PHILLIPINE INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Surian sa mga Pag-aaral Pangkaunlaran ng Pilipinas
Vol. XXII No. 2
DEVELO PMENT RESEARCH NEWS March - April 2004
ISSN 0115-9097
Editor's Notes In recent months, we have witnessed tragedies of huge proportion affecting a number of communities in the country. Landslides, flashfloods and pollution of our water resources causing illness, and even death, among some members of our population. Whether the incidents took place in Luzon or in the Visayas or in Mindanao, one striking commonality stood out among the places that were affected: they were victims of the disastrous effects of the degradation of our ecosystems, in particular, the watersheds. What brought about the degradation? Could it have been prevented? The succeeding pages in this issue trace some of the causes of this unfortunate situation. Citing cases in various Southeast Asian uplands but focusing on a specific Philippine upland illustration in Bukidnon in Southern Philippines, our feature story, written as part of the outputs of the Sustainable Agriculture and Natural Resource Management - Collaborative Research Support Program - 16
Inside the DRN 10
Leaving a legacy behind: enlisting the community's participation in water resource monitoring
Implementation crucial to sustainable environmental management
On development policies, institutions and upland environment of Southeast Asia "‌Once upon a time, there were traditional patterns of order and balance between a people’s need and the sustainability of their resources. Authority and accountability were close to the source of need and nature. Then came a period of disorder and destruction as resources were redefined to meet centralized, commercial goals of distant accountability and whimsical market forces." -—William Burch, Foreword to Keepers of the Forest (Poffenberger 1990)
For decades, degradation of natural resources in the form of soil erosion, water pollution, denuded forest and diminishing biodiversity as a result of economic development has perpetuated in various countries in Southeast Asia because of weak institutional support from their
by Agnes C. Rola and Ian Coxhead*
respective governments in implementing policies for environmental management. Internal migration or transmigration has also greatly affected forest and land management in the period 1960-1980. Government agencies, for instance, cleared and developed virgin lands along * Agnes C. Rola is professor and director of the Institute of Strategic Planning and Policy Studies, College of Public Affairs, University of the Philippines Los BaĂąos. Ian Coxhead is a professor at the Department of Agricultural and Applied Economics, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA, and the Southeast Asia Regional Program Manager of the Sustainable Agriculture and Natural Resource Management Collaborative Research Support Program (SANREM CRSP).
DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS
Internal migration or transmigration has also greatly affected forest and land management in the period 19601980. Government agencies, for instance, cleared and developed virgin lands along borders to house and sustain sponsored migrants. Under these programs, large areas in Malaysia and Indonesia had been converted to plantations and upland fields.
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borders to house and sustain sponsored migrants. Under these programs, large areas in Malaysia and Indonesia had been converted to plantations and upland fields. Centuries ago, most of Asia used to be a region of food surplus and labor scarcity. Population growth in the 20th century, however, soon began to apply pressure on the agricultural or lowland base. Pressures on the land resource base began to rise and resulted in a decline of domestic food production per capita and an increase in food imports. Thus, the 1960s and 1970s saw investments centered on irrigation and the introduction of yield-improving technology packages on modern cereal varieties in order to increase food production and secure food supply. This ushered in the “green revolution” where cereal production dominated land use and sectoral employment, and where governments of food-importing Asian economies enshrined food security as the basis for their development policy. But while the productivity impact of the infrastructure investments and new technologies yielded large gains in lowland irrigated areas, the effect on nonirrigated areas was generally small. Still, for some time, these increased yields, labor productivity and labor demand in the lowland agriculture somehow insulated
Table 1. Economic development and institutional evolution of environmental management: a framework of analysis Development Phase (Economy and resource use) 1. Prehistory/subsistence economy - low population growth - resource abundance - subsistence - slash and burn - long fallow period considered “sustainable” 2. Early Development - high population growth - migration - increased competition of resource use - intensive agriculture - commercializing economy - shortening of fallow period 3. Late Development - declining population density - highly commercial economy - declining resource use intensity (i.e. reforestation programs)
Institutional Evolution of Environmental Management 1. Customary law; tribal and community resource management
2. State designed institutions with no practical checks; property rights not well defined, thus resulting in “land grabs”
3. Ideally, central and local institutional innovations; increased community stewardship of environment; property rights well defined Alternately, local elite gains power; incentives not compatible with benefits
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the uplands and did not provide much incentives for labor to migrate to the uplands. In due time, though, even the previously isolated Asian uplands became open and accessible to migrants. Economic development throughout the region eventually began to strongly influence the development of the upland economies, providing huge road constructions that reduced transport costs and increased trade. Road constructions, however, became associated with deforestation and the spread of agricultural intensification. Phases of institutional development History shows the parallel movements of economic developments and the different phases of institutional development in terms of environmental management (Table 1). The first phase of environmental institutional development saw tribes and communities managing resources for their subsistence in accordance with their laws. This kind of institution was effective then because there was an abundance of resources and a low demand for these; not many technologies to use; and poor infrastructure. In time, though, economic development in the lowlands brought about commercialization, population increase and new technologies, pressures which customary laws normally cannot accommodate on the resource base. In the second phase of environmental institutional development, the government assumed the lead role in controlling the use of and access to resources. New resource management institutions were also imposed from the outside. In the case of Southeast Asia, this development occurred in the period 1960-1990 when economies of the region's different countries grew at unprecedented rates. However, the downside was that the period also established the region as the one with the highest annual deforestation rate. In the cases of Myanmar and Indochina, which have highly reticent economies, their governments became the primary agents and entrepreneurs of resource depletion, having closed off most other means of generating jobs and of raising
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government revenue and foreign exchange. National planners regarded natural forests as resources to be exploited for national development. Timber and other forest products were exploited to finance modern agricultural and economic growth. In the Philippines, the Marcos administration forged timber license agreements (TLAs) with private companies that permitted them to cut trees in a forest area of not more than 100,000 hectares for a period of 25 years. This policy and its successors are partly responsible for the Philippines having recorded the highest annual deforestation rate of –3.3 percent among Southeast Asian countries in 1980-1990. Aside from the state or government and some domestic and foreign private timber entities, forest resources in certain Asian nations were also controlled by the military and local elites (Table 2). Other local communities, however, have maintained some measure of influence usually due to difficulty of access by other entities to their forest areas. As such, some tribal, cultural, and religious groups in the highlands of Thailand have retained a certain level of control over their forest resources despite highly centralized forest management policies. The third institutional phase started the growing community demand for environmental quality and resource conservation. This trend is complemented by a general decentralization of power and authority that took place through formal means in all the large economies of the region. There are two possible scenarios that may result from this development. In the ideal or best situation, decentralization and local demands for more ecologically friendly development are complemented by national laws and policies. The best cases have national agencies, local governments, and community groups collaborating to design and implement resource management policies. Alternatively, in the worst cases, reduced power at the national government level is accompanied by a business-as-usual attitude on the part of local elites, which thereupon leads to a continuing, even worsening, negative
