Contestation, Transformation and Competing Visions: a study of Orange Grove and Norwood by South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning

7 Report 7 in the series Spatial Transformation through Transitâ&#x20AC;&#x2018;Oriented Development in Johannesburg

Orange Grove & Norwood CONTESTATION, TRANSFORMATION AND COMPETING VISIONS: A STUDY OF ORANGE GROVE AND NORWOOD Alexandra Appelbaum

Orange grove & norwood

Partners

Agence Française de Développement (AFD) City of Johannesburg (CoJ) South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning, University of the Witwatersrand (SA&CP, Wits)

Steering committee members

Alexandra Appelbaum (SA&CP) Camille Chastagnol (AFD) Arthur Germond (AFD) Prof. Philip Harrison (SA&CP) Prof. Paul Jenkins (Wits) Herman Pienaar (CoJ) Dr. Margot Rubin (SA&CP) Prof. Alison Todes (Wits) Martha Stein-Sochas (AFD) Liana Strydom (CoJ) Dylan Weakley (CoJ)

Editors

Prof. Philip Harrison, Dr. Margot Rubin and Alexandra Appelbaum

Project manager

Alexandra Appelbaum

Authors

Dr. Margot Rubin and Alexandra Appelbaum

Spatial Transformation through Transit‑Oriented Development: synthesis report

Dr. Margot Rubin

The City as a Laboratory: Experimentation, Observation and Theorisation from Urban Labs

Dr. Sylvia Croese

International case studies of Transit-Oriented Development-Corridor implementation

Dr. Kirsten Harrison

Transit Corridors and the Private Sector: Incentives, Regulations and the Property Market

Neil Klug

The more things change, the more they stay the same: a case study of Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park informal settlement

Dr. Tanya Zack

Platform to an Arrival City: Johannesburg’s Park Station and Surrounds

Alexandra Appelbaum

Contestation, transformation and competing visions: a study of Orange Grove and Norwood

Lindsay Howe

Constancy and Change: Marlboro South as an interstice of marginalisation and development in the Gauteng City-Region

Prof. Umakrishnan Kollamparambil

Multiple Words and Experiences: Conditions of Life and Work along the Corridors of Freedom

Research assistance

Emmanuel Ayifah Kwanda Lande Mamokete Matjomane Lucky Nkali Lyle Prim

Survey company

Outsourced Insight

Maps

Alexandra Appelbaum and Reitumetse Selepe

Photographs

Mark Lewis

Historical photographs

Museum Africa Collection

Copy editing

Kate Tissington and Alexandra Appelbaum

Design and layout

Louise Carmichael

Orange grove & norwood

At the time that these reports were researched and written, the City of Johannesburg was using the term Corridors of Freedom to refer to the Louis Botha, Empire Perth and Turffontein Strategic Area Frameworks. Although the name is currently under review we have used the original terminology throughout the reports. All quantitative data referred to without an explicit reference is drawn from the survey conducted by Outsourced Insight as part of the Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented Development project. 1200 people (a mix of residents, business owners and users) were surveyed in the four case study areas of this report series. All mapped data was also drawn from this survey. © City of Johannesburg 2016 To access the original data please contact the South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning, University of the Witwatersrand. www.wits.ac.za/sacp

Referencing the report:

Appelbaum A (2016) “Contestation, Transformation and Competing Visions: a study of Orange Grove and Norwood”. Report 7. Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented Development in Johannesburg Research Report Series. South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning. University of the Witwatersrand: Johannesburg.

Orange grove & norwood

Executive summary The Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented Development in Johannesburg report series is the product of a project undertaken between the Agence Française de Développement (AFD), the City of Johannesburg (CoJ) and the NRF South African Research Chair in Spatial Analysis and City Planning at the University of the Witwatersrand. The project aimed to provide operational support to, and empirical evidence for, the City of Johannesburg’s Transit‑Oriented Development (TOD) programme – at the time known as the Corridors of Freedom (COF). It was a unique and important collaborative endeavour, in which the project proposal, research questions and final approach were co-produced by the three partners. The reports cover a range of topics, from an international comparison of TransitOriented Development Corridors, to an in-depth study of the regulatory, institutional and incentive environments in the COF, and the response from the private sector. It also included a survey of 1 200 residents, users and businesses and an indepth qualitative case study analysis of four nodes: Marlboro South; Park Station Precinct; Orange Grove and Norwood, and Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park. The case studies encompassed a wide range of the environments along Johannesburg’s corridors, including older suburbs, informal settlements, townships, public housing stock, industrial areas and transit nodes in the inner city. The team consisted of academics, officials, consultants and community members. Methodologically, all reports relied on academic and media sources, with the majority consisting of an integrated analysis of survey findings and key stakeholder interviews. The summary that follows looks at the key points from each report and offers a concise sense of the main findings.

Key findings: • The international experience supports the case for transit corridors, noting that they are useful and necessary planning instruments in urban regeneration – improving sustainability; increasing access for poorer communities, and improving rates bases in strategic areas. • Transit corridors have been associated with an improved municipal fiscus that is able to provide denser urban environments with consequently higher efficiencies in the urban form. • The current forms and institutional arrangements of TOD corridors in the CoJ demonstrate much promise and have some of the key features of successful corridors found elsewhere, i.e. a lead department with high levels of technical skill. • However, there is a need for greater coherence at both the planning and implementation level, and a need for more buy-in from all departments in the CoJ. • The CoJ has set an ambitious approach to the development of the Corridors – attempting to create a ‘guided’ enabling environment for the private sector that incentivises and attracts investment into these sites, whilst balancing the needs of the public good, and the larger

III

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•

developmental agenda. There are some important locations that will potentially satisfy private sector interests of lowered risk and higher demand; these include affordable housing along Louis Botha Avenue and investment opportunities in the Knowledge Precinct. The TOD programme has a long-time horizon. However, after just four years it has seen some successes, including the provision and use of the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) by certain communities; significant public environment and infrastructure upgrades, and the construction of vital services, such as clinics in areas that were previously under-served. In order for the impact of TOD – which extends beyond just the BRT – to be maximised, the City must foster a multi-modal transport system, including the BRT, Gautrain, commuter rail, and minibus taxis. Across the Corridors it is clear that there is significant youthful energy directed towards micro-businesses, with many residents starting new enterprises. Louis Botha Avenue, Marlboro South and Park Station are already showing signs of being complex multi-use sites that attract people from all over South Africa and the continent. The transit corridors already have an important economic function in that they are attractive sites due to their accessibility and the ability of residents to save on transport costs. However, demand is forcing up the price of commercial and residential property, making these areas inaccessible for poorer households.

Nodal findings: Each node faces a set of specific conditions that require particular engagements and services. • Westbury, as a site of older public housing stock, faces severe social pathologies, and very low rates of employment. Residents feel isolated and parochial – despite being quite close to the inner city in terms of physical distance – and there is a need to consider social infrastructure as a key future intervention. • Slovo Park as an informal settlement requires better services and housing but also greater participation and engagement with residents about their future. • Louis Botha Avenue (Orange Grove in particular) is mixed-use and mixed-income area and has important businesses varying in size. Here care needs to be taken to support the organic processes of informal and formal entrepreneurship and to avoid potential gentrification and displacement

that could result from interventions. While the Paterson Park housing project is a vital intervention, the governance dynamics in the area provide important lessons for the CoJ in its future interventions in middle-class areas. • Marlboro South is an area of enormous potential, but has high rates of poverty and very poor living conditions. It is very well located and has a number of businesses, at a variety of scales, which would like to remain. This area requires housing interventions, service upgrades and consideration of the urban environment, especially safety and security. • Park Station Precinct, as arguably the most important transit node in Johannesburg, suffers from a governance crisis and as a consequence has not been able to capitalise on its cosmopolitan and vibrant nature. There is a lack of support for the economic activities in the area; insufficient affordable accommodation; and the station requires better linkages into the fabric of the inner city.

Recommendations: • Currently, there is a ‘toolbox’ of incentives that is being developed to enhance partnerships with private sector developers, and there is evidence to suggest that this could be enhanced by considering questions of urban management; the release and development of state-owned land, and examining the development of demand – rather than supply-side investments. • Safety and security, questions of urban management, and employment were themes that consistently appeared across the corridors. The City needs to pay close attention to these concerns, as they are affecting all aspects of the Corridors, such as the quality of life for residents and the potential future investment from private developers. • Public participation protocols require rethinking and possibly reconfiguration. In their current formulation they are not sufficiently able to include the voices of some of the poorest and most marginalised. They are also incorrectly conceptualised as information-sharing sessions, rather than real engagement or consultation. • Furthermore, public participation needs to be seen as part of long term-relationships with communities and stakeholders that occur throughout the process rather than a once-off compliance-led activity. • Given the need for cross-sectoral and interdepartmental co-ordination, area-based management models could be highly effective in addressing these issues and should be

considered as a way of addressing the host of differentiated needs across the transit corridors. • The current practice of having ‘point people’ – particularly within the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) – dedicated to specific nodes and corridors is excellent and should be continued. • All processes in the corridors must be supported by up-to-date websites that are current with ease of access to all relevant information. • The CoJ needs to promote and publicise its achievements, and let the general public and other departments know what it has accomplished. • Exceptional care needs to be taken to ensure that built environment interventions do not worsen conditions in vulnerable communities, highlighting the need for better empirical evidence and consultation before implementation. • Built environment interventions must be complemented with social development and engagement in order for the full potential of the transit corridors to be realised, in terms of addressing the social and economic aspects of marginalisation. • Overall, there is much to be learned from the first few years of the programme that can improve the CoJ’s TOD initiatives going forward: better engagement and participation; clearer plans; better marketing and overall communication within and outside the CoJ, and careful consideration of the limits of built environment interventions. In short, the research project revealed that transit corridors are an effective programmatic choice in restructuring the spatiality of the City of Johannesburg and dealing with some of the most intractable urban problems; there are a range of ways to improve Johannesburg’s TOD programme going forward. To realise the full value of the TOD vision, it is necessary for the CoJ to continue the programme with the vigour it has demonstrated thus far. The dedicated and skilled teams in the City have already been able to achieve some successes, and with the evidence base that this study now offers, interventions and plans can be more finely honed and refined to focus in on specific community needs, whilst addressing questions of a declining fiscus and the need to restructure and reinvigorate the City of Johannesburg. This project also included a series of urban labs – a number of engagements between City officials, academics, members of civil society and the private sector and other key stakeholders – on particular issues related to Johannesburg’s future. This report is also included in the series.

Orange grove & norwood

Orange Grove and Norwood 01

Orange Grove and Norwood developed in the early 20th century, benefitting from their proximity to the city centre. Economic and demographic shifts in the CBD in the 1970s and 1980s affected Louis Botha Avenue and Orange Grove experienced ‘decline’. Norwood benefitted from its proximity to Johannesburg’s northern suburbs, becoming increasingly desirable for middle class residents. Given the history of these areas, in terms of policy and approach, it is advisable to see Orange Grove as a complex extension of the CBD, and to understand Norwood in light of Sandton. Orange Grove already typifies much of what the Corridors of Freedom initiative is aiming to achieve. Densities are higher than the Johannesburg average; many employees live in the area and walk to work; it is a transit hub; there is a multitude of business activity; and its residents are diverse in terms of race, religion, nationality and income. The major Corridors of Freedom related intervention in the area is the Paterson Park social housing project – a CoJ initiative aiming to increase densities in the area through providing 1400-2000 social housing units. The location of this project demands the study area to be widened to include Norwood as an important area with key stakeholders. The Paterson Park project is a prominent fault-line across the communities of Orange Grove and Norwood and between the CoJ and local residents. It has sparked tensions between the two major residents’ associations – the Orange Grove Residents’ Association and the Norwood/Orchards Residents’ Association.

Orange grove & norwood

Not all residents are represented by the residents’ associations. Two notable excluded groups are the residents of the police barracks and the homeless population. It is important for CoJ considerations to extend to these groups; especially the homeless who have already been evicted from Paterson Park as a result of the City’s development.

There are a multitude of businesses in the area, mostly congregated along Louis Botha Avenue and Grant Avenue. There are differences in business satisfaction between Orange Grove and Norwood, with Norwood businesses being more satisfied on the whole. Business owners generally agree that they would like assistance from the CoJ, through a reduction in rates, upgraded infrastructure, improved services, financial assistance or better regulation.

While there is street trading in the area, most informality in business occurs through sub-letting arrangement. A little‑regulated environment has enabled informal business and residential renting arrangements. This has been vital in the growth of the area and should be protected.

The CoJ has fuelled uncertainty in the area through practices lacking transparency and forged a deeply antagonistic environment. Reflection on this is important to prevent the situation repeating itself in other areas and the unnecessary diversion of CoJ resources.

Many of the most complex features of post‑apartheid transformation are evident in Orange Grove and Norwood; it is an excellent learning opportunity for policy and research.

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Table of contents 01

INTRODUCTION TO ORANGE GROVE

1.1.

SITUATING LOUIS BOTHA AVENUE

2.1. 2.2.

08 11

2.2.1. 2.2.2. 2.2.3.

Louis Botha SAF Paterson Park Precinct Plan Grant Avenue Precinct Plan

11 13 13

THE RESIDENTS OF ORANGE GROVE AND NORWOOD

3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4.

22 23 26 29

The (White) Middle Class Police and Residents of the Barracks The Visible Invisibles: Homelessness in Paterson and Norwood Parks Foreign Migrants

LOCAL POLITICS AND THE CITY OF JOHANNESBURG

4.1. Fuelling Uncertainty 4.2. Representation

34 36

UNDERSTANDING BUSINESSES: LOUIS BOTHA AVENUE AND GRANT AVENUE

5.1. Profiling Businesses 5.2. Business Satisfaction and Desired Support 5.3. Mobility of Employees and Customers 5.4. Churches 5.5. Informality and Street Trading 5.6. Illegal Businesses

38 40 46 50 51 51

FORGING CHANGE WITH A DELICATE BALANCING ACT

6.1. 6.2. 6.3.

