)

notes

the

consequences of Pelli’s technique as sending out ‘intentionally

mixed

ethnic

messages

…

while

obfuscating the metaphors so that a single one does dominate’ (Steel, 1997:381). Bunnell (1999) goes further by discussing why the use of vernacular motifs and decoration was used, and countering those critics who see them as simplistic gestures, by suggesting that they are actually intentional to be easily quotable and recognisable as iconic and aim to feature in adverts, postcards and in Hollywood films.

well-referenced publication, The Global Architect: Firms,

The iconic is an interesting concept that merits further

Fame and Urban Form, which provides a fascinating

attention in the exploration of the changing role of the

insight into the effects of globalisation on both

vernacular. The endorsement of iconic architecture is

vernacular architecture and the built environment.

becoming an increasingly popular trait as a product of

Notably due to the digital media age and today’s ease of

globalisation, by creating instantly recognisable forms

transportation, McNeill (2009) notes that ‘the territorial

that can be transmitted and branded globally (Jencks,

boundaries that had kept most architects tied to a small

2005). Iconic architecture is defined as buildings and

set of national markets no longer make much sense for

spaces that are seen as famous by those in the field as

design firms capable of operating in the dynamic

well as the public at large, and also have special

economies of the Gulf and China’ (McNeill, 2009:1).

symbolic and aesthetic significance (Sklair, 2006). In a

Butcher (2011) further adds: ‘whilst the majority of

lot of cases, it has been influences from the vernacular

architectural practices still rely substantially on work in

that have been in operation, in order to create the

domestic or regional markets there has been a

‘special symbolic and aesthetic significance,’ and

proliferation in firms working globally on a more

produce a sensitive and fluent dialogue with existing

regular basis’ (Butcher, 2011:online). The main

contextual buildings. This allows for the generated

motivations of this, as McNeill (2009) points out, are

iconic form to be showcased on a worldwide scale,

that larger practices sought to diversify their workloads

whilst still retaining an element of pride in their origin

in order to cope with recessions in domestic markets.

and location, as the Petronas Towers demonstrate.

One

manner

internationalism

has

affected

the

configuration of the vernacular is, as McNeill (2009) mentions, the use of local ornamentation and traditional design, which is a tried and tested method to integrate a contemporary piece of architecture to relate to its context, culture and indigenous population. McNeill (2009) uses the Petronas Towers in Kuala Lumpur as an example. It was designed by Argentine-

Many scholars, including McNeill (2009) himself, have agreed that the advent of iconic architecture occurred with Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum2 in Bilbao and the resulting Bilbao effect. Even though as McNeill (2009) points out, it is the earlier Pritzner winning

2 The Guggenheim Museum is a museum of modern and contemporary art, design by Canadian-American architect Frank Gehry in 1997. It is located in Bilbao, Spain.

Sydney Opera House3 by Jørn Utson, that was cited as

Sklair’s (2010) discussion of transnational social spaces also

motivation to build an instantly identifiable building in

shows the role of internationalism in evolving the

Bilbao, that perhaps can be defined as the world’s first

vernacular. Transnational spaces ‘are spaces, like

truly iconic and modern piece of global architecture.

globally

However, it is the Bilbao effect that has the larger

waterfront developments and transportation centres,

significance of the two. The Bilbao effect explicitly

that could literally be almost anywhere in the world’

demonstrates the significance an iconic piece of

(Sklair, 2010:139). Bunshaft, an American architect,

architecture can have on a local

economy,4

branded

shopping

malls,

theme

parks,

as Bilbao

epitomises Sklair’s (2005) theory, as once he famously

was transformed, virtually overnight, from a sleepy,

claimed that his designs would work as well as in

former industrial seaside town in Northern Spain to

Alaska as in Munich (Loeffler, 1998:94). What makes

one of the main tourist destinations in Europe

them transnational is that they are designed to

(Bacharach, 2012:online). This phenomenon, dubbed

represent simultaneously one of the various global

‘McGuggenheim’ by McNeill (2000), had a ripple

architectural styles recognised through the mass media

effect, as the Guggenheim was able to develop into a

and through direct experience by quite different

symbol that could be marketed on a global scale.

communities

people

from

multitude

geographical, ethnic and cultural origins with visual Additionally,

the

Guggenheim

Bilbao

has

references. This, in turn, marks out a specific sense of

demonstrated another worthwhile quality, as Jencks

belonging identified by each of these communities,

(2005) writes in his book Iconic Building, which is that,

without offending the sensibilities of members of other

due to the effect of globalisation, there has been a shift

communities. It is the fusion and compromise between

in typology of what can be classified as ‘iconic

incorporating

architecture’ in today’s terms. Jencks (2005) argues that

internationalist yet contextually recognisable manner

it used to be the cathedrals and palaces that were the

that has developed the transnational space. This is a type

most familiar symbols of the city, but now it’s

of space that even though could be anywhere in the

museums or shopping malls or other similar modern

world, still contains reminders, no matter how diluted,

inventions. Therefore, the vernacular components’

that there has been some consideration of local factors

function has changed in this respect. So, even if it was

and an adaption of vernacular components.

the

vernacular

elements

once used as a direct application to a cultural or religious requirement within a cathedral, the same

Sklair (2010) has written extensively on the impact of

element may then be used for a completely different

globalisation on modern architecture, one of his best

purpose in a twentieth century shopping mall, for

articles being Iconic Architecture and the Culture-ideology of

instance.

Consumerism, in which he documents the power of internationalism and points to the fact that the post

The Sydney Opera House is a multi-venue performing arts centre in Sydney, Austrailia and was built in 1973. It was designed by Danish architect Jørn Utzon and won a Pritzker Prize in 2003. Also, it was made a UNESCO World Heritage Site on 28 June 2007. 3

4 Estimates of the economic impact on the Bibao local economy was €168 million in 2001 up from €149 million in 2000. The Guggenheim also brought in a further €27 million to the Basque treasury in taxes. This represents the equivalent of 4,415 jobs. A visitor survey in 2002 revealed that 82% came to the city of Bilbao exclusively to see the museum or had extended their stay in the city to visit it (Bailey, 2002).

colonial revolution has had profound effects on architecture, urbanism as well as redefining the local identity and vernacular. King (2004) adds weight to Sklair’s (2010) argument by making connections between post colonialism and globalisation directly, arguing that relations are rarely in one direction, despite the obvious disparities in power. As a result, it tends to be the colonial or western architect who tends to work in post colonial and third world countries with

developing metropolises. Again, using the Petronas

the vernacular and regional factors (McNeil, 2009). As

Towers in Kuala Lumpur as a creditable example, Sklair

Oltmanns (2002) suggested in an interview in A+U, ‘I

(2010) notes that an international architect in César

am adamant that as international architects we should

Pelli built this building for the state-owned oil company

bear the responsibility for helping to preserve cultural

in a self-described moderate Muslim country. Pelli was

identities’ (Oltmanns, 2002:31). Many of the concerns

desperate to create an iconic and recognisable building,

and themes of the critics form part of a resistance to

which would encapsulate Malaysian political ambition

the global generic trend, which can be seen with the

on a world stage. Yet Pelli was careful to incorporate

debates on Critical Regionalism, where there is a call

particular elements from the Malaysian vernacular to

for regionalism to collaborate with internationalism as

give the building a local dimension and stray away from

the way forward.

producing a generic product. In his account of the attempt to integrate Islamic motifs into the ground floor plan, the architect César Pelli ‘shows how the post

2.3 Critical Regionalism: the ‘resistance’ to global trends

colonial is not simply a new form of imperialism but

The introduction of Critical Regionalism to the

something rather more subtle’ (Pelli et al., 1997).

discourse is valuable because it facilitates further

However, Sklair (2010) argues this is a superficial

analysis of literature on the tensions of local and global

portrayal of the vernacular. ‘The Islamic motif floor

drivers. Critical Regionalism was an architectural

plan and Malaysian design elements in no way inhibit

concept that first appeared in essays by Tzonis and

the operation of the shopping mall that occupies the

Lefaivre in the early 1980s.5 However, it was Frampton

ground floor of the building, one of the most

who, in later publications and essays, adopted it and

prestigious transnational social spaces in Asia’ (Sklair,

refined its meaning.6 Frampton (1983) spoke of the

2010:135). Vernacular elements, in this case Islamic

‘architecture of resistance (seeking) to mediate the

motifs, that were once celebrated in a small local region

impact of universal civilisation with elements derived

and only known within the indigenous population in

indirectly from the peculiarities of a particular place

Malaysia, have now been reconfigured and adopted by

(and) to reflect and serve the limited constituencies’ in

Pelli, the international architect, adorning it to create a

which it was located (Frampton, 1983 cited in Foster,

worldwide iconic symbol. Previously it was the

1983:17). The debates regarding Critical Regionalist

representation of local identity, the vernacular has been

rhetoric were generated out of the reaction against and

mobilised and conquered by the foreigner to form an

refusal to accept the mass uniformity of the modernist

iconic

era. Since regionalism is often seen as rigid localism as

landmark

produce

exhibition

international architecture.

opposed to more open and common cosmopolitanism, Critical Regionalism was an attempt to negotiate

Many writers including McNeill (2009) are critical of

between the two poles to avoid the excesses or

the generic mentality of international architects and the

limitations of each. It was to permit connections in

incorporation of gestural motifs within ‘Global

time and space between individual, local moments of

Modernism’ to represent cultural identities. ‘The

assumption that there is a unified (and) essentialised national identity fails to recognise that nations are social constructions, built up over decades and centuries 2009:118).

of The

conscious reaction

myth-making’ to

the

(McNeill,

one-size-fits-all

approach has led many to reconsider the application of

5 The term ‘Critical Regionalism’ was first coined in Alexander Tzonis and Liane Lefaivre’s publication, ‘The grid and the pathway: An introduction to the work of Dimitris and Suzana Antonakakis,’ in 1981. 6 Frampton’s most famous work on Critical Regionalism was ‘Towards a Critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance,’ in The Anti-Aesthetic. Essays on Postmodern Culture (1983) edited by Hal Foster, Bay Press, Seattle.

cultural struggle and the wider patterns of history,

with ever increasing force, all forms of traditional,

culture and politics that it related to (Reichert-Powell,

agrarian-based, autochthonous culture’ (Frampton,

2007). In order to continue a progressive and modern

1983:32). The revisiting of regionalist vernacular

urban development, theorists did not seek a complete

architecture proceeded from an awareness to divert

return to traditionalist vernacular architecture, but

‘universal technological norms,’ (Frampton, 1983:33)

wanted to integrate regionalist and geographical

the early effects of globalisation, internationalism and

elements into the modernist and post-modernist

the sense of placelessness it endeared. Frampton (1983)

movements. It was a theoretical model that wanted to

points out those Critical Regional architects that he had

engage

cultural

cited, such as Tadao Ando, Oscar Neimeyer and Luis

circumstances in deliberate, subtle and sometimes

Barragan, did not have a defined style or common

vague design strategies within the latest trends and

design characteristic between them with their buildings.

fashions, in a union of architectural elements taken

The buildings of Critical Regionalists did not exhibit ‘a

from the past and present and from local and global

received set of aesthetic preferences’ (Frampton,

arenas. In making this engagement, Critical Regionalist

1983:35). Instead, Frampton (1983) showed how

architecture was said to be an attempt to counter

Critical Regionalism was a process that was applicable

placeless

mainstream

to a range of situations and localities that tended to be

international modernism. Frampton (1983) wrote that

independent depending upon their location. It is during

Critical Regionalism was a form of ‘resistance,’ a

this architectural process that an architect would have

deliberate reaction to the general, universal standards,

to demonstrate an appreciation of geographical features

practices and norms. It was to be a new wave of

and be influenced by past vernacular designs for

architectural thinking that celebrated the place of origin

strategies and solutions, and still converse with modern

and in which it was grounded to ‘cultivate a

world architecture. It is within this complex analogue

contemporary place-orientated culture’ (Frampton,

that Critical Regionalism was at once inherently

1983:35), yet nevertheless still modern, appropriate and

dialectical and contradictory. As Eggener (2002) notes,

fashionable.

Critical

its

particular

homogeneity

geographical

and

much

and

Regionalism

depended

upon

universal

modernism, even though it worked against it. Set Most agree that Frampton is the best-known author on

against the backdrop of this coalition of local physical

Critical Regionalism and in his admired essay, Towards a

and cultural characteristics with more modern universal

Critical Regionalism: Six points for an architecture of resistance,

practices and technologies, to be a true Critical

he first recalls Ricoeur’s (1955) essay Universal

Regionalist was an extremely delicate balancing act.

