ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society.
Volume2016 3 Issue 2 September 2018 Salvation Army Historical The Australasian2016 Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 1 Issue 2Special September Symposium Edition
Edition
Call for Papers The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history. The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications for The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society and seeks to increase the knowledge and promote the interest of Salvation Army history and understanding of its development. The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theological development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.
Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be welcome. Where possible, primary sources should be used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction. All articles contributed must be original, the contributor's own work and referenced throughout. Articles previously published in either Army or non-Army publications will be considered on a case-by-case basis. Interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via e-mail at AJSAHistory@gmail.com. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in the cover letter or simply put ‘Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box if submitting by e-mail. AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 4, Iss. 1. The online publication date is March 2019. Submission deadline: 30 January 2019. For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at AJSAHistory@gmail.com
Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History
© The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2018 Cross & Crown Publications for The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society Cross & Crown Publications PO Box 998 Mt Gravatt Qld 4122 Australia web address: http://salvos.org.au/historicalsociety/ ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online)
Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. A white crest of The Salvation Army. The picture is from the symposium and shows in the foreground two girls sharing a story and background, (top left then clock wise) William Booth, Evangeline Booth, a S.A. sign from the USA, the Army Citadel in Burra Burra, South Australia, The S.A. crest and. Bramwell Booth, The theme from the Symposium appears at the top.
Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel Peer Review and Editorial Team Dr. David Malcolm Bennett Major Donna Bryan Mr Lindsay Cox Major Kingsley Sampson Major David Woodbury
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was formed in 2016 and is prepared by a group of volunteers made up from members of Salvation Army historical groups in Australia and New Zealand as well as others who are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army history. It is produced by The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society in conjunction with Australia Southern and New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Salvation Army territories.
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THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY VOLUME 3 ISSUE 2 2018 Editorial Note Welcome to the sixth issue (volume 3, Issue 2) of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History (AJSAH). This issue constitutes the record of the Symposium Proceedings of The Salvation Army Historical Symposium held at Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia from 27 to 29 July 2018. All the papers in the first section link to the theme of the Symposium “History: A collection of memories or a collective myth”. Additional papers are also included in the latter section of this issue. Although they were not presented at the symposium they either directly link to the theme or are included due to upcoming historical events. Presenters at this year’s symposium represented New South Wales, Queensland, New Zealand and the United States of America. The authors of the additional papers, represent Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom. They are illustrative of the international interest in the journal. The first paper in this issue contains the introduction to the symposium and an overview of the weekend. It reports on the events and covers the presentations as well as the feedback from some of the people who attended. The second paper is the keynote address from the Friday night of the symposium. Commissioner James Condon discusses memories and myths while encouraging people to use history to help change the future. It is exciting to see the very first poster presentation submitted to this journal. This is a developing academic genre and we thank Major Keith Hampton for using this genre in his paper to unpack the process he used when writing his book, The Eva Burrows leads the way. A quantitative historical analysis is presented by Major Cecil (Cec) Woodward, who investigates statistical differences in the years 1975 and 2015. This paper, in part grew out of an evaluation of administration numbers by Bramwell Booth during 1895. From his transcription of Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Dr. David Malcolm Bennett reveals new information about the Booth family. With the centenary of the end of hostilities on 11 November this year, a number of papers have been presented with a focus on the work of The Salvation Army during World War One. The first of these is from Major Kingsley Sampson. This paper investigates New Zealand Salvation Army officers who served as chaplains during the conflict and who also had connections with Australia. The second paper focused on WW1 is from Nanci Gasiel. Gasiel questions the story that the first doughnuts were cooked by Salvationists in a soldier’s helmet.
With the focus on the Federation era of Australia, the paper by Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere questions the myth that Booth’s Army only attracted the poorer classes. Broadbere uses Alfred Deakin as an historical case study to investigate this myth. Garth R. Hentzschel presents the next two papers. First, he investigates the claim that there is an historical root of the current community focus in the Army. Second, the original ‘war songs’ of the Army are analysed to identify the identity portrayed in songs. The third paper with a focus on WW1, outlines the broad range of activities the Army contributed to throughout the conflict. This paper comes out of information collected for an up and coming book and was the Saturday night presentation at the symposium. The final paper included from the symposium was the summation paper. Garth R. Hentzschel outlines the need and process of discernment when working with the history of The Salvation Army. As in other issues of the AJSAH, there are a number of papers included to assist readers of Army history. Meet the author and book reviews act as a division in the issue between papers presented at the symposium and others submitted. Meet the author introduces R. G. Moyles and outlines his life and works. One of the two books reviewed is one of Moyles’ lesser known works, while the second review covers the book launched during the symposium. There is also a list of other resources available for interested people. The second section of this issue commences with an update of an earlier paper on orders and medals of the Army by Glenn Horridge. Next Woodward discusses the question around William Booth’s final sermon, “I’ll fight”. The fourth paper on WW1, from Lindsay Cox introduces Australian Salvation Army chaplains from that conflict. It and the other papers focused on this conflict act as a commemoration of the centenary of hostilities. The final paper in this issue is developed from notes used by Professor Norman H. Murdoch in a talk given in New Zealand in 2005. Murdoch explains his theory on ways in which history is developed. As in other issues there are calls from researchers requesting assistance for information. Finally, there are comments and feedback about previous issues of the AJSAH. I would like to thank the presenters and the other people who attended the symposium. Thank you too for the peer review and editorial group who work hard to ensure accuracy and clarity in all the papers published. We hope you enjoy this issue. Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel
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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History
Title/Author
CONTENTS
Vol. 3 Iss. 2
Title/Author
Page
Editorial note Garth R. Hentzschel
3
Contents
4
Contributors
5
Introduction and report from The Salvation Army Historical Symposium 2018 Garth R. Hentzschel 6 Keynote address: History shaping our future James Condon
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The story behind The Eva Burrows leads the way Keith Hampton 30 Human resource development as organisational strategy for mission: A comparison of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory human resource deployment, 1975 and 2015. Cecil (Cec) Woodward 35 Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Sarah and John Mumford David Malcolm Bennett 47 OZKIS, Stories of Salvation Army officers with Australian connections who served as New Zealand military chaplains in the First World War Kingsley Sampson 61 WW1 Doughnut fact and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet Nanci Gasiel 71 Alfred Deakin, Australian federation and William Booth’s Salvation Army Robert (Bob) Broadbere 92 An historical investigation into the myth of The Salvation Army as a “community of believers” and the death of in·di·vid·u·al·ism Garth R. Hentzschel 108
Page
Salvation Army ‘war songs’ and the formation of identity. Garth R. Hentzschel 133 Lest We Forget - A Tribute to Salvation Army Service in the First World War Kingsley Sampson
153
History: A collection of memories or a collective myth? The need for discernment in investigating the history of The Salvation Army. Garth R. Hentzschel 163 Meet the author – R. G. Moyles R. G. Moyles
179
Book Review – They took up their cross No.2 A devoted hardship, To humble triumph Reviewed by Robert (Bob) Broadbere 183 Book Review – Exploring Salvation Army history. A discovery of discoveries. Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 184 Resources and request for information
186
New resources
187
Push The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 188 Salvation Army orders and medals: Newly identified Life-Saving medal Glenn Horridge
189
“I’ll fight” – William Booth’s final address. Memory or myth? Cecil (Cec) Woodward
191
Australian Salvationist military chaplains in France during WWI Lindsay Cox 196 Inventing Salvation Army history: Examining historical method in the light of experience. Norman H. Murdoch
207
Request for information to assist with research 211 Review, comments, feedback and letter to the editor on the AJSAH on Volume 3, Issue 1 212