54 55 55

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Historical Context Planning Louis Botha Avenue

VII

Paterson Park: A Community Fault-Line

6.4

Understanding the Area Dealing with Tensions Vulnerability, Equity and Displacement 6.3.1. 6.3.2. 6.3.3.

Residents of the police barracks Homeless population Foreign migrants

55 55 57

Enhancing Business Potential

REFERENCES 59

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VIII

Abbreviations and Acronyms ANC

African National Congress

BRT

Bus Rapid Transit

CBD

Central Business District

COF

List of Tables and Figures Table 1:

Population by racial composition according to 2011 national census (Quantec)

Table 2:

2011 and 2001 census data of employment and unemployment in the study area (Quantec)

Corridors of Freedom

Figure 1:

The study area in relation to the TOD corridors and the rest of Johannesburg

CoJ

City of Johannesburg

Figure 2:

Map of Orange Grove and Norwood in relation to the other study areas and the rest of Johannesburg

CPF

Community Policing Forum

Democratic Alliance

Figure 3:

Map of study area

DA EFF

Economic Freedom Fighters

Figure 4:

Pretoria Main Road (Louis Botha Avenue), circa 1888 (Museum Africa Collection)

FLISP

Finance Linked Individual Subsidy Programme

Figure 5:

Louis Botha Avenue, circa 1936 (Museum Africa Collection)

JDA

Johannesburg Development Agency

Figure 6:

‘FNB building’ on Louis Botha Avenue, owned by the City of Joburg (Appelbaum 2017)

JMPD

Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department

Figure 7:

Map of the current Paterson Park Precinct (CoJ 2015)

JPC

Johannesburg Property Company

Monthly household income of residents

NORA

Norwood/Orchards Residents’ Association

Figure 8:

OGRA

Orange Grove Residents’ Association

Figure 9:

Household income in Orange Grove

SAF

Strategic Area Framework

SAPS

Figure 10: Residents and users ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ in response to a range of issues

South African Police Service

Figure 11: Planned duration of stay in the area

TOD

Transit-Oriented Development

Figure 12: Mapped answer to question: is your neighbourhood improving, staying the same or getting worse?

VOGWRA

Victoria and Orange Grove West Residents’ Association

Figure 13: Road closure in a middle-class suburb of Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 14: Ten storey police barracks housing families (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 15: Broken lifts in the police barracks (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 16: Broken windows in the corridor of the police barracks (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 17: Stairs that residents ascend to reach their rooms (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 18: The activities disallowed in Norwood Park, including sleeping in the park (Appelbaum 2017)

Figure 19: Nationality of residents, business owners and users in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 20: Nationality of residents illustrated spatially

Figure 21: Map of types of businesses surveyed

Figure 22: Catering business run from a backyard in Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 23: Monthly turnover of businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 24: Mean monthly rental, rates and security costs for businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 25: Answers to the question: has your business improved or worsened over the past year?

Figure 26: Map of the duration of businesses in their premises

Figure 27: Radium Beer Hall has been in Orange Grove since 1929 (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 28: How long businesses surveyed have operated in the area

Figure 29: Tenure of business premises in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 30: Main reasons given by businesses for operating in the area

Figure 31: Proportion of suppliers to businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 32: Location of suppliers to businesses

Figure 33: Businesses ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ in response to a range of issues

Figure 34: Mapped satisfaction with municipal services

Figure 35: Satisfaction with police services in Norwood and Orange Grove

Figure 36: A church on Louis Botha Avenue (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 37: An informal recycling business in Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 38: Subdivided hairdresser and clothing store along Louis Botha Avenue (Mark Lewis 2016)

Orange grove & norwood

INTRODUCTION TO ORANGE GROVE Orange Grove – an area along one of Johannesburg’s oldest roads and now a Transit Corridor, Louis Botha Avenue – is a complex place, where the post-apartheid imperative of ‘transformation’ manifests in multifaceted ways. A site of significance in terms of realising the impact of the Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) programme, Orange Grove provides insight into the dynamics of diverse and unequal communities and their interaction with the state. It is also an important canvas for the growth of small businesses. This report aims to provide a fine-grained understanding of the social, economic and political dynamics in the Orange Grove area. Because of the involvement of the Norwood community in the Corridors of Freedom (COF) projects in the area, the boundaries of this study have extended to include Norwood. The analysis relies on interviews with key stakeholders including City of Johannesburg (CoJ) officials, representatives of local governance structures and a variety of residents and business owners. The report has also benefitted from the survey conducted as part of the Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented Development in Johannesburg project, for which 140 residents, 89 business owners and 50 users of the space were interviewed. In many ways, Orange Grove is already representative of much of what TOD aims to achieve – a highdensity transport hub with active businesses and diverse residents who can work and live within their neighbourhood. While residential densities are not as high as those targeted by the CoJ, the densities in Orange Grove are considerably higher than the Johannesburg average; this has mostly been achieved through informal densification. The population density for Orange Grove was 5648 per km2 in the 2011 census; over twice the Johannesburg average of 2696 people per km2 (Stats SA 2011). The densities in Norwood are lower than in Orange Grove, but still higher than the Johannesburg average, at 3533 people per km2 (Stats SA 2011). The high densities in Orange Grove have been forged through the subletting of houses, apartments and backyard rooms; often by multiple households in each home. The fact that this space has been relatively unregulated has enabled poorer urban residents to make rental arrangements and develop housing and business typologies in the area that facilitate their livelihoods.

Orange grove & norwood

Many business owners and employees live within Orange Grove and its adjacent suburb of Norwood. The survey found that 57% of employees of local businesses live within this area and 40% of employees are able to walk to work. This kind of accessibility – an ideal to which TOD programmes aspire – is largely enabled through affordable, and often informal, rental arrangements. For those who rely on public transit, Louis Botha Avenue is serviced by extensive taxi connections and a Metrobus route (CoJ 2015). Much of the current public transport will soon be replaced by the Rea Vaya Bus Rapid Transit (BRT), which will have up to two stations in the Orange Grove segment of the avenue. While public transport efficiency can no doubt be improved, along with much-needed infrastructure for nonmotorised transport and improved mobility within parts of the area, it is significant that Orange Grove already serves as a transit hub. The area already demonstrates many of the qualities that are desired in the COF vision. Orange Grove is considerably more integrated and diverse – in terms of both race and income – than the vast majority of Johannesburg’s suburbs. While this is desirable according to City policy, the area is also emblematic of urban inequality and there is considerable tension between residents, for whom diversity has not correlated with integration. There are a multitude of small businesses operating in the area. While more diversity in terms of business typology may be desirable, business owners already see potential in operating along Louis Botha Avenue – an anticipated outcome of the Corridors initiative. Thus, although a number of state interventions, residential accord and private sector buy-in is required to make the Louis Botha Corridor work in Orange Grove, the area already has many of the most desirable traits that the initiative is aiming to

Orange grove & norwood

achieve. As such, it is important that the City is wary

City of Tshwane

of displacing the residents, businesses and informal City of Johannesburg arrangements that enable the area to function.

Louis Botha Development Corridor

A common narrative within Johannesburg’s urban

Empire Perthplanning Development circles is that Orange Grove is an area in which Corridor residents and businesses are well organised and well

N1 N14

Midrand

represented. However the reality, as demonstrated Turffontein Development throughout this report, is considerably more complex. Corridor Two strong residents’ associations in Norwood

Mogale City

Roodepoort

Soweto Development and Orange Grove – Norwood/Orchards Residents’ Corridor

Association (NORA) and Orange Grove Residents’

Sandton

Marlboro South Association (OGRA) – represent mostly homeowners

in and each area and there is considerable tension Orange Grove between the two organisations. The Victoria and Norwood

Randburg M1

Orange Grove West Resident’s Association (VOGWRA) also operates in the area, although it is less prominent Westbury, Coronationville and active than NORA and OGRA. Very few businesses and Slovo Park in Orange Grove are formally represented and many renters and homeless residents are excluded from Highway residents’ associations. There is antagonism between Arterial Roads residents and the CoJ and within ‘communities’. The story of Orange Grove is one of many narratives and Rea Vaya BRT no single truth. Stakeholders in the area present their ‘truths’, which differ widely and cause conflict. It is clear that often the empirical base is less important than how people interpret the evidence; the ongoing insistence of all stakeholders that a single truth is found is counter-productive; rather, the many truths, narratives and realities need to be understood and acknowledged, before any accord will be reached in this area. Nowhere is this clearer than in the case of Paterson Park. Park Station Precinct

Johannesburg CBD

Ekurhuleni Soweto

Turffontein

Sow e to

N17

N12

City of Tshwane

City of Johannesburg

Westonaria

Louis Botha Development Midvaal Corridor Empire Perth Development Corridor

Midrand

Emfuleni

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Sandton

City of Johannesburg Louis Botha Development Corridor

Johannesburg CBD

Turffontein

Empire Perth Development Ekurhuleni Corridor

Turffontein Development N17 Corridor Soweto Development Corridor N3

Turffontein Development Corridor Soweto Development Corridor

3.25

Marlboro South Orange Grove and Norwood Park Station Precinct Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park Highway Arterial Roads Rea Vaya BRT

6.5

19.5

26 Km

discussed and contested issue in the Orange Grove and Norwood areas; it is a microcosm of conflict indicative of broader community relations. The 1457 units that the City intends to develop will be on Paterson Park – municipal land located between Norwood and Orange Grove (see Figure 7). The housing will be part of a ‘social cluster’, including a public park and a recreation centre, and will greatly increase the densities of the area – both central in realising the TOD vision (CoJ 2015). However, the prospect of this development, coupled with the behaviour of City entities, has fuelled considerable tension in the area. Norwood residents are concerned about the increased number of people in the area, their socio-economic differences and the ability of CoJ to manage its housing stock (Interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). They filed over 600 objections against the rezoning and proposed plan (interviews with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016; Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). The OGRA – whose Chairperson is contracted by the Johannesburg Property Company (JPC) through Blue Rhino Design – is supportive of the development (interview with Roger Chadwick, 31 October 2016). This project has exacerbated tensions between NORA and OGRA, as well as between middle-class residents and the CoJ. The City has, through this project, fostered uncertainty and mistrust among middle-class residents; reflection and improved tactics are necessary. These issues will be discussed throughout the report, with particular emphasis in Section 3.

1.1. Paterson Park: A Community FaultLine One of the key COF-related developments planned for this area is the Paterson Park housing project, which originally planned to cater just over 2000 FLISP, bonded and social housing units.1 At the time of writing, this has been reduced to 1457 units, of unknown size. The importance of the project is noted in the Louis Botha Avenue Development Corridor Strategic Area Framework (SAF): “Paterson Park remains one of the most significant opportunities for enhancing social and community infrastructure in this local area, as well as in the Corridor as a whole” (CoJ 2014: 93). The Paterson Park development is currently the most

Marlboro South Orange Grove and Norwood FigurePark 1. The studyPrecinct area in relation to the TOD corridors and the rest of Johannesburg Station

Westbury, Coronationville

Orange 03 and Slovogrove Park & norwood

1 T he Finance Linked Individual Subsidy Programme (FLISP) caters to the ‘gap’ market – those who are too poor to afford a house but too wealthy to qualify for an RDP subsidy. The government contributes between R10 000 and R87 000 in order to increase the size of the loan for which the household qualifies. The gross monthly houshold income to qualify for FLISP is between R3 501 and R15 000. (CAHF 2015). Social housing is generally rental accommodation catering to South African citizens; although the qualifications differ between organisations, for the Johannesburg Social Housing Company, individuals must earn between R3 500 and R7 500 (JOSHCO 2017).

Orange grove & norwood

City of Tshwane Marlboro South Orange Grove and Norwood Park Station Precinct Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park

Sandton Randburg

Sandton

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Randburg

Empire Perth Development Corridor

Turffontein Development Corridor

Soweto Development Corridor Highway Arterial Roads Rea Vaya BRT

Johannesburg CBD

City of Tshwane M2

Marlboro South

Orange Grove and Norwood

Soweto

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Randburg

Turffontein

Sandton

0.75 1.5

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

City of Tshwane Marlboro South

Orange Grove and Norwood M1

Park Station Precinct Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park

Sandton

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Randburg

Empire Perth Development Corridor

Park Station Precinct 3

Âą

Westbury, Coronationville and 4.5 Slovo6Park Km

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Turffontein

0.75 1.5

4.5

6 Km

Empire Perth Development Corridor Turffontein Development Corridor Soweto Development Corridor Highway Arterial Roads Rea Vaya BRT

Turffontein Development Corridor Figure 2. Map of Orange Grove and Norwood in relation to the other study areas and the rest of Johannesburg

Soweto Johannesburg CBD

Development

Corridor

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Highway M2

Arterial Roads

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Âą

SITUATING LOUIS BOTHA AVENUE The original brief for this area-based study was to gain fine-grained understanding of the political and socio-economic realities for residents and businesses along Louis Botha Avenue, between Garden and Osborn roads. The Garden Road boundary in the north and Osborn Road boundary in the south place this section of Louis Botha Avenue within the historic suburb of Orange Grove. While the research was originally going to be conducted along the two blocks adjacent to Louis Botha Avenue, the context of the COF initiative caused the boundaries to be redrawn. The Paterson Park project, which is seen as vital in realising the COF vision, sits between Orange Grove and Norwood. Norwood residents, led by NORA, have been very vocal in contesting some of the features of the development. Additionally, the Johannesburg Development Agency (JDA) has devised the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan in Norwood, to improve the relationship between the public and private sectors and to enhance the value of infrastructure investments on Louis Botha Avenue; as well as, arguably, in order to appease Norwood residents. This plan was conceived by the same officials appointed to implement the COF project along Louis Botha Avenue, including Paterson Park (interview with Matt Jackson, 29 July 2016). Despite the fact that Norwood residents interact very little with Louis Botha Avenue and largely see themselves as separate from Louis Botha – unlike Orange Grove residents who use the road as a central artery – both Norwood and Orange Grove will play central roles in the success of the TOD vision along Louis Botha Avenue. As such, it is important to recognise this portion of Louis Botha Avenue in its broader suburban context and to understand the sociopolitical and economic context thereof.