Civilization and National Cultures. Ricoeur (1955) had warned of the ‘phenomenon of universalisation’ that

The combination of internal and external influences

had an inclination towards ‘subtle destruction (of not

and their uneasy attempts at establishing the direction

only) traditional cultures, (but of) the creative nucleus

of late twentieth century architectural assembly can be

of great cultures, the ethical and mythical nucleus of

traced back to colonial times, as seen in the earlier

mankind’ (Ricoeur, 1955:14). Ricoeur (1955) was

discussion on internationalism and globalisation.

fearful of the impact of internationalisation on creating

According to King’s (2004) assessment of connections

clone metropolises, where individuality and the

between post colonialism and globalisation, the

appreciation of locality in architectural design was a

relations are rarely developed in one direction, this is

prehistoric concept. This concern sparked Critical

also described by Jacobs (1996) when applying Critical

Regionalism and was a self-conscious reaction to the

Regionalist theory to the architecture of developing,

‘global modernisation (that) continues to undermine,

post colonial nations. ‘Just as post colonialist

tendencies have always been produced by colonialism,

back to life; it is a piece of rank materialism to attempt

so colonialist tendencies necessarily inhabit often

to duplicate some earlier form’ (Mumford, 1941:30). It

optimistically designated post colonial formations’

is through a greater appreciation of regional factors that

(Jacobs, 1996:14). Eggener (2002) argues Critical

modern architecture must progress, according to

Regionalism is such a formation, as it identifies an

Critical Regionalists like Mumford (1941). However,

architecture that purportedly reflects and serves its

what cannot be dismissed is that the vernacular form

locality, yet is itself still a construct most often imposed

was a direct response to the geography of the region,

from the outside and from positions of authority.

and this is where the connection lies between

Eggener (2002) has suggested Critical Regionalism is a

regionalism and the evolution of the vernacular. As

complex paradox within itself, having undermined its

Demirbilek (1998) states, ‘some examples of vernacular

own constructive message and confounded the

architecture can be considered primitive, but they were

architecture it promotes. Even though it represents and

simple and efficient solutions, derived from direct

cherishes the local identity, it cannot be established or

experiences with nature, oriented towards avoiding

practised without the influx of foreign power and

waste and protecting the environments’ (Demirbilek,

manipulation. Hence, Frampton’s (1983) description of

1998:5). The vernacular could not be constructed

a form of ‘resistance’ to overwhelming foreign power

without

in the formation of Critical Regionalist theory can be

environmental factors, and therefore the two notions

seen through Eggener’s (2002) perspective.

are intrinsically intertwined.

The important thing to stress is that the regional and

2.4 Schools of thought on the adaptation of the

the vernacular are not one and the same, but there are

vernacular function

subtle

differences

between

their

compositions.

Mumford (1941) was one of the first true regionalists that pointed out the fear of mass uniformity that internationalism promoted, especially when he spoke against modernism in the early twentieth century. Within his descriptions he demonstrates the differences between regionalism and vernacular. ‘Regionalism is not a matter of using the most available local material, or of copying some simple form of construction that our ancestors used, for want of anything better, a century or two ago. Regional forms are those which most closely meet the actual conditions of life and which most fully succeed in making a people feel at home in their environment: they do not merely utilise the soil but they reflect the current conditions of culture in the region’ (Mumford, 1941:30). Mumford (1941) went further to stress that it wasn’t nostalgia for the past vernacular that he envisioned. ‘The forms that people used in other civilisations or in other periods of

the

consultation

regionalist

and

The complex paradox of the unstable affiliation between local and global elements is reflected in welldocumented debates throughout the twentieth century to the present day. Based on the writings on Critical Regionalism, it is possible to uncover the tension created between the consequences of internationalism and globalisation on the shift in the role of the vernacular. As already noted, it is the change in function of vernacular components that serves to highlight the impact that internationalism has had. Once used as traditional motifs or simple strategies to meet climatic or cultural demands, they have now been incorporated into designs of hybrid skyscrapers or other transnational spaces. What must also be considered are other interpretations of the change in use of the vernacular, as the way the vernacular is used and understood today cannot be entirely attributed to the role of globalisation.

our own country’s history were intimately part of the

In Lawrence’s (1983) essay, The Interpretation of

whole structure of their life. There is no method of

Vernacular Architecture, he cites seven methodologies

mechanically reproducing these forms or bringing them

that have been written on the different interpretation of

interrelated physical factors such as availability of

the vernacular. Two of them are deemed suitable as

materials, topographical and climatic context. Later

vehicles to position and structure the empirical

authors also confirmed their theories, such as Clifton-

research. Lawrence (1983) notes that it’s not just

Taylor (1972), who suggested English vernacular

architects,

historians,

architecture is the product of ‘the close relationship

geographers, social anthropologists, sociologists and

between the geology of our country and traditional

psychologists, that have contributed to approaches to

materials which go to the making of the pattern of

the study of the changing use of the vernacular.

English building’ (Lawrence, 1983:4).

but

also

ethnologists,

Lawrence (1983) combines all these schools of thought to discuss a range of complementary and sometimes contradictory approaches to the changing role of the vernacular. It is through Lawrence’s (1983) medium that the empirical research can be position by highlighting which schools of thought it matches, hence forming a suitable methodology. The first approach regards typology on reconfiguration of the vernacular. Durand and de Quincy (1823), who maintained ‘that it was legitimate to consider architectural typologies both as function of the history of architectural space and of the design process employed by architects’ (Lawrence, 1983:3), supported this approach. However, it had its critics, such as Raulin and Ravis-Giordani (1977) who maintained it was not suitable for studying vernacular architecture. They argued the typological approach did not consider the merits of ‘the arrangement of constituent parts, the constraints imposed by the site, the intended use of the

The fourth approach Lawrence (1983) deals with social factors such as defence, economy and household structure. Lawrence (1983) notes that the value of this approach is centred upon the kind of social factors that interact with the form of dwellings and the economic resources of the inhabitants. The fifth approach was to do with consideration of socio-cultural factors like religious practices and collective spatial images. Scholars such as Deffontaines (1948, 1972) support this and attribute the form of vernacular buildings to religious beliefs and practices. Other authors, like Eliade (1959) and Levi-Strauss (1968) have implied that man perceives his habitat as a reflection of the cosmic order. Hence, the dwelling serves to protect and it is an individual expression of a collective image. Deffontaines (1948, 1972) points to the fact that myth and ritual are mechanisms used in ceremonies related to the building construction.

building, (or the) materials and techniques used for

The sixth, and the first of the two approaches that will

construction’ (Lawrence, 1983:3).

be used to generate a suitable methodology and vehicle

The second school of thought Lawrence (1983) discusses is the evolutionary approach. Mercer (1975) confers with this approach as he suggests that an evolutionary theory, which accounts for social, political and economic circumstances, can explain the diversity of vernacular buildings in a geographical region at a specific time.

for the empirical chapters, is the aesthetic and formalist approach. As Lawrence (1983) comments, since the eighteenth century buildings have ‘commonly been classified according to explicit aesthetic or functional qualities: above all, according to their use, their nomenclature, and/or their ‘historical’ style based on the doctrine of established architectural canons’ (Lawrence, 1983:5). The vernacular fashion of the time

The third approach is to do with physical explanations,

would have a certain easily recognisable set rule or

such as buildings, materials, technology, site and

doctrine, enabling them to be applied at any time.

climate. Addy (1898) and Innocent (1916) were strong

Rudolfsky (1964, 1977) best exemplifies this approach

advocates and suggested it was based on several

in his aforementioned publication Architecture without

Architects. Nevertheless, this approach and Rudolfsky’s

with the role of internationalism in architecture, as it

(1964) book received criticism. Oliver (1969) felt

demonstrates how a more powerful and dominant

Rudolfsky and the aesthetic formalist approach

constituent can directly impact the development and

disregarded methods for understanding why or how

configuration of a lesser one. In essence, how

vernacular buildings were constructed in the first place,

influential internationalism has been in utilising and

which was a disservice to Brunskill’s (1987) definition

adapting the vernacular in a different cultural setting

of the vernacular that ‘the function of the building

and foreign dynamic.

would be the dominant factor’ (Brunskill, 1987:27). The empirical study and methodology will answer Oliver’s

2.5 Conclusion

(1975) criticism within the framework of the aesthetic

Having understood the greater discussions and topics

and formalist approach, through the study of physical

regarding the impact of internationalism on the

components that reverberate a vernacular quality,

mobilisation of the vernacular, a comprehensive

focusing upon their intended traditional function and

theoretical

modern day aesthetic usage in the case study.

established. Situated under two schools of thought of

The last, and second valid approach is cultural and geographic diffusionism. The diffusionist school of thought was employed in the twentieth century and is intertwined with an evolutionary theory as it combines social-cultural diffusion, which is the spread of ideas, practices or customs not only from social classes, but also

global

arenas

individual

nations

and

metropolises. Raglan (1965) was convinced this had contributed most to the evolution of the vernacular. ‘It is a general principle that artefacts of poor quality and workmanship are degenerate rather than primitive. The

vernacular

body

and

interpretation,

methodology the

aesthetic

has

been

formalist

approach and the diffusionist approach, the empirical research can relate to the aforementioned theories, to judge how far the function of the vernacular component has changed from its intended use. The study will be based around a series of site visits, documenting visual material, plus extensive interviews and questionnaires, all with the intention of uncovering the current use and success of particular components with a vernacular connation to gauge the scale of adaptation.

reason is a simple one. New types of artefact are made

The theoretical study has demonstrated a relationship

for the rich and powerful and are adopted by them

between local and global drivers, to the extent that the

because they are an improvement on whatever it is they

vernacular

replace. They become fashionable; everyone wants

reconfigured and its intrinsic worth has been

them, and to supply the demand cheap specimens of

completely reversed by the impact of internationalism.

poor quality are produced in numbers’ (Raglan,

It is important to remember that this transition has had

1965:43). The other factor this approach encompasses

varying degrees of success. Where it has failed and is

is geographical diffusion, which recalls how a colony

dysfunctional, it represents a rupture between the

may adopt fashions and ideas from its parent culture

associations of the vernacular with its specific functions

and the unique requirements of the settlers, who were

and purposes. In some cases, so extreme they act as

transplanted to a completely different social and

mere gestural figures or ineffective architectural

geographical context (Lawrence, 1982). The diffusionist

elements. The concerns of Critical Regionalists have

approach is a worthy heading to structure the research

once again come to the forefront of architectural

around as it ties in with aforementioned theories such

debate, as the ‘resistance’ of excessive internationalism

transnational

and foreign influx, through a diffusionist perspective,

spaces,

iconic

forms

well

incorporating the international architect’s own agenda.

component

has

been

completely

has developed a 21st century form of critical thinking.

Diffusionism is a notion that is inherently connected

3.0 Liberal Arts and Sciences Building, Doha, Qatar: Introduction and background The case study and empirical research will explicitly focus upon the Liberal Arts and Sciences building in Doha’s Education City in Qatar, Arabian Gulf. Renowned Japanese architects, Kazuhiro Kojima and Kazuko Akamatsu, designed it and it was completed in 2004. The Liberal Arts and Sciences (LAS) building was the second building completed in Education City, and contains

two

educational

institutions,

the

U.S.

accredited, Academic Bridge Programme and the Faculty of Islamic Studies. Qatar and Education City are of particular interest and relevance to the subject at hand, as Education City is an example of how Qatar is in the process of developing its cultural and urban identity into a modern global power. As a result the vernacular of Qatar has witnessed a massive transformation (Jaidah, 2009). ‘It is argued that the loss of local, vernacular traditions may have been due to a simultaneous weakening of the values attributed to traditional structures and style, which would have facilitated the spread of the new style by freeing it of its status associations’ (Jaidah, 2009:7). With the introduction of modernity and embracing globalisation, developments in architecture have resulted in new typologies and styles that bear no relation to traditional Qatari architecture. It is important to remember that Qatar is an extremely young country. Only less than a hundred years ago, Qatar was an unheard of, declining seaport peninsula, with a population of less than 27,000 inhabitants at the turn of the twentieth century. It has only been from the mid 1950s to the mid 1980s that Qatar has turned from

a poor British Protectorate into an independent

transforming Qatar into a knowledge-based economy

modern state. Due to the influx of capital, accumulated

with less reliance on an expatriate workforce (Al-Thani,

from the trade of natural gas and oil, and the tiny

2012). Education City is said to be the cornerstone of

indigenous population, today Qatar has the highest

the broad educational reform undertaken to diversify

G.D.P. in the world. The economy also grew by 19.40

the economy and reduce Qatar’s dependency on oil

per cent in 2010, which was the fastest anywhere in the

revenues as well as to protect the rich culture, values

world. As a result, Doha, the capital of Qatar, has

and history of the Arab-Muslim world (WES, 2008).

experienced a remarkable urbanisation process in an extremely short amount of time (Al-Thani, 2012). Once

Distinguished architect, Arata Isozaki, designed the

where there was barren desert land, skyscrapers,

entire master plan for Education City and other

shopping malls and five star hotels have appeared. As

international architects, including Ricardo Legorreta

well as these new typologies, Qatar has made it one of

and Rem Koolhaas, have designed specific buildings to

its primary political agendas to bring world-class

house each individual institution or centre. The LAS

education into the country, hence created a district

building is in a very prominent location, situated to face

called Education City.

the main public highway, as shown in the Education City Site Plan in Figure 4. It is one of the most

Education City is an initiative by Qatar Foundation, a

noticeable buildings when approaching Education City.

non-profit private organisation founded in 1995 by

It further represents Qatar’s forward thinking political

decree of the Emir of Qatar and chaired by Sheika

approach and was truly ground breaking, as it was the

Mozah bint Nasser Al Missned, and covers 14km on

first co-educational building for post school education

the suburbs of Doha, see Site Location Plan in Figure

in the Arabian Gulf. It represents a radical shift in the

3. It houses several branch campuses of major western,

educational system, not just in Qatar but in the wider

predominantly American, educational institutions, that

region too, therefore had to be a landmark piece of

are strategically selected from various disciplines and

architecture.

work autonomously under the same standards as their home campuses (Wazzan, 2007). These include; Texas