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Contributors - Vol. 3 Iss. 2 Dr. David Malcolm Bennett is a Christian researcher and writer based in Brisbane who has the gift of doing quality historical research and presenting it in a readable form. He has written two biographies of William Booth: William Booth and his Salvation Army (Even Before Publishing) and The General: William Booth (2 vols. Xulon Press). He is also the editor of The Letters of William and Catherine Booth and of The Diary and Reminiscences of Catherine Booth. His other books include The Altar Call: Its Origins and Present Usage (his MTh thesis, awarded with merit) in 2000 and The Origins of Left Behind Eschatology (his PhD thesis) in 2010. One of Bennett’s latest books is John Wesley: The man, his mission and his message (Rhiza Press). He is contributor and a member of the peer review team for The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History. Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere is a retired Salvation Army Officer living in the Sydney. He and his wife, Christine, have a ministry mentoring the students from the Hurstville Chinese Corps. In retirement his initial interest focused on his Henry Lawson collection. Broadbere’s unpublished works include: Exploring Henry Lawson; From Coffee Palace to Peoples’ Palace (A history of Peoples Palaces in Australia and New Zealand); The Halabulah Man – the story of a Cockney Salvationist who founded the Aboriginal mission in Warburton (WA); and Tingha – The tin industry. His most recent presentation was; Through the Ages – A history of aged care in the Australian Eastern Territory to the Sydney Chapter of the Historical Society. Broadbere retired in 2003 after 43 years’ service with The Salvation Army. Commissioner James Condon is a retired officer of The Salvation Army officer after serving more than 46 years. He has served in a variety of Corps and Headquarters leadership roles in Australia, Papua New Guinea and the United Kingdom. In Headquarters, Condon served in Public Relations and Fundraising, Church Growth Consultant, on the staff of the college for officer training and as Divisional Commander of the Newcastle and Central NSW and the South Queensland Divisions At the International Headquarters, London, Condon held the position of International Secretary for South Pacific and East Asia zone. He was appointed Commissioner for Eastern Australia in 2011. Condon is an active member of Rotary and is a Paul Harris Fellow. He is married to Jan. They have 2 daughters and 4 grandchildren. He loves spending time with his family. Lindsay Cox is the Territorial Archivist for the Australia Southern Territory. His original interest in history was in the field of imperial German militaria and colonial military. Cox led a group of people in interviewing returned services personal and their experience with The Salvation Army during WWII. He helped design the current Army heritage centre in Melbourne and conducts many visits to groups for displaying and talking about Army history. Cox’s publications include: The galloping guns of Rupertswood and Werribee Park; illustrator for Fire a folly, Fire another folly and Banned for life. He is currently working on a book about The Salvation Army’s work during military conflict. Nanci Gasiel has been involved in the field of history for 30 years. At age 12 a visit to a local open-air museum provided a transformative experience and established a life-long love of museums, history and learning. She has served as the Historical Museum Director of The Salvation Army USA Central Territory Historical Museum since December 2015. Gasiel has previously held positions in the museum and fundraising fields. She holds a MA in History with emphasis in Public History from the University of Illinois at Springfield and a BA in History and Political Science from Culver-Stockton College. She enjoys historical re-enacting and living history. She has recently
developed a passion for cycling. Gasiel lives in a suburb of Chicago, IL, USA with her husband, four cats and a goldfish. Major Keith Hampton became a Salvation Army Officer in 1976. Prior to officership he was a compositor and computer-typesetter with an interest in graphic design and typography. Hampton’s appointments as an officer have been varied both in New Zealand and Australia, on DHQ, THQ and as a Corps Officer. Currently he is the Corps Officer at Redcliffe City Corps, enjoying serving the local community. Along with his writing, Hampton is a singer, song writer with publications in The Musician and his book, The Eva Burrows leads the way. A more recent musical work Holiness Within has been arranged for brass bands and awaiting publication. Hampton is married to Ruth who have two grown up children and three grandchildren. Garth R. Hentzschel is currently studying for a PhD in Salvation Army history. He has been a lecturer, course coordinator, Professional Experience Program Coordinator and acting dean in the area of Social Sciences, Education and Humanities in a private tertiary education provider. He has degrees in education, leadership and counselling (BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]). Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown Publications, president of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter and series editor of They took up their cross. He has published works and presented papers on school chaplaincy, education and Salvation Army history. Publications include; The Devil’s Army (2006), With A Smile and A Cuppa (2007), The Bag Hut Tabernacle (2012), contributions to the history magazine, Hallelujah! the Bulletin of The Methodist Historical Society of Ireland and AJSAH. Dr Glenn K Horridge is a teacher in Westminster, London with degrees in education and history (BA [Hons], PGCE, NPQH). He co-established both the SA Historical and Philatelic Association of which he is Chairman and also Abernant Publishing. He has written a number of books on different subjects, the latest of which is The Toll of War, Christ College Brecon 1914-1918. Horridge divides his time between London and his home in Wales where he is currently converting a barn into a museum and study centre for Salvation Army history. Professor R. Gordon Moyles, PhD, FRSC, is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. Moyles has written more than twenty books, but in his retirement, has concentrated solely on the history of The Salvation Army. He is an active member of The Salvation Army and lives in retirement in Edmonton. Major Kingsley Sampson is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Christchurch, New Zealand. As well as Salvation Army history, his retirement interests include travel, gardening, reading, cycling in summer and researching the history of his forebears. He has qualifications in history, theology and education. Apart from two corps appointments in New Zealand in the 1980s, most of his officer service was in education and education administration roles in New Zealand and Zambia. This included sixteen years on the staff of Booth College of Mission, Upper Hutt. Kingsley was a writer and sub-editor of the Hallelujah Magazine and is a writer and member of the peer review team for The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History. Major Cecil Woodward served 45 years as an officer of The Salvation Army, the majority in South East Queensland. Thirty-one of those years were at either social centres or divisional and territorial social appointments. This provided opportunities to contribute to various Salvation Army publications and to represent the Army at national and international events. He holds a Social Work degree, Master of Social Welfare – Administration and Planning, and Master of Business Administration. He is currently a member of the Moral and Social Issues Council, a Director of Salvos Housing and a member of the corps leadership team, Caloundra.
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 5
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Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall
The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 6 The theme of The Salvation Army Historical Symposium 2018 displayed across the front of the Maroochydore Salvation Army Citadel. Created by Major Glenda Hentzschel.1
INTRODUCTION AND REPORT FROM THE SALVATION ARMY HISTORICAL SYMPOSIUM 2018 Garth R. Hentzschel Introduction The verbal and written feedback as well as communication received since the conclusion of the symposium all give evidence to the success of the event. This paper acts as an overview and report on the symposium and includes the introduction briefing notes from the Friday evening. This event was the 3rd Salvation Army Historical Symposium held and the second time at The Salvation Army Maroochydore. This event was again hosted by The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter and as The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History acts as the publisher of the Symposium Proceedings, this publication also co-hosted the event for the first time. Including the symposium, the Society holds four public meetings per year. Public lectures are given on a variety of topics, while other events have included heritage walks, bus trips, and musical programs. It also has special projects of indexing Australian Salvation Army publications and recording and writing life stories of Salvationists through the series, They took up their cross. One of these books was launched on the Saturday of the symposium. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History has seen new research published on a variety of topics relating to Salvation Army history. Papers appear in the journal from authors residing in Canada, United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia. Authors have a range of backgrounds, from academics to students, historians to journalists as well as Salvationists and non-Salvationists. The journal has been referenced in other academic publications and is in the required readings list for units at the Booth University College and Tyndale Seminary, Canada. Its readership extends to North and South America, Europe, United Kingdom and throughout the Pacific. Overview of the Symposium Friday evening introductory notes The aim of this symposium was to add to the discussion and research on all areas relating to the history of The Salvation Army. The theme for the weekend, “History: a collection of memories or a collective myth?” was developed from two sources. The first section of the theme grew out of a quote from a Salvation Army General, Frederick Coutts who wrote; …history is to a community what memory is to an individual. Without memory I would be an ‘unperson’, unable to say whence I came or whither I was bound. History enables a community – whether an entire nation or a section of a nation – to place itself in relation to its own past, its present opportunities and its future prospects.2 Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “Introduction and report from The Salvation Army Historical Symposium 2018”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 6 – 23. 2 Frederick Coutts, In Good Company, (London, UK: Salvationists Publishing & Supplies,1980), 71.
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In this way history could be seen as a collection of memories, However, historians need to be aware that there could be a danger if people forget, or their memories are biased.