2.1. Historical Context The historical development of Louis Botha Avenue, Orange Grove and Norwood is inextricable from the development of Johannesburg as a city since its foundation. Much of the story of Johannesburg unfolds along its central artery to Pretoria and in some of the city’s first suburbs. It is important that these areas are understood in relation to this historical development to best facilitate their future development. The discovery of gold in the Witwatersrand in 1886 ignited rapid urban development in the town that came to be known as Johannesburg. Within two

Orange grove & norwood

years, the population of the town had grown to 8 000-9 000 people; by 1911 the population size had surpassed the 200 000 mark and by 1936, over half a million people were living in Johannesburg (Beavon 2004). The growing population created a substantial demand for housing. A path that had been trod by wildlife for centuries became the critical route between the decadeolder capital of the Transvaal Republic, Pretoria, and the new mining town (Burgess 2016). The area that was to become Orange Grove was well positioned along Pretoria Road (Louis Botha Avenue). The suburbs of Orange Grove and Norwood developed as a result of this location, benefitting from both their closeness to and distance from the city centre. An advertisement by the owners of the Norwood land for stands in the area mentioned its location: “25 minutes from Market Square” (Schedeigger 2015: 27). Meanwhile, the African Realty Trust – which held the land in the Orange Grove vicinity from 1904 – marketed “a veritable paradise where the air was salubrious and free from the polluted atmosphere of the town” (Smith 1971: 383-384). These suburbs catered to the growing middle class, providing a hybrid lifestyle of town and country. The plots laid out in Norwood in 1902 were small for the time – 30 m by either 15 m or 30 m (Scheidegger 2015). This resulted in a relatively dense middleclass suburb, which contrasted with the houses of the Randlords on the Parktown Ridge (Beavon 2004). The history of the area means that there are a number of heritage concerns in the current developments – ranging from individual buildings to heritage streetscapes.

Orange grove & norwood

City of Tshwane

Marlboro South

Orange Grove and Norwood

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Park Station Precinct Westbury, Coronationville and Slovo Park

Sandton

! !

Orchards

Main Roads Local Roads

Empire Perth Development Corridor

Rea Vaya BRT

Turffontein Development ! Corridor

Norwood Park M1

! Schools ! ! D !

Soweto Development Orange Grove Corridor

Norwood !

D !

e nu ve tA

Recreation Centre Police Stations

Highway

Paterson Park

an Gr

Arterial Roads

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Open Spaces

Arterial Roads Rea Vaya BRT

! !

Linksfield Fairwood

Figure 4. Pretoria Main Road (Louis Botha Avenue), circa 1888 (Museum Africa Collection)

Johannesburg CBD Fellside

Linksfield Ridge !

City of Tshwane

Orange Grove and Norwood Turffontein

0.75 1.5

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Louis Botha Development Corridor 3

Arterial Roads

City of Tshwane

Louis Botha Development Corridor

ange Grove

Open Spaces Arterial Roads

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

1.2 Km

Main Roads Local Roads

Orange Grove and Norwood !

Open 4.5Spaces6

Rea Vaya BRT

! Schools ! ! D !

Recreation Centre Police Stations

Main Roads Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT

! Schools

Linksfield ! Recreation Centre ! Fairwood Figure 3. !Map of study area D !

Police Stations

Linksfield Ridge

Orange grove & norwood

Figure 5. Louis Botha Avenue, circa 1936 (Museum Africa Collection)

Orange grove & norwood

The Orange Grove area has a long history of accommodating immigrants and migrants. After the First World War, many Italian women who had worked packing dynamite for the military moved to the Union of South Africa to work in the recently opened dynamite factory in Modderfontein (Usher 1973). Many of these workers chose to live in Orange Grove for its proximity to work and its middle class lifestyle, and the area soon transformed into ‘Little Italy’. Orange Grove has continued the tradition of welcoming foreign migrants, although increasingly of a different class composition. The survey for this project found that 47% of residents in the Orange Grove/Norwood area listed their place of birth as outside of South Africa. However, the area has historically been fundamentally exclusionary. Like the history of Johannesburg, the exclusion and exploitation of black people cannot be removed from the history of Orange Grove.While the Radium Beer Hall has always provided a mixed race space – somehow passing under the radar of segregationist law enforcers – the majority of black people in the area prior to the 1980s were domestic workers living in the houses of white residents (Scheidegger 2015). Many of these rooms have now become backyard dwellings rented out by property owners. Louis Botha Avenue was always a more complex space than the suburbs of Orange Grove or Norwood because PUTCO buses ran along the road, transporting black workers from Alexandra to the CBD (Bonner and Nieftagodien 2008). During the Alexandra bus boycotts of 1957 – and during other transportation shortages – black workers walked to work using Louis Botha Avenue; disrupting the spatial norms of the area (Bonner and Nieftagodien 2008). Interestingly, the existence of Louis Botha Avenue still causes a disruption in the desired spatial norms of the suburbs that flank the avenue on either side. Another historical trope of the area that echoes with the present is the continued existence of Louis Botha Avenue as a key public transport route leading out of the Johannesburg CBD. Following the horse-drawn tram of the early Johannesburg settlement, an electric tram was placed along Louis Botha Avenue in 1911 (Burgess 2016). This was later replaced with a successful trolleybus system. However, by 1961, the tram and trolley lines had been removed in order to make way for private vehicles. Given its history as a public transit hub – and current position as an important

Orange grove & norwood

taxi route – it is fitting that Louis Botha Avenue will host a BRT route. The inner city ‘decline’ of the late 1970s and 1980s was mirrored in Orange Grove, and saw Norwood – which had often been considered the less desirable, lower-class equivalent of Orange Grove – flourishing; benefitting from its proximity to Houghton and the increasingly popular northern suburbs. This historical moment marks a significant shift in the area that continues to influence the contemporary neighbourhoods. Since the 1980s, Louis Botha Avenue and the surrounding Orange Grove have developed in line with the inner city, while Norwood’s trajectory has been more closely aligned with Sandton. This disparity is significant in terms of how the areas are currently conceptualised in terms of policy – perhaps two targeted approaches based on the areas’ recent histories would be sensible.

2.2. Planning Louis Botha Avenue There are a number of important plans currently in the Orange Grove and Norwood area; the most important of these being the over-arching SAF and the Paterson Park and Grant Avenue Precinct Plans. These plans, if realised and implemented with many of the cautions outlined in this report, have the potential to significantly transform the area for the better, and realise the TOD vision and its benefits.

2.2.1. Louis Botha SAF The Louis Botha Development Corridor SAF is the overarching plan for the Louis Botha Avenue TOD Corridor. It translates the COF TOD vision into its spatial form, planning “mixed-use development nodes with high density accommodation, supported by office buildings, retail developments and opportunities of education leisure and recreation” (CoJ 2014: 9). Hierarchically, the plan falls below the Growth and Development Strategy (GDS), the Spatial Development Framework (SDF) and the Regional Spatial Development Framework (RSDF); and above the precinct plans. The SAF identifies the spatial interventions necessary to foster transformation, including those related to public transit, bulk infrastructure, social infrastructure and public environment projects (CoJ 2014). It has outlined six outcomes against which interventions in Orange Grove can be measured. These are:

Figure 6. ‘FNB building’ on Louis Botha Avenue, owned by the City of Joburg (Appelbaum 2017)

Orange grove & norwood

• Safe neighbourhoods, including adequate provisions for cycling and walking and attractive streetscapes; • Safe streets encouraging public transport use and ensuring calm traffic flows; • Mixed-use developments that encourage economic development; • Integrated spaces with “rich and poor, black and white living side by side”, which means a wide range of accommodation options; • Limited parking to make better use of land and encourage public transport use; • “Convenient transit stops and stations” (CoJ 2014: 18). The SAF designates Orange Grove as an area with considerable densification potential, both along Louis Botha Avenue and in Paterson Park. The four key interventions in the area are: the development of Paterson Park social housing project; the upgrading of recreational facilities and environmental infrastructure in Paterson Park; the development of the former First National Bank (FNB) building on Louis Botha Avenue as a community facility; and the development of the Orange Grove Triangle, public space adjacent to Louis Botha Avenue. The SAF is complemented by precinct plans that go more deeply into specific areas and projects; the two precinct plans for the area are discussed below.

2.2.2. Paterson Park Precinct Plan The plan for the redevelopment of Paterson Park into a multi-use precinct with a substantial portion for housing has been under consideration since 2005 (interview with Roger Chadwick, 31 October 2016). With the TOD programme and the need for densification, the plan has been reinvigorated in recent years and was passed by the Council in 2015. The current precinct (see Figure 7) hosts a large public park, a community recreation centre and a number of municipal facilities, including a Pikitup depot. For the future ‘social cluster’ to function, the establishment of Victoria Township Extension 3 has been approved and the plan is to move the municipal functions, possibly to Cydna Park in Oaklands (interview with Roger Chadwick, 31 October 2016). The CoJ originally planned to build between 1 445 and 2 277 housing units on the Paterson Park property – 50 m2 on average – with each building ranging between two and twelve storeys (CoJ 2015). The plan allows for considerable flexibility in terms of the final number of units. There was also very little parking allocated (0.5

Orange grove & norwood

01 Paterson Park 02 JRA Depot 03 Pikitup 04 Spark Gallery 05 Substation 06 Short Street Park 07 The Old Farm House 08 City Parks Depot 09 Victoria Ext. 3 10 WWI Memorial 11 Bowling Club 12 Sport & Recreation

bays per unit), given the proximity to public transit. Following objections to the rezoning and discussions with OGRA, NORA and community members, the CoJ has committed to reducing the number of units to 1457; increasing the parking allocation to one bay per unit; and reducing the building heights, with the maximum height being 10 storeys (CoJ 2017). The plan also provides for public open space, with the park remaining at a reduced size, but improved environmentally through the ‘day-lighting’ of the river. With improved mobility through the precinct, the plan hopes to enable much-needed integration between Norwood and Orange Grove: “the strategies are directed at making the Park a seam that integrates the communities that surround it, rather than a barrier between them” (CoJ 2015). The plan also includes the upgrading of the recreation centre, and the formation of the ‘Orchards project’ – a mixed-use development on the current Pikitup site including cultural attractions in the form of the Spark Gallery.

Precinct

2.2.3. Grant Avenue Precinct Plan Initiated by the JDA – after the backlash from residents about the Paterson Park plan – the objective of the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan (2016) is to discover potential collaborations between private and public sectors in the area and to enhance the value of the CoJ’s investments in the Louis Botha Corridor. The vision of the plan is “to create a well-connected, walkable, diverse and vibrant neighbourhood, supported by a performing, rich and varied high-street benefiting from its proximity to integrated community facilities and served by a convenient public transport network” (CoJ 2016: 37).

Figure 7. Map of the current Paterson Park Precinct (CoJ 2015)

The plan suggests the formation of an area-based management framework that will facilitate catalytic and long-term projects (CoJ 2016). Suggested urban upgrades include walkability improvement on Grant Avenue, including traffic calming, art interventions, street lighting, reconfiguration of parking and landscaping; the creation of a ‘town square’; the renovation of Norwood Park; nonmotorised transport upgrades to several streets; and the improvement of the public interface of the police station. Noting the social challenges in the area, the plan calls for a homeless shelter and support for homeless people, car guard training and a vaguely conceived ‘recycling programme’. The area management forum will also oversee branding and marketing, signage and shop front codes, parking strategies, cleaning, etc. (CoJ 2016). At the time of writing, the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan has not yet gone to Council for approval.

Orange grove & norwood

THE RESIDENTS OF ORANGE GROVE AND NORWOOD The Orange Grove and Norwood areas host a diverse range of residents in terms of race, religion, income levels and age. The area of Orange Grove is considerably larger than Norwood, which partially accounts for the much larger population size. While both areas experienced population growth over the decade between national censuses, Orange Grove experienced a considerable increase. The Orange Grove population grew by almost 60% between 2001 and 2011, while Norwood’s grew by 40% (see Table 1). Another key change in Orange Grove has been the racial composition. While both areas have a substantial racial mix, Norwood hosts a majority white population. One of the most significant shifts in Orange Grove between 2001 and 2011 is that is has transformed from a majority white area to a majority black area. In 2001, Orange Grove was 56% white; now 36% of the population is white. The ‘African black’ population, as well as the ‘Indian Asian’ population, in the area has more than doubled in this decade; the ‘coloured’ population has more than tripled (see Table 1). This is a substantial transformation in line with the goals of the post-apartheid city. However, as Scheidegger (2015) argues, this has caused racial and class tensions in the community.