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Table 2. Policy context for forest management, selected Asian countries Country
Policy Period 1970s to 1990s
1990s – onwards
Cambodia
Military, local elite, and foreign corporations control the forests All forestland belong to the state
Community involvement is encouraged in forest management Comprehensive policy framework to clarify tenure right & responsibilities needed; move toward decentralization
Indonesia
Centralized control Overdependence on forest resources for national income Log ban and vertical integration of the forest industry
Community-based forest management Timber plantation management
Vietnam
Government nationalized large areas of land in the 1950s and early 1960s Local residents have no access to forest lands
Private households replace state forest enterprises 1993 Land Law gave local inhabitants extensive use rights over agriculture & forestlands
Philippines
Centralized governance of natural resources Natural resource extraction is a primary vehicle for development
IP rights recognized Logging ban Decentralization of some DENR functions to local government Community-based forest management as a national strategy
Thailand
Cultural communities govern forest management National Forest Policy/Land Reform Act was implemented but did not specify environmental rights and responsibilities to communities
National parks and sanctuaries were established but in conflict with policy of promoting community forest management No formal legal basis for community resource management
Sources of basic data: Poffenberger 1990 and 2000; Nilo 2000; and Resosudarmo 2002.
effect on the environment. Southeast Asian nations currently show different trends and the third phase may result either in continued rapid resource depletion or a shift to more conservative strategies. The occurrence will depend in large part on the speed with which institutions can catch up with the pace of economic growth. The shift to local ownership and management Since the passage of the 1991 Local Government Code, the Philippines has arguably become the regional leader in institutional strengthening for environmental management. The implementation of the Integrated Social Forestry (ISF) Program—a part of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) which covers all agricultural lands, including public alienable and disposable lands— also facilitated the giving of tenure to forest occupants. Upland dwellers can now secure Certificates of Stewardship Contract (CSC) which
In the ideal or best situation, decentralization and local demands for more ecologically friendly development are complemented by national laws and policies. The best cases have national agencies, local governments, and community groups collaborating to design and implement resource management and policies.
DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS
Decentralization has likewise paved the way for governments to give more power to communities in managing their environmental resources, no matter how weak the legal basis for this action is established. In Cambodia, for example, community involvement is encouraged in forest management but the absence of documented forest rights and responsibilities leaves the community with no authority to protect local forests.
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give them exclusive use and occupancy rights to public forestlands for 25 years. It is the duty of CSC holders to engage in the application of soil conservation, suppression of forest fires, and conservation of forest growth in their areas of responsibility. Several laws in managing forest resources were also passed in the 1990s. One of these is the Indigenous People’s Rights Act (IPRA) that awards titles to indigenous communities with ancestral domain and land claims. There are, however, problems in the provisions of this law and its implementation has not been smooth. Reforestation programs in the Philippines have also seen the close cooperation between local communities and national agencies. This shift in forest management strategy in the Philippines and in most of the countries in the region influenced the lowering of deforestation rates in the period 19902000. Decentralization has likewise paved the way for governments to give more power to communities in managing their environmental resources, no matter how weak the legal basis for this action is established. In Cambodia, for example, community involvement is encouraged in forest management but the absence of documented forest rights and responsibilities leaves the community with no authority to protect local forests. Thailand has implemented a similar National Forest Policy but did not specify environmental rights and responsibilities to communities as well as legal basis for community resource management. In Vietnam, the 1993 Land Law conferred user rights over agricultural and forest lands to communities and individuals but the ownership of land and all other natural resources still rests with the government. Decentralized control over resources, including community-based forest management (CBFM) programs, was widely adopted in most Southeast Asian countries only in the 1990s which coincided with broader programs of political decentralization. The shift, however, is incomplete and the transfer of forest ownership or management did not put a stop to forest degradation and depletion. Policy conflicts
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brought about by economic pressures of growth and mismatches between central and local powers also continued. National governments, for example, have frequently declared protected areas or initiated reforestation programs without local consultation. On the other hand, there have been cases where local communities formulated forest policies without reference to national plans or regulations. The evolution of forest policy from centralized exploitation toward one in which communities and their representatives occupy center stage is very new. Even more so is the recognition of ownership by upland communities despite earlier legal steps moving toward such direction. The process remains quite incomplete. Sadly, this incomplete decentralization of other areas of administrative control may have complicated the forest and land management process. For instance, in many cases, local control does not imply governance by the community but an ongoing evolution of local power that mimics the centralized system it has replaced. Local elites, foreign interests and other actors now also have access to resources, and sometimes with less oversight than before. As such, the question of whether decentralization in its present form is a better arrangement or not, is therefore still to be determined. Decentralization and environmental management In Southeast Asia, the decentralization of environmental management coincides with the decentralization of numerous other government functions (Table 3). The pressing question is: Can local governments do a better job at resource management than central governments? While local administrations have indeed specialized knowledge of local environmental and economic conditions, thereby having the ability to finetune policies, there are, however, certain aspects that must be addressed, as shown below, in order for local governments to have the opportunity to exert their best. Externalities Jurisdictional boundaries do not typically
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coincide with relevant natural resource boundaries (such as watersheds), which lead to problems of horizontally overlapping control areas and unresolved externalities. This problem is clearly seen in Southeast Asia in the management of watersheds and river basins, which is compounded by increased local demands on water and land resources due to economic development and population growth. As such, there is a need for alternative institutions as will be discussed later. Accountability of local administrations Accountability of local administrations is a critical factor to achieving socially beneficial local decisionmaking. At the macrolevel, accountability requires institutional checks and balances on the actions of local governments, private businesses and even NGOs. A strong external audit system is considered critical in ensuring macrolevel accountability. In countries like the Philippines, however, a large portion of the income of a typical local government is still controlled by the
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central government and so local governments may not totally be fiscally responsible. Giving them more taxing powers in their respective locales may thus make them more answerable to the people on the kind of programs that they launch, including in the area of environmental management. At the microlevel, accountability is determined by the availability of constitutional and practical instruments by which communities acquire a “voice� in the formation and implementation of local policies. While decentralization does not promise local communities more benefits on sustainable environmental management per se, hopefully, it will help provide the opportunity for this to happen. Participatory approaches with direct community involvement must therefore be fully encouraged. Assignation of functions Often, there are cases where either the mandate assigned to a local agency may not be matched by the authority vested on it or the policies applied by one agency may
Table 3. Decentralization dynamics: selected cases in Southeast Asia, 2002 Decentralization Dynamics
Study Site Actors and power
Remarks Outcomes
Nghe An province, Vietnam
District forest agencies gain new responsibilities.