General Frederick Coutts.3
The second section of the theme was based on a quotation from Napoleon Bonaparte, who was reputed to have stated that; “History is a set of lies agreed upon.”4 Curthoys and Docker argued that myths and fiction have their place in the understanding of history.5 I think however historians and the readers of history should know the difference between memory and myth and challenge both. It was hoped that this theme made us think and challenge all we know throughout the weekend. Herbert Butterfield, an historian who wrote much on the nature of a Christian understanding of history lamented; Holy people, much as we may love them, can be quite exasperating for the historian, not (I think) because they fabricate untruths, but perhaps rather because they do not know how to distrust other people’s reporting, and do not go far enough in analysing and questioning even their own impressions of things.6
The Christian and specifically the Christian historian therefore should question, analyse and search for truth and meaning of the events of the past. This is not always accepted in the postmodern era, yet a Salvationist author from the past challenges us to go deeper with the idea of truth. Catherine Baird espoused that truth, from a Christian worldview should be more than just the elimination of falsehood. She wrote; In the New Testament the word truth means more than merely true as opposed to untrue. It means genuine as opposed to spurious, perfect as opposed to imperfect. It is the property of substance as opposed to shadow.7
Therefore, through the investigation of this weekend’s theme, we hope the search for truth will continue either through the investigations of memories or dispelling or understanding myths.
3
Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army. Napoleon Bonaparte quoting Fontanelle, cited in John Scales Avery, Collected Essays Part 1, (Sparsnäs, Sweden: Irene Publishing, 2016), 208. 5 Ann Curthoys and John Docker, Is History Fiction? (2nd ed), (Australia: University of New South Wales Press, 2010). 6 Herbert Butterfield and C. T. McIntire (ed.), Writings on Christianity and history, (New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1979), 99. 7 Catherine Baird, Evidence of the unseen: A book of meditations, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1956), 60. 4
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Catherine Baird.8
It was also hoped that the Symposium would help The Salvation Army, in the words of Coutts, “to place itself in relation to its own past, its present opportunities and its future prospects.”9 The Friday evening official opening of the symposium by The Honourable Fiona Simpson MP The Honourable Fiona Simpson was the special guest who officially opened the symposium. She is the local State Member for Maroochydore and the Shadow Minister for Employment and Small Business, and the Shadow Minister for Training and Skills Development.10 Simpson grew up on the Sunshine Coast and addition to a Bachelor of Arts in Japanese language, Journalism and Government, she has post graduate management qualifications, including a Masters in Organizational Leadership. Simpson is a graduate from the Australian Institute of Company Directors and has undertaken an executive leadership course with John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard. After receiving awards for her journalistic skills, she was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1992. Simpson served in shadow portfolios such as Health, Transport, Main Roads, Tourism, Women, Communities, Housing, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Partnerships and Multicultural Affairs. After the 2012 election Simpson was elected to the position of Speaker, making her the Queensland Parliament’s first female Speaker. She was also the Deputy Leader of the National Party, a position she voluntarily relinquished to assist this party combine with the Liberal Party to form the LNP. In 2013 Simpson was honoured to be included in the Queensland Young Women’s Christian Association’s list of 125 Leading Women. After the last State Election, she was appointed to her current Shadow ministries. She is patron of about 20 organisations and has helped secure funding for many volunteer groups. 11 Simpson talked about two Christian women who had influence over the developing Queensland Colony. Firstly, when Simpson was speaker of the house she noticed two texts from the book of Psalms woven into the stained-glass windows adorning the stairwell of the Queensland House of Parliament. The texts were from Psalm 127:1 (KJV) and stated: Except the Lord build the house, they labour but in vain that build it:
8
Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army. Coutts, In Good Company, 71. 10 Fiona Simpson website, (Maroochydore, 2018), https://www.fionasimpson.com.au/ accessed 25 July 2018. 11 “About Fiona & Her Achievements”, Fiona Simpson website, (Maroochydore, 2018), https://www.fionasimpson.com.au/about-fiona/ accessed 25 July 2018. 9
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Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain.
In time she learned “that this text was chosen by Mrs Elizabeth Emily O’Connell (nee le Geyt), who was the wife of Sir Maurice Charles O’Connell, the second President of the Legislative Council.”12 Simpson was happy that such a text reminded the leaders of the state about where the foundation of power should be placed. Simpson then spoke briefly about Mary McConnel, who seeing the need for sick children in Brisbane rented a building, hired a nurse and matron from England and commenced what became the Royal Children’s Hospital. In 2014 it joined with the Mater Children’s Hospital to become the Lady Cilento Children’s Hospital. The hospital is the primary medical caregiver for children throughout Queensland and northern New South Wales. Simpson stated that such stories could easily be forgotten, however she believed that by researching, and retelling stories about such people, we “reignite the light of their witness”. After Simpson officially opened the symposium and offered an opening prayer, she was made an honorary member of the Brisbane Chapter of the Historical Society.
Major Glenda Hentzschel (Secretary, Brisbane Chapter) presents the Hon. Fiona Simpson with flowers and an honorary membership badge of the Society as Garth R. Hentzschel (President, Brisbane Chapter) looks on.13
After the official opening, Robert Marshall (Treasurer, Brisbane Chapter) introduced the keynote speaker, Commissioner James Condon and the topic of his address, “History Shaping our Future”.14 Condon talked about memories and myths. He outlined the importance of personal and organisational memories and the need to search for truth to clear away myths. By doing this, he argued would help us move forward to the future. The evening was concluded in a time of questions, supper and fellowship.
“Entrance and staircase”, Queensland Parliament, (Queensland, 2011), http://www.parliament.qld.gov.au/explore/history/parliament-house/inside-parliament-house/entrance-staircase accessed 6 August 2018. 13 Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. 14 James Condon, “Keynote address: History shaping our future.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 24 – 29. 12
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Commissioner James Condon presents the keynote address15
Countries and regions from which apologies were received for the symposium Apologies for inability to attend the symposium were received from people in the following countries around the world: the United Kingdom, the United States of America, New Zealand, Sweden, Germany, and throughout Australia; New South Wales, Victoria and parts of Queensland. Changes to the symposium Those who attended the previous two symposiums would have noticed a few small differences during the 2018 event. The changes were made from feedback received after the last symposium. These changes included shorter presentation times, a dedicated question time after each presentation and songs throughout the Saturday program. It is interesting to note that it was the first time the symposium appeared on The Salvation Army’s Territorial calendar, which I think shows the importance of such an event in the life and development of the movement. As with the previous symposium there was a bookshop where new and second-hand books relating to The Salvation Army were sold including some written by the presenters. The bookstall was again successfully run by Belinda Youssef and this year assisted by Corbin and Torrance Easton.
A selection of the books from the bookstall.16 15 16
Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall.
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The registration process was again successfully organised by Major Kevin Hentzschel who this year was assisted by Robert Marshall and Irene Simon. Names of those registered were checked off at the door and late registrations were also received. Saturday at the symposium The Saturday of the symposium was a very full program. The committee members of the Brisbane Chapter introduced each of the presenters and chaired the question times. Songs were also sung between each presentation which formed part of one of the papers. Meg Johnson (Maroochydore, Qld.) assisted on the piano throughout the day. Presenters represented Australia, New Zealand and for the first time at a symposium, the United States of America. The following is a brief overview of the Saturday program. The day commenced with a briefing of the protocols for the day and a short time of fellowship. Precisely at 8:55am the song The Christian Mission17 was sung. Major Cecil Woodward (Member at Large, Brisbane Chapter) then introduced Major Keith Hampton (Redcliffe, Qld.), who spoke on “The story behind The Eva Burrows Leads the Way”, the book he wrote on the tugboat named after General Burrows.18 In the paper he outlined the process of writing the book and also related the fact that Burrows was at first not keen about receiving such an honour. When she learned that the tug was a rescue tug, she accepted the honour.19 After a number of questions to Hampton about working with General Burrows, the song Stand up for Jesus20 was sung.