Sub-place

Year

Orange Grove

2011

Population size 7 754

African Black Coloured 4 321

Indian Asian White Other

264

325

2 770

Norwood

2011

3 075

963

330

1 641

Orange Grove

2001

4 865

1 934

139

2 708

Norwood

2001

2 198

806

1 322

Table 1. Population by racial composition according to 2011 national census (Quantec)

There is also considerable religious diversity in the area. The decline of the inner city in the 1980s caused a large Jewish population to move from Berea and Yeoville to this area, many of who still attend the Jewish schools and synagogues (Scheidegger 2015). A Muslim population has been increasingly moving to the area over the past five years in order to live in the vicinity of the Houghton mosque. There are a multitude of churches in the locality. While some churches are well established – St Luke’s Anglican Church has been in the area for a century – others along Louis Botha Avenue are newer, charismatic churches. There is also significant Hindu monument in the area, Satyagraha House, where Mahatma Gandhi lived from 1908 to 1909. Residents in Orange Grove receive, on average, considerably higher incomes than the other areas profiled for the Spatial Transformation through Transit-Oriented Development in Johannesburg

Orange grove & norwood

Monthly income None R1-R200 R201-R500 R501-R1000 R1001-R1500 R1501-R2500 R2501-R3500 R3501-R4500 R4501-R6000 R6001-R8000 R8001-R11000 R11001-R16000 R16001-R30000 >R30000 Don’t know Refusal

0% 5 10 15 20%

Figure 8. Monthly household income of residents

Orange grove & norwood

City of Tshwane Orange Grove and Dissatisfaction with the area Norwood Louis Botha Development Corridor

Safety & security

Open Spaces Highways

Job/business opportunities

Arterial Roads Main Roads

Orchards

Access to health services

Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT

Norwood Park

Quality of health services

Household Income Norwood

R0 - R200

Orange Grove

R201 - R1000

Paterson Park

nu ve tA

R2501 - R3500 R4501 - R6000

Fairwood

R8001 - R11 000

Linksfield Ridge

Louis Botha Development Corridor

R16 001 - R30 000 or more Don't know/Refuse to say

Highways Main Roads Local Roads

Orange Grove and Norwood

ange Grove

Household Income

Louis Botha Development Corridor Open Spaces Highways Linksfield Arterial Roads

Fairwood

Main Roads Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT Linksfield Ridge

Household Income R0 - R200

R0 - R200 R201 - R1000 R1001 - R2500 R2501 - R3500

Recreational & leisure facilities

Roads & public transport and infrastructure

Arterial Roads

Rea Vaya BRT

Police services

R11 001 - R16 000

Open Spaces

City of Tshwane

Cleanliness of area

R6001 - R8000

Orange Grove and Fellside Norwood

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Municipal services

R3500 - R4500

Linksfield

City of Tshwane

Users

Access to schools / educational facilities Quality of schools / educational facilities

R1001 - R2500

Residents

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

1.2 Km

Standard of accommodation / business premises Quality of public space Variety of businesses on offer

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40% Percentage dissatisfied

R3500 - R4500 R4501 - R6000 R6001 - R8000 R8001 - R11 000 R11 001 - R16 000 R16 001 - R30 000 or more

Figure 10. Residents and users ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ in response to a range of issues

Don't know/Refuse to say

- R1000income in Orange Grove FigureR201 9. Household

R1001 - R2500

Orange grove & norwood

R2501 - R3500

Orange grove & norwood

City of Tshwane Orange Grove and project, in line with its status as a more middleNorwood

class area than Park Station, Westbury and Marlboro Louis Botha Development South. However, the survey data reveals substantial Corridor variations in household income levels, indicative Open Spacesof the wide variety of residents in the area. While very few households earn no income or less than Highways R1 500 per month, 20% of residents surveyed live Arterial Roads in households earning between R2 500 and R4 500, Main Roads putting them in a relatively low-income bracket. Around 33% earn between R4 500 and R8 000, and Local Roads 27% of households are living on more than R8 000 Rea Vaya BRT per month. If more Norwood residents had been included in the survey sample, the upper categories

Orchards

Norwood Park

Norwood

Residents’ planned duration of stay inArea the area

Orange Grove Paterson Park

an Gr

e nu ve A t

Linksfield

City of Tshwane

Linksfield Ridge

Open Spaces Highways Arterial Roads Main Roads Local Roads

City of Tshwane

Orange Grove and Norwood

ange Grove

Fairwood

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Rea Vaya BRT

Residents’ planned duration of stay in the area >10 years

Open Spaces

>5 years

Highways

>1 years

Linksfield Arterial Roads

>6 months

Main Roads

>1 month

Local Roads

<1 month

Rea Vaya BRT Linksfield Ridge

Residents’ planned duration of stay in the Figure 11. Planned duration of stay in the area area

2011

3 598

793

128

1 071

>5 years

Norwood

2011

1 656

414

>1 years

Orange Grove

2001

2 522

335

777

Norwood

2001

1 249

357

Table 2. 2011 and 2001 census data of employment and unemployment in the study area (Quantec)

<1 month

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Not economically active

Orange Grove

>1 month

Orange Grove and Fellside Norwood

Employed Unemployed Discouraged workseeker

>10 years

>6 months

Fairwood

Year

would have been better represented (see Figure 8). Although household income levels are dispersed throughout the area (see Figure 9), unemployment in Norwood is considerably lower than in Orange Grove, with less than 100 people reporting unemployment in the 2011 census (see Table 2). Interestingly, 69% of the residents surveyed would qualify for the Paterson Park social and FLISP housing, based on their household income levels; showing that the Paterson Park project would likely not cause a major demographic shift in the overall area (although this would likely be different for the specific neighbourhood of Norwood)

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

1.2 Km

The survey found that the key causes of residential dissatisfaction are municipal services, cleanliness, safety and security, police services and job opportunities (see Figure 10). The prominence of municipal services and cleanliness was inflated because the survey was conducted during a municipal waste services (Pikitup) strike. However, complaints about municipal services pre- and postdated the Pikitup strike. The most prominent issue is with City Power over frequent service disruptions and the lack of speedy resolution of problems (interview with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016). There is considerable disenchantment with police services in the area. For the middle class, this is largely due to a perceived lack of law enforcement; for the poor, it is the perception of police harassment that drives discontent. Access to health – a concern of 9% overall and 15% of foreign migrants – should soon be solved through the current development of a public clinic on Louis Botha Avenue. At present, residents are travelling to Yeoville to use the clinic (interview with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016). Despite dissatisfaction in the area, many residents plan to stay in the area in the long-term. In spite of the fact that dwellings along

Louis Botha Avenue are often seen by planners to be inadequate, it seems that residents along and near this street are planning to be long-term residents (see Figure 11). There is also no clear spatial distribution of perceived neighbourhood improvement (see Figure 12). For the purposes of understanding communities of residents in this area, this report has divided residents into five broad groups, of which four are discussed in detail below. The groupings are: middle class, often white, residents; police or residents of the police barracks; foreign migrants; the homeless; and lower middle-class black South Africans. In splitting residents into groupings for the purposes of discussion, this research is in no way trying to insinuate that these groups are distinct entities that do not interact with each other. Louis Botha Avenue is a dynamic area where diverse people interact on a daily basis. The groupings below do not aim to include every resident in the area. Rather, they speak to certain prominent types of residents – some of who are formally organised, others who share characteristics or living space – whose lives one needs to understand in order to comprehend the dynamics and lived experiences of the area.

>10 years

19 >5Orange years grove & norwood

Orange grove & norwood

City of Tshwane Orange Grove and 3.1. The Norwood

The middle class – most of whom live in Norwood Louis Botha Development or in Orange Grove east of Louis Botha Avenue – Corridor

Norwood Park

Norwood

Orange Grove Paterson Park

nu ve tA

City of Tshwane

Linksfield Fairwood

Orange Grove and Norwood Fellside Louis Botha Development Corridor

Linksfield Ridge

Open Spaces Highways Arterial Roads Main Roads Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

City of Tshwane

Louis Botha Development Corridor Open Spaces

Fairwood

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

Perceptions of the neighbourhood

Orange Grove and Norwood

Highways

Improving Staying the same Getting worse

Linksfield

Arterial Roads Main Roads Local Roads

Linksfield Ridge

Rea Vaya BRT

Perceptions of the neighbourhood

1.2 Km

are fairly powerful, unlike many gated communities to the north of Johannesburg.

Strong residents’ associations define the Orange Grove and Norwood areas. These are run by middleclass, white residents. Three associations operate in the area: OGRA, NORA and VOGWRA. The most vocal in the area is NORA, followed closely by OGRA, although there is considerable tension between the two associations. VOGWRA is less active and considerably less visible in the area.

Middle-class residents in Orange Grove and Norwood are driven by three key issues in relation to their spatial surroundings. The first is the maintenance or improvement of property values. The protection of property investments has been a key element of the discourse over the Paterson Park development, which it is feared will decrease property values. In response, NORA mounted an objection campaign and hope to delay the project (Love Norwood 2016). The second key driver, particularly in Norwood, is the desire to improve the urban environment – both in order to increase property values and personal lifestyles. The type of improvement that these residents are seeking is to make Norwood the ‘next Parkhurst’ – as the property advertisements for the area suggest – by promoting boutique shops and trendy restaurants along Grant Avenue. Annually, NORA hosts Love Norwood Day, which is “a community event that aims to promote local businesses, foster community spirit, and improve the quality of our public spaces”, according to NORA chairperson Brett McDougall (Zilibokwe 2016c). Love Norwood Day hosts a pop-up craft market, a lifestyle and fitness section and a Community Policing Forum (CPF) stand where residents can discuss crime and security with Johannesburg Metropolitan Police Department (JMPD) and SAPS officers (Zilibokwe 2016c). This event is hosted in Norwood Park – a park that NORA maintains through the employment of a gardener at a monthly cost of R2 000 (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016), and also the place where homeless people sleep (see the following section of this report).

The residents’ associations largely cater to property owners, rather than renters, which means that they tend to be a vehicle of the middle class who can afford to own property. While their mandates include representing various stakeholders, middle-class residents are largely prioritised, as evidenced by the fact that NORA does not consider long-term homeless residents of the area as their constituents (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016), and VOGWRA have not invited the residents of the police barracks to join the organisation (Scheidegger 2015). However, for the middle-class constituents that they represent, the residents’ associations – especially NORA – play an active role and mobilise in the best interest of their constituents. It is notable that the middle class in this area do organise within residents’ associations, which

Finally, the most significant concern of middle-class residents in Orange Grove and Norwood is that of crime and security. A fear of crime dominates the headlines of the local newspaper The North Eastern Tribune – there is a section on the website dedicated to crime – and each residents’ association has some kind of relationship with security companies, sometimes paying them directly for security in the area. This fear manifests in the many gated communities produced through road closures (see Figure 13). As Scheidegger (2015) contends, the physical positioning of many of the closures illustrates an attempt to segregate Louis Botha Avenue from the suburbs. As a JDA official suggests, securitisation of houses is also an attempt of the middle class to protect their property values

are undoubtedly the most noticeable voices in this Open Spaces area. While not all members of the middle class Highways in the area are white, the community leaders and most prominent participants are. There is a mixture Arterial Roads within this group of younger residents, who bought Main Roads houses in Norwood due to its relative affordability Local Roads as a middle-class area in Johannesburg, and older residents who have lived in Orange Grove Rea Vaya BRT and Norwood for decades. In some ways, this is a ‘progressive’ community, hosting, for example, a number of gay and lesbian couples (Scheidegger Perceptions of the 2015). In other ways, it is deeply exclusionary. neighbourhood Most middle-class residents have little interaction Improving with Louis Botha Avenue and while Orange Grove residents may drive along the avenue to reach their Staying the same houses, they do not spend much more time on the Getting worse road. Norwood residents seldom venture near Louis Botha Avenue, with Paterson Park providing a firm boundary between the two areas. There are concerns from middle-class residents that the Paterson Park social housing project will allow Louis Botha to “creep” into Norwood, which is “already happening” (Interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016).

Orchards

ange Grove

(White) Middle Class

Figure 12. Mapped answer to question: is your neighbourhood improving, staying the same or getting worse? Improving

same Orangethe grove & norwood 21 Staying 0.15

0.3

Getting worse 0.9 0.6

1.2

Orange grove & norwood

(interview with Matt Jackson, 29 July 2016). The fear exists despite the fact that instances of crime in the area have decreased steadily over the past decade and crime rates are lower than many other middleclass areas, like Sandton (Crime Stats SA 2016).2

City relations with these residents, and numerous residents have acknowledged the improved public participation practices by the City. Perhaps a better understanding of the middle class and their spatial relationships would further improve relations.

A CPF exists in the area, although it appears to have been relatively inactive for the past several years following disputes over leadership, poor meeting attendance and an increasingly antagonistic relationship between the police and residents (Scheidegger 2015). Meetings historically focused on crime statistics and prevention, illicit bars, hawkers and the homeless, illegal taxi ranks, and drugs and prostitution (Scheidegger 2015). This indicates that the middle-class idea of insecurity extends beyond the threat of physical crime and includes informal trading and homelessness. Scheidegger (2015: 60) argues:

3.2. Police and Residents of the Barracks

The CPF is a good example of the complexity of local interactions. Transformation is a conscious commitment and not a by-product of community engagement. Moreover, internalised behaviour patterns, alienation between the different community members and the lack of trust affect social interactions. The perceived lack of law enforcement with regard to the ‘vagrancy’ and drug trade in the area, as well as tensions between community groups, leads residents to become disenchanted and disinvested in the area. As Scheidegger (2015) demonstrates, this causes decay, which in turn creates further withdrawal into private space and an unwillingness to invest in the neighbourhood. The most vulnerable – the homeless and informal traders – are then disproportionately victimised by the middle class who desire order in the midst of perceived chaos and insecurity (Scheidegger 2015). Understanding the impact of perceived insecurity and the key drivers of middle-class life in Norwood and Orange Grove may aid the City in improving interactions with this community and middleclass areas more generally. As will be discussed later in this report, the CoJ has angered middleclass residents through lack of transparency in Norwood and Orange Grove, particularly in relation to Paterson Park, because these residents have felt that three important issues in their lives are under threat – their property values, their security, and their middle-class urban environment. The Grant Avenue Precinct Plan process indicated an improvement in

Orange grove & norwood

Despite the building looming large over the area, an often-ignored group of residents in Orange Grove and Norwood are the police and other residents of the police barracks. While there is no clear history of the building, it appears from photographs of the area that it was built in the late 1960s or early 1970s. It is owned by the Department of Public Works and is supposed to provide accommodation to police officers working in Johannesburg (interview with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016). It is very difficult to find any clear information on the residents of this building, as they have been neglected from residents’ associations, and perhaps some prefer to remain invisible. A dualistic narrative of this group exists. A walk around the barracks ends with assurances that only the police live in the buildings;3 however NORA and other residents are convinced that there are no police living there, as all the units have been sublet (interviews with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016; Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). There is no clear way to gain the ‘truth’ within the scope of this research. However, what is clear is that these residents are marginalised from the Norwood and Orange Grove communities, neglected by the Department of Public Works, and not given a voice in the future of the area. The building itself is in a state of considerable disrepair (see Figures 14-17). It is divided into three buildings – a smaller building with rooms for single police and two larger buildings with apartments for families. The 10-storey building for families – which houses a large number of children – has no functional elevator, meaning that some residents have to climb 10 flights of stairs to reach their homes. The toilets in the smaller building are in a very poor state, with many not functioning. Windows in both corridors and apartments are broken and the buildings do not appear clean. The lack of maintenance is an issue in police barracks across Gauteng (see Bornman 2015). There is also a serious security concern – especially for the families of police – given the lack of lighting in the passages and stairwells and the frequent theft of cars (Zilibokwe 2016a).