Lack of genuine consultative process Detailed technical specifications from center create adverse effects for livelihood and environment.
Lack of accountability Mismatched mandate and authority
Ratanakiri province, Cambodia
Budgets provided by the national government from donor funds. Provincial officials provide support to legitimize local initiative and interests.
Local people lack rights to defend resources from external commercial interests, thus undermining environmental, livelihood benefits of decentralization.
Accountability, mismatched mandate and authority
Luang Phabang province, Laos
Villages have increased role in land use planning. Provincial officials have increased roles in regional development planning.
Local consultative process leads to collective action. Line agencies lack technical expertise and support to carry out their duties.
More accountability; but mismatched mandate and authority Capability constraints
Chiang Mai province (Mae Chaem watershed), Thailand
Villages have increased voice in development decision-making through elected tambon committee.
Lack of clear division of labor between local government and line agencies leads to lapses, tensions in natural resource management. Existing community-based organizations and networks strengthen decentralization process.
Mismatched mandate and authority
Bukidnon province, (Manupali Watershed) Philippines
Local government has fiscal powers. Community-based water watchers has no legal support.
Fiscal decentralization is an avenue to exploit natural resources to generate funds. This can accelerate watershed degradation. Watershed level coordination among different LGUs is lacking.
Lack of accountability Externality problems
Source of data: Except for the Philippines, data were taken from Dupar and Badenoch (2002). The Philippine case study is from Rola et al. (2002). Remarks column are authors’ interpretations.
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It is therefore recommended that (a) local governments should forge partnerships with central governments or other entities such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and (b) national agencies should provide technical expertise to local officials inasmuch as environmental awareness requires a demand for knowledge, methods and policy support.
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cancel the effects of policies applied by others. The reason is because decentralization laws in the Philippines, Thailand, and Indonesia have failed to provide a clear division of responsibilities between local government agencies and national line agencies at the local level, with the latter very much committed to national programs even if these are not consistent with local development goals. Capacity constraints Local governments lack the capacity to conduct analysis and policy evaluation as well as the fiscal powers crucial to the implementation of necessary measures. In the Philippines, most technical experts for environmental management report to the central office and only a very lean work force is assigned at the field level. It is therefore recommended that (a) local governments should forge partnerships with central governments or other entities such as nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and (b) national agencies should provide technical expertise to local officials inasmuch as environmental awareness requires a demand for knowledge, methods and policy support. The case of Bukidnon, Philippines Lantapan, Bukidnon is located in Mindanao, Southern Philippines and has a landscape that ranges from river flats to a rolling middle section and to highaltitude, steeply sloped mountains. It hosts the headwaters of the Manupali river that runs into a dam that, in turn, diverts flow into a network of canals within the 4,000 hectare irrigation system constructed by the National Irrigation Administration (NIA) in 1987. The entire system drains into the Pulangi river, one of the major waterways in Mindanao, which is about 50 kilometers upstream from the Pulangi IV hydroelectric power generation facility, one of the six largest hydropower generating plants in the country. Since 1980, the population of Lantapan has been increasing at an annual average of 4 percent—higher than the country’s average of 2.4 percent—due to inmigration. Population growth in the period 1990-2000, however, went down to almost
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the same level as the national average, at 2.3 percent. The indigenous Talaandig tribe in Lantapan comprises 43 percent of the total population as of 2001. In line with the government's policy of opening up the Mindanao frontiers, Lantapan’s forestland was opened to commercial loggers who have been granted TLAs by the national government beginning in the 50s. Agriculture migrants following the loggers contributed to area expansion. Consequently, rapid deforestation took place from the 1950s to the 1990s as the uplands were viewed as a source of “green gold” by lowlanders with the spread of intensive upland agriculture largely driven by market opportunities. Shorter fallow periods, coupled with nonapplication of soil conservation measures, then became widespread and eventually led to significant land degradation. Primary forest cover was also reduced from half to less than a third of the municipal land area during the period 1974-1994 and was turned into mainly corn and cornbased farms. Although resource management decisions were the responsibility of national agencies, land use rights were allocated largely through local and informal mechanisms in practice. Immigrants have successfully acquired lands from indigenous people in exchange for small sums or through barter. Ownership claims were established through land tax declarations. At present, agriculture still dominates the economy of the municipality despite rapid economic growth in recent decades. More than half of Lantapan’s land area is devoted to annual crops. The lower footslope produces corn and sugarcane. Corn is also dominant in the upper footslope that makes up the largest area of the watershed. Coffee is an important secondary crop at middle altitudes while at higher elevations, corn is planted along with coffee and temperate-climate vegetables such as beans, tomatoes, cabbages and potatoes. This agricultural intensification continues to this day as opportunities in both domestic and international markets persist. Land
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use data in fact confirm that intensive cultivation, mostly of annual crops, is taking place not just in the lower slopes but even within the upper watershed. As a result, water quality monitoring from several watersheds since 1994 shows that the level of total suspended solids (TSS) is considerably higher in areas where agricultural cultivation is widespread despite the lower than average slopes. Seasonal peaks of TSS levels also appear to coincide with months with intensive land preparation activity (Deutsch et al. 2001). In addition to the agricultural intensification, at least 10 commercial hog and poultry firms put up businesses in Lantapan in 1998. A year after, two banana companies separately established plantations in the upper and lower parts of the town. A total of 500 hectares of the banana plantation were formerly corn farms. On a wider scale, the consequences of rapid and increasing soil erosion rates as a result of agricultural intensification and other activities can be seen in the deterioration of two water impoundment structures, namely, the MANRIS diversion dam and the Pulangi IV hydro power installation. Despite the adoption of forest management policies and strategies to reduce deforestation in the 1990s and a ban on commercial logging, policies to promote sustainable upland management have yet to translate to better environmental health. Policies and institutions in transition As shown in Table 4, environmental management mandates, policy powers and implementation functions of environmental programs are distributed across all levels of governance in the Philippines as well as in various evolving multilevel institutions. This is clearly seen in the setup in the province of Bukidnon as described in the succeeding sections. National level At the national level, it is the duty of the national government through the Department of the Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) to maintain ecological balance. After the Earth Summit in 1992, the national government also created the
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Philippine Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) which is mandated to oversee and monitor the implementation of the Philippine Agenda 21 (PA 21) or the Philippine government's blueprint for sustainable development. The passage of the Local Government Code (LGC) in 1991 initiated the period of devolution of national mandates, including some in the area of environmental management handled by the DENR. The present day is thus a transition period wherein national agencies are slowly devolving responsibilities to local governments and even to villages. Provincial level institutions Much of the devolution in the 1991 LGC bypasses provinces and moves power directly to municipalities. In practice, however, provincial governors and their administrations retain considerable influence over local decisionmaking through the exercise of their supervisory and coordination functions. For instance, a typical Philippine province like Bukidnon has two provincial offices for environment and natural resources management. The DENR exercises its line functions through the Provincial Environment and Natural Resources Office (PENRO) while the provincial government office for the environment is the BENRO or the Bukidnon Environment and Natural Resources Office.