Major Keith Hampton, one of the presenters at the symposium.21
For session two, Don Ford (Member at Large, Brisbane Chapter) introduced Major Cecil (Cec) Woodward (Caloundra, Qld.). Woodward’s paper was titled “Realigning organisational structures through officer deployment - A comparative analysis of changes in the Australia Eastern Territory 17
In William Booth (Compiler), Salvation Army Music, with supplementary tunes, (London, UK: Salvation Army Book Stores & S. W. Partridge & CO., c1882), 309, No. 478. 18 Keith Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, Emergency response tug boat, (Canberra, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1992). 19 Keith Hampton, “The story behind The Eva Burrows leads the way”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 30 – 34. 20 Booth, Salvation Army Music, 98 – 99, No. 147. 21 Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall.
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between 1975 and 2015.”22 From the Disposition of forces, the paper questioned the myth that there had been an increase in officers serving in headquarters than on the field. This topic generated a large number of questions. Following on from Woodward’s paper, the song The Christian Mission warsong23 was sung before the morning tea and fellowship was shared by the delegates and presenters of the symposium. Soldiers of the Maroochydore Corps Val Cash and Trish Ross assisted with the preparation of the morning, afternoon teas and suppers, while another person from the corps, Debbie Robbie ran the sound desk. Other members of the corps and committee members of the Historical Society assisted in making cakes and other food for the weekend. All who attended were well satisfied with the service.
Trish Ross and Val Cash receiving a gift of thanks from Garth Hentzschel for their work in the kitchen throughout the weekend.24
Rachel Hentzschel (Special Projects Coordinator, Brisbane Chapter) introduced Dr. David Malcolm Bennett (Brisbane, Qld.), who presented two papers on “Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Sarah and John Mumford” in sessions three and eight. These papers were developed from Bennett’s work on the letters. He received copies of the documents from the British Library and is about to publish his transcripts of these papers which, as his papers revealed, will add to the knowledge of Catherine, ‘the Mother of The Salvation Army’.25 After a series of questions were discussed on the difficulties of transcribing such documents, the song A soldier of the cross26 was sung. Session four saw Major Glenda Hentzschel (Secretary, Brisbane Chapter) introduce the first of the international speakers, Major Kingsley Sampson (New Zealand). Sampson presented “OZKIS, 22
The title and focus of this paper was altered after the questions asked after the paper and the peer review process. Cecil Woodward, “Human resource deployment as organisational strategy for mission: A comparison of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory officer deployment, 1975 and 2015”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 35 – 46. 23 Booth, Salvation Army Music, 5, No. 7. 24 Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. 25 David Malcolm Bennett, “Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Sarah and John Mumford.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 47 – 60. 26 Booth, Salvation Army Music, 37, No. 56.
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Stories of Australian Salvation Army Officers who Served as New Zealand Chaplains in the First World War”.27 The paper followed the service of New Zealand Salvation Army officers who served overseas as military chaplains in the First World War and had Australian connections. A part of Sampson’s paper was the singing of Peace is mine28 a chorus to the tune of a Māori canoe song with the words written by May Bladin, whose husband served during WW1. After Sampson’s paper, two versions of Stand like the brave was sung, the first words from 1882,29 the second with the words from 1900.30
Presenters of The Salvation Army Symposium, 2018. (LtoR) Major Kingsley Sampson, Garth R. Hentzschel, Nanci Gasiel, Dr. David Malcolm Bennett, Major Cecil (Cec) Woodward, Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere, Commissioner James Condon (Major Keith Hampton missing from photo)31
Robert Marshall (Treasurer, Brisbane Chapter) introduced the second international presenter, Nanci Gasiel (USA) for session five. Gasiel is The Salvation Army museum director for the USA Central Territory and gave a paper entitled, “Doughnut Fact and Fiction: The Myth of the Doughnut Helmet”.32 Her paper unpacked the myth that the first donuts cooked by Salvationists in WW1 used a soldier’s helmet to fry the food. Following the paper, Sound the battle cry33 was sung as another example of ‘war songs’ of the early Salvation Army. Kingsley Sampson, “OZKIS. Stories of Salvation Army officers with Australia connections who served as New Zealand military chaplains in the First World War”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 61 – 70. 28 General of The Salvation Army, The tune book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1987), Chorus Section, No. 196. 29 In Booth, Salvation Army Music, 65, No. 96. 30 In William Booth, The Salvation Army Music, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1900), 184, No. 187 31 Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. 32 Nanci Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 71 – 91. 33 In Booth, Salvation Army Music, 75, No. 111. 27
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Before lunch there was a special time of dedication for new publications. The new book in the series of They took up their cross, No. 2 - A devoted hardship, To humble triumph - George Herbert (Bert) Knowles by Major Heather Drew was launched. Sadly, Drew was in hospital due to an accident overseas and could not attend. Bennett then spoke about his upcoming publication of Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents. Sampson told of the upcoming publication of the book on New Zealand Salvationists’ work through WW1. The information on how to order these will appear later in this issue of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History. Major Bob Broadbere (Sydney) then prayed a prayer of dedication over all three publications. After a lunch break, the afternoon continued with more presentation of papers. Major Bob Broadbere (Sydney) was introduced by Major Cec Woodward (Member at Large, Brisbane Chapter). Broadbere presented “Alfred Deakin, Australian Federation and William Booth’s Salvation Army” which used Deakin as a historical case study against the myth that Booth only aimed to work with the poor and outcast.34 After the paper was presented, I’m a soldier35 was sung by the delegates. The speaker for session seven, Garth R. Hentzschel (Brisbane, Qld.) was introduced by Don Ford (Member at Large, Brisbane Chapter). Hentzschel presented “An historical investigation into the myth of The Salvation Army as a ‘community of believers’ and the death of in·di·vid·u·al·ism” which dispelled the myth found in current Army literature that William Booth and the early Army were against individualism.36 The paper encouraged a great deal of discussion, especially in light of Army operations in non-western countries. Following the paper, the audience sang We’ll be heroes,37 then had fellowship over afternoon tea. Bennett presented the second paper on Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents. Then the final ‘war song’ for the day, Awake, Happy song38 was sung before the paper connected to these songs was presented. Major Glenda Hentzschel (Secretary, Brisbane Chapter) introduced the presenter for session nine, Garth R. Hentzschel who thanked the pianist, Meg Johnson for her valuable assistance in accompanying all the ‘war songs’ of The Salvation Army and other items. The paper, “Salvation Army ‘war songs’ and the formation of identity”, used the songs sung throughout the day to show how the first tune book of the Army helped Salvationists to know who they were and what they needed to do.39 Session ten, the final session for the day was an “International Salvation Army history panel” formed for the first time at a symposium. The panellists were; Dr. David Malcolm Bennett (Australia), Major Kingsley Sampson (New Zealand), and Nanci Gasiel (United States of America). The panel was chaired by Garth R. Hentzschel (Australia) who outlined the questions that had previously been supplied. Due to time, not all questions were able to be discussed. Questions that were discussed are Robert (Bob) Broadbere, “Alfred Deakin, Australian federation and William Booth’s Salvation Army.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 92 – 107. 35 In Booth, Salvation Army Music, 342, No. 525. 36 Garth R. Hentzschel, “A historical investigation into the myth of The Salvation Army as a community of believers and the death of in·di·vid·u·al·ism”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 108 – 132. 37 In Booth, Salvation Army Music, 238, No. 364. 38 In Booth, Salvation Army Music,103, No. 153. 39 Garth R. Hentzschel, “Salvation Army war songs’ and the formation of identity”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 133 – 152. 34
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as follows and there is no doubt that, in time sections of the discussion will find its way into later research papers in The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History; •
• • •
•
What name appeared in the envelope Bramwell Booth wrote to select his successor? What do you think would have happened to the Army if that person had become General?” or “Would that person have made a good General? What could the genre of alternative history teach The Salvation Army? What is the story behind the name/term ‘others’ used by The Salvation Army? There is evidence that The Christian Mission had stations in Scotland and the USA, Mission converts ministered in New Zealand and Australia and that there were earlier works in many countries around the world. Why are these not often researched and what could such research teach the current Army? Reading Army history there is a great deal of emphasis on North America, specifically the USA. Why is this the case and what does it say about the Army?