2 I t is important to note that fear of crime does not only exist among the middle class. More vulnerable residents, like the homeless, are particularly afraid; the survey revealed that a large number of working class residents have safety concerns. However, the middle-class fear of crime has the largest impact on the environment of Norwood and Orange Grove. 3 Informal discussions with anonymous barracks residents.

Figure 13. Road closure in a middle-class suburb of Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

Figure 14. Ten storey police barracks housing families (Appelbaum 2016)

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Figure 15. Broken lifts in the police barracks (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 16. Broken windows in the corridor of the police barracks (Appelbaum 2016)

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Figure 17. Stairs that residents ascend to reach their rooms (Appelbaum 2016)

Figure 18. The activities disallowed in Norwood Park, including sleeping in the park (Appelbaum 2017)

James arrived in Johannesburg from Limpopo in 2006 to join his mother, who was a domestic worker in Sandton. He lived with her for a period, but when she took a job in Houghton, he moved to Yeoville in 2009. It appears that he has never had a steady job in Johannesburg, despite desperately wanting one; this is due, in part, to the fact that he did not pass matric. He has subsisted on piecework, including a job as a security guard, which he describes as a ‘fly by night’ arrangement. Three years ago, when he could no longer get enough work to afford rent, he moved to Paterson Park. It appears he knew people – his ‘homeboys’ – who lived in the park and believed, as he still maintains, that homelessness is a superior alternative to crime; being able to stay in Paterson Park, he believes, has allowed him to stay away from crime. James earns money mostly by begging; while many homeless men in the area work as car guards, he does not want the responsibility of having to ensure that cars are not stolen. For food and shower facilities, he relies on both St Luke’s church, and his ‘homeboys’ who work in the area. He sings in the St Luke’s Church choir and the congregants give him ‘a little money’ each week. James was recently evicted from Paterson Park, following the commencement of construction, and he is now living in Norwood Park. The construction company allegedly offered him and others jobs, but James has lost his identity document so could not apply. He enjoyed living in Paterson Park, because he had access to physical shelter and had blankets and a sleeping bag. Purportedly, the construction company told the homeless men to leave the park and when the metro police came to remove them, the police took many of their possessions, including their blankets.

The most significant indicator of the lack of inclusivity of the barracks residents in community structures is the fact that VOGWRA – the residents’ association responsible for the area hosting the barracks – has not invited barracks residents to join the association (Scheidegger 2015). They were also met with hostility by white residents at a CPF meeting, illustrating that they are not seen as part of the community by middle-class residents. Scheidegger (2015: 36) argues that part of the reason for their exclusion is that the police residents since 1994 “have changed the racial composition and levels of homogeneity in the neighbourhood.” The barracks are feared and resented by NORA and many residents who see the compound as the centre of crime and drug dealing in the area (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). It is unclear if there is any truth to this claim. The building itself, as well as its poor management, serve as an emblem for Norwood residents of the result of state-led projects in the area, and adds to the discontent about the Paterson Park project.

3.3. The Visible Invisibles: Homelessness in Paterson and Norwood Parks Inequality in the Orange Grove and Norwood areas is perhaps best symbolised by the homeless population who live in the public parks and on the streets of these suburbs. While there are no clear figures indicating the homeless population size in this area, informants estimate that there are approximately 30 to 40 people – mostly men – living in Norwood Park, which appears to have the single highest concentration of homeless residents in the area (interview with homeless residents of Norwood Park, 18 August 2016). According to the former ward councillor, there is also a homeless population who live along Louis Botha Avenue (interview with Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, 13 August 2016). Although it was not possible to get a representative sample of homeless residents for this research, five homeless men were interviewed who have recently been evicted from Paterson Park and are now living in Norwood Park. This provides a good indication of the lives and needs of some of the homeless population in the area.4 Despite the sizeable homeless population in the area, this group is almost entirely invisible in policy discourse, including in the COF-related plans for the area. In fact, a number of CoJ officials believe

4 T he names of homeless residents were changed and replaced with the most common men’s names internationally, in order to protect their identities.

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William is one of the few ‘foreigners’ who lives in this predominantly ‘South African’ park. He moved to Johannesburg in 2008 and came to Orange Grove, because his father worked in the area. He became homeless in 2011 and met people who suggested he move to Paterson Park. It seems that it took him longer to integrate into the park community because he is not South African-born, but he now considers himself one of the ‘homeboys’ and seems to have been accepted by the community. William was evicted from Paterson Park by the JMPD when construction began in the park; his blankets and possessions were taken by the police. He feels a sense of community in the area and he periodically works as a car guard in Norwood. Now living in Norwood Park, he dreads the rain, as it means sleeping under the store awnings along Grant Avenue.

that there is still a large homeless population living in Paterson Park despite the fact that this group was evicted from the park, ostensibly by the construction firm working in Paterson Park and the JMPD (allegedly under the guidance of JPC) (interview with homeless residents of Norwood Park, 18 August 2016). This indicates not only a lack of engagement with the homeless population as stakeholders in the area, but also potential communication issues between CoJ departments and partners working on the project in the area.

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None of the interview respondents reported ever having been consulted – or knowing of anyone who was consulted – by the CoJ or a related agency with regards to the TOD initiatives in the area. This is problematic, since this group has arguably been most affected by the Paterson Park upgrades. After being evicted, many homeless residents moved to Norwood Park, which is considerably more open and smaller than Paterson Park. Others presumably moved elsewhere within Norwood and Orange Grove and some most likely moved out of the area completely.

Norwood Orange Grove

City of Tshwane Orange Grove and Norwood

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There are a number of competing narratives with regard to the homeless population in Norwood and Orange Zimbabwe Grove. Middle-class Norwood residents represented DRC by NORA have a particular understanding of the homeless in Norwood Park, which contrasts markedly Nigeria with the experience of those living in the park in Orchards Malawi terms of perceptions of criminality and policing. A key theme that emerged from the interviews in Norwood Ethiopia Park was the complete aversion of park residents to Bangladesh % Residents drugs. While there seemed to be considerable alcohol consumption, a number of interviewees stressed that % Business owners Lesotho they do not take drugs and that anyone who comes to % Users Norwood Cameroon the park to use or sell drugs is ‘chased away’ (interview with James, 18 August 2016). However, the NORA France chairperson believes that there are homeless people Ivory Coast using nyaope – a particularly violent and dangerous drug – in Norwood Park. According to him, a man who Kenya was high on nyaope attacked the NORA gardener who Tanzania maintains the park (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). As with many of the dualistic Ghana narratives that typify interactions inFellside this area, there is Pakistan no single ‘truth’, and perhaps reality exists somewhere Orchards in between these two positions. Another such Botswana narrative is about the presence of law enforcement. United Kingdom While NORA complains about the absence of JMPD and SAPS in relation to “vagrants and drug use”, Liberia homeless residents talk of consistent harassment by 0 10 20 30 40 50% JMPD officers in both Norwood and Paterson parks. Figure 19. Nationality of residents, businessNorwood owners and users in Orange Grove and Norwood

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Robert has been living in Paterson Park since December 2010, shortly after his arrival in Johannesburg from Mpumalanga during the Soccer World Cup. Prior to moving to Paterson Park, he spent several months living in a park in Killarney. Residents in this area effectively evicted the homeless population from the park, locking the gates so that they could not enter the public space. As Robert puts it, “the white people chased us away”. In Rosebank he met some people who told him about Paterson Park; he found it a welcoming space – particularly since many people spoke the same language as him. He was evicted from Paterson Park with James. Robert particularly enjoyed Paterson Park because access to toilets and water to wash his clothes was more readily available. It was also possible to light fires for warmth during winter, whereas in Norwood Park, residents in surrounding houses complain about the fires. On a good day, Robert earns R70 as a car guard on Grant Avenue. He applied for a job at a new pizzeria on Grant Avenue when it opened, as they said allegedly said they would employ people in the area. However, in his opinion, the jobs went to ‘foreigners’. He relies on St Luke’s church for additional support, as do many homeless residents in the area. However, indisputable is the vulnerability of the homeless in the area and the precariousness of their tenure and livelihoods. Scheidegger (2015) noted in her 2008 fieldwork that NORA members have argued that “vagrants cause huge problems because they increase insecurity, often commit crime and contribute to the disintegration of the neighbourhood” (2015: 40). NORA currently spends R2 000 per month maintaining Norwood Park and residents are getting increasingly angry about the presence of so many homeless people in the park, especially since the increase in these numbers after the Paterson Park displacement (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). Similarly, OGRA bemoans the lack of law enforcement in the area, particularly with regards to the “vagrant problem”. As Scheidegger argues, this is emblematic of inequality in South African cities.

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In the public eye, the structural problem arising from unemployment and poverty becomes a matter of law enforcement. Perceptions of disorder arise from informal economic activity such as hawkers or car guards and homeless people. They are seen as threats to morals, decency and sanitary conditions because they not only sleep but also wash themselves in public spaces. As a consequence, survivalist strategies are criminalised, and order is re‑established by getting rid of them (2015: 40-41). Interviews with homeless men reveal that none of the displaced Paterson Park population plans to move back into the park once construction is complete. This is because most of them aspire to get jobs and accommodation. However, in the likely absence of this occurrence for the majority, there is a possibility that many will move back to Paterson Park, or remain in Norwood Park, either way provoking the anger and threats of ‘law enforcement’ from residents and residents’ associations. Infrastructure provision by the CoJ, such as a homeless shelter and jobs centre, is vital in reducing the vulnerability of these residents.

3.4. Foreign Migrants There is a considerable population of foreign migrants in the Louis Botha Avenue area – many of whom operate businesses along Louis Botha Avenue and live within Orange Grove, creating significant cultural diversity in the area. The foreign migrant population – particularly those from sub-Saharan Africa – has had a considerable influence on the typology of Louis Botha Avenue since the early 1990s. The demand created by African migrants has led to a change in the types of businesses along the road; the sub-division of stores; and the proliferation of churches (Zulu 2012). While the Orange Grove area has historically attracted immigrants arriving in Johannesburg, until the 1980s these were largely white, European migrants. The late 1980s saw an increase in black South Africans moving to Orange Grove, benefitting from the de facto relaxation in apartheid Group Areas and influx control laws (Zulu 2012). The decline of the area around Louis Botha Avenue during the 1980s made rentals affordable for black South African and foreign residents and business owners. The increase in African migrants in the area over the past two decades has been largely linked to the perceived safety of previously white suburbs, as well as aspirations to live in the wealthier northern

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suburbs. The desirability of the northern suburbs has increased with outbreaks of xenophobic violence in townships and the Johannesburg CBD (Zulu 2012). As census data on foreign nationals at sub-place level is not released due to security fears, the survey conducted as part of this project provides valuable statistical insight into immigrants in the Orange Grove and Norwood areas. Of the foreign migrant population surveyed, 70% were men and 30% women, in line with international theories of gendered migration. A slim majority of residents in the area are South African citizens (53%), with 23% born in Johannesburg. The single greatest immigrant population, in line with general South African statistics, is from Zimbabwe (21%). There are also substantial Congolese and Nigerian populations in the area. The vast majority of the migrant residents have come to South Africa from a variety of African countries (see Figure 19). While there is some grouping of South Africans and Zimbabweans, generally residents from a variety of countries seem to be dispersed throughout the neighbourhood (see Figure 20). The composition of business owners in the area is similar to residents. Less than half of businesses are South African-owned (45%). Zimbabweans, Nigerians and Ethiopians own 18%, 12% and 4.5% of businesses respectively. A similar diversity of nationalities is demonstrated in people who visit the area, with South Africa, Zimbabwe, DRC and Nigeria most represented in users of the space (see Figure 19). Interestingly, Ethiopians are represented as business owners in the area, but there are few Ethiopian residents and users; whereas, according to the survey, the DRC is well-represented in residents and users, but not in business owners. According to survey data, while foreign migrants are satisfied with roads and public transport, recreational facilities, accommodation and access to and quality of schools (none reported being ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ about any of these issues), they are much more concerned about access to health care than South African citizens. Overall, foreign migrants reported higher satisfaction rates – including in cleanliness, job opportunities, safety and security and policing. Their concerns about access to health care should be investigated.

While many foreign migrants move to the Orange Grove area to escape xenophobia – seeing the suburbs as a relative sanctuary – there is still animosity towards foreign nationals in the area. The survey found that 9% of residents surveyed in Louis Botha listed ‘foreigners’ as the biggest challenge in the area. In March 2015, five men robbed a foreign-owned store on Louis Botha Avenue in a clear xenophobic attack (Howie 2015). While this appears to be an isolated incident in the news reports, it is likely that these types of attacks are underreported. Additionally, while violent attacks are a particularly glaring form of xenophobia, more subtle dislike of ‘foreigners’ can be equally impactful on the daily experiences of foreign migrants. There are multiple manifestations of more subtle hostilities towards foreign migrants in Orange Grove. As Zulu found, there is a general perception that African migrants were forced out of the inner city and “they saw opportunities in Louis Botha Avenue for running shops, taverns, dealing in drugs and running 419 scams via internet cafes” (2012: 5). There is also a common view that Orange Grove is “overrun with Nigerians” and while this is empirically false – the largest population groups are South African and Zimbabwean – it indicates the extent to which foreigners are associated with crime. Many residents associate Nigerians with what they believe to be the rampant drug problem in Orange Grove (Zulu 2012). Given the relative levels of xenophobia in the area, City officials who are aware of the local context see a need to protect the vulnerable migrant population. According to a JDA official, foreign migrants are one of the most vulnerable groups in Orange Grove. In particular, he notes that residents’ associations who insist on bylaw implementation pose a risk to foreign migrants’ livelihoods and ways of life that often do not conform to narrow by-laws (interview with Matt Jackson, 29 July 2016). Foreign migrants, both residents and business owners, are particularly at risk of being displaced by increasing rents because of the TOD initiative.