Kojima and Akamatsu had a very delicate job of

A&M, Weill Cornell Medical School, Georgetown

respecting a strict Islamic Bedouin culture, yet still

University,

adopting western ideals and values. They did this by

Carnegie Mellon University, Northwestern University,

infusing particular vernacular components, sensitive to

HEC Paris and University College London. These

the Qatari and Arabian culture and climate. The LAS

western establishments sit alongside domestic higher

building represents concerns from Critical Regionalists

education centres, which are the Academic Bridge

like Frampton (1983) and Mumford (1941), as even

Programme and the Faculty of Islamic Studies, as well

though it presents internationalist elements and has

as a primary and secondary school called Qatar

been swayed by global fashions, the use of components

Academy. Each institution has its own separate

enacting the vernacular function as well as regional

building designed by different architects within

contributors, makes it grounded and suited to its

Education City. There are also other centres that have

locality and context. The LAS building demonstrates a

been or in the process of being incorporated into

consideration in unifying the two extremities of local

Education City, such as the Science & Technology

and global forces. Yet, the function and purpose of the

Park, the Sidra Medical Centre and the Convention

vernacular components raise questions regarding the

Centre. It is predominantly Arab Muslim students who

superficiality

attend the institutions, with a specific agenda of

something which Mumford (1941) would have been

Virginia

Commonwealth

and

false

interpretation

them,

inherently against, as some components are merely

test the merits of internationalism on the mobilisation

gestural and not operating in their intended manner, as

of the vernacular. Specifically focussing on Sklair’s

results from my survey demonstrate (see Figure 30 and

(2010) concept of transnational spaces, creating the

Figure 31). The issue will be explored further in the

‘iconic’ (Jencks, 2005) and the architect’s own

first empirical chapter under the aesthetic formalist

philosophy. Through a series of site visits, sketches,

approach of reinterpretation of the vernacular.

photographs and diagrams, the empirical research will test the theoretical position and the two schools of

By being described as an ‘iconic’ piece of architecture,

thought. A questionnaire7 was devised and circulated

as results from my survey confer see Figure 29, and

predominantly to members of staff and students from

the Academic Bridge Programme. There were 33

functioning as a branch campus in a foreign setting, or

respondents in total, and they all use the LAS building

as Sklair (2010) would say a ‘transnational space,’ the

every day to teach, study or work. The questionnaire

LAS

internationalist

asked 22 questions and focused on the use of space and

tendencies. The spaces in the LAS building have

user’s own interpretations of the building. Also two

essentially been teleported into a completely different

semi-structured interviews were conducted. The first

cultural dynamic. Moreover, due to its significance and

was with Dr. Remah Younis Gharib, an assistant

impact on Arabian society and representation of Qatari

professor of Architecture and Urban Design for

aspirations, the LAS building had to be an iconic

Islamic Urban Planning and Architecture and a

attraction in the country and the Arabian Gulf. The

member of staff for the Faculty of Islamic Studies. He

considered application of vernacular components

studied for his Architecture masters and PhD at

amalgamated with creating spaces for a western style of

Nottingham University and had been working and

education, was vital in producing a building that

using the building for 6 months prior to the interview.

integrated

still

Dr. Remah’s credentials and qualifications allow him to

convincingly set in Doha and respectful of the local

be in a prime position to judge and pass comment on

culture. Additionally, the Japanese architects had their

the design and usage of the LAS building, as well as

own design agenda and philosophy that they naturally

providing insight into the similarities with vernacular

imposed on the building. The topic of social and

Islamic architecture. The other interview was with a

geographic diffusionism to understand the impact of

young Qatari Sheikh and member of the ruling family,

internationalism

the

Suhaim Saoud Al-Thani. Suhaim studied at the

vernacular in the LAS building will be explored in the

Academic Bridge Programme in the LAS building for

second empirical chapter.

one year and, at the time of the interview, was

building

exhibits

‘transnational

the

strong

spaces’

yet

reinterpretation

was

completing his course at Georgetown University in By dissecting components and inherent themes within the LAS building, the empirical chapters will be positioned and structured under two schools of interpretation of the vernacular, as mentioned in Lawrence’s (1983) essay. The first chapter will be based upon the aesthetic and formalist approach, focussing upon visual gestures and components that resonate a vernacular quality; nevertheless still understanding their

Education City. Suhaim provided valuable information on the LAS building, thoughts on Education City and Qatar’s policies and ambitions. Combining all the primary material, the investigation will analyse and determine the extent of development of the vernacular function, and therefore establish the impact of internationalism

and

critical

thinking

the

reconfiguration of the vernacular component.

primary intended function. The second chapter will be

judged against the theories of diffusionism, to further

See Appendix B.

4.0 The aesthetic formalist approach to uncover how the function enacts the vernacular Applying the aesthetic formalist approach to the interpretation of the vernacular relies on particular visual characteristics of defined architectural styles from particular eras. When the approach was first devised, critics like Oliver (1969) felt there was an fundamental

lack

understanding

specific

functions and purposes of the aesthetic qualities of the vernacular. Where my research will bridge the gap and resolve Oliver’s (1969) criticisms, will be by adopting the approach as a vehicle to study aesthetic components of the LAS building that can be attributed to vernacular influences, yet using a scale to gauge the change in use from their previous vernacular function. Examples of Islamic vernacular architecture in Qatar and the wider region will be used to illustrate the point. Due to the very nature of the LAS building being designed by Japanese architects, importing foreign spaces and becoming iconic, the change in use of vernacular functions are from direct implications of internationalism and critical thinking. The chapter will analyse four specific components of the building; the arabesque pattern, the aluminium screens, the wind towers and the windows. All the components demonstrate not only an aesthetic and visual quality, but also apply a function or purpose to enact the vernacular. Each component will be analysed by describing the current use and purpose, the social and cultural connection, what the original vernacular function was, and then the scale of adaption to assess the impact internationalism has had. As illustrated in Figure 5 and Figure 7, the most notable aesthetic characteristic of the LAS building which makes it ‘iconic,’ is the arabesque pattern

(AKAA, 2007). Results from my survey (see Figure 32)

and not directly from traditional Arabian design. The

confirm that the majority of users saw the arabesque

quasi-crystal structure was a chemical atomic pattern

pattern as the feature that ‘makes the L.A.S. building

found and published in a paper by scientists Ilan Blech

relate to Islamic architecture the most’ (AKAA, 2007).

and Daniel Shechtman.8 This represents a massive shift

The pattern has been extensively used all over the

in the role of the vernacular. The aesthetic component

building’s outer most skin on the double-skin façade. It

which once had deep spiritual meaning and correlated

has been incorporated into the facade with voids and

‘to the order of the cosmos’ (Critchlow, 1976:132), has

openings, allowing some daylight into the building

now been reconfigured and redefined in the LAS

during the day. At night, as Figure 6 and Figure 8

building. The evolution of the Islamic motif has

illustrate, fluorescent lighting behind the outer shell

convoluted its original function; where by the indirect

give the voids and openings a yellow hue to further add

visual replication of a completely separate entity can be

to the expression of the building. Internally, the

accepted to portray the vernacular and relate to the

arabesque pattern on aluminium screens cover the

indigenous culture.

perimeters of every atrium, patio area, void and ceiling opening. It acts as a semi-permeable visual membrane to filter through only a minimal amount of daylight and in some cases as a visual barrier too. The pattern has been derived from manipulating the 90-degree, 60degree, and 30-degree parallelograms that expand infinitely from a single centre point and never repeating itself (AKAA, 2007). For the facade, the architects placed the point of origin at the building’s entrance, and laid out a segment of the pattern in plan. Arabesque patterns are a fundamental part of Qatari and Islamic culture, since geometric and symmetric motifs are immediately recognisable as being Arabian (Critchlow, 1976). The art of Islam is inseparable from the science of mathematics and ‘the primary function of these patterns is to lead the mind from the literal and mundane world towards the underlying reality’ (Critchlow, 1976:53) The architects sought to ‘repeat the culture of abstraction and innovation of the geometric pattern’ (AKAA, 2007:4). Kojima and Akamatsu adopted the quasi-crystal pattern to imprint onto the façade and aluminum screens. ‘The Liberal Arts and Science building also presents itself to its community by echoing their identity. The elevation intends to blend the building into its context with its quasi-crystal designed pattern that echoes Islamic motifs’ (AKAA, 2007:4). It could be argued this is an indirect and loose portrayal, as the quasi-crystal geometry was in fact discovered in England in 1984,

As shown in Figure 11 and Figure 12, the aluminium screens with the arabesque pattern also act as visual barriers and block out excessive daylight. Kojima and Akamatsu were concerned with the harsh desert sun and wanted to implement strategies in order to minimise glare, as seen in Figure 16. The aluminium screens that border the patio areas are applied to prevent extreme daylight penetrating the interior. They also function as visual barriers to separate spaces and internal territories in the building. The use of visually penetrable screens has been influenced from a vernacular component called mashrabiyas, which were a type of window or partition enclosed with carved wood latticework. Typical examples of mashrabiyas can be seen in Figure 13 and Figure 14. Mashrabiyas have been an element of Islamic architecture since the middle ages, typically seen in private houses, palaces and mosques, and hold not only aesthetic but social and climatic connotations too. One of the main features of the mashrabiyas is for privacy, an essential part of Arabian and Islamic culture. With them, the occupants can obtain an adequate view looking out, without being

8 Shechtman first observed tenfold electron diffraction patterns in 1982, but these results were not published until two years later when Ilan Blech, using computer simulation, suggested that the diffraction patterns resulted from an aperiodic structure. Blech simulations as well as the diffraction patterns were published in 1984 in a joint paper with Shechtman entitled ‘The Microstructure of Rapidly Solidified Al6Mn,’ Metallurgical Transactions A, 16A (1984) 1005.

seen. The wooden latticework gives shade and

because the architects did not modify anything

protection from the hot summer sun while allowing the

regarding the form or function of the wind towers, they

cool air to flow through. The typical designs of the

are a ‘very strong symbolic element to give a sense of

latticework are usually with smaller openings in the

continuation of the past’ (see Appendix C). The wind

bottom parts and larger openings in the higher parts,

towers project vertically from the building’s patio area,

causing the draft to be fast above the head and slow in

and are the tallest elements on the building and balance

lower parts making a consistently comfortable living

the long horizontal mass. As well as the aesthetic and

environment (Gharib, 2012). Moreover, even the

visual attributes, the architects utilise the primary

primary function of the mashrabiya in the Islamic

function of the wind towers, which is a passive low-

vernacular has evolved within the region. As the

tech response to the hot arid climate by capturing cool

Egyptian name suggests, the word mashrabiya actually

winds to filter through into the basement, where the

comes from an Arabic root meaning ‘the place of

car park is located. The wind towers are evocative and

drinking’ and the original purpose was ‘to cool the

typical of Qatari and Islamic architecture, and can be

drinking water.’ The shade and open lattice of a

seen in one particular example, Mohammed Said

mashrabiya facilitated the constant movement of airflow,

Naserallah’s House in Doha, constructed in 1920, and

which, as the sweating surfaces of porous clay pots

seen in Figure 19. The wind tower in this example is

evaporated, cooled the water inside. From this

located on the southwest corner, and as well as

beginning, the mashrabiya developed into an eminently

capturing cool air, acts as ‘the main decorative feature

practical architectural feature that for centuries served

of the house’ (Jaidah, 2009:89). The parapet of the

as a window, visual barrier, air conditioner and

tower is ‘decorated on all sides with a very well

refrigerator. Shrewdly designed, it not only subdued the

moulded saw-tooth design’ (Jaidah, 2009:90). With the

strong desert sunlight but successfully cooled houses,

simple effective response to the climate and display of

water and people (Feeney, 1974). The other function

aesthetic appeal and decoration, Kojima and Akamatsu

the mashrabiya serves is being an aesthetic ornament

have not changed a single quality of the wind tower on

decorated and adorned with Islamic and Arabian

the LAS building, only fitting an appropriate scale and

patterns, a symbol of pride and beauty in traditional

quantity. Even though utilising the function to enact

Islamic architecture. As shown in Figure 15, the

the vernacular on an aesthetic and practical sense, the

function of the aluminium screen in the LAS building

effectiveness of the wind towers can be called into

has been directly imposed from the vernacular

question. Gharib (2012) queries the value of the wind

component, and displays a respect and understanding

towers to ventilate the car park in the basement, since

of Islamic culture and traditional architecture in Qatar

on the perimeter there is only the outer most skin with

and the Arabian Gulf. Kojima and Akamatsu have

the arabesque pattern. The skin has sizeable gaps and

utilised the vernacular component and it’s function

spaces in it, and with the voids to allow cars into and

serves as a visual barrier, decorative ornament and

out of the basement; means there is clearly air

environmental strategy, all reverberating a continuation

movement into and out of the basement from ground

to the past and which makes the Arab students familiar

level. As the technology of the wind towers is based on

to their surroundings.

the stack effect, ideally the pressure in the basement

As Figure 17 and Figure 18 illustrate, the six wind towers are a component directly transferred on to the LAS building from Islamic architecture and serve as an aesthetic visual component to represent an appreciation of context and locality. As Gharib (2012) observes,

needs to be significantly lower than that on top of the wind tower, as this would allow for the air buoyancy to push the cool wind into the basement, thus ventilating it. But the openings at ground level in the basement allow for air movement, so the pressure difference can

hardly be that great, therefore raising doubts regarding

to facilitate air movement. Therefore, none of a

the effectiveness of the wind towers (Gharib, 2012). It

window’s main qualities have been adhered to. Even in

appears the wind towers are there merely as symbolic

some areas, there are several fluorescent light fixtures

vernacular gestures, more focussed on form rather than

directly above the small windows as shown in Figure 21

effective function.