The section of the paper presentations was then concluded and the symposium broke for dinner and to prepare for the Saturday evening entertainment. Saturday evening entertainment at the symposium The Saturday evening entertainment was a presentation of song, story and music by Majors Kingsley and Barbara Sampson, New Zealand. The evening was titled “Lest We Forget - A Tribute to Salvation Army Service in the First World War”.40
Majors Kingsley and Barbara Sampson presenting “Lest We Forget - A Tribute to Salvation Army Service in the First World War”41
A brass band was formed for the evening and represented Salvation Army corps from: Queensland; Maroochydore, Redcliffe, Fassifern, Stafford, and New South Wales, Shellharbour. This band opened the evening by playing tunes from the era of World War One and added to the presentation by accompanying hymns at the end. Johnson also played the popular songs of the time on the piano such as, “A long way to Tipperary” and others. The Sampsons told the stories of Salvationists who served in the war through pictures, documents and videos. Kingsley Sampson, “Lest we forget. A tribute to Salvation Army service in the First World War.”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 153 – 162. 41 Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. 40
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The band formed from those who attended the symposium42
Sunday at the symposium Sunday morning holiness meeting was led by the Maroochydore Corps with participants of the symposium adding to the band and the congregation. The final paper by was presented by Garth R. Hentzschel, “History: A collection of memories or a collective myth? The need for discernment in investigating the history of The Salvation Army”, which outlined a number of myths and research opportunities, unpacking reasons why myths exist.43 The paper also investigated a number of worldviews currently impacting the research of Salvation Army history. Sincere thanks Finally, a weekend like this doesn’t just happen. Sincere thanks needs to be given in a number of areas: 1) Maroochydore Corps of The Salvation Army, as they opened their buildings for the weekend and generously allowed the presenters to use the technical equipment for presentations and the use of the kitchen to supply morning teas, afternoon teas and suppers; 2) Majors Glenda and Kevin Hentzschel, for making the decorations for the halls; posters of Salvation Army historical quotations, the symposium’s theme and posters on the front wall of the hall; 3) Major Kevin Hentzschel, Robert Marshall and Rachel Hentzschel for preparation of the halls; 4) Major Kevin Hentzschel, Robert Marshal and Irene Simon for looking after the registration table; 5) Members of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter and especially the committee, for the introduction of the presenters; 6) To all the people who presented papers in such a professional manner;
42
Photograph courtesy of Robert Marshall. Garth R. Hentzschel, “History: A collection of memories or a collective myth? The need for discernment in investigating the history of The Salvation Army”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 163 – 178. 43
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7) To all the people who attended and supported the weekend; and 8) Belinda Youssef, Corbin and Torrance Easton for running the very successful symposium book stall which sold both books written by some of the presenters and second-hand Salvation Army books. Evaluation of the symposium by delegates About 70 people were in attendance throughout the weekend, with no presentation having fewer than 40 people in attendance. The feedback of the event suggest that another Symposium is requested with the possibility that it will again be held in two years, 2020. People who attended the symposium were asked to evaluate the weekend and from this feedback, it can be stated that the weekend was a success. Following is an overview of the feedback received from the weekend. People in the symposium were asked to give an overall satisfaction rating. The results were: 1.Very Satisfied 2. Somewhat Satisfied 3. Neither satisfied nor dissatisfied 4. Somewhat Dissatisfied 5. Very Dissatisfied
90% 10% 0% 0% 0%
Additional comments people made in connection with overall satisfaction: Positive comments about the symposium 1. Fantastic Weekend 2. Great weekend – I couldn’t get to all the sessions on Saturday Morning, but I heard it was great 3. In general, interesting and informative 4. I enjoyed the weekend even more than last time 2 years ago 5. Very well organised x5 6. A lot to learn for everyone 7. Overall an excellent Symposium 8. Good range of topics x3 9. Continuity in song celebration 10. Great weekend 11. The Saturday format went well 12. Timing was a lot better this year, Well Done! 13. Presentations well-presented x2 14. Very informative 15. Very good 16. Thank you for all the work that went into the preparation of the papers, excellent research 17. Invaluable information presented 18. Excellent. 19. Loved all the old “soldier” songs 20. Loved hearing what the Salvation Army has done in the past and how it related still to today 21. Loved hearing about the overseas and interstate corps 22. Thought provoking
Areas of opportunity 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
The symposium could have been longer, and would have been OK with me Attendance disappointing to share such good material and excellent presentations Power point font to be readable x3 The mike placed closer to speaker would be helpful A shame there was not more support! Garth, you work too hard.
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7. I was surprised and disappointed that the 5 Sunshine Coast Corps were not more visibly represented (Did the topics not pique their interest?)
Comments from the symposium to the wider Army 1. Will the lack of accountability NOW damage our history in the future? 2. Is what we are doing now (today) being recorded, as we are making history today? 3. What is written can it be trusted?
People who attended the symposium were asked what was most valuable about the symposium. Some of the responses were; Positive comments about the symposium 1. The unfolding of information researched by the presenters 2. Preparation put in by Garth 3. To hear that people are interested in History, I think is exciting 4. Hearing subjects explored that I knew little about 5. Meeting people 6. The effort put in by all who took part investigating the topics 7. Educational, glimpse of the love that Catherine had with her parents 8. History is so important to help know of the past, but to take us into the future 9. The Christian fellowship 10. Diversity of topics 11. Interesting how myths are formed and progressed 12. Recent research 13. Understanding truth from fiction 14. Fellowship and learning 15. The chance to hear about the research of others 16. Fine quality speakers 17. Questions and Answers x3 18. Our past x2 19. Meeting other Salvation Army Historians and history enthusiasts 20. International perspective in presentations 21. Songs 22. Depth of History we have 23. Book Stall 24. Learning new topics from past 25. Variety – topical 26. The learning of the Salvation Army that I would not hear of in normal Corps functions 27. The difference between each presenter, the depth of their knowledge, their passion to share and to educate
Areas of opportunity 1. Shame not more support, But they missed out!
