The Story of the Urban Trolley Pusher in Johannesburg by Kobus Marais, Matthew Robson, Ruan Van Staden

Cover page

A Abstract Geneva Challenge “The Challenges of Urbanization”

Abstract: Globalization in Africa is the largest in the world, and for this, the level of unemployment is at its highest in the urban areas of many developing countries, much like South Africa’s current situation. To make matters worse, currently, a majority of the world’s population now lives in urban settings, but many of the most rapidly growing cities are unprepared to accommodate an influx of new citizens. “South Africa is Africa’s most industrialised country, and it attracts thousands of foreign nationals every year, seeking refuge from poverty, economic crises, war and government persecution in their home countries.” (South African History Online, 2016) Much to Johannesburg’s demise, migration flows of long-term rural-to-urban migrants in search for better economic opportunities, has posed much pressure on local city planning and providing adequate infrastructure, along with basic human amenities for the masses. “Municipalities in poor and institutionally fragile countries are especially disadvantaged by poor planning and management, deficient public services, and citizen insecurity.” (Fagen, 2013). As a result of this, many individuals in the labour market are forced into poverty and attempt to seek refuge in the urban informal economy as a means of survival. The informal economy plays a vital part in the development of South Africa and there needs to be careful management put in place in order to profit from it. The ‘trolley-pusher’, an urban waste collector in South Africa, is just one user who contributes to the informal economy as a means of survival. The aim of this study, is to shed light on this informal user’s role in our Johannesburg society and provide a means of socio-political empowerment to not only better their current situation, but guarantee the sustainability of their public service to the broader economy of the country.

Word Count: 8092

C List of Content p.10-11

Introduction

Part A Globalization and the Informal Economy p.12 p.14 p.17 p.17

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4

Urbanization and the Developing World The Impact of Apartheid on the South African Economy Informal economies and Unemployment The Informal Economy and the Individual

Part B Waste Collectors p.18 p.18 p.19 p.20 p.20 p.20-22 p.22 p.22 p.22 p.22-23

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7

The Trolley-Pusher The Trolley-Pusher in the Public-Eye An Informal Waste Service Life on the Streets Environmental Responsibility Social Responsibility Relationships 5.7.1 Relationships with other Trolley-Pushers. 5.7.2 Relationships with the Public and the Police. 5.7.3 Relationships with Family 5.7.4 Relationships with Buy-back Centers

Part C Smart Design p.25 6.1 The Role of the Trolley Pusher to the Economy p.25-27 6.1.1 Formalizing an Informal Service p.27-28 6.2 A proposal to Empower the Urban Waste Collector

Part C

(Continued)

Multi Layered Networks p.29-31 Mind Map

YAMi Application p.32-33 p.34-35 p.36-37 p.38-47 p.48-61 p.62-63 p.64-67 p.68-71 p.72-77

Interface Home Screen Profile Location Human Resources Trolley Market Exchange History Partners

Trajections p.79 p.79 p.79 p.79-81

1.1 the name YAMi 1.2 Potential Challenges 1.2.1 User Liabilities 1.3 Future Trajections

p.83

Conclusion Sources Consulted

p.84

Image 1: 8

buildings

Slums in abandoned

(Kobus Marais,2016)

IF List of Images

Image 1: Slums in abandoned buildings

(Kobus Marais,2016)

Image 7: Ismail Faroukâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s trolley design.

Trolleyworks

(Buys, 2009)

Image 2: Globalization in Africa

(Ruan van Staden,2015)

Image 8: Sifiso Ngobeseâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s trolley proposal.

Abomakgereza

(News 24,2016).

Image 3:

Living Conditions of a Trolley Pusher

(Kobus Marais, 2016)

Image 9:

The day to day struggle of the trolley

pusher

(Ruan van Staden, 2015)

Image 4:

Growth of the biggest Black industry

(Ruan van Staden,2015)

Image 10:

Engaging with the Trolley pushers.

(Kobus Marais,2016)

Image 5:

Micro slum in Newtown, the only major depot in the city.

Image 11:

A view from Main Reef Road,

Johannesburg (Ruan

(Kobus Marais,2014)

van Staden,

2015)

Image 6:

Community Contributing initiative program,

(Kobus Marais, 2016)

List of Figures Figure 1: Locality of Johannesburg,

(Kobus Marais, 2016)

Figure 3: Multi Layered systems,

(Ruan van Staden, 2016)

Figure 2:

Trolley Pusher Sleeping arrangements. (Matthew Robson, 2016) 20

30-31

I Introduction

“Scholars as well as practitioners in the developing world have begun to acknowledge the significant role of the informal economy in employment provision and generation and its function as buffer between employment and unemployment. Moreover, the informal economy has particular relevance for the creation of livelihood opportunities and alleviating poverty as part of individual survival strategies of the poor.” (Led.co.za, 2016) The informal sector, particularly that in many developing countries in Africa has grown significantly to the extent at which it dominates their country’s economy. We are experiencing a paradigm shift in which the growth of autonomous countries is solely dependent on the level of integration between diverse informal economies with its formal sector. This growth has occurred in conjunction with increasing globalization and competition with formally established economies and the policies set up to generate an available job market for the privileged. Globalization through local and foreign trade, capital, technology and migration flows can stimulate demand and productivity, resulting in higher incomes and job creation in the informal sector, and hence, a reduction in poverty and a general quality of life for all. Key phrases in this document are: Trolley-pusher, developing world, apartheid, migration, unemployment, globalization, individual, community, entrepreneurs, informal economy, waste management, value, environment, socio-economic sustainability, connectivity, social exclusion, social identity, empowerment, and human rights. This case study is divided into three parts: Part A - Globalization and the Informal Economy, sums up the direct effects of Globalization on the developing world and their economies. In many developing countries around the world, like South Africa, high levels of unemployment are a common feature which hinders a country’s growth. Due to the rise and fall of Apartheid in South Africa, Johannesburg is a marginalized city built on indifferences socially and economically. Johannesburg has experienced a large migration influx of foreign nationals due to its rapid urbanization. However, the city’s infrastructure is under immense pressure and cannot accommodate the increased population with accessible jobs and adequate housing, which has forced individuals to enter the informal market with little choice. The most surprising aspect of all of this is that out of a mode or survival, wellconceived structured sustainable enterprises have surfaced within the informal economy.