and Figure 22, indicating the need for more light,

It can be argued that, the windows of the LAS building are another component with a function that enacts the vernacular, which is worthy for consideration. The square windows, as shown in Figure 20, on the outer perimeter are approximately 40cm by 40cm. They are all aligned and are symmetric on both floors that continue the influences of geometric arrangements from Islamic patterns (Gharib 2012). None of the square windows can be opened to allow for air movement and they also have a yellow film on them to

despite there being an abundance of daylight outside. Gharib (2012) agrees that the architects had the ‘wrong interpretation of Islamic architecture’ (see Appendix C). Kojima and Akamatsu mobilise the vernacular, with the use of small windows on the external façade. Yet, due

questions

regarding

the

validity

and

effectiveness of the windows, it can be argued the architects, disregarding the original vernacular function, have failed to suitably modernise them successfully into the LAS building.

prevent excessive glare. Small minimal windows on

Through

the

aesthetic

exterior walls are a common element in Islamic

components enacting a vernacular function in the LAS

architecture, and the scale and manner in which the

building have varying degrees of adaption and

windows are utilised in the LAS building suggests a

effectiveness in their newly assigned modern role. The

vernacular purpose. Traditional courtyard houses,

arabesque pattern and square windows represent a

particularly in North Africa and Mediterranean Gulf

massive change in function from past vernacular

countries, are introverted and inward looking, therefore

examples, and the influence of the foreign architects, a

the small windows on external facades are small and

form of internationalism, has unquestionably been the

plain (Al Abidin, 2006). The minimalist use of windows

main driver. Whereas the aluminium screens and wind

on external façade emphasises the fact that the central

towers have not been adapted and still retain a direct

courtyard is the focus of vernacular housing. Moreover,

correlation to vernacular functions, they are literal

the small windows have social connotations as they

translations. When assessing the value and success of

maintain a heightened sense of privacy, an important

the components, the wind towers and windows come

aspect of Islamic culture, within the individual houses

under scrutiny as questions have been raised as to their

(Sinha, 1989). Kojima and Akamatsu have attempted a

functional

metamorphosis from one vernacular typology to a

components have proven to be ineffective and

present one, utilising a key component. Nonetheless,

dysfunctional, it symbolises a rupture between the

issues regarding the window’s value in the LAS building

associations of their corresponding vernacular and the

can be raised, pointing queries to suggest that they

specific functions. Consequently, this has resulted in a

perform just a simple aesthetic gesture to add a further

diluted representation and superficial existence of the

connection to the vernacular. It can be argued a

vernacular in modern day form. In essence, it is an

window has three principal attributes: to let light in, to

example of the vernacular being falsely mobilised as a

enable the movement of air and to allow for views in

product from internationalist agendas. The arabesque

and out. Since the building has two skins on its façade,

pattern and aluminium screens, on the other hand, can

the outer most skin blocks out the daylight and the

be deemed to be effective in their functional

views of the windows of the inner most skin (Gharib,

requirements for the LAS building. The arabesque

2012). On top of that, the windows cannot be opened

pattern

necessity

perfectly

and

formalist

purpose.

personifies

the

approach,

Since

the

these

impact

internationalism on the mobilisation of the vernacular

function. Even though Kojima and Akamatsu’s design was directly influenced from the chemical atomic pattern

the

quasi-crystal

structure,

their

representation has been embraced as being acceptable in relating to traditional Islamic forms and motifs. With this successful transition of the vernacular function in modern day architectural production, the implications and manipulation from the effects of internationalism and critical thinking cannot be ignored.

5.0 Diffusionism and the transportation of foreign ideals to a different cultural dynamic 5.0 Introduction With regards to the interpretation of the vernacular because of the ramifications of internationalism, the diffusionist approach is helpful as it takes into consideration trans-cultural, social and the geographical spread of ideas within the realms of the architectural arena. Raglan (1965) and Douglas (1973) maintain that the influence of a more powerful constituent directly impacts the development of a lesser one. This intermittently transmits fashions, values and standards, in one form or another, to enhance or mobilise the lesser constituent, be it a social class, metropolis or nation. Sklair’s (2010) theories on transnational space and Jenck’s (2005) literature on the ‘iconic’ coherently tie in with this approach, and will form the basis of investigatory vehicles to understand the impact of internationalism on the vernacular. The methodology of studying specific components that resonate a vernacular function will be adopted. The four components the chapter will analyse are: the issue of gender segregation, the internal spatial organisation, the patio areas and the prayer rooms. All the components demonstrate a connection to diffusionist rhetoric and link in with aforementioned theories. The extent of adaption, from the original vernacular function, will determine the degree of internationalism on the role of the vernacular.

5.1 Gender segregation: transparent classrooms The LAS building was the first building to house coeducational higher learning in Qatar (AKAA, 2007). However, the architects had to still be weary of acknowledging a degree of sensitivity to the issue of gender segregation in a strict Islamic country. ‘Since the school is Qatar’s first coeducational facility, a modicum of separation along gender lines was required’ (AKAA, 2007). Some scholars have even suggested ‘that the division between male and female space is the most important defining characteristic of the Islamic city.’ (ARAC, 2008:online) Gender segregation was and is still used in Islamic architecture in extremely obvious ways, usually with physical features built into the structure that physically shelter females from the unwarranted and improper attentions of males. The most common strategies were used in order to visually segregate males and females. For example, entryways between areas would be crooked, so males looking in could not see the females, but females could see the males outside from their private space (Hathaway, 2008). The aforementioned mashrabiya was also another approach used to obstruct vision into a secluded area for females. Gender segregation in Islam is an inherent part of the Arabian Gulf and Qatar’s urban environment, so Kojima and Akamatsu had to soften this local custom with designing a coeducational environment. Hence, why they decided upon using completely transparent glass walls for the classrooms on the ground floor, as seen in Figure 23, meaning classes are in full view of passers by (AKAA, 2007). ‘To shield female students from public view, and thereby ensure their comfort, a variety of metal screens and textured

surfaces

create

numerous

translucent

partitions’ (Pollock, 2004:174). Therefore, even in an enclosed environment, female students are still visible and are never alone with males in the LAS building. It allows for a measure of openness, as even though males and females share a classroom together during lessons, they still don’t feel completely separated or isolated with activity outside, as Figure 24 shows. Being, for the majority of students, their first

experience of co-education, it facilitates a comfortable transition from a gender segregated Islamic secondary school to a western style of coeducation. Even though understanding the architect’s design agenda and their consequent strategy, Gharib (2012) is still quite critical. ‘It’s nice to have transparency in education, however this is not useful for education in practicality, because if you are teaching you will find students (and) people passing outside the classroom disturbing the students inside the classroom and disturbing the teachers as well’ (see Appendix C). Gharib (2012) concerns are echoed with my survey results, where the majority 48% said the transparent walls were a distraction (see Figure 39). Also there was a medium mark of 4.8 rating out of 10, 1 being easiest, as to how easy it was to ‘work, study, learn and be productive in the classrooms’ (see Figure 38). When judging the primary sources, it is important to remember the majority of respondents of the survey were the teaching staff of the LAS building, who are naturally more used to a western style of coeducation. Suhaim Al-Thani, a student, has a different view and is more complementary of the transparent rooms. ‘I see this as an open room, because even though the classrooms are closed, it is made from glass and people could see in and people could see out. It is my favourite part of the building’ (see Appendix D). This further emphasises the challenge Kojima and Akamatsu had in balancing the local culture of gender segregation with the first higher coeducational building in Qatar, as even though they may have implemented their own strategies and met the brief, the actual effectiveness and satisfaction amongst its users is mixed; staff being more critical, whereas students seemingly more appreciative. This translation of local religious custom has mobilised the understanding of the vernacular. Once obvious physical features acting as visual boundaries to segregate genders, the configuration of the vernacular has been reversed to accommodate the global forces and the adoption of western coeducation practice in the LAS building. The transparent glass walls to the classrooms act as a form of appreciation to the traditional custom, but at the

same time merit their coeducational requirements. This

LAS building, there appears to be doubts from the

represents a massive shift in the change of use of the

users as to its effectiveness and success. Despite,

vernacular, and is the direct result from adopting global

attempting to portray a continuation with the past,

culture and foreign architects.

questions regarding the practicability using a ‘typical Islamic city’ as an appropriate design platform have

5.2 Islamic city: internal spatial organisation

been

raised.

The

utilisation

the

vernacular

Through a network of routes and courtyards each

component, even though with good intentions, has

containing a distinctive activity, the plan and spatial

been, some would argue, not properly implemented in

organisation of the LAS building has been influenced

this respect.

from the typology of Islamic city planning, as the Floor Plans illustrate in Figure 1 and Figure 2 (AKAA, 2007). Islamic city planning in the Arabian Gulf is focussed

5.3 Courtyard housing typology: outdoor patio areas

upon ‘the development of building and urban design

As illustrated in the First Floor Plan in Figure 2, the six

principles centred primarily around housing and access’

patio areas also represent a massive shift in the

(AKAA, 2007). A typical Islamic city tends to

reconfiguration of the vernacular. The patio areas all

incorporate a very narrow winding street network

have grass and contain the wind towers, which pierce

connecting different typologies and infrastructures

through them into the basement, where the car park is

together. The hierarchy of streets is not always that

located. ‘Kojima was inspired in his balancing of open

apparent or obvious. The circulation and movement

and closed spaces by the interior courtyards and

within an Islamic city is something Kojima and

gardens he visited in his extensive travels in the Middle

Akamatsu looked to adopt in analogy to the floor

East’ (AKAA, 2007). The patio areas are incorporated

plans. As a result ‘the space of the LAS building is

to allow internal spaces to access sunlight, even if it

organised by ‘summer patios’ (interior atriums) and

they are in the centre of the building. Outdoor areas

‘winter

located

contained within buildings are a very common aspect

consecutively resulting in a mosaic pattern’ (AKAA,

to the vernacular in the region. ‘Courtyard planning (is)

2007). The voids and atriums break up the spatial

a major design tool for architects and designers that

organisation to create, as many from my survey

enables them to link the present with history in

described, an extremely ‘labyrinthine’ design. This does

uninterrupted continuity’ (AKAA, 2007). They create

have its downsides, as an overwhelming 100% of

introverted buildings, with the dominant function being

people from my survey said they had been lost at some

to prevent the heat and sun penetrating into the

point in the building, see Figure 34. Respondents

building, and to maintain a high degree of privacy, a

further suggested that navigating around the building

fundamental part of the culture. ‘(The courtyard)

can be difficult, with answers resulting in a medium

becomes a generic typology in hot, arid, climatic

rating of 6.2 out 10, 1 being easiest, as to ‘how easy is it

landscapes and forms the basis of the urban pattern in

to move around inside the L.A.S. building’ (see Figure

the medinas of the Islamic World’ (Al Abidin, 2006:70).

33). Gharib (2012) confirms this by commenting that

A typical courtyard was a flexible space and the centre

the internal circulation of the building is indeed very

of activity in the household (Jaidah, 2009). ‘It’s the

complicated, as there are ‘no landmarks or territories’

garden, the meeting point, the space where all the other

(see Appendix C). With two educational institutions in

spaces look into’ (see Appendix C). They keep the

the building, it is hard to define where one starts and

building well ventilated and cool throughout the day.

the other ends. Even though, Kojima and Akamatsu

‘The courtyard has become a multipurpose room where

adopted a vernacular influence to be utilised within the

most of the activities take place. The courtyard also

patios’

(exterior

courtyards)

provides a climatically controlled space from many of

rooms, with further segregation between male and

nature’s unwanted forces, such as winds and storms’

female prayer rooms. Most Muslims appreciate a very

(Al Abidin, 2006:72). In the LAS building, the patio

minimalistic design, Gharib (2012) commenting that ‘in

areas are well used with an overwhelming 76% majority

a prayer room all you need is a carpet, the kiblah

of users confirming they used them (see Figure 37).

direction and a bookshelf’ (see Appendix C) for the

Gharib (2012) remarks, even though the patio areas

Quran. Some Muslim users have criticised the prayer

serve a practical purpose and an environmental

rooms by saying that there is no ablution fountain, as

function, he questions the quality of space, suggesting

Muslims are required to wash before they pray. This

they are merely ‘glass boxes with some grass inside’ (see

suggests a lack of appreciation or sensitivity, by not

Appendix C). Gharib (2012) notes the doors to access

providing sufficient or adequate amenities to facilitate

the patio areas ‘are not welcoming doors, (as) they are

the Islamic culture and its requirements. Other

maintenance doors, as seen in Figure 26. In a

buildings in Education City, such as Georgetown

traditional courtyard you have big open doors and

University designed by Ricardo Legorreta, house

windows to gather people.’ Gharib (2012) further

adequate, larger prayer halls with ablution fountains,

queries if the patio area effectively enact the vernacular

see Figure 27. The implications of this emphasis the

function, commenting that, traditionally, the courtyards

clash of cultures and meeting of different values in an

were designed so that it was central to movement

unique dynamic. The LAS building designed for a

around the building, whereas in the LAS building they

western style of education still had to be tailor made

are essentially detached from all the other spaces. The

and accommodate its Muslim users. Designed by

main intention of voids was to allow light into the

Japanese architects who are not Muslim, they would

building, however with the double skin envelope on the

have found this challenging, hence the current

building, light barely penetrates the interior anyway,

adaptation of the use of the building. Kojima and

apart from the ground floor. Furthermore, the interior

Akamatsu underestimated the usage and need for

has central air conditioning and fluorescent lighting;

prayer rooms, just designing a small one without an

therefore the potential passive climatic attributes of the

ablution fountain on the top floor.

patio areas have been neglected. Kojima and Akamatsu have readjusted the vernacular function, as even

5.5 Conclusion

though, meeting one of its primary functions to allow

The

daylight to penetrate into central areas of the building,

characteristics that match diffusionist rhetoric. Foreign

the spaces they have created are isolated as well as

cultural and social values have been teleported to create

unwelcoming.