To the question of, ‘What was least valuable about the symposium?’ there were twelve points given by those who attended the event; 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Lengthy biographies in lieu of more Abstract (Listed on full program) Saturday Evening – could have been a lot more interesting, than a “rehashed Anzac Day” Some issues were “in House” (inevitably) – That’s not a criticism. Everything was very valuable Too much food and I couldn’t stop myself eating Session 6 – Deakin x 6 Presenter/sound desk communication for next PP slide More people could have helped Garth. Garth and Father did most of the moving and packing. Not enough could have had a lot more x 2
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10. More time could have been given to the Donut girl 11. Nothing x 3 12. Presentation on Alfred Deakin – I couldn’t follow this at all
Using a five-point Likert scale, people at the symposium were asked to evaluate the following elements of the symposium and again the results were very positive; Good 7.3%
Quality of Information
79%
21%
Quality of Material
85%
7.5%
7.5%
Relevance of Symposium Contents
74%
7.5%
18.5%
Length of Presentations
68%
25%
7%
Poor
Very good 22.3%
Quality of presentations
Fair
Excellent 70.4%
Topic
Additional comments: varied, some were excellent, others were nominal
Additional comments: The time limit was good x 2; sometimes not long enough, some were excellent – others were nominal Venue/facilities
63%
22.2%
14.8%
Meal arrangements
63%
18.5%
11.1%
7.4%
55.5%
29.7%
3.7%
11.1%
Additional comments: Good; no arrangements Advertising i)
Additional comments: Appears to be a hard job, I was getting the advertisement OK, don’t know how you are going to do better, officers need to be involved, to help with advertising, maybe more Registration process
60%
24%
16%
Length of Symposium
64%
24%
8%
4%
Those who completed the evaluation for were asked what the most valuable topics were for them. The following is in hierarchical order from most popular to least; Comments of specific topics • • • • • • • •
Individualism/Community x 10 interesting and brought on many different ideas. People really were thinking Papers on Catherine’s letters. x 8 Biggest impact was the poor health of Catherine and all she achieved in spite of obvious handicaps War Songs x 6 Donuts x 5 Comparison of AUE 1975-2015 x 5 New Zealand War involvement x 3 OZKIS x 2 Eva Burrows tug boat x 2
General comments on topics •
All Topics x 7
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• • • • •
I liked when they made you think of the research discovered, taking things by research not by what we think happened The summing up was very interesting Everyone contributed equally William Booth Learning of the past that is so relevant for today
For the question as to where people would prefer the next Symposium to be held, the following response were given; Same location • • • • • •
Selfishly I would name Maroochydore. But do we deserve it? A more accessible location might draw more attendees I like it at Maroochydore as it was easy for us It’s a shame though that people in Maroochydore Corps didn’t come Maroochydore x 8 Sunshine coast meets most needs x 2 Maroochydore or Caloundra
Brisbane • • • • • • •
Brisbane x 4 Just for numbers would it help being in Brisbane? Probably closer to Brisbane No preference – but wonder if a larger centre needs to be considered to try and attract a larger audience. Maybe somewhere in Brisbane Stafford – plenty of parking, shops, kitchen facilities Within the Greater Brisbane Area South of the river
Other specific locations • • • •
Stanmore House, Riverview, a place with History Toowoomba or Gold Coast could be alternative Redcliffe x 3 Stafford, north Brisbane, Bayside
Other considerations • • • • • • •
Transport (Public) to be considered Where it is easier for the majority to attend, close to airport, train and bus station, ample parking etc and accommodation I really do not know, but transport would be good – so maybe near transport No opinion- but I enjoyed the location quite a lot Anywhere In a hall with the most history behind it Close to public transport perhaps to allow others easier access to venue
The following are suggested topics or themes that people would like to have at future Symposiums and therefore areas of historical research people may like to consider;
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Specific topics • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Perhaps the beginnings of banding might have a wide appeal, e.g. Charles Fry etc Banding Musical e.g. Gowans and Larsson The Salvation Army’s arrival in Brisbane How can we get present day up to date records Leaving our traditions behind and the effects of that Titanic –were we really playing until the boat sank A regional venue such as Toowoomba, Rockhampton, Townsville could have papers related to the history of that region. Somehow would need to ensure some local commitment to be involved Composer History Processing the facts in regards to the Future “High Council It’s relevance today” Movement of the Holy Spirit What is Salvation Moral and Social issues – Changes and developments historically Collections management or museum practices session A workshop – how to care for your collection and family treasures Indigenous ministries in Australia and New Zealand More information on Australian History e.g. Corps establishment Diversity in music past and present in Salvation Army The Salvation Army caring for people and working for justice – are we still doing it? More of Catherine’s letters
General comments • • • • • • •
Leave it to the committee I actually enjoyed what you have presented. It is really where you are leading your research, as you are uncovering the issues you are bringing things to the surface. We rely on what you are all discovering I think it would depend on where the study is leading the “Historians.” Loved it all A variety range of subjects like this Symposium as well as presenters Not sure, but I really like the idea of a theme that unites the presentations. Not required, but it was a good guiding idea Anything to know more of the Salvation Army and what we do as not all of us came into it in our youth
The people who attended the symposium and completed the survey suggested the following items for future symposiums; • • • • • • • • • •
Somebody to monitor the use of microphone e.g. Question time Feature article in local newspaper Comparison of ‘Old Army” and contemporary Successes and lack of The “War Songs” might have caught on better if a group had been schooled to lead the congregation in the singing (e.g Maroochydore singers?”) Shorten Saturday’s program i.e. start later on Saturday, possibly at 10:00a.m. How can we get the message out to gather history from our past in Australia? Photo booth – dress in old uniforms Payment method for purchases Registration for catering purposes
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• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Soup or casserole for dinner – what was served in the past, at a cost – half a penny and now a gold coin donation? Training workshop – How to keep and maintain history…. How to become a Historian as a ministry Somehow (?) need to tap into interstate participation Get corps to sponsor fellowship lunch Analyse of trends – possible outcome Leave this to the committee; they know more about the History If held up coast next time, hire buses from Moonyah, or Pindari offering transport for people Have a current CO speak about relating SA history to the Corps Program – is it important? How to make/allow the congregation appreciate history, values etc. Presenters should have a remote to advance slides themselves Would love to see this grow and become more international Any interest in the symposium – travelling internationally with a local museum a historical society as co-host Australia in war e.g. New Guinea, here in Australia For the full day, that the final session follows straight after session 9 (with maybe a very short Coffee break) and then the day to finish at 7:00 p.m. I would really like to see some current officers and leaders attending and participating/speaking More variety of songs, not just ancient ones (although I do like a lot of them) I found it all too much for one weekend Introductions rehearsed better and the speakers already there so we know who you’re talking about When putting up power point text, allow time for slow readers to complete Anything about the Salvation Army that we wouldn’t know or learn from normal Corps functions. Keep it under the same leadership Eftpos machine required for book sales Hold the Symposium on a cruise
Legacy of the Symposium There are already some encouraging signs from the symposium, not only are people still talking about the event but some are also learning to question documents and historical tales. One of the attendees, Hazel Ford wrote after the event, “So many thanks for another great weekend. Now I am finding myself looking at ‘proof’ for everything I look at.”44 This has led Ford to discover discrepancies in her family tree and she has written to relatives in North America asking for clarification and proof of certain claims. Another person has been asking questions about Salvation Army sources and the relationship they hold to collecting the current ‘story’ on the Army for preserving information for future historians. Evaluation of the symposium by the Brisbane Chapter committee At the time of publication, the Brisbane Chapter committee had not yet had a meeting. The debriefing information will appear in the next issue of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History.
44
Hazel Ford to Garth R. Hentzschel, personal email (31 July 2018), ¶ 1.
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KEYNOTE ADDRESS: HISTORY SHAPING OUR FUTURE James Condon ABSTRACT So often it is easy to forget, either intentionally or unintentionally. But there are some events and/or life experiences that should never be forgotten as history is shaped by such important events and experiences. We need to keep alive the spirit of our history and our forebears as it inspires, motivates, challenges us and shapes our future. Unfortunately, as we try to remember important events and experiences, we can discover myths surrounding history and events and we need to learn how to recognise myths and to gather the truth about such events and experiences. However, some myths may always remain. But for the preservation of our history we need to present a truthful perspective of our history for the present and future generations so they can learn from it and not repeat it. History does not always have to repeat itself and we can change the future. Introduction Although it is easy to forget, there are some events that should never be forgotten. History is shaped by such events and experiences. However, as we try to remember events and experiences, we can uncover myths surrounding historical memory we need to learn how to recognise such myths and search for truth. In the preservation of our history we need to present a truthful perspective history for the present and future generations so they can learn from it. Famous people too have seen the importance of knowing history so as we do not repeat it. Winston Churchill stated, “those who fail to learn from history, are doomed to repeat it”1 and George Santayana stated, “Those who cannot remember the past are doomed to repeat it”.2 This paper will use my personal memory to unpack memory and myth in my own personal experiences. It will show that by challenging myths and using evidence, history does not always have to repeat itself and we can change the future. My personal memories There are some things I try to remember about my childhood as these events made me who I am. Some events and names I just cannot recall to mind, while others are clearly visible and remembered at a moment’s recall. Such memories are vivid: I nearly drowned at a school excursion when caught in a rip, I remember the event and the name of the boy who rescued me; my infant
Reference citation of this paper James Condon, “Keynote address: History shaping our future.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 24 – 29. 1 Winston Churchill, cited in “The lessons of history famous quotations and quotes”, (Age of the sage, Transmitting the wisdom of the ages, n.d.), ¶ 12, https://www.age-of-the-sage.org/history/quotations/lessons_of_history.html accessed 4 August 2018. 2 George Sontayana, cited in “The lessons of history famous quotations and quotes”, (Age of the sage, Transmitting the wisdom of the ages, n.d.), ¶ 9, https://www.age-of-the-sage.org/history/quotations/lessons_of_history.html accessed 4 August 2018.