n Part B, we dissect one of the many informal industries operating around the world, but specifically in South Africa, the Waste Collector. The Informal economy plays a vital part of the livelihood for people living in the informal settlements (slums) and the waste collector, or Trolley-Pusher, is an individual who provides a service not only for his own wellbeing, but for the good of the community. We acknowledge the importance of the this informal economy within our city and the social relations he maintains with his co-workers who originate from diverse backgrounds. We see value in the waste collectorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s trade and recognize his entrepreneurial potential, to inspire other forms of informal endeavors.

Part C - Smart Design, is based on our interests in attempting to develop an appropriated system that starts to empower the trolley pusher and make his service to the informal economy a sustainable and independent one. The image of the waste collector is much bigger than the conditions they live and work in, and we recognize the potential their service offers for the greater good. We look at previous design endeavors that have tried to formalize this informal user group through product design, but have received little success in doing so, due to the sensitivity of their livelihoods. We introduce a smart-mobile app as a non-profit community initiative to uplift these individuals and provide them with a general quality for life. Furthermore, we look at possible trajectories for the mobile app to reach worldly heights and improve life not only for urban waste collectors around the world, but all young entrepreneurs seeking refuge in the informal sector.

U Globalization and the Informal Economy Part A 1.1 Urbanization and the Developing World ‘Reducing poverty is seen as the world’s greatest challenge and in South Africa it is counted as one of the country’s triple threats, the other two being unemployment and inequality.’ (Dailymaverick.co.za, 2016) The African continent is gradually moving towards an urban metropolis with an annual growth rate of 3.3 % from 1990 to 2000, which are the highest figures in the world. (Pieterse 2010). Rural-to-urban migration has intensified by a result of slow agricultural production verses rising demographic growth causing severe conflict and poverty. In Africa this phenomenon is increasing year by year at an alarming rate, additionally urbanizat ion shifts levels of poverty from rural to urban areas, and often results in over populated cities. City governing bodies can only provide a limited amount of housing with adequate human amenities to an accountable population stipulated in annual census documents. However, government officials cannot contain the rapid population growth rates that begin to surpass the rate of housing required, resulting in many displaced people being forced to relocate and settle in slumified and poverty stricken environments. These informal environments are maintained and managed solely by the people who reside there (at no cost), at not by any municipality body. It is often that these slums are illegally placed and frequent raids by the police lead to complete destruction of settler’s belongings and makeshift homes. The people’s makeshifts houses - also known as “shanties,“ due to the basic application of recycled materials fitted together to provide some form of housing typology suitable for living - are unfit for logistic future growth and lack basic services that meet human rights. Basic living standards in Africa are inadequate and do not offer occupants a desired quality for life. Some factors developing countries face are, but are not limited to: • • • • • • • •

Appropriate housing Clean water, electrical and sanitation services Safety & security Social participation and inclusion Healthcare & clinics Food & nutrition Waste removals and the effects of unhealthy hazardous environments Employment

As people continue to penetrate into urban cities, the lack of basic needs will only grow greater. “South Africa’s urban population is growing larger and younger, and it is envisioned that nearly 80% of the total population will be living in an urban area by 2050.” (Southafrica.info, 2016). Cities in Africa were not historically developed with the intent of accommodating so many occupants and having been a previously colonised continent, African cities developed to conform to euro-centrism. Since the era of colonialization, much has changed in African countries. Previous national parties were 12

Image 2: Globalization in Africa (Ruan van Staden,2015)

SOUTH AFRICA

Figure 1:

Locality of Johannesburg,

GAUTENG

JOHANNESBURG

(Kobus Marais, 2016)

elected under accusations in which they promised endless opportunities, including employment and job creation in cities, which is a primary factor influencing levels of rural-to-urban migration. The problematic concern is that many people depend so much on the opportunities presented to them that they leave everything to go to the cities, and to their disappointment they are left jobless and forced to succumb to the neglected circumstances of the informal settlements as a means to survive. As a result, these migrants began to establish informal economies, as a means of employment, parallel to that of previously existing and operational formal economies.