Contrary to common perceptions that the flats along Louis Botha are mainly occupied by foreign migrants, the survey found that 65% of flats are in fact occupied by South Africans, which is similar to the proportion of 64% in case of backyard rooms in the areas. This contrasts with freestanding houses and cluster houses where foreign migrants are in the majority with figures of 67% and 60% occupation respectively.

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LOCAL POLITICS AND THE CITY OF JOHANNESBURG There is considerable tension between the City and residents in the Orange Grove and Norwood areas. The antagonism between the CoJ and largely middle-class residents has been counter-productive and has already caused delays in achieving the implementation of the Corridors project. A JDA official argues that one of the causes is that residents in the area struggle to see the potential value creation in this type of project. However, this is at least partially due to the actions of the CoJ and its agencies, which interviewees allege initially used inadequate public participation processes, fuelled uncertainty in the area, and relied on ‘gatekeepers’ widely perceived as illegitimate by community members. While these issues have been evident in numerous interactions between the City and the populations of Norwood and Orange Grove, the analysis is most clearly elucidated in the case of Paterson Park. It is important that the City reflect upon its tactics, not only to improve relations in this area and ensure the success of the Paterson Park project, but also because implementing TOD in Johannesburg will project demand interaction with a number of middle-class suburbs.

4.1. Fuelling Uncertainty Residents in Norwood and Orange Grove are generally wary of government programmes. The middle class fear a decline in property values and a loss of choice, and wish to protect their lifestyle and investments. Poor residents are fearful of displacement due to rising rents, harassment by police (particularly in the case of homeless people and informal traders) and being deemed ‘illegal’ (immigrants without papers etc.). However, it appears that the CoJ has not approached this issue with particular awareness or sensitivity. In the context of middle-class residents already feeling uneasy about the impact of the BRT on their car-dominated lifestyles, and frustrated by the construction and congestion on Louis Botha Avenue, estate agents allegedly began knocking on the doors of local property owners. They purportedly tried to convince people to sell on the basis that their properties were going to lose value as a result of the Paterson Park development (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). It is alleged that the estate agents refused to disclose the interested buyer. This was the first time that the vast majority of residents had heard of the City’s intention to build social housing in Paterson Park. As a result of misinformation, residents saw their options being: “if they don’t sell, they could find themselves living in the middle of a low-cost housing project or a highrise building” (Cox 2014a). The subsequent alarm of residents caused OGRA and the ward councillor to

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intervene, it became clear that the buyer was the JPC trying to buy up a number of properties in the area for social facilities (interview with Roger Chadwick, 31 October 2016). It is not clear whether telling residents that the Paterson Park project would downgrade their property values was a deliberate move of the JPC or an unsanctioned idea of the estate agents. Either way, it fuelled uncertainty and fear in Orange Grove and Norwood. The City’s Executive Director of Development Planning, Yondela Silimela, has admitted that the City’s approach to land acquisitions should have been different: “Silimela [explained] that telling people the City was purchasing properties would have pushed prices up exorbitantly. ‘We have no legal obligation to disclose that we are the buyers, but we agree we should have done things differently,’ she said” (Cox 2014b). However, McDougall argues that the approach of the City has changed very little and the plans for the Paterson Park development remained very secretive; he concedes that the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan was a considerable improvement in terms of public participation (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). There has been little overall change in the CoJ approach, as evidenced by the Cydna Park issue. The City planned to relocate a number of municipal services, including a Pikitup dump, from Orange Grove to Cydna Park (which borders Oaklands, Houghton and James and Ethel Grey Park). Again,

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a lack of transparency and no consultation infuriated residents who were concerned about property values (Cox 2016).5 This repetition of the Orange Grove and Norwood pattern is concerning, because it fuels uncertainty and mistrust and ultimately diverts the City’s limited resources. High-level officials in the City’s Department of Development Planning have had to devote countless hours trying to ameliorate the situation in Paterson Park. The perceived lack of accountability and transparency has seriously damaged the relationship between residents and the CoJ, and fuelled uncertainty and disquiet in the area. The City is urged to improve its participation tactics and its transparency over new projects to avoid this situation in future. In particular, this is necessary to avoid the diversion of limited City resources, both human and financial.

4.2. Representation Another key issue in the Orange Grove and Norwood communities is that of representation. Some consultants on CoJ projects are rejected by the community because they are seen as ‘outsiders’. NORA expressed anger over the appointment of consultants from Durban and Pretoria because of their perceived lack of knowledge about the area (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). Most significantly, there are several important figures that speak on behalf of the community and often serve as ‘gatekeepers’ to those seeking to become involved in the area. Some of these figures are seen as representative of their communities; others are deemed illegitimate and an imposition. The existence of gatekeepers is a particular issue for the implementation of the Corridors, as JDA stakeholder engagement in the area has focused on property developers, business owners and residents’ associations (interview with Matt Jackson, 29 July 2016). Of those leaders who are seen as legitimate by the constituencies they serve, one has to consider who is excluded from the forum. For instance, the residents of the police barracks are not part of any residents’ association; most tenants are also excluded from residents’ associations, where property owners hold more power. Various City agencies often appear unaware of these tensions and exacerbate them. It is important for stakeholder engagement to go beyond gatekeepers; for the CoJ to avoid alienating people and segmenting communities. The use of figures deemed ‘illegitimate’ by some members of the community makes the City processes lose legitimacy. The final section of this report will deal with managing these tensions. On the other hand, the use of consultants who are liked and respected by the community – and seen as knowledgeable about local issues – can be a great asset to CoJ projects, as was seen in the community participation and collaboration around the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan.

5 A t the time of writing, it is unclear if Cydna Park is still likely to be the site for the integrated municipal service depot, as originally planned.

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UNDERSTANDING BUSINESSES: LOUIS BOTHA AVENUE AND GRANT AVENUE Louis Botha Avenue in Orange Grove has been a historical hub of business activity. While the business strip underwent a transformation with the decline of the area, and a change occurred in the typology and clientele of businesses, there remains substantial business activity in this area. There is also a strong business presence on Grant Avenue in Norwood, which an action committee for the strip is modelling on Parkhurst (interview with Brett McDougall, 21 August 2016). Since the business association in Louis Botha Avenue is inactive, there are very few key stakeholders who have an adequate grasp of businesses in the area. Add to this that a lot of business activity is informal and there is little data on this area, the survey of 89 businesses undertaken for this research project provides invaluable insight into the functioning and experiences of businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood.

5.1. Profiling Businesses The two strips of business activity in the area are Grant Avenue and Louis Botha Avenue. While Grant Avenue primarily consists of formal retail stores and restaurants, the business activity on Louis Botha Avenue is more varied and the retail premises are often informally subdivided. A number of businesses are also run out of houses in the suburbs of Orange Grove and Norwood, including small catering businesses, crèches and attorney’s offices. The types of businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood are diverse and reasonably well distributed across the four categories defined in the survey. Retail businesses – which include clothing and bookstores, supermarkets and butcheries and spaza shops, as well as pawn shops – dominate the area, representing half of the businesses surveyed. After retail, the majority of remaining businesses (26%) offer services, including hair salons, dry cleaners, repairs and internet cafés. Catering and the motor industry are almost equally represented with 12% and 11% of the market share respectively. The catering category ranges from restaurants and shebeens to food vendors and bakeries, while the motor trade includes petrol stations, scrapyards, mechanics and sellers of motor parts. While catering

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businesses are largely situated in Norwood, the motor industry and retail are more prominent along Louis Botha Avenue (see Figure 21). The business owners surveyed in the Orange Grove area are predominantly men (67%). Less than half are South African (45%); Zimbabweans and Nigerians own 18% and 12% of businesses respectively. The majority of businesses have a small employee base of between one and five people (52%), and one quarter are run by the owner with no employees. Only 21% of businesses have over six employees (of which only 8% have over 10 employees). Overall, the 75 businesses that answered the question about employee numbers are collectively responsible for 300 jobs in the area (excluding business owners). Support to businesses and their growth could see more jobs generated in this area; the job creation potential is far from maximised. On average, businesses pay approximately R8 200 per month in rental and almost R1 700 on rates and municipal services (see Figure 24). Despite the security concerns of residents, Orange Grove businesses spend considerably less on security than those in other areas surveyed for this study (Park Station, Westbury and Marlboro South). Rental costs differ between Orange Grove and Norwood, with the latter being substantially higher. However, businesses in Norwood have a higher turnover, on average, and make a greater profit. The mean profit for Norwood businesses surveyed is R23 500, compared to Orange Grove at R19 500. While it is difficult to find an objective measure of business performance, given that there are so many factors involved, the survey results indicate a

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N17

Orange Grove stableand business environment in Orange Grove and Norwood Norwood: 64% of business owners believe their

profits have stayed the same over the past few Louis Botha years (70% in Norwood and 57% in Orange Grove); Development Corridor

44% of respondents believe that their businesses have performed well over the past year; and 47% Arterial Roads believe that their businesses have neither improved nor declined over the past year. However, perceived Main Roads performance varies considerably between Norwood Local Roads and Orange Grove, with Louis Botha Avenue stores Rea Vaya generally BRT not positive about business performance over the past year. While 35% of businesses in Norwood are improving, 43% of Orange Grove Types of businesses businesses are worsening (see Figure 25). Open Spaces

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businesses – such as Radium Beer Hall, Hospice Wits and Super Sconto – and the newer, less prominent businesses. While the former have a stake in the politics of the area, the less established businesses tend not to be consulted and are more vulnerable to economic change and displacement. This is exemplified in the knowledge of business owners of the COF project. Overall, the survey found that only 9.6% of businesses in the area had heard of the Corridors of Freedom project. However, many of the more established business owners have been quoted in the media discussing their positivity about the BRT project and the increased foot traffic that will exist along Louis Botha Avenue (Rea Vaya 2014). This, as well as conversations with a number of smaller shop owners along Louis Botha Avenue, indicates that of the 90% of businesses that have not heard about the COF project, most are newer, often migrant-owned businesses. While the older businesses are largely happy about the TOD initiative, some small, informal or illegal businesses may be compromised as a result of the increased involvement of the state in the area. A substantial number of businesses (45% of those surveyed) have begun trading in the area in the past five years (see Figure 28). This demonstrates that there is still an attraction to opening in Orange Grove or Norwood; perhaps further growth could be incentivised by the TOD investment. The majority of businesses operate from formal premises (80%), with street trading accounting for 12% of commerce in the area. Most businesses rent their premises, with only 7% owning the property (see Figure 29). This indicates that the majority of businesses are not tied to Orange Grove through

land ownership. This was confirmed by a number of interviews with storeowners and managers on Louis Botha Avenue. Some say that they have no particular attachment to Orange Grove and would move if business declined (interviews with supermarket owners and internet café owner, 2 September 2016). One business is already seeking new premises after three years on Louis Botha Avenue – because of the inconvenience of construction, declining profits and the lack of parking – but the owner is struggling to find well-located, affordable premises elsewhere (interview with furniture store owner, 2 September 2016). As illustrated in Figure 30, the majority of businesses operate in the area because of the customer base and the foot traffic. If the customer numbers were to fall or the customer base change substantially, it would pose a serious threat to current businesses. Despite the wide variety of businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood, only 3.5% of businesses source their supplies locally. As illustrated in Figure 31, almost half of the suppliers of goods to businesses in the node are based in the CBD, while 19% of businesses source their supplies from elsewhere in Johannesburg and 12% from the broader Gauteng area. While the CBD is clearly the chief supplier, there is some fluctuation within product categories (see Figure 32).

5.2. Business Satisfaction and Desired Support The graph in Figure 33 shows businesses that answered ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ in response to a range of issues. While most businesses seem stable, many are dissatisfied with different aspects of operating in Orange Grove and Norwood. Notably, business dissatisfaction is generally greater along Louis Botha Avenue than on Grant Avenue. One of the differences in the concerns between Norwood and Orange Grove businesses is with regards to business opportunities. Twelve per cent of Orange Grove businesses were dissatisfied; 64% felt neutral about business opportunities, and only 24% were satisfied. On the other hand, Norwood had 56% of businesses citing satisfaction, or immense satisfaction; only 2% of Norwood businesses were dissatisfied with the business opportunities presented by the area. While the municipal services and cleanliness figures are disproportionate because of the Pikitup

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Figure 23. Monthly turnover of businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Rental

Rates and Municipal services

Overall mean cost across the area Norwood mean cost Orange grove mean cost

Security and armed response

2000

4000

6000

8000

10 000

Figure 24. Mean monthly rental, rates and security costs for businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Norwood

Orange Grove

Greatly improved Improved Stayed the same Worsened

Whole area

Greatly worsened 0 20 40 60 80 100%

Figure 22. Catering business run from a backyard in Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

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Figure 25. Answers to the question: has your business improved or worsened over the past year?