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teacher’s name was Miss Oliver; and in primary school I was proficient in a boxing tent. These are some of my life events in childhood I clearly remember. There are some things we never forget. There are some things we try to remember and it becomes so frustrating when we cannot recall them. Sometimes we need sources to help remember, such as a photograph. A photo can help us recall specific places or people. There are many occasions when we do remember things from our past intentionally or unintentionally. It may have occurred one week ago or one year ago but, when we remember things, they help to shape our future actions and decisions. We try hard to hold on to the past but eventually the memories fade. The personal memories of others A classic case is the 9/11 incident in the United States of America. Most citizens of that country would say that they will never forget what happened on that morning. We would not expect that this event that changed the lives of millions of people will ever be forgotten. This tragedy and its memory have made changes in our world, the security at airports has become much more stringent, racial tensions have increased and Americans have become stronger patriots. I repeat again the quote from Santayana, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.”3 It is important that such major events are not forgotten and people will relive the outcome and effects of such tragedies as they attend memorials and share their experience with other people who have been affected, thus keeping alive the spirit of our history and our forebears. The Salvation Army history Throughout my 46 years of Salvation Army officership, I have found it most interesting when people new to The Salvation Army are given a copy of The General Next to God4 to read and how inspired they are when they read the memories of the movement in this one volume history of the Army. Let me share with you some Amazon reviews from those who have read this book about William Booth and his Salvation Army; This is a well written account of the incredibly courageous, tenacious General William Booth, founder of the Salvation Army. C. T. Studd is quoted as saying ""Some want to live within the sound of church or chapel bell; I want to run a rescue shop within a yard of hell." That sums up the life of Booth. This story is inspiring, humbling and extraordinarily interesting. Booth put his faith into hands on action during a period of great social change. In doing so he inspired an army that continues his legacy today.5
‘Betta Days’ wrote; A powerful and insightful look at the beginnings of the Salvation Army. In the 1800s, the Army was a truly radical Christian organization (as radical as any that has existed). These amazing soldiers of the Cross donned military-like uniforms, invaded the inner cities of the world, and declared holy war on sin. And not only were they sold-out and innovative in their approach to Sontayana, cited in “The lessons of history famous quotations and quotes”, ¶ 9. Richard Collier, The General Next to God: The story of William Booth and The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Collins, 1965). 5 Avid 1, “Rescue shop within a yard of hell”, The General Next to God: Story of William Booth and the Salvation Army by Richard Collier (29-Dec-1975) Paperback (Amazon, 1 May 2008), review 3, https://www.amazon.de/GeneralNext-God-Salvation-29-Dec-1975/dp/B012HUHCDI accessed 4 August 2018. 3 4
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evangelism, they also pioneered numerous social justice issues (including sex trafficking) as well.6
Susan Wied wrote: Excellent Book! The Salvation Army was on the cutting edge of women's rights, social justice, awareness and action regarding human trafficking/slavery at the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th. Their positive work is continued and felt all over the world today.7
Yes, history, the memory of things past, inspires, motivates and challenges. History shapes our future Memories of The Salvation Army history The Salvation Army in Australia hold some precious memories of service rendered, initiative to reach the population with the gospel of Jesus or honours bestowed. By way of illustration there is; The world’s first multi-media presentation – 1900 Operating from 1897 to 1910, The Salvation Army Limelight Department was Australia’s first film production company.8 Among its many achievements, the Limelight Department is credited with producing Australia’s first test films and first fictional movies. In addition to this, The Salvation Army is credited with producing the world’s first 2 hours multi-media presentation with large sections of film interconnected with glass slides. The production, “Soldiers of the Cross” was produced during 1900. In 1901 the Limelight Department also assisted in recording the birth of the Australian nation at Federation. SAO Biscuit It is thought that the name of the popular Australian biscuit by Arnott’s, SAO, stands for “Salvation Army Officer”. This theory arose from the fact that Arthur Arnott, one of the five sons of William Arnott (company founder) was a Colonel in The Salvation Army. Myths of The Salvation Army One definition of a myth is a traditional story, especially one concerning the early history of a people or that explains a natural or social phenomenon, and typically involving supernatural beings or events. On my trip to the Middle East, I remember visiting Jerusalem, Sea of Galilee, Dead Sea, and Mount Masada, Israel and the phrases used by the tour guide. We visited so many historical sights during and after our tour “In the steps of St Paul” during 2013. In describing the site, the guide would say: Betta Days, “Five star general!”, The General Next to God: Story of William Booth and the Salvation Army by Richard Collier (29-Dec-1975) Paperback (Amazon, 1 May 2008), review 4, https://www.amazon.de/General-NextGod-Salvation-29-Dec-1975/dp/B012HUHCDI accessed 4 August 2018. 7 Susan Wied, “The general next to God”, The General Next to God: Story of William Booth and the Salvation Army by Richard Collier (29-Dec-1975) Paperback (Amazon, 1 May 2008), review 5, https://www.amazon.de/General-NextGod-Salvation-29-Dec-1975/dp/B012HUHCDI accessed 4 August 2018. 8 John Cleary, The Salvation Army’s Limelight Department, (Melbourne, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 2001), www.abc.net.au/limelight, accessed 30 September 2002. 6
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This is the actual place; or We think this happened here; or Tradition holds the view that this happened here: or This may be the place.
These phrases could equally apply to elements of Salvation Army history: this actually happened; or we think this happened; or tradition tells us that; or this may have happened. Some such historical events under question now include: The Army’s commencement in Australia and seemly spread throughout the continent A Salvation army website states: On the 5th September 1880, Edward Saunders and John Gore led the first Salvation Army meeting in Australia from the back of a greengrocer’s cart in Adelaide’s Botanic Park. When Gore said “If there’s a man here who hasn’t had a square meal today, let him come home to tea with me,” little did he realise that within a century, The Salvation Army would feed hundreds of thousands of Australians each year. Nevertheless, he was expressing the ethos of an organisation which, from its earliest days, was concerned for a person’s physical as well as spiritual needs. In a climate where religion had failed to really gain acceptance, Saunders, a railway worker, and Gore, a builder presented themselves as ordinary men. Without theological training or the status of ordination, they invited their small audience to attend a meeting of The Salvation Army that evening. A number agreed to attend, and Saunders and Gore formed themselves into a corps (church) under Gore’s temporary leadership. After an appeal to London for officers to be sent, Captain and Mrs Thomas Sutherland arrived in 1881. From this humble beginning, The Salvation Army grew rapidly in Australia. Salvation Army members often faced rowdy and sometimes violent opposition, with at least two members being mortally wounded. However, by 1890 mob attacks had virtually ceased, and by the early 1900s Salvationists were accepted in the community.9
Yet Garth Hentzschel has found a different story hidden in newspaper reports of the time. His research shows there were troubles in Adelaide10 and that The Salvation Army in Brisbane could have commenced prior to that in Adelaide.11 So it is a myth to say the Army commenced without incident in Adelaide and then from there spread throughout the continent. The Salvation Army Humanitarian Mission Services Now to further explore the idea of myths. Myths come in all areas of life and the Army have attempted to expel myths in its ministry. One example of this, I believe is in the case of the Army’s work on Nauru and Manus Island with the refugees. I want to acknowledge my source as we
“Spreading to Australia” (Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/about-us/our-story/our-history/spreading-to-australia/ accessed 10 August 2018. 10 See Garth Hentzschel, “Hidden turmoil of Army’s early days”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Vol. 17, Iss. 10, October 2013), 26 – 28. 11 Garth Hentzschel, “Did Brisbane fire the first salvo?”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Vol. 14, Iss. 8, August 2010), 14 – 17. 9