Table 4. Environmental management at different governance levels in the Philippines Governance Level
Management Function
Management Entity (Institution)
National level
Maintenance of ecological balance
National agency (Department of Environment and Natural Resources)
Provincial level
Enforcement of forestry laws diverted to community-based forestry projects; pollution control law, smallscale mining law
Provincial Environment and Natural Resources Office (PENRO)
Municipality level
Village/Barangay
Water and soil resource utilization and conservation; community-based forestry projects including the Integrated Social Forestry Program; management and control of commercial forests with an area not exceeding 50 square kilometers. Monitoring of poaching, forest fires, other peoples’ initiatives
Municipal Environment and Natural Resources Office (MENRO)
People’s Organizations/NGOs
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Problems identified at the municipal level are mirrored or even magnified at the village level. Thus, there is a need for specific entities to handle the various concerns. While environmental programs are initiatives of the households and communities with a common environmental cause, village-level environmental programs such as soil conservation, tree planting, monitoring of the buffer zone and the like are initiated by external organizations, especially nongovernmental organizations.
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Municipal institutions The LGC mandates the following functions to be handled by the municipal government: 1) establishment of water and soil resource utilization and conservation projects; 2) implementation of communitybased forestry projects including the Integrated Social Forestry Program (ISFP) and similar projects; 3) management and control of commercial forests with an area not exceeding 50 square kilometers; and 4) establishment of tree parks, green belts, and similar forest development projects. While the Municipal Environment and Natural Resources Office (MENRO) is optional, Bukidnon feels that upland municipalities should have this office to handle pollution and natural resource management. Some of the municipalities in Bukidnon have planned to include in their 2004 budget a considerable amount for the creation of their respective MENROs. At present, however, there is a personnel in the BENRO assigned to take on the functions of the MENRO in the various municipalities of the province. Village and barangay institutions Problems identified at the municipal level are mirrored or even magnified at the village level. Thus, there is a need for specific entities to handle the various concerns. While environmental programs are initiatives of the households and communities with a common environmental cause, village-level environmental programs such as soil conservation, tree planting, monitoring of the buffer zone and the like are initiated by external organizations, especially nongovernmental organizations. Multilevel institutions There are institutions with an environmental mandate that cut across the different layers of governance. The underlying principle for this type of institutional innovation is to be able to fully capture the benefits and costs of the process of managing the resource. Examples of this are the Protected Area Management Board (PAMB) and the Bukidnon Watershed Protection and Development Council (BWPDC). In the Philippines, protected areas are governed by a management board
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made up of representatives from various sectors and different governance levels. Mt. Kitanglad Range Natural Park is a protected area in Bukidnon and its management is the responsibility of the multilevel and multisectoral PAMB. The province, however, does the coordination. Meanwhile, in 1993, the BWPDC was created to implement the national strategies formulated by the Philippine Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD). BWPDC is the umbrella council but watershed management is carried out by the local government and the village officials. There are also two other institutions created in Bukidnon to implement the mandate for environmental management. These are the Natural Resources Management Council, which is tasked to oversee the implementation of the natural resources management plan as required by law, and the recently organized Lantapan Watershed Management Council (LWMC). The latter was formed in part as a response to the advocacy efforts of the SANREM CRSP research project.1 It is a multisectoral group composed of representatives from the agribusiness sector, NGOs, peoples’ organizations, the municipal legislative council, and provincial agencies. A shot to a positive picture in the late development period Lantapan and many other Asian upland villages are in transition to the third period of institutional development that was earlier described. This direction has two alternative pathways that may lead to two extreme environmental outcomes. In the best possible scenario, institutions evolve to catch up with pressures brought about by economic development. In the alternative scenario, institutional development is overwhelmed and overtaken by economic development pressures such that growth is compromised by pervasive and possibly severe environmental damages.
1
The SANREM CRSP research project promotes a landscape-lifescape approach to managing natural resources. As such, it does not only look at the physical environment but also the interrelation of the economic, social and cultural activities of an area with its physical attributes.