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City of Tshwane Orange Grove and Norwood Louis Botha Development Corridor Open Spaces Highway Arterial Roads Arterial Roads

Orchards

Main Roads Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT Norwood

Duration in business premises

Orange Grove

0 - 5 years 6 - 12 years

City of Tshwane

13 - 20 years Linksfield

Fellside

21 - 32 years

Fairwood

Orange Grove and Norwood Louis Botha Development Corridor

33 - 54 years Linksfield Ridge

Open Spaces Highway Arterial Roads Arterial Roads Main Roads Local Roads Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/06/12 Units: Degree

Rea Vaya BRT

City of Tshwane

Fairwood

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

1.2 Km

Âą

Duration in business premises

Orange Grove and Norwood Orange Grove Louis Botha Development Corridor

0 - 5 years

Open Spaces

13 - 20 years

Highway

6 - 12 years

Linksfield

21 - 32 years

Arterial Roads

33 - 54 years

Arterial Roads MainLinksfield Roads Ridge Local Roads Rea Vaya BRT

Duration in business Figure 26. Map of the duration of businesses in their premises premises 0

43 0.15

0 - 5 years 0.3 6

Orange0.6 grove & norwood 0.9 - 12 years

1.2 Km

Âą

Figure 27. Radium Beer Hall has been in Orange Grove since 1929 (Mark Lewis 2016)

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12%

24%

6-10 years

42%

2-5 years

1 year or less

42%

Self-2-5 years

24%

6-10 years

20%

11-20 years

11%

Over 20 years

11% Sub-let

Rental

82%

Rental

11%

sub-let

Own, fully paid

Own, still paying off

18%

71%

Busy/many customers

18%

Good space/ personally convenient

11%

Market gap/node for business category

Busy/Many customers

Figure 30. Main reasons given by businesses for operating in the area

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Other Gauteng

12%

Other Gauteng

11%

South of CBD

49%

North of CBD

Alexandra/Wynberg/Marlboro

Norwood/Orange Grove

Outside of Africa

Other South Africa

Kwa-Zulu Natal

JHB CBD

strike at the time of the survey, these are ongoing issues that should be taken seriously, especially on Louis Botha Avenue. Norwood businesses are more satisfied with municipal services (54%) compared to Orange Grove (21%). Cleanliness showed a similar picture, with Norwood 63% satisfied and Orange Grove 44% dissatisfied. In interviews, business owners complained about frequent power cuts in the area (interview with internet café owner, 2 September 2016). The survey reveals that numerous business owners are dissatisfied with water and electricity rates and interrupted supply. The overall concern about safety and security (18%) differs substantially between Norwood and Orange Grove. While in Norwood 65% of businesses are satisfied with security, only 14% of Orange Grove businesses feel the same way. Norwood businesses report a 7% dissatisfaction rate, while in Orange Grove 28% of businesses are dissatisfied with safety and security in the area.

Figure 29. Tenure of business premises in Orange Grove and Norwood

Good space/ personally convenient

JHB CBD

Figure 31. Proportion of suppliers to businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood

Figure 28. How long businesses surveyed have operated in the area

82%

49%

The dissatisfaction with police (9.5%) is an issue that has featured prominently in interviews and other qualitative research (see Figure 35). Scheidegger’s (2015) research shows that there is considerable animosity towards the police because of their perceived unwillingness or inability to clamp down on illegal businesses – mostly unlicensed taverns selling alcohol – and the drug trade along Louis Botha Avenue. Norwood and Orange Grove differ in that there is a greater range of opinions in Norwood: 72% of Norwood businesses are satisfied

with policing, which is far greater than Orange Grove at 16%. However, Norwood also has a higher percentage of the dissatisfied (12%) than Orange Grove at 7%. The majority (67%) of Orange Grove businesses are neither satisfied nor dissatisfied with policing and no businesses answered in the extremes of each category (neither very satisfied nor very dissatisfied). In a way, this tells some of the complex story of the area, where delving into ‘trends’ shows considerable nuance. When asked what the City could do to improve businesses in the area, more than half of the respondents agreed that a reduction in rates, direct financial assistance, improved services, upgraded infrastructure and better regulation could all lead to improvements in business performance. It is clear that businesses would welcome assistance from the City.

5.3. Mobility of Employees and Customers The Orange Grove and Norwood area already aligns with some of the key goals of TOD – a large number of people both live and work in the area, and walking is a key form of transport. While mobility will be improved through the Paterson Park intervention, it is already considerably better than many parts of Johannesburg. Fifty seven per cent of employees of surveyed businesses live within the Orange Grove and Norwood areas: 40% of them walk to work and 28% rely on minibus taxis. Of the business owners, 41% walk and 48% Orange grove & norwood

Other equipment Gold/metals Pharmaceuticals

Inner city

Cellphones/accessories

Alexandra/Wynberg/Marlboro South

Hardware

Orange grove mean cost

Fuel

Other GP

Cleaning materials

North of CBD

Electrical/IT goods

Orange Grove/Norwood

Furniture Books/stationery

Orchards

Non-Africa

Vehicle parts/equipment

Other RSA

Hair/beauty products

Norwood Park

KZN

Clothing/linen/shoes

Other Africa

Meat/fish/poultry Snacks/sweets

Norwood

Fruit/veg

B w

Orange Grove

Groceries/dry food

Paterson Park

0 5 10 15 20 25%

nu ve tA

Linksfield

City of Tshwane

Figure 32. Location of suppliers to businesses Fellside

Fairwood

Orange Grove and Norwood Linksfield Ridge

Louis Botha Development Corridor Open Spaces Highways Safety & security

Arterial Roads

Business opportunities

Main Roads

Orchards

Municipal services

Local Roads

Cleanliness

Coordinate System: GCS Hartebeesthoek 1994 Datum: Hartebeesthoek 1994 Date: 2017/05/19 Units: Degree

Norwood Park

Regulation enforcement Supply & quality of labour

City of Tshwane

Orange Grove and Norwood

Norwood

Orange Grove Paterson Park

Size of the market Business premises an

Business infrastructure

nu ve tA

Open Spaces Highways

Police services

Arterial Roads Linksfield

Fairwood

Main Roads

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Orchards

Figure 33. Businesses ‘dissatisfied’ or ‘very dissatisfied’ in response to a range of issues

Fellside

Norwood

Orange Grove Paterson Park

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nu ve tA

0.15

0.3

0.6

0.9

1.2 Km

Business satisfaction with municipal services Very satisfied Satisfied Neutral Dissatisfied Very dissatisfied

Local Roads Rea Vaya BRTRidge Linksfield

Norwood Park

Louis Botha Development Corridor

Rea Vaya BRT

Business satisfaction with municipal services FigureVery 34. Mapped satisfiedsatisfaction with municipal services

Satisfied Neutral

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Very satisfied

Satisfied

Neutral

Dissatisfied

ORANGE GROVE NORWOOD

Very dissatisfied

0% 10 20 30 40 50 60%

Figure 35. Satisfaction with police services in Norwood and Orange Grove

Figure 37. Subdivided hairdresser and clothing store along Louis Botha Avenue (Mark Lewis 2016)

use a personal vehicle. Approximately 17% of employees live along the Corridors – in Alexandra, Soweto, various parts of Louis Botha Avenue and in the inner city. Assuming that the pricing of the Rea Vaya BRT is affordable for employees, it should be a useful form of public transport for many. The average travel time for employees is 18 minutes and the average cost is R12.

Figure 36. A church on Louis Botha Avenue (Mark Lewis 2016)

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The culture of walking should be encouraged and reinforced by urban design, as is planned in the Paterson Park upgrades. Businesses are concerned by the inconvenience of construction; particularly the erection of the fence along Louis Botha Avenue during BRT construction. Businesses facilitated the removal of the fence because it artificially segregated the road and affected businesses, as pedestrians could not conveniently cross the road. As Radium Beer Hall owner, Manuel Cabeleira, said: “They’re cutting off neighbours from neighbours. This is not a highway” (Byrne 2014). It is vital for businesses along Louis Botha Avenue that the design of the BRT facilitates pedestrian traffic in crossing the road.

5.4. Churches Churches are abundant along Louis Botha Avenue. The exact number is not immediately clear, but according to OGRA there are 11 churches within the 1.7 km stretch of Louis Botha Avenue that falls within Orange Grove (interview with Noel Hutton, 31 October 2016). There are also allegedly churches operating from houses in the area, particularly within several blocks east of Louis Botha Avenue (interview with Roger Chadwick, 31 October 2016). Although it is evident that the rise in churches is linked to the African migrant population in the area (Zulu 2012), it is not clear whether the churches mainly serve the local community or those who come from outside of the area to worship. While churches do bring some foot traffic to the area on Sundays, there is considerable animosity towards them from a range of residents and their relations with OGRA are combative. During the survey focus group, a resident criticised the churches, arguing that they do not create jobs and have replaced businesses that did provide jobs in the area. Marcelle Ravid-Bloom, the former ward councillor, spoke of the multitude of noise

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complaints she received about the churches from Orange Grove residents (interview, 13 August 2016). According to her, OGRA and former ward councillor Waldman successfully appealed to authorities to close down a church for health and safety reasons. While established churches like St Luke’s play a vital role in the community – especially for the homeless – the churches along Louis Botha Avenue do not seem to be particularly involved in community life and appear to be run as businesses. It is necessary that the churches be integrated more fully into the community fabric and their benefit to the area be more clearly defined.

5.5. Informality and Street Trading Informality along Grant Avenue takes the form of street trading, to the dismay of some residents who see ‘hawking’ as a security issue. There have been numerous attempts to manage this practice in the area, including one unsuccessful endeavour to build an installation of shelves from which traders should sell their wares outside Woolworths and Spar on Grant Avenue (Scheidegger 2015). Informal traders were not consulted on this project and rejected the permanent structure, opting instead to continue walking and selling their merchandise. In the eyes of the CPF at the time, “the mobility of the hawkers renders it more difficult to chase them away” (Scheidegger 2015: 41). However, street traders fulfil an important function of providing goods to those – like the homeless, car guards, petrol attendants and shop employees – who cannot afford to shop in the stores along Grant Avenue. Unlike Norwood, the majority of the informality along Louis Botha Avenue does not manifest in street trading. Because of the relative affordability and size of the premises available on the street, most businesses can afford to rent at least a portion of a formal shop. As a result, there are a multitude of informal subletting arrangements; many of the stores serve dual purposes and the typologies of the buildings are continuously shifting. In interviews, many business owners reported that this sharing of premises made the rental affordable. Part of what makes Louis Botha Avenue such a vibrant place is the ability of new businesses to start and others to adapt without needing to go through formal processes. It is important going forward that the City values the informality along the avenue and does not displace this dynamic system.

5.6. Illegal Businesses While this report argues strongly for informality to be protected along Louis Botha Avenue, the range of illegal businesses should not necessarily be treated in the same way. There is considerable drug trafficking along the street, as well as a number of illegal taverns (Scheidegger 2015). This creates a safety issue for women on the street, especially at night, when they are frequently harassed (interview with Pedestrian 1, 2 September 2016). Ravid-Bloom describes illegality, taverns and drug dealing as a “perennial problem” that the police have never dealt with adequately (interview, 13 August 2016). Figure 38. An informal recycling business in Orange Grove (Mark Lewis 2016)

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FORGING CHANGE WITH A DELICATE BALANCING ACT The job of the City in Orange Grove and Norwood is a balancing act that involves making necessary changes for both the area and the overall success of the Transit Corridors, while maintaining the delicate balance that enables the area to function well, often despite (or in the absence of) planning interventions. While the issues detailed below mostly require action, considerable thought should also be given to the cases where inaction on the part of the City is appropriate.There is a risk that too much intervention from the CoJ will result in Orange Grove losing much of what makes it a desirable and transformative area; while no intervention will prevent TOD from achieving its potential in the area. Particularly, given the limited capacity of the City, choices will have to be made about what to prioritise. In this regard, it is important not to neglect issues that will generate more capacity requirement in the long term. For instance, inadequate public consultation processes and the relationship with residents has meant considerable human and financial resources having to be diverted to the Paterson Park project. Orange Grove is an area that has undergone considerable post-apartheid transformation and illustrates the complex effects of such a process. Much can be learnt from this area about the transformation of Johannesburg’s suburbs: both positive occurrences and cautionary tales. Particularly significant is the fact that much of what the TOD programme is trying to achieve through planning intervention has occurred organically in Orange Grove. This makes it a noteworthy case study.

6.1. Understanding the Area An important point made throughout this report is the necessity of having a comprehensive understanding of the area, its local dynamics and how it is understood by stakeholders. It was noted during the research phase of this project that some planners are reliant on the overarching spatial plans – such as the Louis Botha SAF – and have little local knowledge of Orange Grove. For instance, there was confusion among some planners as to whether anyone living in Orange Grove would fall into the qualifying income bracket for social housing.

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6 F or more details on ABM frameworks, please see Report 1 in this series.

Since other officials are deeply knowledgeable, sharing information within and across departments – as well as between City entities – is important. This is particularly vital in avoiding the use of illegitimate community figures and exacerbating local political tensions. If JPC, JDA and the City’s Department of Development Planning had communicated better throughout this project – especially in the early phases – many of the issues enhanced and forged by the City with regards to community dynamics could have been avoided. An Area-Based Management (ABM) framework could be adopted as a potential solution to this issue.6 If not a full ABM system, a coordinated system should be put in place that ensures meetings and communication between the individuals in different CoJ departments and entities working on a particular locality – especially when it is an important strategic area, such as Orange Grove. Also uncovered in this study is the importance of potentially seeing each corridor as larger than its planned designation. While this research was originally intended to look at a strip of Louis Botha Avenue in Orange Grove – the immediate ‘corridor’ – the dynamics of that area could not be understood without looking at Orange Grove and Norwood more broadly. This is a possible lesson for implementation across the Corridors project. Finally, the history of Orange Grove and Norwood is important in informing both an understanding of how processes have occurred, and in informing a policy approach. Organic processes have forged an area that already demonstrates many of TOD’s desired traits. For instance, higher densities, proliferating businesses and social mixing have largely occurred through low rental prices and the allowance of informal arrangements. It is possible to learn from this history.