‘transnational spaces’ that house western coeducation

5.4 Prayer Rooms

LAS

building

demonstrates

extraordinary

system, yet are specifically tailor made for Arab Muslim students. Components from vernacular design have

The prayer rooms are another component installed to

had to be adopted and adjusted to fit into the

directly accommodate the Islamic culture and users of

requirements of the LAS building. In this respect, the

the LAS building. The original design only incorporated

vernacular has been reconfigured by internationalism,

one small space on the top floor for Muslims to pray,

sometimes by such an extent the actual function has

as the Second Floor Plan in Figure 2 shows. It has an

had less effect that its intended purpose.

exterior wall ‘tilted towards Mecca’ (Pollock, 2004:177). However, due to the amount of Muslims that use the building, this wasn’t sufficient enough and more spaces on the ground floor have had to be converted to prayer

6.0 Conclusion

It is undeniable that the role of the vernacular has forever transformed. It has evolved to such an extent that its original purpose and intrinsic worth have been completely

reversed

altogether.

Historically,

the

vernacular was a symbol of its locality and regionalist factors, enabling it to act as a form of resistance to foreign and international trends. It did this through the use of locally sourced materials, responding to its immediate regional geography, and constructed to meet a specific cultural requirement of the indigenous population. Nowadays, however, the vernacular has had to adapt to an increasingly globalised and international era, consequently it has been conquered and reinterpreted by foreign forces. We are witnessing a new dawn of the mobilisation of the vernacular, where the active vernacular function has been diluted through a diffusionist process to adorn 21st century structures. The collaboration between the two extremities of local and global factors, by means of critical thinking, is today at the forefront of mainstream architectural debate, especially in rapidly urbanising metropolises and developing countries. Qatar is an extremely creditable example in order to investigate the evolution of the vernacular in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s architecture. With a political agenda and ambition to be a dominant world actor, the tiny Gulf state has experienced an unprecedented swift urbanisation process, particularly in its capital, Doha. With modernising in an extraordinary short amount of time, Qatar has witnessed a similar form of architectural development and thinking that other nations, such as the United States, experienced throughout the 20th century. Due to the explosive economic boom

24Â

attributed to oil and natural gas revenue, Qatar has

in an adapting character, such as the aluminium screens

rapidly adopted internationalism and foreign imports as

mimicking the mashrabiya to act as visual barrier and

a celebration of its newfound wealth. However, there is

also block out excessive sunlight.

now a new wave of critical thinking developing, echoing themes from Critical Regionalism, which has generated a ‘resistance’ to the generic urban skyline of Doha and calls for a unison between traditional elements with modern typologies. Through the diffusionist perspective, Doha has imported not only international fashions, but also Western ideals and values that sought to work in partnership with vernacular strategies and functions, seen, explicitly, through the study of components in the Liberal Arts and Sciences (LAS) building in Education City. The methodology and empirical research examines the LAS building into specific components that resonate a

The dissertation is not necessarily conclusive, and it would be recommended to continue with analyse and research with particular case studies similar to Qatar and the LAS Building. References to the Petronas Towers in Kula Lumpur have already been stressed, and they would be a worthwhile starting investigation to determine components that enact a vernacular function in an adapted role, through a diffusionist perspective. Moreover, only future developments and a heuristic approach will properly determine the correct balance and appropriate utilisation of the vernacular in present day architecture.

vernacular quality, highlighting the degree of adaption from the intended vernacular function and attributing it to the effects of internationalism and critical thinking, hence the new wave could be aptly titled ‘Critical Internationalism.’9 The debate remains as to the most effective way to move forward in a diffusionist age, whilst constantly ‘resisting’ imported fashions. With the LAS building there has been a revision of Critical Regionalist rhetoric, and with attempting to fuse local and global forces, it has inevitably resulted in the superficiality and dysfunctional use of particular components, such as the windows and the patio areas. With other components such as the Arabesque pattern on the facades, the vernacular function has been so distorted, that it is perfectly acceptable to utilise a completely separate entity, the quasi-crystal atomic structure, in order to represent the vernacular and relate to the indigenous culture. Other components still perform their role but

9 Critical Internationalism is used purely as a notional term for the purposes of this dissertation and continuing future debate. It is used to describe the effects of revising the dominance of diffusionist and internationalist agendas with an integration of vernacular components and forms, which once displayed an immediate cultural function but have now been adapted for a modern use.

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Appendix A

Fig 1 & Fig 2: Original Ground Floor and First Floor plan of LAS building. Patio areas marked in green and prayer room marked in red. (AKAA, 2007).

Fig 3: Location plan of wider region, Qatar and Doha. (Not to scale). (AKAA, 2007).

Fig 4: Site Plan of Education City. (Not to scale). (AKAA, 2007).

Fig 5: The Liberal Arts and Sciences Building during the day

Fig 6: The Liberal Arts and Sciences Building at night

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Fig 7: The arabesque pattern on the façade.

Fig 8: The arabesque pattern at night.

Fig 9: Outer most skin with arabesque pattern on double skin façade.

Fig 10: Small square windows on inner skin of double skin façade.

Fig 11: Close up of internal aluminum screen with arabesque pattern.

Fig 12: Aluminum screen used as a visual barrier to respect privacy and define spaces.

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Fig 13: Typical example of a mashrabiya and how it prevents excessive daylight. (CCA, 2010).

Fig 14: Another example of a mashrabiya acting as a visual barrier. (ArchDaily, 2009)

Fig 15: Aluminium screens used on perimeters of patio areas to block out daylight.

Fig 16: Aluminium screens in patio area.

Fig 17: Wind tower pierces building through patio area into basement. (Nishikawa, 2006a).

Fig 18: Total of six wind towers evocative of traditional vernacular design. (Nishikawa, 2006b).

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Fig 19: Wind tower in Mohammed Said Naserallah’s House in Doha constructed in 1920. (Jaidah, 2009).

Fig 20: Square windows, 40cm x 40cm, on external perimeter.

Fig 21: Fluorescent lighting directly above windows in dark corridor.

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Fig 22: External view of windows in between two skin façade.

Fig 23: Outside of typical classroom with translucent screen.

Fig 24: Inside of typical classroom with translucent screen on right hand side.

Fig 25: One of the patio areas in the LAS building.

Fig 26: Access to patio area, doors ‘described as maintenance doors’ (Gharib, 2012).

Fig 27: Ablution fountains in Georgetown University in Education City.

Appendix B

An online questionnaire was complied and sent to current users of the LAS building. The 33 participants responded to the 23 questions between 7 January 2012 and 16 January 2012. http://www.makesurvey.net/cgibin/survey.dll/C9CD1BB3885241A4A8A7A1B1731C618F

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Fig 28: The online questionnaire on www.makesurvey.com.

Fig 29: Q5. Would you describe the L.A.S. building as ‘iconic’?

Fig 30: Q8. Do you think the L.A.S. building fits in well with existing Islamic architecture in Qatar and the Gulf region?

Fig 31: Q9. On a scale between 1 and 10, 10 being the highest, to what extent do you think the L.A.S. building demonstrates an understanding of local and traditional features?

Fig 32: Q10. What architectural feature do you feel makes the L.A.S. building relate to Islamic architecture the most?

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Fig 33: Q11. On a scale of 1 to 10, 1 being easiest, how easy is it to move around inside the L.A.S. building?

Fig 34: Q13. Have you ever been lost in the L.A.S. building?

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Fig 35: Q15. If you do use them, how often do you use the prayer rooms?

Fig 36: Q16. If you do use them, do you like the prayer rooms?

Fig 37: Q17. Do you use any of the outdoor patio areas in the L.A.S. building?

Fig 38: Q20. On a scale of 1 to 10, 1 being the easiest, how easy is it to work, study, learn and be productive in the classrooms?

Fig 39: Q21. Do you find the transparent walls in some classrooms a distraction?

Fig 40: Q22. Do you feel the classrooms would be a better learning environment if they were more private and the walls were not transparent?

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Appendix C Interview conducted between myself, Robert J. Roston (ROB), and Dr. Remah Younis Gharib (RYG) on 2nd January 2012 at 10:58AM in his office in the Liberal Arts and Sciences building in Education City, Doha, Qatar. The interview was 46 minutes long. <ROB> Ok that's on! <RYG> That's on? <ROB> That's on! <RYG> Ok first of all take this card so you can have all the details you need. <ROB> That's great, thank you. <RYG> Ok, what do you need to know then? <ROB> Well, perhaps (if) I can just ask questions about yourself first of all. How long (have) you worked here? <RYG> Ok, a quick brief. I’m a doctor of architecture and urban design. I had my bachelors, five years of education in architecture, in Egypt. And then in England, I earned a masters and PhD in Nottingham. Then I moved back to Cairo, I taught for two years, in (a) undergraduate programme. And then I moved here (Doha) about six month ago. <ROB> Ok. <RYG> So according to your history here, I’m new! Ha-ha. I’ve been working in this building for the last period. I’m teaching Islamic architecture and urbanism or architecture and urbanism in Islamic societies basically, as Islamic architecture might (have) evolved by time and according to the location and the region. <ROB> In terms of the course as well, how long is the course? (And) who are your students? <RYG> Ok, its a two year course. We accept students form different backgrounds; art, architecture, geography, planning. <ROB> They are all undergraduates is that right? <RYG> No we teach a masters programme. We don't teach undergraduates, we accept students who already finished their bachelors in those majors. We tend to focus our aims at.... the programme should serve those students to enlighten them or to investigate how globalization… how we are facing problems with the lose of identity, deterioration in some of the historic areas, the quick evolution of architecture in Islamic societies, might be a bit of in and out of track, others would see it this is the merge of modernity and the Islamic elements. So basically the aim of the course is to put things in another framework and study it well, and see what the different outcomes, and how (the) students would perceive this and in order to serve the community in the future. <ROB> I see. <RYG> Yes, it is within the Islamic studies faculty, because we would tend to see that during the early time of the Islamic period, architecture and urbanism was controlled by Islamic (??????) and sharia (law). And that's why we need to understand this dimension before we going into the contemporary revolution. And in order to do this you can't do this in the regular architecture schools. You have to do it somewhere where you can get the feedback from the Islamic dimension. <ROB> Do you look at a lot of stuff in Qatar and Qatari architecture then? <RYG> We do of course, because we are in Doha and we tend to work on cases in Doha. Relating to the theories of like (?????????????????) yes it is interesting somehow to try to merge between those two different points or two different thoughts. <ROB> In terms of kind of perhaps, if I can just ask you questions about Qatar as well, in terms of the vernacular traditional Qatari architecture, perhaps the courtyard houses that you could see quite a while ago, that are being demolished, do you still look at that and study that? <RYG> Yes we do study the old architecture of Qatar and in the gulf in general. In terms of the originality..... the formation of the city between the different the regions or different houses they had or the clusters. <ROB> Yeah. <RYG> And how they were all compacted together and then (the) dramatic change that happened during the era of oil. Unfortunately, yes, there are a lot being deterioration, however they have been useful, and sometimes in relation to like social (?????). Nowadays when you look at Qatari people they face challenges with the new modern buildings, that they are building right now, because they have already being (??????) they have into their normal lifestyle that have changed and they now have challenges. <ROB> It’s been such a rapid change as well, literally from one generation to the next generation. <RYG> Yes a sudden change, it’s very dramatic as I said. So that’s why they are having this problem now. It’s worth thinking about and its worth working on it and seeing how what the values behind the traditional buildings that could be gained for the new contemporary architecture. So they don't feel this sudden change and I guess this could be studied here, as we are already studying, and we already know of the originality and formation of the traditional architecture.