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The good news in Lantapan is that deforestation has more or less ceased partly due to the inaccessibility of the remaining commercial forest stands and partly as a consequence of forest protection policies and institutions. Nonetheless, agricultural intensification continues because of the demands of the existing market. Poorly defined land property rights and water pollution due to soil erosion and chemical runoff, however, show that land degradation and water pollution continue to worsen despite institutional strengthening and the devolution of responsibilities. Thus, it suggests that the development of institutional and legal frameworks for land and watershed protection lags far behind and is not able to cope with development pressures. How then can upland villages like Lantapan attain the best outcomes? Here are some recommendations: â?Š Genuine decentralization Genuine decentralization implies autonomy of the local entities with respect to fiscal, administrative and political powers. Genuine decentralization must therefore strengthen the ability of local governments to deal with their neighbors in cases where resource management issues spill beyond jurisdictional boundaries and agency mandates. Only a strong local government in terms of fiscal resources and authority can command collaboration with other LGUs and line agencies for environmental management.
seemingly weak or total absence of this organizational structure is seen to be a factor in watershed degradation in the Philippines as well as throughout the region. â?Š
Market-based mechanisms can support sustainable upland management but only if appropriate institutions are in place An important lesson from the Lantapan and other Southeast Asian case studies is that market expansion, on its own, is seldom the cause of unsustainable development. It is the set of property rights failures, externalities, and incomplete markets that are always present, which lead to a distortion of market-driven resource allocation and conservation decisions. Solutions therefore require the need to address the failures at the source, and then to design policies for agricultural development. Uncontrolled market expansion without property rights or other corrective and regulatory institutions results in a ‘third phase’ development scenario wherein resource depletion and environmental destruction are rapid, pervasive, and potentially disastrous. � Market-based incentives may also be used by local governments to encourage sustainable land use decisions Subsidies may be offered to farmers who practice soil conservation measures or plant perennials. There may be a tendency to overstate costs if subsidies are given but the incentive-compatible approach can encourage truthful behavior.
â?Š
Addressing the externality problem requires watershed-based institutions and policies In spite of the intrinsic desirability of decentralization, careful attention must be paid to the appropriate assignment of functions to each level of governance. Given the externalities involved, there is a compelling case for the management of forest, land and water resources at the watershed or river basin level. Bukidnon is divided into seven watershed clusters which consist of several LGU units. Strong cooperation among villages and among local government units, however, is needed in the regulatory and fiscal aspects. A
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Conclusion What are the lessons learned from these experiences? People and social structures are the most important features of responsible environmental management. Markets, communities and the government will need to work together in an environment of mutual trust. “Seeking sustainability� is difficult but future strategies should encourage participation by actors from all levels; aim to build capacity; understand institutions, and aid in the environmental policy 16 decisionmaking process. DRN
Genuine decentralization must therefore strengthen the ability of local governments to deal with their neighbors in cases where resource management issues spill beyond jurisdictional boundaries and agency mandates. Only a strong local government in terms of fiscal resources and authority can command collaboration with other LGUs and line agencies for environmental management.
DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS
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Leaving a legacy behind...
Enlisting the community's participation in water resource monitoring
...Once in a while, there are programs which leave behind a legacy that the people in the place picks up and continues. In such cases, the results of the research or program open the eyes of the people and egg them on to take over and continue from what the program began.
Every now and then, a team of researchers, consultants and technicians or a particular research program arrives in a relatively unknown locale purportedly to study certain aspects about the place and recommend ways for their improvement, if and where needed. Sometimes, the focus of the study or program centers on the people and their economic activities; other times, it is about the place's governance system or the residents' wellbeing on the whole. Or, it could be about the place's natural resources and ecosystems. Whatever the focus of study is, the ultimate objective is to be able to understand the way that things are at the moment and how they have evolved through time; examine if there are gaps and shortcomings in the status quo and point them out for people's information; and suggest, where and when necessary, possible means of making things work better. How long the team stays in a place varies. Sometimes, it lasts only for a few days, other times, for months, and sometimes, for years. The impact the group leaves also differs. There are instances where it is practically nil—residents say that after the team had left, nary a word from them about what happened to the study has been heard. It is as if the group or program never came or reached them at all. There are also cases where people claim that they are in a worse situation than before the program or study took place. There are likewise stories where people are happy because the results of the study/program seemingly brought and are bringing them
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benefits so that they hope that the program lasts longer. Unfortunately, in many instances, the benefits, if and when they are present, stop once the program terminates. As such, the gains are not sustained. But once in a while, there are programs which leave behind a legacy that the people in the place picks up and continues. In such cases, the results of the research or program open the eyes of the people and egg them on to take over and continue from what the program began. One such program is the community-based water monitoring (CBWM) of the Manupali watershed in Lantapan, Bukidnon in Southern Philippines. The program started as a small research and training component of the Sustainable Agriculture and Natural Resource Management for Southeast Asia (SANREM-SEA) project, a research and outreach program that seeks to address sustainable agriculture and natural resources management amidst economic growth and modernization. As the SANREM-SEA project prepares to close shop in the Philippines in the next two months after a decade of research and research-related work in agriculture and natural resources management, one of its sub-programs, the CBWM, continues with the locals at the helm. A backgrounder The SANREM-SEA project, as mentioned, is a research and outreach program that promotes sustainable agriculture and natural resources management. Its goals include the achievement of long-term economic and social development for the community and watershed. It brings together researchers and specialists from the research and scientific community to work with farmers and other natural resource managers, communities, civil society institutions and government agencies at the local and national levels in search of means by which upland communities will be enabled to make better natural resource management decisions. Since 1993, SANREM-SEA has been active at its Philippine research site in Lantapan,
DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS
Bukidnon, Mindanao. The site provides a perfect social and economic landscape while the upper Manupali River watershed in Lantapan embodies the tensions of rapid growth, economic change and environmental stresses, aspects that are crucial to the research. Quality drinking water, flooding and drought cycles, and awareness of watershed degradation were the primary concerns identified through the Participatory Landscape/Lifescape Appraisal (PLLA), the exhaustive assessment approach that SANREM-SEA conducted before it fully implemented the project in the area. Specifically, the natural resource base of the Manupali watershed has been undergoing degradation with potentially serious consequences in the quality of water. Said degradation is attributed directly or indirectly to the spread of intensive agricultural uses that cause soil erosion and land quality degradation. Under these circumstances, the broad research and outreach programs for sustainable natural resources management of SANREM SEA were introduced to a small community of farmers, partner trainers and members of a tribal group through nonformal training on CBWM of the Manupali watershed. The CBWM project started with relatively simple tools for water checking and may be considered as a low technology field research compared to other projects that invested in highly quantitative and expensive equipment for environmental assessment. In the last 10 years, however, the active participation of the local community has been solicited and together with the solid training, steady guidance and continued support to the locals, what began as a lowprofile initiative has resulted in a comprehensive analysis of the watershed and water resources of the province and the surrounding areas. From CBWM group to Tigbantay Wahig, Inc.: a processual history In 1993-1994, “priming activities� consisting of demonstrations of water testing and preliminary assessment of streams were conducted by nongovernment organiza-
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tions (NGOs) in partnership with local farmers and educators. During said period, on July 4, 1994, the first water quality training workshop was held at the Herminigildo Agro-Industrial School, Inc. Many of the participants were farmers, people associated with the previous watershed-related projects of Heifer International Philippines (HIP) and the Talaandig tribal folks who claim ownership of the ancestral lands in the greater part of the Manupali watershed. The three-day workshop included classroom trainings and extensive hands-on activities. For years, erosion of farmlands on steep slopes, siltation of streams, irrigation canals and a local hydropower reservoir near the Manupali watershed were recognized as environmental problems that had a direct impact on the lives of the locals. To involve the community, the basic approach used was to introduce the concepts of watershed and environmental management, and provide instructions on the use of the water monitoring equipment. The latter were portable test kits intended for field use by nonspecialists. Training on measuring levels of total suspended solids (TSS) was also conducted because of its link to soil erosion and sedimentation. By the end of the three-day seminar, fifteen community members became certified water monitors. Eventually, more volunteers from among the community citizens, including the Talaandigs and migrant farmers, joined this group and were accordingly trained. Later, this group formed themselves into the Tigbantay Wahig (TW) which means Water Watch Group in the local dialect. Through this group's consistent data collection, the first systematic study of water quality and quantity was made possible. And through regular meetings with project partners, the implications of such data were discussed and a monitoring plan was prepared and subsequently refined. Over the next three years, training was provided for the measurement of additional water variables, namely: stream biomonitoring using aquatic invertebrates;
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Since 1993, SANREMSEA has been active at its Philippine research site in Lantapan, Bukidnon, Mindanao. The site provides a perfect social and economic landscape while the upper Manupali River watershed in Lantapan embodies the tensions of rapid growth, economic change and environmental stresses, aspects that are crucial to the research.
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measurement of E. coli and other coliform bacteria in water; and estimates of stream current, discharge and sediment yield. The first two variables indicate water quality while the other estimates were related to the movement of water quantity and indicated the amount and variability of stream flow. As the relevance of the group's work to the community grew in importance, the number of TW members also grew. The TW members’ technical skills also developed along with their organization's expansion. Meanwhile, SANREM-SEA's project partner—the HIP—also expanded its field office in Lantapan and built a training center that facilitated numerous workshops for the water monitoring group. It also helped the TW plan and professionalize its organization and leadership. In 1995, the TW thus established its own bylaws, elected its first set of officers and registered itself as a people’s organization called the Tigbantay Wahig Inc. Information generated for water monitoring The expanding water data set enabled the TW and other community members to analyze the conditions and trends in Lantapan and to begin to understand complex watershed processes. The water monitors now have locally generated information to Figure 1. Average concentration of total document several factors which suspended solids in the affected water quality and Tugasan (T-1), Maagnao (M-2), quantity, namely: Alanib (A-3) and Kulasihan (K3) Rivers in Lantapan, ✦ Season – several variables were Bukidnon, Philippines influenced by seasonal temperature changes and TSS concentrations were considerably higher in 1994-95 the rainy season than in the dry (number of readings = 157) season. ✦ Multiyear – data from a given site over several years facilitated trend analyses to answer the basic question: Is the stream getting better or worse? ✦ Upstream/downstream – 1994-2002 (number of readings = 1,342) monitoring a longitudinal gradient identified the hot spots or critical areas of a stream where water quality deteriorated because of local pollution or changes in water flow. Total Suspended Solids (mg/L
80
60
55.4
40
20
14.5
4.7
3.8
T-1
M-2
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Total Suspended Solids (mg/L
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K-3
Sampling Site
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40
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20
5.5
5.9
T-1
M-2
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A-3
Sampling Site
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✦ Interwatershed – there were distinct differences among the four, contiguous subwatersheds (Tugasan, Maagnao, Alanib and Kulasihan) in terms of geological placement and directional east-west environmental gradient based on land use. ✦ Climactic events – several years of stream discharge measurements documented two El Niño events which had dramatically different effects on sub-watersheds relative to land cover. ✦ Human land use – the way in which the land in various subwatersheds was used had a clear effect on water quality and quantity. Good water quality was generally correlated with low human population, high percentage of forest cover and relatively little agriculture. Watershed health TSS and stream discharge measurements are the two most descriptive and popular watershed health trends in Lantapan from the thousands of water samples analyzed. In Figure 1, two graphs on the TSS levels from the four subwatersheds are shown. The first is based on about 160 samples collected during the first several months of the project. The second graph is based on nearly 1,350 samples collected from the same streams over an eight-year period. The two graphs in Figure 1 tell the same story. The amount of TSS, an indication of soil in runoff water to streams, increased when the flow moved from west to east across the four subwatersheds. The western subwatersheds had considerably more forest cover and lower human population density than the eastern subwatersheds. Soil erosion from areas including agricultural lands, construction sites, and stream banks were also greater in the more developed portions of the Manupali watershed. Figure 2, on the other hand, shows the dramatic differences in stream discharge patterns found by the TW in the Maagnao and Kulasihan rivers based on five years of monthly monitoring. The Maagnao River had relatively stable flow, even during severe droughts, ranging from about one to three cubic meters per second. In contrast, the Kulasihan River—the one in the easternmost direction where human
population was greater and forest cover lesser—was very unstable in its discharge with TSS levels ranging from zero to 10 cubic meters per second. The discharge of the Kulasihan River was largely influenced by rainfall events as indicated by the plot of rainfall data collected at a nearby SANREM weather station. Data collected by the TW revealed that the Kulasihan River, though rural, responded to rainfall much like an urban, “flashy” stream largely because its subwatershed is mostly cleared of forests and has relatively little infiltration of rainfall to ground water.
rivers in Region X of the Philippines. The TW and HIP were appointed by the council to oversee the planting of hundreds of giant bamboo seedlings, meanwhile, on the eroded banks of the Kulasihan River.