1.2 The Impact of Apartheid on the South African Economy In South Africa two-thirds of the population live in urban areas. (Southafrica.info, 2013). Due to apartheid, Johannesburg experienced decentralization and was spread out more laterally rather than concentrically. White home owners ventured to Northern suburbs, and the Apartheid government relocated black inhabitants and poorer communities to rural peripheries on the outskirts of the Johannesburg city. Economic growth and development continued to prosper in the existing Johannesburg CBD. During Apartheid, the city’s infrastructure had been solely planned to accommodate the Central Business District where private white owners and their businesses contributed largely to the country’s economy and development. The Johannesburg CBD at that time became the primarily economic powerhouse for the African Continent. With the fall of apartheid in 1990 and the withdrawal of soldiers protecting the borders to neighboring countries, there had been growing curiosity for foreigners to capitalize on the economy of South Africa, additionally with border control laws being lifted, migrants started to rapidly move across borders. Six years later in 1996 a census statistic of South Africa shows that 4.8% of the population in Gauteng originated outside South Africa’s borders. Johannesburg alone consisted of 25% foreign-born nationals which rapidly grew to 57% of migrants in 2004. (Kihato, 2009). The legacy of apartheid split informal and formal economic growth across Johannesburg. Those who prospered during the Apartheid period and accumulated enough wealth relocated themselves further away from the CBD resulting in further disparity and urban sprawl in fear of racial tensions. Out of this post-apartheid era, a new CBD was concieved just a few kilometers away from the existing one. Sandton City, now in 2016, holds the richest and most expensive land per square meter per capita on African soil. This new formal economic hub, put South Africa on the global map and created multiple nodes of integrated formal economies distributed across the city. This in turn led to private urban enclaves, gated communities and office parks - widening social separation and the wealth gap. The impact of having two CBDs relatively close to each other, meant that many informal economies now had to adapt to these changes in order to intercept formal industries. What followed was a widespread of lose slums spread across the city, one of which borders the Sandton community and is the biggest informal settlement in Gauteng, Alexandra. In more recent years, the informal industries that reside in Alex- have shown impressive growth which has resulted in joint urban regeneration projects between the government, the private sector, NGO’s and community-based organisations, to uplift informal economies while addressing economic, social and physical challenges simultaneously.

Image 3:

Living Conditions of a Trolley Pusher (Kobus Marais, 2016)

1.3 Informal economies and Unemployment Informal economies work in parallel with the needs of all people in the informal economy, which is the reason why progress is slow. Nonetheless there has been a multitude of different trades and services coming out of the informal sector that has ultimately led to job creation. “There is a wide range of economic activities included in the informal economy such as street vendors, taxi drivers, rubbish collectors and home-based care workers, making it almost as diverse as the formal economy.” (Fagen, 2013). The growth of the informal economy has become a large part of the urbanization on the African continent. It is estimated that the informal economy will grow 7% on an annual rate in comparison to a rate of 3% in the formal economy. (Hove, Ngwerume and Muchemwa, 2013) The informal economy employs an average 60 % of the urban workers in Africa, this accounts for a quarter of economic growth production. Unemployment levels in the overpopulated areas are high, starting with a great number of young people leaving schools remaining unemployed for several years after advancing from their studies. The result of this is that the unemployed individuals find shelter on the streets or become dependent on their families or friends to provide them with a place to stay. Other individuals survive through rendezvous interaction in the informal economy, and they become part of the urban poor. As a result, high levels unemployment in the urban poor areas have forced people to look for other alternatives to create income, thus forming part of the informal economy. There is vast potential for the informal sectors in South Africa and developing countries to empower the population in need of job opportunities. The South African minibus taxi industry, for example started as an informal practice, due to apartheid laws, black people were forced to relocate away to rural peripheries of the city. Despite lack of infrastructure, owners of minibus taxis took it upon themselves to transport commuters and the black labour force to and from the city in order to meet their demanding jobs, therefore creating jobs for themselves. This informal practice has now become the biggest informal industry in South Africa. Seeking empowerment opportunities for these informal economies should at most time start with a bottom-up approach (self to community) and end with communities becoming self-sufficient and economically active. Social empowerment gives voice back to the individual/communities which leads to a sense of well-being, belonging and identity. By up-skilling the communities through education and creating awareness of self-sustainable living, through government funded or private funded projects, this will improve the immediate environment and will have a positive effect not only in these communities, but also in the country at large.

1.4 The Informal Economy and the Individual Unfortunately, it is the direct effects of globalization and unemployment, witnessed in dilapidated and poverty stricken areas that force many participants in the labour market to venture into the urban informal economy in order to survive. “...for many people the informal economy is the alternative to unemployment. It is argued that without the informal economy, the unemployment rate would rise from currently 25% to around 47.5%.”(Led.co.za, 2016). A Although their choice to enter the informal market is built purely on their will to support their families, or just even to survive the hardship that they burden, many of these informal laborers contribute to more than just the informal market; issues that are somewhat bigger than their day-to-day dynamics. Some of their practices address pressing worldly issues, like environmental concerns, racist and prejudice tensions, and community social rejuvenation. An informal industry that best possesses this social attitude (consciously or subconsciously), is the Trolley-Pusher or waste collector to some, who preforms a public service in recycling waste via their trolleys in urbanised environments based in South Africa.