Then we will know the values of this traditional setting and then exporting into the new contemporary buildings this will be a good merge, putting the social behaviour studies, putting the values, putting the norms, (and) how they've grown up with the modern, no I won't say modern I will say contemporary, because it is a merge of different things. <ROB> I mean I presume this faculty is still quite a new faculty (considering) what you are actually looking at. Has they're been much research? Or other curriculums or schools like this (one)? <RYG> The faculty of Islamic studies in general has been here for like about three, four years. Yes, we do have different majors, most of them are based on research centre(s) and then from the research centre there is an academic course. Most of the courses taught here are master’s courses. We have Islamic finance, Islamic economics, Islamic public policy… <ROB> …and everything is taught within this building? <RYG> Yes, yes. All the programmes are being taught here. We are distributed among different offices. Basically the building is being shared with ABP, the academic bridge programme, and the faculty of Islamic studies. <ROB> Also your students are they all Muslims? Or Arabs? Who are they? <RYG> This is the first group we have, and yes most of the them now are, they are not all Arabs no, we do have some foreign students, but they are all Muslims. But we are having three or four applicants from Spain which are not Muslim. So it doesn’t have anything to do with religion as I see it. It’s a matter (of) what the architect or the person who would like to work in this region and have more knowledge on this region and the formation. <ROB> Obviously that’s the idea, you get your qualification here and (would) want to work here (in the region) <RYG> Yes, because you have (been) working two years on your studies in the gulf and of course it would be beneficial to work here rather than Shaghai! <ROB> It’s very interesting that, because a lot of things you've mentioned I’ve touched on as well, in my own school of architecture. This transition or this debate between, you know, traditional versus modern international globalised (architecture) and how it relates to people as well. Here I think it is extremely prevalent because it has happened so quickly, the urbanisation process, it is.... you know... even in my time here I have seen it and see the changes. <RYG> Yeah you (would have) felt it, and you are not a Qatari, but living here a long time, you would seen the new highways the new quarters that have been emerging. <ROB> Yeah its a different city altogether to what I can remember, and even now when I come for the holidays, be it for winter holidays or summer holidays, you know, I go to the centre and I think (there is) new buildings, new roads, and I get lost! I don't recognise it. Everything changes. I think it is a very, very interesting subject. Perhaps now if I can ask you a few questions about the building itself, which seems to be perfect(ly) relevant to what we are talking about, and what my research is all about, you obviously mentioned the two faculties or the two institutions already within this building, but there have been prior institutions in this building, I think Georgetown was here temporarily… <RYG> Yes, Georgetown stayed here for a while then moved into their building, the recently constructed building, just at the beginning of the campus. <ROB> So perhaps some would argue this building was designed for not necessarily for this purpose, the kind of the institutions that have been here have changed and they have been here for a short period of time, obviously now they have their own buildings or whatever. Do you know why this is? Is this part of Qatar foundation’s process? <RYG> I’m not aware of this subject basically, but I know this is the liberal arts and sciences building. So basically it is a building designed for, I would see it, being more appropriate for the ABP system. Because the ABP as you know, the ABP has been teaching arts and sciences, and art and humanities. This is basically their building and other faculties are here on a temporary basis. <ROB> Including yours? <RYG> Including ours, yes, because we are having a new building in the next two years. <ROB> A completely separate building? <RYG> Yes, a completely separate building, designed by (Ali) Mangera. <ROB> Ahh… this is the one. There is a model over there (on same floor). <RYG> Yes, that’s true. So yes, I guess we are the visitors here. As for the building itself, it’s a very iconic building, circular (?) lines, a big block shape and you see it from outside. From the inside... no, it has very good spaces in terms of dimensions and is very spacious. The (????????) of white colour, blue carpet, makes it seem comfy, however there are some issues. First would be the, the way (of) finding, on the first floor. No(t on) the ground floor, the first floor. There is an issue with the way finding, you get lost easily (here), because there is no central point you refer to. There is no landmark. The way finding relies on something you.... imagery or visualise and memorise, then you move from one point to another. You don’t have this here. You get lost easily, even for people who have been working here! <ROB> There is nothing to code different areas either. Everything seems uniform and the same really. You can't tell where one (starts), a part from the banners and posters saying this is the Islamic studies (or) this is the ABP. <RYG> Exactly, exactly. You have to realise at the reality. That’s the what the imagining (?) faculties do (??????) they start printing out banners or posters so you can get to know which location or which direction are you in the building. This is trying to solve the issue. However, if you remove those you get lost. <ROB> Yeah and quite easily!

<RYG> This is not something you should rely on. Certain thing, and this is supposed (to be) an education(al) building, on the ground floor you find most of the classroom are transparent. It’s nice to have transparency in education, however this is not useful for education in practicality, because if you are teaching you will find students (and) people passing outside the classroom disturbing the students inside the classroom and disturbing the teachers as well. <ROB> They get distracted as well. Its interesting you should mention that point, because I read somewhere this is to do with the Islamic culture, because everything is co-educational here and there is no segregation between males and females, people need to see the females are still visible (in the classrooms). I did read something about that, to why the classrooms are transparent. <RYG> I do accept this concept, I do accept this way of seeing it, but does it have to have all the walls transparent? Couldn’t it be small window slits in the walls, it could have the door. Then I would accept transparency inside the classrooms through the door, so while you passing outside and you look through the door you can see everything in the classrooms, which gives you this feeling of transparency, but not all the walls. Which means I’m sitting with no boundaries, and I’m teaching with no boundaries and everything is being exposed outside. I’m looking towards the students and then behind them is the transparent wall outside, so even I am distracted when I look. That’s another thing. <ROB> The offices are the same as well I’ve noticed, we've got blinds here (in this office), but the offices on the other side its the same thing. <RYG> Yeah, at ABP it is all open. They like their casual life, haha. There is another environmental issue now. As I have been experiencing and I have heard about the weather here in Doha, it is five months a year, maximum 6 months, the weather is good I guess, the weather, it’s like 20s, and 20s is the comfort zone and people like to have a nice cool fresh breeze in the mornings, during the day whatever. But if you notice the whole of the building is introverted and you don't have any way to go out of the basement to go outside the building. <ROB> I’ve also noticed the courtyard, the areas where there are grass, are they usable or accessible? <RYG> No. <ROB> Does anyone even go there? <RYG> I guess the designer relied on those opening, those open courtyards, to give some light to some of the centre of the building, in the mass, but we don’t go outside. If you notice another thing most of the offices that have been designed on the building’s perimeters or circumference have windows which (are) about 40cm by 40cm and I see this as a (????????) or a prison window. This is not an office window. After having this very small office window, that doesn’t have air or light, by the office. <ROB> It’s really pointless! <RYG> It’s really pointless! And makes it really (??????) on being pointless, is that you have an outside shell that is covering it from the outside, so you don’t see it and you don’t use, so why are you having it. <ROB> It’s interesting, because the architects would perhaps argue is that this is their interpretation of Islamic architecture, because I know Islamic architecture is very introverted, its focused on the courtyard, there are no external elevations they are all internal, but I think the difference is all these (types of) houses, like in all the north African medina’s, like in Morocco or wherever really, there's a dense urban matrix system where the houses are overlapping, and that’s a response to the climate as well. Here what they seem to have to done is that, they have a detached building and taken a very loose interpretation of the vernacular Islamic architecture, perhaps. They've responded to the climate by having this double skin to block out the sunlight, and there are these artificial environments within the building itself, which questions the sustainability of it as well in my mind, so yeah... what do you think? <RYG> I would have to argue, they had the wrong interpretation of Islamic architecture, ok. Islamic architecture is very sensitive. In the vernacular architecture, it did have a lot of sensitivity towards the environment; they had some small windows on the outer shell because of privacy. However, they had very large mashrabiya, which is the wooden lattice, the wooden frames, and if you go really deep into (examining) the mashrabiya element, at the level of the human, it was very intact small walls that have been used, which controls the sight, through outside the building, and into the building. So controlling the sense of privacy. However if you go in the upper level of the mashrabiya, you will find very it very wide and very open elements. Why? Because this will allow air to come in, and light to come in. So it’s not only a matter of small windows, it is a matter of small and big. Now, this is just from the outside of the building, but if you go inside the courtyard you see that large open windows. Why? Because this is a zone that is already private, in addition they would like to see air and light come in easily and being distributed around the different spaces around the courtyard. So will (you will) find it very transparent and very open. However, if you look at the courtyard here, I have a window here in my office and I cant open it. In my previous office, which was located over there, if you look on the other side of the court, this was my previous office, I moved (here) just two days ago, that one didn’t even have a window. No, it doesn’t have a window! So you’re living in room, (which is) white (and) closed. We sometimes would love to take control of how light is being inserted into the building, <ROB> Going back to how the spaces are used as well, in traditional architecture, the courtyard was a flexible space. <RYG> Oh yeah, yeah, of course. <ROB> They'd sleep there, they'd eat there… <RYG> It’s the garden, the meeting point, the space where all the other spaces look into. Those I don’t see anyone going out there, even in the good weather, because there is nothing to do out there. In the courts, in the traditional

Islamic architecture, it was a place where there was function there, it wasn’t just a corridor, (it was) lots of other things. Now, what’s been done here, a glass box, (with) some like grass inside and that’s it! Even the doors are not welcoming doors, they are maintenance doors, they are small slits ones, but in a court, no, in a traditional court you have big open doors open window, central elements to gather people on, its designed you find things, a different coolness, so you'll be able to use the different locations, however here it doesn’t have any of those. <ROB> The other thing I'd like to ask is (about) the prayer room, because there is (only) a small prayer room on the top floor. Obviously like you said all your students are Muslim, but I believe its quite a small and basic prayer room, there is no cleansing area either. <RYG> Not (like) in mosques, (we) just (have) regular bathrooms. <ROB> Has this been a problem for the users and students? <RYG> Well… while I’m sitting here in my office… before we switch to the prayer room. There is a problem here with (the) bathrooms. There (are) huge big bathrooms, with few utilities inside. Which means, (and) you could photograph this, you find a big bathroom, a huge one, that could have been designed for two, but no it is designed for one. Even if it for disability, there is huge space outside that could have been used for disability. Lobbies, as well, are a bit bigger than the offices, if you realise this. Outside you will find spacious lobbies and the offices a bit small. As for the prayer room, I think the prayer room is ok. <ROB> They are ok? <RYG> Yeah because, they are several ones. <ROB> Within the building or within education city? <RYG> No within the building. We have several ones. They are called prayer halls. Not as big as in mosques of course, but it is a working environment and you shouldn’t have this huge hall. I do remember this one here, is located beside the library. You could see it. It’s a big one. And it’s equal to like the one I had at Nottingham University. <ROB> Oh really? <RYB> Yeah and the one I had at Nottingham University building, it was accommodating most of the Muslim students in the university and this is a high number. I go to pray and (have) never seen it full, never. (Only) half full. And there is another one located on the other side, the other diagonal of the building. Even for female prayer rooms, there are some female prayer rooms as well, located in the building. There is one downstairs, I always see it. <ROB> That's interesting, because I looked at the original plans of the architects, and there is only one prayer room. So I was thinking it seemed strange. I’d (have) put more in there. <RYG> Ahh… ok now I get your point. Maybe the designers designed one, but the management of the building they were able to allocate several ones in the building. And in a prayer room all you need is a carpet and the qibla direction and a bookshelf if you (have) a Quran and that’s it. That's all you need inside the room. <ROB> Is there a mosque in education city? Or is there one to be built? Or is the requirement for one? <RYG> I heard there is one. But I never went there, seriously. Education city is a huge place and you don't tend to travel walking. So either by car or by bus, so you need a vehicle basically. And if you tend to walk, I see that there is a problem in shading. This is a city and I’m from the Middle East and I can tell you walking in sun, is sometimes nice in winter but not all year round. So you have to get some shade. What really astonishes you is the car (parking) has shade but you don’t have it. You need to have some shade. Especially on passages so you can travel between buildings and walking, to get this feeling of an educational campus. You can travel and walk and get more of this casual life. Casual life in (terms of) experiencing the green, experiencing the closure of buildings, the (???????) you see. <ROB> From what I can see, perhaps a few critical comments about educational city, first of all I found it a very closed area, a closed space. There is a three-meter fence that goes around it for security reasons or whatever. There is no dialogue between any of the buildings, there are no similar aesthetics, there just doesn’t seem to be any connection between any of the buildings. They could be anywhere in Doha for all I think. I don’t know if there is a dialogue between each institution and where students can talk to each other. There seems to be no sense of community here. Also you mention there are problems with circulation within the area itself. It is on the suburbs of the city (too). <RYG> You don't see people from VCU hanging out with people from the Islamic studies or even Texas A&M. Each one of them is isolated from the rest and it is either because of the distances between them, the buildings, or because of no traveling between them. Ok. And I would see it more as the distance. Everything is being isolated, far. However VCU is just around the corner and there is no connection between (us). <ROB> I suppose that is always the problem you're always going to have, if you bring in several American or western institutions here, you know. There are all independent. <RYG> Independent, yes, that is the issue of course. <ROB> The other problem I see is that (education city) is on the suburbs of Doha, it’s completed isolated and not part of city life. <RYG> If the whole campus was more into the centre (of the city) or not like on the periphery but within the city (itself). No, then I would like to see it as more open. Letting the public walk through, to cross within the campus, would have more impact on the casual life and then the students would like to be able to enjoy more being outside of the buildings.