March - April 2004 Figure 2. Stream discharge of the Kulasihan and Maagnao rivers in Lantapan, Bukidnon, Philippines, with total monthly rainfall, 1997-2001 Kulasihan River
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700
Maa gnao River Rainfall, Alanib Station
600
10
500 8 400 6
✦ Advocacy and policy. The TW has consistently made use of community feedback in expressing its positions regarding better water policy. Numerous municipal and barangay meetings have been attended by the TW members to promote their views on clean water. Representatives of the group addressed the Philippine Congress and the TW became a model of community participation for addressing watershed issues. The approach and results of the CBWM work plan have been developed into policy briefs for presentation to policy makers at the national level. These briefs may have served as inputs in drafting the citizen participation portions of the Clean Water Act of the Philippines.
300
4
200
2
100
0
0
F M A M J J A S O N D J FM A M J J A S O N D J F M A M J J A S O N D J F M AM J J A S O N D J FM A M J J A S O N D
1997
A steady stream of information and enlightenment Both the TSS and stream discharge data are two examples of water data sets that the TW compiled during the CBWM project. The comprehensiveness and quality of the information collected by nonspecialists attracted the attention of local residents, development specialists and policymakers. TW’s reputation enabled them to initiate various action strategies to disseminate their watershed information and affect positive change. Four basic types of strategies were implemented: ✦ Environmental education. The TW began to educate teachers and students about the conditions of streams in Lantapan. Some teachers became certified water monitors and brought their students to workshops and field sessions. An environmental penpal program started during the first phase of the SANREM where classrooms in the Philippines and the United States were partnered for student correspondence about water and the environment. These and other environmental education activities were endorsed by the Philippines' Department of Education, Culture and Sports for expansion and replication. ✦ Stream protection and restoration. After the TW data documented the environmental degradation of subwatersheds in Lantapan, the municipal council established a Watershed Council to protect clean water and attempt to correct known problems. A large sign was posted at the bridge crossing of the Tugasan River, indicating that it was one of the cleanest
1998
✦ Spread. The TW group has grown in number and has inspired the formation of new groups. Through networks of the HIP and other NGOs, numerous study tours have brought interested people to Lantapan to see various demonstrations of TW sampling techniques and group operation. Active water monitoring groups have now become established in three provinces of Mindanao—Bukidnon, Sarangani and Baungon—and in several municipalities of Bohol. The second phase of the SANREM-SEA program may have reached its end in the Philippines but certainly not the continuing efforts in the CBWM through the TW. It has strongly invested knowledge, skills, and awareness that made the locals of Lantapan genuinely participate in the CBWM. Consistent support from partner groups will also help CBWM to flourish steadily in Lantapan. When efforts are multiplied Water issues have been one of the principal concerns in recent international and
1999
2000
2001
Total Monthly Rainfall (mm)
13
Stream Discharge (cu. m/s)
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regional conferences and in meetings of world leaders. Many have now been enlightened that the lack of adequate amounts of good quality water has stunted the development and quality of life of millions, and will continue to do so. Governments have also realized that regulations alone are inadequate to solve the problems. Local efforts that address water issues are increasingly recognized as a vital part of the solution. One of the most important factors is the continued decentralization of authority in natural resources management that is occurring worldwide wherein responsibilities and funding for protecting the environment are being transferred from the national to regional and local levels in many countries. Accompanying this process is the increased receptivity to the concept of communitybased environmental assessment and management. The sustainability of the CWBM in the long run also pictures a lush scenario as shown in what had transpired in Lantapan for the last 10 years.
The municipal government of Maitum, Sarangani provided training opportunities for its staff and financially supported the monitoring activities of the CBWM group in the province. The Governor of Bohol likewise invited several municipalities of the province to support water monitoring projects linked to the “Let’s Help Bohol” program.
Trainors' training workshops have been conducted in the last few years and, at present, there are about 15 certified CBWM trainers in the Philippines. These trainers receive support from NGO partners and the HIP through training workshops that are primarily conducted with HIP staff. This arrangement provides systematic encouragement and refinement of training skills under the supervision of professionals. It also exposes new monitors to veteran monitor-trainors from their community. Workshops and informal interactions among trainors and trainees may then be conducted in local dialects for clearer communication of principles and techniques. The municipal government of Lantapan has also demonstrated its willingness to use TW data and allow TW members to participate in Natural Resource and Watershed Councils. This enthusiasm prompted other municipalities to follow their initiatives. The municipal government of Maitum, Sarangani, for instance, provided training opportunities for its staff and financially supported the monitoring activities of the CBWM group in the
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province. The Governor of Bohol likewise invited several municipalities of the province to support water monitoring projects linked to the “Let’s Help Bohol” program. The industry sector's involvement also became crucial because its production practices can normally create potential negative environmental impacts. In the case of Lantapan, the local banana plantation, Mount Kitanglad Agro-Ventures, Inc. (MKAVI), met with the TW concerning water withdrawals from the Maagnao River and pollution from plantation effluents. The company has since requested stream discharge data from the TW as an input to its plantation management plan and has agreed to finance testing equipment for the group. The above examples begin to describe a sustainable group that remains technically sound, organized, and relevant. Such a group develops partnerships and gradually becomes a local institution with a growing sense of mission and political voice. Indeed, the success of CBWM activities in the Philippines through the TW has inspired attempts to replicate the project in other countries. This began with a SANREM-funded project in Ecuador that later spread to other Southeast Asian countries through Heifer International. (HI) networks. Representatives of HI offices in Cambodia, China and Vietnam have also participated in CBWM training through the Philippines and Thailand projects. More good things to follow It is important though that all CBWM groups maintain the support and network of a larger program. At present, accessing necessary equipment, managing data and providing the training in existing and new parameters is beyond the scope of a local group. A sustainable CBWM program, which accommodates the diverse needs of several groups, requires strong partnerships and institutional support. Building such a program poses challenges because required activities often do not coincide with traditional programs of universities or development organizations. The partnership between the Auburn University (AU) in Alabama, United States
and HI in implementing the CBWM project in the Philippines has produced a fruitful relationship. New initiatives and memoranda of agreement between AU and HI have transformed both institutions in substantial ways. At the same time, a worldwide network of CBWM groups, called Global Water Watch (GWW), is being formed. In the Philippines, largely through HIP’s leadership, the various water monitoring groups have agreed to merge as Philippines Water Watch and link to the GWW. The HIP director also became the first chairman of the new HI Agroecology Initiative. This initiative began in the Asia/South Pacific Region of HI and has expanded globally. It enhances the HI cornerstone of “protecting the environment,” and focuses on several aspects of livestock development and natural resources. Recent memoranda between AU and HI International Programs Office and HI Ecuador program will further facilitate CBWM efforts. Meanwhile, data management is an essential part of a successful CBWM program. Information on water monitors, groups, watersheds, sites and water data must be organized for analyses and dissemination in appropriate forms. Over the last few years, considerable time has been spent in programming a customized, relational database for tracking these data and presenting these in the GWW website. This huge undertaking has been funded by the United States Environmental Protection Agency for the Alabama part of GWW and by SANREM for the Philippines and Ecuador portions of the GWW. Both programs have benefited from database development provided by the joint financial support. When completed, each CBWM group will be able to enter its water data via the web to the GWW database. Monitoring groups, policymakers, educators and the general public will be able to access the information in summarized forms. There are several options for graphing, mapping and statistical analyses that are adapted to group needs. As new groups voluntarily become a part of the GWW and as addi-
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tional funding is secured, the database and website will be improved and expanded.