Image 4: Growth of the biggest Black industry (Ruan van Staden,2015)

W Waste Collectors Part B 5.1. The Trolley-Pusher Trolley-pushers,

also known as waste collectors, waste reclaimers and waste pickers, scan the dustbins and sidewalks of residential and commercial neighborhoods for selected solid waste items with resale value, which they load into makeshift trolleys. On foot they hawl their heavy loaded trolleys for many kilometers to privately owned buy-back depots where the waste material is weighed and sold. Working conditions for these individuals are harsh and the trolley pusher and his ‘pay-load’ is subject to the elements at any given time and place. Other than the weather, which causes erosive damage to their trolleys, theft, lack of accommodation and access to basic human amenities are some of the more severe problems associated with their informal practice. “Recyclers operate independently of labor regulations and protection, without employee benefits, using improvised transport, and frequently inadvertently contravening bylaws. but they are intimately entwined with the formal, recognized systems of urban life: essential suppliers to registered recycling businesses, intense users of city roads, sidewalks and public spaces, specialized reclaimers competing daily with municipal waste removal corporations [like Pikitup Services].”(Zack, Charlton and Kotzen 2012: 55) An effective and sustainable business for these waste collectors depends on the prices regulated and paid by buy-back depots for particular categories of waste. Some categories of valued waste material include: paper, cardboard, tin PET plastics, tin, glass, metal etc. On a good week, a trolley pusher can earn up to R1100.00 (+/- €70.00). In order to earn R1100, a trolley pusher must lug almost 600kgs of waste material over five working days. He sells his reclaimed materials once he has accumulated enough quality of each item to make the transactional exchange worthwhile. There is has been very little regulation put forth to monitor trolley pusher activity and there is no stipulated age for people entering this “market” in the informal economy. Ones involvement in this industry is purely based on their will for survival. “There is no economic rationale for participation in this activity: it is merely a survival strategy for those involved in it” (Blaauw, 2010:200).

5.2. The Trolley-Pusher in the Public-Eye In Johannesburg, the trolley-pusher like many, form part of a minority that is subject to discrimination and because of their operations with waste management, are cast out on the peripheries of a society’s representation, shaped by a globalized mindset, of what is considered an acceptable and contributing profession to the countries economy. Others that fall into this group include the Zama-Zama, - an informal miner that extracts and sells lose left overs of iron ore in old, dilapidated gold-mine shafts - street vendors, and traffic-light window washes, to name but a few. Frequent run-ins with 18

local authority or metro police, classifies trolley-pushers as criminals or illicit practitioners and it is often at these times, that even their basic human rights are tested by such power figures. The trolley-pushers’ daily operations in managing recycled waste, often leaves a so-called ‘waste sorting area’ looking like a dystopian ‘crash-site.‘ This does not go swimmingly well with neighboring communities and local city councils, and most of the time it is these onlookers who report such ‘suspicious’ activity to the police who then proceed to burn their recycled goods and belongings.

5.3. An Informal Waste Service Johannesburg currently does not have an advanced formal recycling system that attempts to reduce waste on landfill sites - sites for the purpose of disposal of waste materials by burial and possibly the oldest form of waste treatment around; more commonly known as rubbish dumps. This has created waste management opportunities in the informal sector. This opportunity has been taken up by a vast army of trolley pushers. Although they work in the informal sector, these men and women provide a much needed service to the city of Johannesburg as urban recyclers. The latest plastics recycling survey (Plastics SA 2013) has shown that 40 950 informal jobs were created during 2010-2011, increasing to 44 100 informal jobs in 2012 in the refuse collection industry. If the recyclers did not do this work, most of the urban waste that could be recycled would just end up on a landfill site on the edge of the city, un-recycled. Doc. Melanie Samson, WIEGO Waste Picker Program Coordinator for Africa argues that the waste collectors do not enter the market for the environmental benefit their activities may have, but for economic reasons. However, they contribute to environmental sustainability by diverting waste from landfill sites (Samson 2010b). Nevertheless trolley pushers on the streets of Johannesburg may have a detrimental effect on the environment: they are forced to make use of the goodwill of the recycling depots and filling stations for basic amenities such as water and toilets, and if these are not available, open space, such as a park is considered an alternative. As most of the street waste collectors are from the rural areas, they sleep and live on the streets, and in the bushes and along the rivers. They sleep and cook on the pavements, as they have no other facilities.

5.4. Life on the Streets The nature of the trolley pusher, as a nomadic individual without any connection and rarely any ties to any formal residence or settlement, allows them to circulate freely and with flexibility. The majority of waste collectors temporarily settle in informal spatial dimensions, from slums, to street pavements, under bridges and abandoned or high jacked buildings which are physically located within close proximity to their preferred traveled routes and/or buy-back centers. Vacant buildings, subject to this urban transgression have become loose space and the opportunities that they offer have been realized by a number of trolley pushers. They offer shelter from the elements and a secure space for sorting and storing of the reclaimed materials that will later be sold to the depot. In order to deliver a more effective service, location is a key factor. The reason so many informal waste recyclers make the porous district of Newtown their temporary residence is due to the close proximity of a buy-back depot; the Newtown Branch of the waste collection and recycling company Remade. This buy-back center is the only one located on the western edge of the city. It is therefore the nucleus for all trolley pushers who collect materials in the North-western suburbs and western areas of the inner city of Johannesburg. Another social issue associated with the trolley-pusher is the bodily-hazards they add to vehicular traffic on the roads of Johannesburg. The trolley-pusher transports heavy loads of valuable waste material usually located in suburbs scatted around Johannesburg, to buy-back/recycling depots found in urban densified areas. Some travel up to 30kms by foot daily on some of the busiest motorways in South Africa. They choose to take the road most traveled, as it is often at times pedestrian pavements/sidewalks are dilapidated to the point that their trolleys get damaged to a point where their service comes to a standstill, and with no trolley that means no income. Many trolley pushers risk/lose their lives traveling on these busy motorways, and furthermore do no have appropriate medical aid because of their status or nationality outside of the country.