<ROB> It’s like a lot of universities in Europe, Manchester for example, are part of city life. <RYG> City life exactly; Cambridge; Oxford: Those cities were built on universities. Cambridge was a city that started as a university. Then the city evolved. Nottingham for instance was a university that was built in a park. So people enjoyed the park and then education. Westminster is built within London, within the old chaotic life of London. I had just a point in mind, that… yeah. In case of this kind of distribution in the master plan, and this is found with some American universities. There is always a focal point, always a focal point. That students usually go to, and staff and admin. And this focal point is usually either the student centre (or) the sports centre. However you find both of those here apart and on the periphery. The recreation centre, that has most of the sports and the shops, is located on one the fringes, just after Qatar academy. The other student centers, the (?????) building, is located on the other side which is far away and the main spine which is the entrance to gate number 2 which takes you to the roundabout where you see Texas A&M and faculty of Islamic studies and some educational housing, so everything is being apart. However could you imagine if you had those educational buildings in front of (the) faculty of Islamic studies or the LAS building, (with) the female wards and the male wards? If you had those building beside the student centre, besides the recreational building, how much life would you have seen then, you would a movable and dynamic (space), right? And then from this, this is how I see it, from this location, this compact, the casual life then might grow, might grow. But now, everything is being apart. <ROB> I think that is a very valid point really. Referring back to Manchester, you know, you have the student union and that’s part of student life and people meet there. <RYG> Yeah and hang out between lectures and this is where you have your lunch and staff have there lunch as well. And they would go and stand in the queue with students. So can you imagine now, that the everyday cohesion between staff and students standing in a queue for a bowl of soup or for a (?????) or for a crunchy or for whatever. That’s everyday life, right? Now you don’t have this but (only) in separate buildings. It (is) still the same staff and the same students, it would have been better if I would have seen staff from VCU or staff from Texas A&M and we could have chit chat, and talk about our experiences and talk about our life, enjoying our place of work, talk about our challenges and try to overcome it. Just a regular people discussion. <ROB> It seems you are just stuck to your own group and that’s it. And that’s obviously not any fault of yours, it just the master plan of the area. There is no dialogue between anything. <RYG> It just shows (you) how the built environment controls your lifestyle. And in case of the LAS building, we don’t even have in here this insider thing, because we are in a building that is huge and people tend to get lost! We tend to try and stay in the offices! <ROB> Some interesting points there, and it seems that will become even more apparent, when you move into your new building because then you will be even more cut off, won’t you? The new building is somewhere near that main roundabout? It seems to me perhaps it would have been (more) beneficial if education city was perhaps half or even a quarter of the size it is, so the buildings would have been more clustered together, like it is in traditional universities or even traditional Islamic architecture, because that’s what it was. <RYG> Yes a regular city formation. <ROB> Everything was (a) dense matrix system, with buildings overlapping (each other), there was that close community (too). <RYG> I do have to add, there is marvelous architecture in education city. I have to put Legorreta’s work inside the student centre. Those are some good architecture, (it is) very sensible. The use of material and colour is homogenous to the context of the inner city and that of the region. There are some good elements, even with some Mexican elements, but still you don’t have to see it from the Mexican dimension you could see it how modern shapes been used or forms that responding to the context. Which is good. The spaces, the monumentality, even this kind of formal sense, which is beneficial for both students and users. <ROB> If I can ask just two more points which I missed with regards to this building. First of all the mashrabiya, the patterns, this is not even an Arabian or Islamic pattern, this is a quasi crystal pattern, that was formed in England in 1984. It’s not a traditional pattern either, I think (this) has been a misinterpretation as well, perhaps a bit of short cut, as I would see it, an easy option perhaps. I don’t know. <RYG> It (goes) back to the architect’s concept and how he started thinking about quasi systems and formations. But ok, this is (a) concept and it has been accepted by the (client) but (does) it have been used for everywhere in the building? I have a window (points to window with mashrabiya blocking out sunlight) that is overlooking a court, or no sorry over looking a passage or a corridor. There is no sun here, can you see any sun? There is no sun that comes into this room, at al, all day long. So do I need this? <ROB> No! <RYG> No! It would have been clearly if I look out the window and see what is now there, right? Ok, if the building outside is solid block with very small 40cm by 40cm windows, do I need it? Maybe yes for an air gap… <ROB> It seems to me the architects over estimated the sunlight and over used it. <RYG> Yes overused it! <ROB> The architects have been so scared of the heat and sunlight, he’s tried to block it out too much. <RYG> Oh he’s blocked it good!

<ROB> You don't even know it is there! <RYG> This is a corridor over there (points outside to other side of court) which means this is not a place you come and sit in, its a place where you pass through. So it’s ok if there was some sun here, sun orientation wise, so do you need to have this mesh? No. It’s just a passage, so you going to pass through less than a minute. So you wont be hurt if there's sun. I would prefer there is sun where I am walking to lighting up the place, that would be nice. Like in all the lobbies and in all the corridors, rather than having it relying on electricity, even if it was fluorescent light, why not sunlight, this is a building that normally works during morning times. <ROB> It’s bright out side, but you still need your lights on and (therefore) it creates this artificial environment. <RYG> I’m sure it is sun outside and I’m sure the temperature is 23 or 24, which is wonderful, but we are here relying on air conditioners and fluorescent light. Is this sustainable? <ROB> No! <RYG> Ha! <ROB> The other thing was the wind towers, which could be argued displays certain sustainable principles, that they bring the wind all the way (to) the car park in the basement, how do you see this? <RYG> Have you been to the garage? <ROB> Yeah <RYG> How do you think about it? <ROB> I don't know if it is a nice space really, but it is cool. I think it works. <RYG> Have you looked around in the circumference of the garage? <ROB> No. <RYG> There is no walls. <ROB> So is there any need for the wind towers? <RYG> There is just the outside envelope, the mesh, and (the wind towers) go down into the basement, which is ok. But there (are) no walls, it is a bit open, and there is no gate, except like electronic gate, but it (is) still open. <ROB> So do you think the wind towers work? <RYG> I don’t know, but I never thought they were useful, because when I park my car, and go to the transparent gate, I know there is light coming from the sides of the building. I park my car towards the circumference, I see the light and I see the air, everything. So I don’t know if the wind towers are really effective or not. But maybe, according to studies, they might but I’m not so sure though. <ROB> They seem to be there just to relate to the greater context really, to the traditional wind towers, which are a key element of the vernacular architecture. <RYG> Maybe I don’t know. They could be a very strong symbolic element, to give the sense of continuity of the past. It is a strong element, because he (the architect) didn’t change much from the form of the wind towers, as he did with the (rest of the) building. <ROB> I think it is obvious where the architect has taken their precedents (and inspiration) from and there is some basic analyse or understanding of the vernacular architecture but whether that has been fully understood, and translated to creating a fully successfully and functional building is perhaps questionable I think. <RYG> I guess you would need to ask the architect himself and why he did it. Is it for the garage? Then you have to raise the point there is no walls in the garage. Its open! <ROB> That’s interesting! Ok thank you very much, that’s it!

Appendix D Interview conducted between myself, Robert J. Roston (ROB), and a young Qatari and member of the ruling family, Suhaim Saoud AlThani (SUH), on 9th January 2012 at 12:26PM, in the main atrium area in Georgetown’s building in Education City, Doha, Qatar. The interview was 37 minutes long. <ROB> Ok then, well first of all, if I can ask you about your personal background. What is your full name? <SUH> Suhaim Saoud Al-Thani. <ROB> How old are you? <SUH> I am 20 years old <ROB> And you are studying at? <SUH> Georgetown University. <ROB> And this is your first year? <SUH> My second year. <ROB> And before that you were (on) the ABP programme, is that right? <SUH> Yep. <ROB> And that's a one year programme? <SUH> Yes. <ROB> So that’s a total of.... this is your third year in Education City. <SUH> Yes. <ROB> Ok, and you went to school in Qatar of course, which school was that? <SUH> Gulf English School. <ROB> Was that an Arabic curriculum or an English? <SUH> English... British curriculum. <ROB> And now what are you studying at Georgetown? <SUH> I’m studying International Politics. <ROB> And which profession do you hope to go into? <SUH> I haven’t decided yet, but I do have plans in the sense that I'm aiming to work at. I'm looking at something in the private sector or something dynamic in sense that you can actually learn while working. <ROB> Ok good. In terms of Qatar as well, what do you think of Qatar's progression and its rapid urbanisation? <SUH> I think it has been going at a fast rate but it has been slowing down. I guess with the coming of the 2022 FIFA world cup here, it’s (the urbanisation process) is going to go back up again. Its a good thing and a positive thing we are modernising the country, but at the same time the leadership here is trying to maintain the identity, because I haven’t seen that grow factor as in Dubai. <ROB> That's the big question as well, about identity, because some people would argue that Qatar has progressed so quickly and urbanised so quickly, perhaps gained this western architecture, this international architecture, maybe it is losing its identity? <SUH> I don't think it is losing its identity, because I still see many individual people still stick to their traditional norms and their family circle. It could be that… the only thing I see is that land is becoming expensive now, people no longer stay in the same neighbourhood now. The country itself is not that large, so it could be you are three or four blocks away instead of living in the same compound as the family before. That is the only difference that I see now. <ROB> So are you saying that just because the landscape of Qatar is changing or the face of Qatar is changing, it doesn't mean you're changing? <SUH> Not necessarily, such as the emergent of new museums, it could be seen as a way for people to redesign their identity or to grave out an identity. People believe that in the sense that we are in a desert and we don't have an identity, but I don't believe that is the case. Because there is a civilization, there is a system; there is process within the country itself. But it is actually developing. But as the world is developing we are developing in the same way. <ROB> I think you should be commended on Qatar's ambition as well. They think big! <SUH> That's right, our population cannot sustain itself. That’s why we had to seek help and import foreigners to help us and without them, I don't think we could achieve this ambition. <ROB> What’s Qatar's future then? Do you think that hopefully, eventually, Qatar will start to rely more on Qatari’s rather than foreigners? <SUH> That’s the aim initially. That’s the aim where we would like to be, but eventually it’s going to happen with progress, I think. Within time, we are going to depend more on the Qatari’s as they get more educated. Likewise, Educaton City is a prime example; the leadership here is one, which want the whole system to be improved.

<ROB> Perhaps that’s the whole reason for Education City, to educated Qatari's and Arabs as well. <SUH> Yes, I think it is for the whole lot, not only for Qatari's but for the whole region. <ROB> Ok, so I presume you think of Education City in a positive way then? Its good for Qatar and its good for you? <SUH> I do see it in a positive way, but I notice a lot, that in Education City a lot of money is drained in the hole. The buildings are quite nice and fancy. There have (big) architect's names, but it’s a university! You don't have to do it as fancy as hotel. I am not saying it is as fancy as five star hotel, but it is still fancy enough. Some stuff I notice is that there is a lot of bureaucracy within Qatar Foundation and it does not necessarily have to happen. <ROB> A point I'd like to ask you more about, is this idea of fancy architecture and how it is becoming a brand or very iconic. Its almost like a statement, instead of actually worrying about what it will actually achieve, such as its an education, its a classroom.... (Had to relocate interview into quiet study area due to growing noise in main hall) <ROB> I think it's bit quieter here! Yeah, I was just going to ask you a question about this fancy architecture, maybe Education City is seen as being quite iconic, its a statement, its a brand and, maybe, are you saying it should be more focused on the actual education? <SUH> Not necessarily. I do see a lot of investment in the education itself. I think Qatar Foundation is trying really hard to actually make this place a better place for everybody, both for teachers and for students. It could be seen as a brand, but I don't see it as a brand. As a project, Education City is unique, because I’m not sure I have heard of a project that is similar to Education City, like that you have very excellent several universities in one place. That’s unique. But the architecture landscape, I would criticize about Education City. I don’t think it is sustainably designed in a way. The buildings could design sustainably in some aspects. But the architecture language, people are not able to walk in these places, and it is designed mainly for cars. What I have seen they actually want to ban the cars here. I don’t see it (being) feasible because it is such a hot country here. Unless they place a system, such as a metro system, and (then) that could change my idea, but like it is still not feasible enough <ROB> I think you are right, a few people that I have asked, and I have done another interview as well, they have always mentioned that Education City is full of independent institutions and independent buildings. What makes them a city? What makes them a whole? <SUH> Actually, because each institution is independent and on its own, but they have made a ??????? and this institution is, still not clear where it is going to head up. I cannot frankly answer about that, as I don’t know about it. It’s called the Hamad bin Khalifa University. Basically all these universities are under the umbrella of Hamad bin Khalifa University. I’m not sure where exactly it is heading, is it going to be a university on its own, is it going to offer some minor classes? So we are still not sure where it is heading up, but I heard Dean ???? giving a speech, it is in an article in a Gulf Times or in the Peninsula, I could look it up for you, and in it he explained how he wanted to collaborate Georgetown more into the Qatar community. That’s how I see it. <ROB> So what do you think the future of Education City is? Will continue to expand and to grow? <SUH> So far in the last couple of years, I haven’t seen that much expansion. The expansion is growing vertically rather horizontally. Vertically in the sense that they are aiming for masters and higher education, they brought U.C.L. for archaeology and there was a french school too. <ROB> The Paris business school? <SUH> The Paris one, yeah, I don't remember the name. There’s another school, too, I don’t remember the name frankly. But two or three schools are being brought for the masters. Texas has a Masters programme. I’m not sure if they have brought any students, but it is starting. Georgetown, too, there is a plan for masters programme, here, and Carnegie Mellon just opened up a new major, two new majors. <ROB> So is it mainly for undergraduates? <SUH> So far only for undergraduates, but they have brought two or three more universities that study master’s but the plan is that it is actually vertically rather horizontally. <ROB> What about before university? Primary and secondary schools? How does one get to these universities? <SUH> Well, the education system, I think, in Qatar needs a lot of work especially from the bottom down. But maybe and I think bringing in these universities can set up a challenge for the education system. The universities’ are there and we want to be there. So by that we aiming at that. I think bringing in these universities have a positive impact, as it used to be that we just had one university called Qatar University, and in the 70s and 80s, it used to be of the best in the Arab world. But suddenly some changes occurred, the education system had some issues, but bringing in these universities to Qatar poses a challenge to Qatar University, and by that they could elevate it and be more efficient in their ways or improve their own education system. <ROB> It’s interesting that you mention, Qatar University, because if I was talking purely on architectural design and merit, Qatar University, I think, is a stunning piece of architecture. It won an award, an Aga Khan award, I think in 1983. It’s very sensitive to its context and its architecture as well. Do you think the same thing can be said about the buildings in Education City? <SUH> Yes, I do. Elements of Islamic architecture are here, but not necessarily… they might use different materials, such as coloured marbles that are modern, and different geometric shapes, some of which I don’t think is Arabic or