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6.2. Dealing with Tensions There is considerable antagonism in Norwood and Orange Grove, largely between the middle-class residents of Norwood and the CoJ, as well as between NORA and OGRA. These combative relationships are divisive and demand a degree of reflection – if not resolution – going forward. The reasons for this are varied. Firstly, there is the normative position that planners need to make residents feel engaged in the planning of the future of their area. The lack of transparency by the City and antagonistic nature of some residents has not allowed genuine engagement with the Norwood and Orange Grove communities. Secondly, beyond the Paterson Park project, the City is likely to remain involved in this area going forward, since it is a strategic point in the City’s flagship TOD project. At future points it is likely that the City will need the cooperation of residents and residents’ associations, and it seems counterproductive to have ‘burnt bridges’. It is important to note that through the Grant Avenue Precinct Plan, relations between middle-class residents and the CoJ have improved. Techniques of participation used in this process – as well as the use of consultants with a positive reputation in the area – should be examined as a case of the City’s best practice in such areas. This could aid in future engagements in middle-class areas.

6.3. Vulnerability, Equity and Displacement Any urban improvements come with the threat of either state or market displacement; the risks of this increase substantially in an area as unequal as Orange Grove and Norwood. Although City entities either intentionally or inadvertently displaced the homeless from Paterson Park, they have not been removed from the area entirely, and it is unlikely that any state-sanctioned displacement will occur in the area. However, Norwood and Orange Grove already appeal to the middle class and infrastructure upgrades will likely make the suburbs more desirable and lead to increases in the land prices. Those most vulnerable to displacement are the homeless and low-income residents, particularly the foreign migrant population. Although unlikely to be threatened with displacement, another vulnerable group in the area are the residents of the police barracks who have no representation in local politics and are excluded from the ‘community’ by many

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who dislike the presence of the barracks and its reputation for stimulating crime and drug dealing.

6.3.1. Residents of the police barracks As detailed in Section 3 of this report, the residents of the police barracks – likely a mix of police and their families and non-police members subletting space – have not been included in a residents’ association and are seen as undesirable residents by both OGRA and NORA (and by many middleclass constituents). Both the OGRA and NORA chairpersons have suggested informally that the City should buy the barracks and turn the buildings into social housing, since Norwood residents already accept its presence and the property market has improved despite this. However, this does not seem to be a viable or sensible proposal. It is important that police and barracks residents are treated as community stakeholders by both residents’ associations and CoJ agencies. The City should also attempt to use its leverage with the Department of Public Works to improve the situation in this police barracks, as this quality of accommodation does not seem in line with the progressive vision of the COF. While the City cannot force improved community relations with police barracks residents, it can facilitate a better living environment. Many children, presumably those of the police and working partners, spend the afternoon on the inhospitable grounds of the barracks. RavidBloom says that prior to the upgrades of the Paterson Park recreation centre, children from the barracks would often ‘vandalise’ the recreation centre in protest over their inadequate access to the facilities (interview, 13 August 2016). A simple ‘fix’ to this situation would be to ensure the children of the barracks are given complete and free access to the recreation centre.

6.3.2. Homeless population It is clear that the homeless population of Orange Grove and Norwood are the most vulnerable group in this area, and their precarity demands intervention. They have already been displaced once in the commencement of the Paterson Park project. As Matt Jackson of JDA explains, the City needs a clearer approach to dealing with the urban poor in suburban areas (interview, 29 July 2016). Ravid-Bloom advocates for a homeless shelter in the area, arguing that NGOs in the area are full to capacity and despite “loud personalities” who

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would object to a shelter, she believes it is the best potential solution. She suggests the City use the FNB building on Louis Botha Avenue, which was donated to CoJ by the bank. The homeless respondents interviewed for the study all supported the idea of a shelter, saying that jobs, physical shelter and sanitation are among their most significant needs. It is clear that a social development programme of some kind is vital in this area. A partnership with St Luke’s Church, which is a pillar of support to the homeless in Norwood and Paterson parks, would be a good initiative for the City. The Grant Avenue Precinct Plan makes provision for both the upgrading of Norwood Park and the establishment of a homeless shelter in the area. Since communication between departments in the CoJ is sub-optimal, it often happens that physical upgrading occurs with the hope that social development will follow, but this fails to materialise. It is a concern that Norwood Park will be upgraded but the homeless shelter will not be provided. This would result in the displacement of a large number of vulnerable homeless people who depend on the park for a space to sleep, many of whom have already been displaced by the Paterson Park construction. The FNB building on Louis Botha Avenue does seem to be a prime location for a homeless shelter; it is vital that the CoJ avail both the capital and operational budgets for this to become a reality.

6.3.3. Foreign migrants When asked about the most vulnerable populations in Norwood and Orange Grove, a JDA official was quick to specify the foreign migrant population and the risk of displacement. While the vulnerability of foreign migrants is a necessary acknowledgement, especially in the context of an often-xenophobic Johannesburg, the means of protection of this group in Orange Grove could be complex. It is important to understand that the ‘decline’ of the area enabled foreign migrants to shape Louis Botha Avenue in a way that enables their livelihoods. Zulu (2012) demonstrates how the fact that Louis Botha Avenue was becoming an increasingly undesirable place for South Africans – especially white South Africans with capital – to live and work in the 1990s, facilitated the influx of African migrants to the area. Lower rentals due to

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decreased demand and the relaxation of apartheid density restrictions enabled high business and residential densities, facilitated substantially by foreign migrants. The typologies fostered by the foreign migrant community in the Louis Botha Avenue vicinity sit ambiguously within the CoJ’s TOD vision. While the densities are relatively high, there is much informal accommodation, the variety of businesses do not necessarily cater to a diverse clientele, and there are many informal arrangements. With car ownership low among foreign migrants, most rely on walking and public transport, which aligns well with the Corridors project (Zulu 2012). It seems likely that with the infrastructure development, and the increased desirability of the area for businesses and residents, the single greatest risk facing migrants is being displaced from the area by rising rentals. This would not only be immensely disruptive and distressing for foreign migrants – many of whom have lived in this area for many years – but also a loss to the area, which displays much of the cultural diversity, tolerance and entrepreneurial energy desired in the postapartheid South African city.

6.4 Enhancing Business Potential As detailed in Section 5, businesses in Orange Grove and Norwood have considerable potential in terms of economic contribution and job creation. In some ways, businesses along Louis Botha and Grant Avenues are somewhat unique in the Johannesburg landscape. In Johannesburg, where the majority of the employed commute long distances at great expense, a large number of business owners and employees live within Orange Grove and Norwood and walk to work. This is one of the key aims of TOD and it is already occurring in this area. Small businesses, especialy along Louis Botha Avenue, are at risk of displacement if rents rise – as they are likely to do as infrastructure improvements increase property values. In order to prevent this displacement, the CoJ could initiate small business support programmes in the area. The vast majority of the businesses surveyed requested direct assistance from the City through a variety of mechanisms

including reductions in rates and access to finance. Such programmes could improve business performance; enabling businesses to improve their profits in order to sustain higher rentals. The CoJ’s own social facilities along Louis Botha Avenue could also include spaces for small businesses, given the desirability of mixed-use nodes. However, more important than direct assistance from the CoJ, is ensuring that City actions do not directly or indirectly hinder business potential. Over‑regulation of the informal sub‑letting arrangements would have this effect, as would the limiting of pedestrian activity on Louis Botha Avenue. The ability of pedestrians to move across the avenue is vital in business performance; especially for retail businesses, which form the bulk of commercial activity on the street. The design of the BRT will be particularly important in this regard, as safe pedestrian movement at frequent intervals across the road will need to be facilitated. With regards to pedestrian mobility, the proposal to place two BRT stations in the Orange Grove section of Louis Botha Avenue would enhance business opportunities. There should also be communication between City departments and JMPD, to avoid inappropriate JMPD enforcement of bylaw regulations. While it is important not to quash informal activity that leads to business growth, illegal businesses should not be afforded similar treatment. Perhaps closing down the illegal taverns could aid in improving the image of Louis Botha Avenue; appeasing the middle-class community in being seen to do something about crime; and bettering CoJ-SAPS relations in the area by aiding police efforts to combat drug trafficking. These suggestions should be seen in the context of the City needing to balance action and inaction, given its limited capacity and the need not to over-regulate an organically dynamic and tranformative part of Johannesburg.

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REFERENCES Beavon K (2004) Johannesburg: The Making and Shaping of the City. Pretoria: UNISA Press. Bonner P and Nieftagodien N (2001) Alexandra: A History. Johannesburg: Wits University Press. Bornman J (2015) “Cops face boot from dirty, rat infested Gauteng barracks of shame” The Sunday Times (3 April 2015). Burgess J (2016) The Road Through the Grove. Johannesburg: Redsky Publishing. Byrne L (2014a) “Rea Vaya traffic woes addressed” North Eastern Tribune (24 October 2014). Available at http:// northeasterntribune.co.za/142823/ rea-vaya-traffic-woes-addressed Byrne L (2014b) “’Refugee camp’ won’t last” North Eastern Tribune (3 December 2014). Available at http:// northeasterntribune.co.za/144571/ refugee-camp-wont-last CAHF (Centre for Affordable Housing Finance in Africa) (2015) “FLISP: Answering your questions” (1 July 2015). Available at http:// housingfinanceafrica.org/documents/ new-finance-linked-individualsubsidy-programme-flisp-values-as-of01-june-2015/ CoJ (City of Johannesburg) (2014) Louis Botha Avenue Development Corridor Strategic Area Framework. CoJ (2015) “Paterson Park Precinct Plan” (October 2015). CoJ (2016) “Grant Avenue Precinct Plan” (June 2016). CoJ (2017) “City of Johannesburg Municipal Planning Tribunal Hearing No 3” (July 2017) Cox A (2014a) “Corridor of freedom or housing nightmare?” The Star (1 July 2014). Available at http://www.iol. co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/ corridor-of-freedom-or-housingnightmare-1712657

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Interviews Cox A (2014b) “Joburg explains its Orange Grove property buying spree” The Star (18 July 2014). Available at http:// www.iolproperty.co.za/roller/news/ entry/joburg_explains_its_orange_ grove Cox A (2016) “Northern suburbs at war with Joburg council” The Star (14 June 2016). Available at http://www.iol. co.za/news/south-africa/gauteng/ northern-suburbs-at-war-with-joburgcouncil-2034686 Crime Stats SA (2016) “Precinct Norwood”. Available at http://www.crimestatssa. com/precinct.php?id=247 Giokos H (2016) “Patterson Park development a worry for residents” North Eastern Tribune (3 February 2016). Available at http:// northeasterntribune.co.za/172501/ patterson-park-development-a-worryfor-residents/ Howie A (2015) “Xenophobia hits the streets of Orange Grove” North Eastern Tribune (13 March 2015). Available at http://northeasterntribune. co.za/149727/xenophobia-hits-thestreets-of-orange-grove IEC (Independent Electoral Commission) (2016) “Local General Election Results, Ward 73, Johannesburg”. Available at http://www.elections.org.za/content/ Elections/Municipal-elections-results Johannesburg Social Housing Company (JOSHCO) (2017)“JOSCHO History”. Available at http://www.joshco. co.za/?page_id=2182 Kihato C W (2009) “Migration, Gender and Urbanisation in Johannesburg” Sociology PhD thesis, University of South Africa (UNISA). Love Norwood (2016a) “Beware of unscrupulous estate agents” (13 September 2016). Available at http:// www.lovenorwood.com/news/ Love Norwood (2016b) “Paterson Park Development”. Available at http://www.lovenorwood. com/news/norwood-s-parks/ paterson-park

Rea Vaya (2014) “Orange Grove business owners upbeat about Rea Vaya” (10 December 2014). Available at http:// www.reavaya.org.za/news-archive/ dec-2014/1122-orange-grovebusiness-owners-upbeat-about-reavaya Scheidegger U (2015) Transformation from Below? White Suburbia in the Transformation of Apartheid South Africa to Democracy. Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien. Stats SA (Statistics South Africa) (2011) “City of Johannesburg Municipality”. Available at http://www.statssa. gov.za/?page_id=1021&id=city-ofjohannesburg-municipality

Chadwick, Roger. Chairperson, OGRA and Blue Rhino Consultant to JPC. Interview with author (31 October 2016). David. Homeless resident in Norwood. Interview with author (18 August 2016). Furniture storeowner. Interview with author (2 September 2016). Hutton, Noel. Blue Rhino Design Consultant to JPC. Interview with author (31 October 2016). Internet café owner. Interview with author (2 September 2016). Jackson, Matt. Development Facilitation Manager, JDA. Interview with author (29 July 2016).

Usher H J (1973) “The Story of Little Italy” The Star (8 October 1973).

James. Homeless resident in Norwood. Interview with author (18 August 2016).

Zilibokwe N (2016a) “Three cars stolen at Norwood Police Barracks” North Eastern Tribune (15 March 2016). Available at http:// northeasterntribune.co.za/175840/ three-cars-stolen-at-norwood-policebarracks

John. Homeless resident in Norwood. Interview with author (18 August 2016).

Zilibokwe N (2016b) “Rubble nightmare finally over in Orange Grove” North Eastern Tribune (26 April 2016). Available at http:// northeasterntribune.co.za/178811/ rubble-nightmare-finally-over-inorange-grove Zilibokwe N (2016c) “Love Norwood Day Returns to Joburg” North Eastern Tribune (25 July 2016). Available at http://northeasterntribune. co.za/186576/love-norwood-dayreturns-to-joburg Zulu N (2012) “Spatial Transformations and Identities in New Immigrant Spaces” Unpublished manuscript.

Laserson, Marion. OGRA member. Interview with author (31 October 2016) Masuku, Ayanda. Strategic Planning Department, CoJ. Interview with author (12 August 2016). McDougall, Brett. Chairperson, NORA. Interview with author (21 August 2016). Pedestrian 1. Interview with author (Johannesburg, 2 September 2016). Pedestrian 2. Interview with author (Johannesburg, 2 September 2016). Pedestrian 3. Interview with author (Johannesburg, 2 September 2016). Ravid-Bloom, Marcelle. Former ward councillor for Ward 74. Interview with author (13 August 2016). Robert. Homeless resident. Interview with author (Johannesburg, 18 August 2016). Supermarket owner. Interview with author (2 September 2016). William. Homeless resident. Interview with author (Johannesburg, 18 August 2016).

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