SLEEP AT HOME

SLEEP AT ELSEWHERE

Figure 2:

Trolley Pusher Sleeping arrangements. Matthew Robson, 2016

96%

Unfortunately South Africa and other developing countries, do not recognize these users and their service as a formal industry and there has been no state/governing body who makes provision to cater for these individuals as of yet. On top of that, South Africa is faced with corrupt governing bodies and it is often that municipality authorities in Johannesburg are unable or unwilling to offer good government to the marginalized communities and informal settlements under their jurisdictions. A harsh reality as is, the trolley-pusher must simply adapt to survive. It is this vulnerable mindset and need for ‘fast cash’ means that their labor is readily extorted by large buy-back recycling material depots who buy the trolley pusher’s reclaimed materials at a fraction of what they sell them for.

5.5. Environmental Responsibility The growing illusion of the trolley-pusher, is in fact that they are not criminals, but entrepreneurs and opportunists in their own right. In order to better one’s social status, they have instinctively armed themselves with a trolley, in which they use to transport valued-waste material to recycling depots for a small buy-back fee. Purely based on the bare means of survival, the trolley pusher is somewhat unaware of the bigger impact their self-attained service sets out to achieve, and that is the cleaning up of the environment. Recycling for one is the easiest way to reduce CO2 emissions and ultimately lowers an overall carbon footprint. Naturally, the embodied energy it takes a trolley-pusher to transport their load 100km is significantly high, but they do not contribute to or mitigate global warming even at the slightest, where as implemented formal services based on waste collection produce enough C02 emissions in 100km to power a Boeing 747 for 12 seconds in continuous flight.

5.6. Social Responsibility Not only does this informal economy lower environmental pressures contributing to the ‘green house effect’ it alleviates socio-political tensions between local and foreign nationals. Despite South Africa’s increasing unemployment rates and lack of available jobs, the informal waste industry in Johannesburg informs one of the most diverse labor work forces in South Africa and it is important to recognize this. With apartheid coming to an end in 1990 and the rapid influx of rural-to-urban migrants both locally and internationally, the notion of ‘apartness’ did not necessarily go down with titanic and more so than ever, externally there is a new form of apartheid or racial prejudice between locals and foreign nationals has surfaced concerning unemployment - a major reason many have resorted to seeking opportunities in the informal and illegal sector. A prejudice commonly known as xenophobia.

Image 5: 21

Micro slum in Newtown, the only major

depot in the city.

(Kobus Marais,2014)

On May 11 2008, an outburst of xenophobic violence in the Johannesburg Township Alexandra triggered widespread xenophobic violence in townships across the nation. The violence consisted of attacks both verbally and physically by inhabitants of the townships on other inhabitants, some of which who were locals and had been labeled betrayers for their relationships with outsiders. The victims were called foreigners, referring to their nationality being non-South African and predominantly Zimbabwean and Mozambican (Sahistory.org.za, 2016).”As a result many houses were burnt, shops looted and burnt down. Hundreds of people were injured, thousands chased away and the death toll after the attacks stood at 56.” (Sahistory.org.za, 2016). Reasons for the attacks differ, but much of the criticism came from local residents claiming that foreigners took jobs opportunities away from local South Africans while accepting lower wages, as foreigners do not participate in the struggle for better wages and working conditions (Sahistory.org.za, 2016). Realizing the common social struggle, trolley-pushers have managed to separate their differences relating to nationality, in order to work and operate in a collective community and henceforth one united identity.

5.7. Relationships 5.7.1. Relationships with other Trolley-Pushers Although waste collectors all fall under the same social umbrella, trolley pushers in Johannesburg, tend to fend for themselves the majority of the time. In their Cape Town study, Benson and Vanqa-Mgijima (2010) found that half the participants would work alone, and half would work together. A significantly limiting factor, that determines a trolley pusher’s choice to work alone, is that several of these users are actually illegal migrants from countries outside of South Africa and may only be able to communicate in their home language. Trust and loyalty, however, go a long way with these users, and it is often that smaller more intimate groups within the trolley pusher community can be found. There are often cases where one trolley pusher might steal another’s valuable waste or their hard earned cash. By establishing these small groups, waste collectors are able to group there belongings and valued loads in a form of laager - a laager (from Afrikaans), (English: leaguer) also known as a wagon fort, is a form of mobile fortification made of wagons arranged into a rectangle, a circle or other shape - as a means of security against criminal activity.

5.7.2. Relationships with the Public and the Police Informal waste collectors are neglected by many government authorities and stakeholders in developing countries in general and in South Africa in particular, evidence from elsewhere has shown that this activity fosters considerable social, environmental and economic benefits that should be preserved. Informal waste collection also contributes to reducing greenhouse gases (GHG) through recycling processes. Despite this, they are harassed by the Metro Police and stereotyped as the poorest of the poor by the public. Thus, the role that they play in the waste management system and in alleviating urban poverty is often disregarded by the public.