Figure 3. A model of community-based water monitoring
On top of it all, after several years of activities in five countries, a basic model of CBWM has been developed as shown in Figure 3. The various socioeconomic and cultural characteristics of each country have helped shape the model and develop the universal principles of CBWM. The model may be divided into three parts: collecting credible data, local knowledge to action, and sustainable groups and programs set within the context of institutions and policy. The description of country experiences and features of the model are presented in a forthcoming book titled Community-Based Water Monitoring, a Decade of Global Experience. The book is a major output of the SANREM Phase 2 project and includes contributions from about 20 authors who have been involved in the CBWM in Alabama, Philippines, Ecuador, Thailand, China and Brazil. Conclusion SANREM - SEA was successful in imparting to the locals of Lantapan the importance of watershed management in the Manupali watershed through the CBWM project. More importantly, it has started to make people aware of an environmental movement. Whether by formal educational programs, popular media, or personal experience of environmental problems, the local community of Lantapan now realizes the importance of protecting forests, water and other resources that have an effect in their quality of life. DRN
Reference Deutsch, W.G. and J.L. Orprecio. 2004. Communitybased water monitoring in the Philippines and beyond: a decade of investment and potential. Paper presented at the Conference on Land Use Changes in Tropical Watersheds: Causes, Consequences and Policy Options, January 1314, Quezon City.
Inst itutions and Policy
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On top of it all, after several years of activities in five countries, a basic model of CBWM has been developed... The various socioeconomic and cultural characteristics of each country have helped shape the model and develop the universal principles of CBWM. The model may be divided into three parts: collecting credible data, local knowledge to action, and sustainable groups and programs set within the context of institutions and policy.
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DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS is a bimonthly publication of the PHILIPPINE INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES (PIDS). It highlights the findings and recommendations of PIDS research projects and important policy issues discussed during PIDS seminars. PIDS is a nonstock, nonprofit government research institution engaged in long-term, policy-oriented research. This publication is part of the Institute's program to disseminate information to promote the use of research findings. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. Inquiries regarding any of the studies contained in this publication, or any of the PIDS papers, as well as suggestions or comments are welcome. Please address all correspondence and inquiries to: DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH NEWS Vol. XXII No. 2 March - April 2004 ISSN 0115 - 9097
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leave), Jane C. Alcantara, Ma. Gizelle G. Manuel, Edwin S. Martin and Mitzi H. Co, Contributing Editors; Valentina V. Tolentino and
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Rossana P. Cleofas, Exchange; Delia S. Romero, Galicano A. Godes, Necita Z. Aquino and Alejandro P. Manalili, Circulation and Subscription; Genna J. Estrabon, Layout and Design.
References Deutsch, W.D., A.L. Busby, J.L. Orprecio, J.P. BagoLabis, and E.Y. Cequiña. 2001. Community-based water quality monitoring: from data collection to sustainable management of water resources. In I. Coxhead and G. Buenavista (eds) Seeking sustainability: challenges of agricultural development and environmental management in a Philippine watershed. Los Baños, Philippines: Philippine Council for Agriculture, Forestry and Natural Resources Research and Development. Dupar, M. and N. Badenoch. 2002. Environment, Livelihoods, and local institutions: decentralization in mainland Southeast Asia. Washington, D.C.: World Resources Institute. Nilo, G. 2000. Soil conservation and watershed management: Philippines. In Asian Productivity Organization (APO): soil conservation and watershed management in Asia and the Pacific. Tokyo, Japan: APO. Poffenberger, M. (ed.) 2000. Communities and forest management in Southeast Asia: a regional profile of the working group on community involvement in forest management. Geneva, Switzerland: International Union for the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. Poffenberger, M. 1990. The evolution of forest management systems in Southeast Asia. In M. Poffenberger (ed.) Keepers of the forest: land management alternatives in Southeast Asia. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Southeast Asia (SANREM-CRSP-SEA) program, looks at the relationship between development and the state of a country’s natural resources. While asserting that development per se is not to be blamed, it cautions, however, that development—the kind which disregards and does not take into account good environmental and natural resources management for sustainability—cannot proceed without taking a corresponding toll. Hopefully, therefore, the residents of communities themselves, as seen in the Tigbantay Wahig example in our story on pages 10-15, will take it upon themselves to be vanguards and protectors of their own ecosystems as they pursue the development path. DRN
Resosudarmo, I.A.P. 2002. Timber management and related policies. In C.J. Pierce Colfer and I.A.P. Resosudarmo (eds.) Which way forward? people, forests, and policymaking in Indonesia. Washinton D.C.: Resources for the Future, Center for International Forestry Research and the Institute for Southeast Asian Studies. Rola, A.C., I. Coxhead, W.D. Deutsch, and A.T. Sumbalan. 2002. Economic development and use of water resources. Paper presented during the SANREM-PIDS Policy Forum on Water Resource Management, August 12, 2002, Makati City, Philippines.