Islamic. It is a lot more simpler, the designs. But I do see a lot of Islamic architecture, like walking down the hallways, I see it as a veranda. That is an Islamic architectural feature. The natural lighting, I see a lot of in old mosques, a lot of.... <ROB> Like the roof lights, where the light filters through? <SUH> Yes, I see these in traditional bathhouses, fountains too, water fountains. It is not part of our architect, but you see it in Cordoba for instance. It is an assimilation of different cultures. <ROB> I think water features can be part of Islamic architecture. <SUH> I think they designed them as a natural cooling process, and an aesthetic element for the building. <ROB> I mean that’s the thing, going back to historic traditional Islamic architecture, and a lot of it was focused on the courtyard as well. The courtyard was the focal point, and all the rooms would go round the courtyard. Each room in the house would have light and air go through and the water feature, would allow for cooling. As it was a very narrow and compact building, so it was very shaded as well, and that is a lot more sustainable, and here it isn’t, like you said. There is an artificial environment, with the lighting and air conditioning, I don’t know.... <SUH> There is air conditioning, but every house in Qatar has air conditioning. I know it consumes a lot of energy, but I think that it’s not only us, but in other places there hasn’t been any more developments, for an alternative to air conditioned that can be put in place. <ROB> You mean something more energy efficient? <SUH> Yeah, yeah, I’m not sure. There have plans to moving to solar, but not necessarily within Qatar Foundation but on a state level, using a bit more solar energy, which is natural. <ROB> If I can ask you questions about the LAS building as well, because you studied there for a year. <SUH> I studied there for a year and had a semester there once while I was in Georgetown. <ROB> In terms of the design of the LAS building, what do you think? Do you like it? Because I have heard a lot of people say you get lost quite easily there. <SUH> Well, I liked the glass room and doors. The whole concept of the building, I see this as an open room, because even though the classrooms are closed, it is made from glass and people could see in and people could see out. That was my favourite part of the building. <ROB> You like that? <SUH> I like that, yeah, yeah. I’m not seeing it as privacy or haram, because I like my privacy, but in the building I like to seek life. So I don’t like to see closed rooms, or nothing. I like rooms with windows and openings, so you can see in and out. What I dislike about the building, what I notice about the LAS building, is that it seems to me it was designed as a temporary building, that’s what i think. Because if you notice a map of the building, you notice there are suites in the building, like for two or three universities to sit there until there is a new building for them. What of the architecture? People don’t know the building well and you can get lost easily, but I got round over it in around a week. <ROB> It’s seems like a multiple use building as well, Georgetown were there… <SUH> Carnegie Mellon. <ROB> Carnegie Mellon, and now the Faculty of Islamic Studies. <SUH> The Faculty of Islamic Studies was just recently, but like A.B.P. is currently there. So they use, I think, just for a temporary base for (universities). Carnegie Mellon, they had the library and Georgetown was the same thing. When one university leaves, they would expand. The same year with like the building here, we are hosting University College London, on our third floor. The third floor was vacant so they are getting it now. <ROB> Are they getting their own building? <SUH> I’m really not sure. I’m not sure for the master’s level programme, but I know I met an Italian engineer and they said they are building a laboratory for the archaeology upstairs. It wasn’t initially designed for the building and it had to be in place. <ROB> How do you find this building, the Georgetown building? <SUH> I think it is very comfortable and nice. I stay during most of time in the semester. <ROB> Do you study here or at home? <SUH> No I study here. I like to study more here, because the atmosphere around you, everybody wants to study here. I could waste time sometimes, but the whole building is nice. The only thing that I dislike is the location of the student lounge, and I think they placed it in the wrong place because everybody meets up in the main atrium, here. This is a place where we meet, eat and sit, whenever people leave class they come here, and actually its the main entrance before the enter the library so you can see everybody from here. The student lounge is placed on the second floor, and nobody goes there. <ROB> Maybe that should be the focal point? <SUH> I think that is the room we are sitting in currently, it is not a big room, but for a student lounge, it could be ok. Switch this with a different room and place this study room upstairs because it is quite a good place there and the student lounge bring it down here, because it is actually near the main atrium. <ROB> Do you see any similarities between the Georgetown building and traditional Islamic architecture?

<SUH> There is, yeah, for example you see the shutters, that is Islamic. I love shutters in window that can open and close. <ROB> Like a mashrabiya? <SUH> No, no, actually the shutters, but you can open it as windows and close it. I see that as Islamic. There are water features and plants in the landscape; it seems to me they are trying to make it look natural. The only thing I see as not Islamic is the use of new materials, they have actually imported and replaced some new materials that have not been used before. <ROB> You're absolutely right, because if you look at the student centre, every material in the student centre has been imported into this country. There has not been one that has been locally sourced. <SUH> Well no we don’t have the resources. <ROB> True, what is the local resource in Qatar? Is it limestone? <SUH> Limestone, and limestone is only partly good for the exterior of the building its not used in the interior. <ROB> Can I ask questions about your home too? Is that traditional Islamic architecture? <SUH> We have actually just made a major renovation in the exterior bit. We placed, I think it looks Islamic, because we placed Islamic lanterns. They brought from Egypt. They have some pieces of phosphates in it. Also we imported some white stone from Syria and Saudi Arabia. The mashrabiya looks more European, I don’t know if it’s European or Islamic. You find it outside in the verandas on the balconies. <ROB> Are there courtyards as well? <SUH> It used to be in the old design, but we actually redesigned it. We haven’t completed the design of the building. We have a courtyard, or I would say a large veranda, but we haven’t facilitated or used it yet as it is still under construction. We changed some of the face, a facelift, of the house. We placed new arches. They are Afghani arches. <ROB> Afghani? <SUH> Afghani, yes. That’s what I heard. The stones are like that. The stones are like that. French, European, like. That’s where the mashrabiya is. We do have within that, its totally open. It takes about half the size of our house. It’s not that wide, but we have sitting area where we gather around in, in the winter. <ROB> So you still have the use of flexible spaces? And depending on the season, if it is hot you will go, if its cool, it depends.. <SUH> Yes. <ROB> That’s interesting as well. If we can just go back to Education City. We talked about the master plan briefly, In terms of, I think we both agree, the design for car and you talked about banning vehicles, how do you feel about this? <SUH> Well last year, they placed a system that was ridiculous. It was a train. Similar to the one they find in Disney land. They called it the “Choo-Choo Train.” It actually flipped three times. <ROB> I heard, yeah! <SUH> Because of the speed bumps, or something. I used twice and it was ridiculous. It was actually removed out of the system, as it was seen as dangerous. We expressed our concern and they built a car park. That was not actually part of the original master plan, near the Georgetown building. Because the have been there isn’t any car parks for any new buildings built in the design. I think that’s not efficient or not viable, as a lot of people use cars as means of transportation, and you need a car to go from place to place here, even within Education City. If a metro system or a train system or a tram system, it could be efficiently viable. You could actually move from places to places without using cars. <ROB> I find it quite strange as well, as you a three metre fence going around Education City and security guards, and even then you've got another security checkpoint going into Georgetown, do you know why that is? <SUH> I’m really not sure. <ROB> It’s almost like there are different districts within Education City. You've got Georgetown within Education City within Doha, and they are all very enclosed as well. <SUH> Yes. I see that a lot. Especially in ?????? for example. Like walking down in London, I can access through road, just like a walk, like a twenty step walk and I am in the building. While here, say in the Museum of Islamic Arts. You go there, park your car, and walk this long distance to go to the museum. I’m not sure why it is similar it that case, it is like designed in its own district. I think what is lacking here in Doha, is that you put things in place together. I see that in Education City and I see that in Aspire Zone. Have you been to Aspire Zone? <ROB> Yeah, yeah. <SUH> You have that thing that is separated when you enter. It does not seem as related to the whole. <ROB> Even every compound here has walls around it, and you need to go through a security gate. <SUH> This is more probably to do with security reasons just like a privilege or an option, but it could be too exaggerated. <ROB> Do you think Doha would be better being more open? <SUH> Of course walls to protect the homes, or to actually to make it viable is still not a question, I’m still with it. The design the building, especially like in the museum itself, when I am there, I have to walk a long distance. It’s ridiculous. I

know you are trying to make the building stand out and the building is beautiful and very large. But when you are inside the compound you have to walk. They actually have deigned a large park; it’s called the Museum of Islamic Art Park. I don’t think anybody uses it. <ROB> Can I ask you a question about the community here in Education City as well. Do you think there is a community here? <SUH> Yes, yes. There is a community, but I do that as a... I think at the profession (?) of spending here, as Qatar Foundation are ready to spend, there are a lot of activities going on at the same time. You do actually; you actually see a very small populous there, while if you are going to the other one, it is the same thing, because there is such a small student body and the spending for each student, if you do it as GDP, is quite high. It could be one of the highest in the world. I see them that they are spaced out or sparse. That’s what I noticed. There is a community, within each university and frankly, I know, a lot of students from other universities and I think Hamad bin Khalifa University was that initial aim. They are trying to bring all the students together. <ROB> I suppose because Education City is still new and it is still starting. <SUH> It’s been ten years. I think it is getting more popular. <ROB> I think the Georgetown building was only open this year (2011) and obviously U.C.L. came last year and Paris last year. A lot of it is still under construction. <SUH> Yes, yes. Qatar Foundation's jewel or main project is actually Education City itself. but it also has many other activities, it is a matter of identity. It is a not profit organisation but does it want a focal point. It doesn’t just focus on research and education; it focuses a lot on other social activities. It’s hosting some media channels like Doha Debates, so its actually stretching out in everything. Its a good thing, but I think its better for Qatar Foundation to focus more on specific things rather than a lot of things. <ROB> I think I agree. <SUH> Because as you grow higher, the hierarchy grows higher, and it gets hard for thing to actually move and that’s where the bureaucracy gets complicated. <ROB> I can see that as well, because like you say encapsulates so many things, from education to research to social things. It’s such a big organization, maybe it just needs to focus perhaps, on one specific thing? <SUH> Yes, and the other thing that I do notice, the differences are that, here the government is actually trying to slip away from the hydro carbon industry and move on to more research based projects. It’s heading somewhere and its fruits are bearing (?), but here it is state funded rather than the private individual, which other countries do. So that’s the difference. So I think we are trying to copy Singapore’s scenario. <ROB> How do other Qatari's view Education City as well? <SUH> It is viewed as a positive thing. A lot of people are impressed with the buildings. It is nice. I remember the first impression of my brother was that he said they are actually spoiling you. I said yeah that’s why I sit here a lot. That’s why I enjoy the place. The only concern was when my Aunt came for an event; it was external event, but was held in Education City. She said she had to walk a long distance to reach that place, there is a lack of signs in Education City. People do not know where they are, when they are inside the building so that’s the problem. <ROB> I have also heard there are some elements, or some parts of the Qatari society, that are resentful against this western influence in Qatar? <SUH> Not necessarily. I do get some resentment, sometimes, because they think I am getting more liberal, but I don’t think I am getting more liberal. I am exposed to many things but it allows me to think things differently. I am not saying I am liberal, compared to others I am very conservative. I still wear my traditional clothes all the time, wherever I go, I look for my family, family comes first for me, but many other things. Like the exposure of new things that allowed me think things differently. I think the resentful part was that Qatar Foundation was when they actually initially built the project they allowed, as houses were torn down. I think it was a mistake because there are still a lot of empty plots around and in Qatar. They could have built it in another part of Qatar. There are a lot of spaces that are empty; you could have built Education City there. So I think that would have been better. <ROB> Do you think the location of Education City should have been somewhere else? <SUH> I’m not sure why they decided to turn down a lot of the buildings and other places, you can actually build a lot of,..... you can actually build Education City somewhere else, like in another part. Like on the road where you are heading to Al Khor, I heard a rumour it was meant to be there, near the University of the North Atlantic and Qatar University. They were supposed to be building there, but they changed, I’m not sure why they changed it, but I think that was the resentful part of the people. That people had to be dragged out of their homes and be relocated and that was a hassle. You have to look for a new house and you have memories. <ROB> Even now Qatar Foundation are buying plots of land around Education City, and still demolishing houses. <SUH> Exactly, and I see that is the sad part of it. <ROB> You see that a lot in Doha, even my old house, because I have been in Doha since 1990. Even my old compound, in West Bay, that block of flats has been knocked down now, and even a lot of the old places in the city centre have been demolished now. Again do you think this is a good thing or a bad thing? Is this an issue with identity?

<SUH> There is a new project. It is a regeneration project and they knock down some elements of it and some parts they kept it. Its also run by Qatar Foundation, it is a regeneration project called the Heart of Doha, but I think now its called..... (?) It’s opposite Souq Waqif, behind the Emiri Diwan, the original looking project. One aspect I like about that project is that I see that the building is closely intact to each other, and that’s the good thing and people are allowed to walk inside the area, like Souq Waqif, people are able to walk inside that area. There is a new project, no, it’s not actually a new project but it recently opened The Pearl. What I like about that place is that you are able to walk in that place. <ROB> Yes, this is what I think is good architecture. <SUH> Yes, I mean look at The Pearl, when you enter The Pearl in Qatar, you feel like you are not in Doha (anymore). It has a different architectural landscape. The materials used are highly valued and very expensive, but when you are actually there you are able to walk. I think, they designed it for luxury living. Also there is a new project in another part of Doha. It is called Lusail. It’s actually designed from the bottom up. So it’s designed with a place where people are able to walk in the streets. There is a tram system in place. So the whole concept there is that people are able to walk. <ROB> Yeah and do you think this is something that is becoming more and more important? Is it better? <SUH> I think it is better, the funny thing here is that I see people walking the highways and the highways are meant for cars! <ROB> Ok I that has covered most of the things I wanted to talk about. <SUH> I hope I helped you a lot. <ROB> No, it was fantastic. Thanks very much!