5.7.3. Relationships with Family It is a apparent that those trolley pushers who have family ties back in their country of origin, outside of South African boarders, rarely visit their loved ones or have returned for a significant period of time. Some collectors believe they will never return to their countries of origin. Searching for dreams and opportunities, they became ‘lost-boys’ in their own right and Johannesburg, their Neverneverland. In their exchange for valued waste with buy-back centers, trolley pushers earn a calculated wage that classified as a continuous cash flow and is merely dependent on ‘good’ and ‘bad’ collection days. An flow means that sending money as means of support to their families abroad proves very problematic, and foremost trying to accommodate their own well-being and those who can afford to send a portion back home, often cannot because to their limiting foreign status.

is in no way inconsistent cash when they are first of their earnings

5.7.4. Relationships with Buy-back Centers Relationships between waste collection depots and the waste collector seem somewhat good and maintainable. Langenhoven and Dyssel (2007:126) characterise the relationship between the buy-back depots and the waste collectors as ‘symbiotic’: the more collectors supplying the depots, the better business is. Although depots have the upper hand on quality control in the exchange of valued waste for a price per kilo, there is a clear understanding that depots can not operate effectively without the informal service of the trolley pusher and vise versa. Depots also provide the trolley pushers with a few basic amenities like water and toilets as well as ‘safe-keepings‘, like lockers for their valuable belongings and petty cash boxes, in which waste collectors and hold their money on hand, which minimizes the risk of them being robbed. The trolley pusher is a multi-layered individual who seeks opportunities within an informal economy as a means of survival and employment. His role in improving social relations as well as his effort in contributing to a cleaner and sustainable environment, is noteworthy and it is only in our best interests, to give something back to these heroic individuals.

Image 6: 24

program,

Community Contributing initiative

(Kobus Marais, 2016)

S Smart Design Part C Africa’s informal economy is one of the most innovative and inventive environments in the world. Yet it is an environment with little regulation in which workers are often exposed to hard conditions and live without a safety net (Attias, 2013). -Richard Attias

6.1. The Role of the Trolley Pusher to the Economy 6.1.1. Formalizing an Informal Service There have been many proposals over the past 10 years to try formalize this informal practice in South Africa, through trolley-tech innovation. In 2008, artist and urban geographer Ismail Farouk, set out to rectify a proposal for a new trolley design (IMAGE :7) that appeared to be more durable and ergonomic. “Initiated in December 2008, the Trolley Works project has sought practical ways to regulate and legalize trolley pushing in Joubert Park and its surrounds.”(Buys, 2009). More recently, in 2014, PETCO (PET plastic recycling south Africa) teamed up with the Environment and Infrastructure Services Department of the City of Johannesburg (COJ), for the “City of Johannesburg Waste Reclaimers Empowerment Project”, in which they too, introduced the proposal for a new robust trolley design that was thought to empower waste reclaimers. “Empowering waste reclaimers is one of the many ways that the City of Johannesburg has chosen to minimize waste to landfill and to create sustainable jobs while making Johannesburg a world class city” (The Green Times, 2014) said Councilor JJ Thomo at the launch event. In 2015, social entrepreneur Sifiso Ngobese from Soweto as did too make a proposal for a ‘bigger, better and safer’ (IMAGE :8) trolley. The project, Abomakgereza, is thought to be inspired by the many trolley pusher deaths that had resulted from the lack of visibility during all hours of the night. The project is said to be in close partnership with Pikitup - Pikitup Johannesburg (SOC) Ltd is the official integrated waste management service provider to the City of Joburg - and private investors can make use of the side of the trolley’s to market themselves through an Eco-friendly initiative. “Another social aspect about the project is the fact that if there is a company advertising on the trolley, there is a 10% profit share, so 10% of those profits will be distributed to those guys who are pushing those particular trolleys.” (News24, 2016). However, there is physical evidence that none of these initiatives have been the most effective in formalizing this informal practice. Firstly, trolley pushers take pride in their trolleys and are perfectly equipped with the expertise to adjust and improve their trolleys (which amount to a mere affordable price of just R50.00 (€3.17)) customly to suit their functionality and flexibility if need be. Secondly, the sensitivity behind the identity of these users makes them very reluctant to partner-up with government funded services. A significant advantage of the trolley pusher operating independently from any formally governed recycling service (i.e. Pikitup) is that external factors like strikes and public holidays do not hinder their work flow and in turn cash flow. They provide an available and more-so productive service 25

Image 7: Ismail Farouk’s trolley design. Trolleyworks (Buys, 2009)

Image 8: Sifiso Ngobese’s trolley proposal. Abomakgereza (News 24,2016).

for recycling depots, 24 hours of the day, 7 days a week. Their service, as opposed to an alternative formal service is not only productively sustainable, but their physical practice of waste collection is considerable sustainable within a natural Eco-friendly environment. Lastly, the trolley-pusher is bigger than his/her trolley, and that is why we believe connectivity is at the forefront of any effort to progress from an informal practice to a formal discipline. It a linear process, but in fact an exponential one. It is recognizing the success created thus far of this informal industry and realizing its potential to become a multi-beneficial symbiosis between trolley pusher and the world bigger than them. However, the bigger question here is formalization necessarily the answer for this informal practice? Formalization to an informal economy usually entails the setting up and structuring of smaller skilled-equipped businesses, while roles and activities carried out by the employees are governed by a legal set of rules and procedures, a government or private organization might draw up. The misconception that surfaces, and possibly the major reason why there have been so many failed attempts in trying to formalize the informal sector, is based on broken communication across apparent social classes of people and their position within the economy. This means that, often it is the principles and rules put in place by formal organizations and institutions, that may very well suit smaller-local entrepreneurs entering the formal market, but will never be able to profit individuals in the informal sector because of the complexity of their current lifestyles while in ‘survival mode‘. This outside approach in formalizing informal economies, fails to fully recognize either the very diverse nature of the informal economy, or the fact that many survivalist endeavors will never be more than that. Nonetheless these informal entrepreneurs, should be recognized and respected for the role that they play in reducing the vulnerability of the poor and unemployment levels. The formalization of this informal economy should be well articulated and should not compromise working, viable practices already in place, with general formal procedures and principles for running a potentially successful public service. The informal waste collection service in Johannesburg is a complex network conceived only through daily practices carried out by the trolley-pusher; it is a ‘live-and-learn’ type of environment. It would be a ridiculous thought to even attempt to simulate the daily lives of these individuals and translate this into a formal discipline, as it a service that has been customly designed by the user and for the user. Rather than providing a solution for this informal user group, one should promote and recognize a cohesive response that not only advances networking and productivity for this community, but empowers the individual by introducing, to him or her, the freedom of choice. The possibility of even having a choice. The ability to choose the life they want to live, and present them with choices on how to live it. 26

6.2. A proposal to Empower the Urban Waste Collector With advancements in technology relentlessly reinventing the world as we know it, the use of smart phones is becoming more and more popular and affordable for lower-class users. Distance and time is irrelevant when connectivity is present. Connectivity not only makes multi-disciplinary businesses more productive, it brings communities closer together. We would like to introduce a new proposal for a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;smart-mobileâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; app design, which benefits the user on a multi-layered basis. The app, in no way tries to formalize an informal business to the extent of compromising their working practice, but rather regulate this informal service through a passive transition. It recognizes the trolley-pusher service as a significant community initiative and for this, rewards our user with opportunities for self-empowerment and a general quality for life. Every human being has the right to live in a healthy environment where they feel a sense of belonging and self-worth and where they are able to identify with the role they play in the upliftment of their community and indirectly the impact that their participation has on the economy. This will result in them not being perceived as a burden to the economy but actively participating in the future success of the economy. We believe the informal economy plays a vital role in the development of any country in terms of regeneration and redevelopment. Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present, without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Through research and analytical discourse, we trust by acknowledging the importance of the informal economy and working on a bottom up approach (moving from the collective to the self) that prototypes technologies to solve challenges faced in developing countries, and thus creating prospects for young entrepreneurs like the trolley pusher in the informal sector. We want to put the power back into the hands of the waste collect while opening their minds up to possibilities outside of their daily struggle.

Image 9: The day to day struggle of the trolley pusher (Ruan van Staden, 2015)

M Multi Layered Network

The app acts as a system that connects a vast rage of multi-layered networks. The networks work in parallel with one another, they assist, support and tie a whole range of different services together to form a framework, this will act as a system that assist in developing the way the trolley pusher interact and trade. The map on the next page aims to create a clear understanding to position the app within the larger multi-layered framework.

Figure 3: Multi Layered systems, (Ruan van Staden, 2016) 31

Image 10: Engaging with the Trolley pushers. (Kobus Marais,2016)

Y YAMi Application 1.1 “YAMi” YAMi - directly translated from Zulu (isiZulu) - Zulu is one of the official languages of South Africa and is spoken by about 9 million people mainly in Zululand and northern Natal in South Africa and also in Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique and Swaziland (Omniglot,

2016) - to English, meaning “mine” is the name we feel best represents our informal user and his practice. ‘Mine’ is relevant to the affect of globalization in developing countries where the majority of the population is often overlooked or undermined. ‘Mine‘ as a pronoun, is used to indicate possession and belonging. The trolley pusher is responsible for his trolley, his cash flow and himself. The trolley pusher’s sense of belonging is at times questionable, but it is his identity that belongs to him and him alone. Our proposal for the app is to focus on the diverse systems of the individual with the aim to benefit the collective informal economy, thus the use of the name ‘mine’ as a personal label, seems fitting. The other intended meaning for ‘mine‘, is its use as a verb which can be understood here as the process of extraction. Additionally, the metaphoric value attached to ‘mine’, remembers a Johannesburg significant piece of history that ultimately changed the economy forever. The city of Johannesburg, once just a stand alone farm, rapidly developed into an urban metropolis after the discovery of gold in 1886. This incredible scale of growth and development is what YAMi sets out to achieve for its user. The YAMi vision is to improve the quality of life for all Waste Collectors contributing to waste recycling in South Africa.

1.2. Potential Challenges 1.2.1. User Liabilities But what prevents an informal practitioner like the trolley pusher who dwells in the extremities of poverty from taking a smart phone and selling it on another informal platform for an easy R300.00?

This is obviously a major risk that may arise in the initial stages of the project and may foresee a very short-life lived for the YAMi app. The fact of the matter is that this is likely to happen with a majority of trolley pushers and from a short term point of view it may seem like a viable decision to sell their phones for a few extra rands. But it is the Long term benefits pertaining to the YAMi app, that turns a few extra bucks into a continuously and reliable cash flow, while being educated on the possible opportunities that encourage personnel growth and development outside of their profession. That is why it is key to present and sell this project to the informal community with clear and proper conviction. It requires trolley pushers to believe in the system and trust that YAMi will deliver on their promises in bettering life for all.

1.3. Future Trajectories By creating a live app with a GPS enabled system interface, we aim to use and distribute all relevant information regarding traffic, hazards, police activity and any other valuable information, that could negatively affect the waste collectors on their daily route on a map to help the collective users of the app. The information will be gathered in databases that will distribute live information to users once they have checked in. Through the location access in the back-end system, the app will find nearby places of interest. When considering the system on a global scale, there are waste collectors in most developing countries that could join a networking community of connection. The future trajectory would be to progress beyond social limits of the waste collecting community by broadcasting useful and profitable information to connected informal economies, while developing the system to widely contribute to the needs of the diverse informal entrepreneurs globally. 79

•When confronting globalization it is evident that there are a lot of issues that make it hard for the individual to rise up from their social circumstances. The majority of trolley pushers in South Africa are illegal migrants from neighboring countries who bare economic hardship, and don’t receive any local benefits. Some of these benefits include access to private bank accounts, which translates to these migrants having to carrying cash on themselves at all times, making them venerable and likely to get robbed. The focus will be to provide a base platform for the informal waste collectors to record their earnings on a data sheet in order to track their income. Currently when they exchange waste and receive payment, it is the depot’s duty to provide them with a physical cash slip or receipt, which is impractical for any traveling informal user to keep with them as it is bound to be misplaced. A big concern for waste collectors all over the world, is being able to register for medical insurance, due to the fact that they originate from far rural neighboring countries, with no consistent cash flow or formal identity documents. With the lack in sanitation in the areas where the trolley pushers reside, and the injuries they experience on motorways in Johannesburg, they need to be sent to state hospitals where they have to pay nonnegotiable amounts of money due to their illegal status. Currently there are no solutions for medical aid and protection. The long-term goal of this is to use this platform as a strategy to negotiate with NGOs and Partners to provide some form of insurance for these people, who with the YAMi app can now present their digital statements as a form of surety for financial institutions. In Africa mobile-money service providers such as Mpesa, E-wallet, and wechat have grown significantly due to the sending and receiving of cash anonymously. It is said that mobile money reaches 411-million people globally with 33-million transactions a day (Mobile for Development, 2016). The concept of virtual money is to create an indirect connection with big formal-conglomerates to partake in NGO initiatives. It is the YAMi way, to introduce a type of rewards initiative, available for the waste collectors in the conception of a ‘key’. A key cannot be transferred to any person and it cannot be exchanged for money, rather it enables the holder to buy food, airtime, electricity and trolley equipment at their personnel disposal. NGOs distribute the keys to the waste collectors via the YAMi app. There is also potential to introduce a platform for partners and communities to make donations in the form of keys, whereby they will be able to donate keys to the collectors for a charitable fee which is then fed back into a fund for the trolley pusher community. The app will offer the waste collectors a platform to access relative information including listed materials and prices, much like a stock market interface, and the user would know exactly under which list the material and its value is associated with. By educating them on the price of materials, waste collectors will know exactly what is owed to them by the depot. This would also add more transparency to the process to the benefit of the waste collector. Partnership opportunities are available to any size company that would like to help make a difference in these peoples lives and wish to partake in the process of creating better platforms for waste collectors, the informal economy and environmental waste management as a whole. Companies that engage in the community projects could use this platform by means to promote their social responsibility and public identity.

Image 11: 81

A view from Main Reef Road,

Johannesburg (Ruan

van Staden, 2015)

C Conclusion

Unemployment in urban-developing countries is a clear translation of globalization and its worldly demands. The effects of unemployment gradually filter down to informal economies where it is the individual who practices in these enterprises that feels her wrath. As long as the freedom to move beyond borders is still in effect, people will continue to densify urban cities and create additional pressure on local municipalities to provide adequate human necessities and infrastructural demands. Despite these long-term challenges for the developing world, the informal industry continues to reinvent their short-term lifestyles, given their survival mode instincts to ‘adapt or die’, in order to compete and integrate their trade with formal industry procedures. In South Africa there is growing interest to set up cohesive informal businesses that offer a multi-symbiosis between formal and informal networks, in order to escape poverty and obtain the same benefits offered to formal industries that grant a quality of life and the opportunities that come with it. However, in this post-Apartheid era, there is still many social indicators that further widen the socio-economic gap between the formal and informal sectors and the encouragement for one another to learn from each other, in order to see any visible change, is needed. Waste collectors in South Africa, also known as ‘trolley-pushers’, continue to provide a professional day to day service despite their social status and separation from the outside world. The trolley pushers serve their individual well-being at the same time, respectfully serving their community simultaneously and most of the time unknowingly. Some informal enterprises like the trolley pusher, address pressing worldly issues like environmental concerns, by collecting recyclable waste. Johannesburg, currently does not have an advanced formal recycling system that attempts to reduce waste on landfill sites. This viable opportunity was recognized by the trolley pusher, who currently works unconventionally and is not funded by any state or city organization for their services in waste removal. Living and working conditions for this user are tough, but in order to make a good day’s living they need to selvage as much materials as they can carry and take these materials to depot buy-back centers, in exchange for money. Sadly, South Africa and other developing countries, do not recognize these users and their service as a formal industry and there has been no state/governing body who makes provision to cater for these individuals as of yet. Our proposal for a smart-mobile app design - YAMi is a non-profit initiative we believe has potential to push the trolleypusher and his trade to new heights and better not only his profession, but livelihood with factors pertaining to: safety and security, educational learning, financial planning, productivity, accessibility, connection and optimization to name, but a few. Future prospects and trajectories for the mobile app are promising and see the app not only advancing waste collection industries in all developing countries, but improving the lives and careers for other informal entrepreneurs around the globe. YAMi strives to empower the individual independent from formal organizational policies to promote a rich quality for life and open their eyes to other social and economic opportunities outside their field of service. The YAMi app promotes a sense of belonging and identity for informal enterprises as a whole.

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S Sources Consulted

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