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consider myths surrounding refugees and asylum seekers. The Salvation Army produced a pamphlet which outlines the following.12 Refugees & Asylum Seekers Busting popular myths surrounding refugees and asylum seekers. MYTH: Boat people are illegal immigrants. FACT: People arriving by boat are not illegal immigrants. As Australia is a signatory to the UN Convention it is not illegal for a person to seek asylum without a visa, regardless of how they arrive. MYTH: People should come through the ‘right’ channels and wait their turn. FACT: There is no such thing as a ‘right’ channel when fleeing persecution. In order to be recognised as a refugee or asylum seeker, one must be outside their home country. For people fleeing from places like Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran, it is very difficult to obtain refugee protection. Australia is one of the few countries in the region that is a signatory to the Refugee Convention MYTH: People coming to Australia on boats are economic migrants and country shoppers. FACT: For the majority of people coming by boat to Australia, they are fleeing situations of war and persecution. In recent years, over 90 percent of people arriving by boat were found to be in need of protection and granted refugee status. MYTH: Boat people jump the queue on people waiting patiently in camps. FACT: Around the world there is no orderly procedure or queue in which people are processed and granted protection status. The process for reviewing asylum claims is determined on a number of factors including: location, date of application and the availability of places. MYTH: We need to stop the boats and we will stop the problem! FACT: More people arrive by air than by boat. In 2011, over 50 percent of asylum seekers arriving in Australia arrived by air. Nearly all people arriving by boat have been found to be refugees, compared to only 44 percent of air arrivals actually being granted refugee protection. People board boats when there is no other option available to them. They have a choice to live in fear, limbo or risk their lives at sea. Many people cannot get visas to fly to Australia so they feel they have little choice left. MYTH: We are being swamped by boat people! FACT: Asylum seekers arriving by boat make up a small fraction of Australia’s annual permanent migration intake. In 2011, 11,491 asylum seekers arrived in Australia. Less than half were boat arrivals. 90 percent of these boat arrivals became refugees. The developing world hosts around 80 percent of the world’s refugees and displaced peoples. MYTH: All the asylum seekers are coming to Australia. Can’t they go elsewhere? FACT: Australia hosts just 0.3 percent of the world’s refugees. Worldwide every day 23,000 people are displaced from their homes. This is more than the total number of people who sought asylum in Australia in 2012.13
The danger of erasing history In 2017, Scott Pauley wrote a blog entitled “The danger of erasing history” and commenced with the quotation used earlier, “In 1948 Winston Churchill said to the House of Commons, ‘Those who fail to learn from history are doomed to repeat it’.”14 Pauly argued that history is under attack and many areas of national history are being removed, especially those of Christian heritage. Pauley
12
Humanitarian Mission Services, Asylum seekers & refugees mythbusters, (Meadowbank, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, n.d.), https://salvos.org.au/scribe/sites/.../Mythbusters__Asylum_Seekers_and_Refugees.pdf accessed 13 August 2018. 13 Humanitarian Mission Services, Asylum seekers & refugees mythbusters, 2 – 3. 14 Winston Churchill, cited in Scott Pauley, “The danger of erasing history” (24 August 2017), https://scottpauley.org/the-danger-of-erasing-history/ ¶ 1, accessed 13 August 2018.
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went on to warn “What is true on a national scale is also true on a personal level. We must never forget our heritage…… We must not lose our history.”15 This makes me think of my own heritage. I retired on 1 June 2016 and moved house for the last time, hopefully. It was time to cull – what to keep – what to discard. All my sermons – boxes of them were discarded, all except for the first one I ever preached. Photos, books, letters all were sorted, yes keep, no discard. We now have a small corner in our home with a display of family history; a rabbit trap, button accordion, cereal bowl and cup, doilies, fob watch. These things remind us of the past, our past – where we have come from, our parents, our home. Pauley also reviewed Stephen Mansfield’s book More than dates and dead people.16 Pauley said of the book, It is a wonderful reminder that if anyone should be concerned with history it is God’s people. Think how important it was to God to give Israel ways to remember Him and all that He had brought them through. We all need reminders.17
Pauley later wrote, Scripture is full of history – the history of Israel, world empires, individuals, and history of the church.18
The Lord is concerned that we might forget. As Paul wrote in 1 Corinthians 10: 1 – 4, 6, 11 For I do not want you to be ignorant of the fact, brothers and sisters, that our ancestors were all under the cloud and that they all passed through the sea. 2They were all baptized into Moses in the cloud and in the sea. 3They all ate the same spiritual food 4and drank the same spiritual drink; for they drank from the spiritual rock that accompanied them, and that rock was Christ. 6 Now these things occurred as examples to keep us from setting our hearts on evil things as they did. 11 These things happened to them as examples and were written down as warnings for us, on whom the culmination of the ages has come.
I quote again from Pauley, “Our generation needs a truthful perspective on the past, present and future.”19 He went on to say that history helps people focus as, • History causes you to look back. Such remembrance is a constant reminder of man’s failures
and God’s blessings. • History causes you to look up. It is not just about man – it is about God. History is more than
our story. It is the story of God’s dealings with a fallen world. History is intimately connected to theology. • History causes you to look within. We are a part of something bigger than ourselves. History is being written for the generations to come and our decisions have lasting implications. It’s our turn. • History causes you to look ahead. All of history ends at the throne of God. Every man must give account of his own life.20
If we search for truth and have history help focus us, history does not always have to repeat itself. We cannot change the past, but we can change the future. Let us allow history to shape our future. Pauley, “The danger of erasing history”, ¶ 3. Stephen Mansfield, More than dates and dead people: Recovering a Christian view of history, (USA: Cumberland House Publishing, 2000). 17 Pauley, “The danger of erasing history”, ¶ 4. 18 Pauley, “The danger of erasing history”, ¶ 6. 19 Pauley, “The danger of erasing history”, ¶ 8. 20 Pauley, “The danger of erasing history”, ¶ 9 – 12. 15 16
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THE STORY BEHIND THE EVA BURROWS LEADS THE WAY Keith Hampton1 Abstract On seeing a photograph and article in the Daily Telegraph of General Eva Burrows on board a new tug boat named in her honour, I immediately thought that this would make for a good book for school students’ assignment work. The book would become The Eva Burrows Leads the Way.2 This paper outlines the process for the writing and publishing of the book about an active General of The Salvation Army. It walks through the process of approvals through the different levels of the movement to the General herself. It outlines the research conducted and introduces the interesting people met along the way. The paper also goes some way to dispel the myth that Generals of The Salvation Army are happy with all the accolades they receive and, through the investigation, shows the need for such praise to remain linked with the movement’s mission. Introduction On the wall of my office is a large framed photograph of the launch of the tugboat ‘Eva Burrows’. It has drawn the attention of many visitors, one Garth Hentzschel who asked me to prepare a paper drawn from my personal memories about the process that occurred for the publication of my book, The Eva Burrows Leads the Way.3 While the paper presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium 2018 referred to PowerPoints, this has been changed to a poster (see page 34) for its publication in The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History.
Rescue Tug Boat ‘Eva Burrows’ at her launch in October 19874 Reference citation of this paper Keith Hampton, “The story behind The Eva Burrows leads the way”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 30 – 34. 1 This paper has been modified into a poster presentation by the peer review process from an example for possible future poster presentations at Salvation Army Historical Symposiums. 2 Keith Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, Emergency response tug boat, (Canberra, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1992). 3 Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way. 4 Photograph courtesy of Keith Hampton.
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This discussion will be developed under the headings of; need, idea, formation, research, writing and launch. It will conclude with the link between the rescue tug boat and the mission of The Salvation Army. Need While appointed in the public relations department of The Salvation Army, school students would often contact us requesting information relating to the Army and its faith and works for their assignments. I saw that there was a need for a different approach from just providing them with facts and statistics about the Army. Idea Although the ‘Eva Burrows’ rescue tug boat was launched in October 1987, I heard nothing of this. When General Eva Burrows visited Australia in 1988 for the Salvation Army’s Bicentennial Congress the media took the opportunity to photograph the two Evas together. On seeing a photograph and article in the Daily Telegraph of General Eva Burrows on board her namesake, I immediately the idea that this would make for a good book for school students’ assignment work.
The newspaper article that created the idea for the The Eva Burrows leads the way5
5
Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 7.
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Formation From this idea a formation process and structure started to develop. Commencing wider reading on the topic I came across a photograph of the Sydney Harbour on Australia’s Bicentennial Anniversary Celebration held 26 January 1988. In this photograph was the Sydney Opera House, the tall ships surrounded by many and varied boats. Out in front was a tug boat with all its water cannons shooting water high into the air and on its port and starboard sides. The tug was none other than the ‘Eva Burrows’! This image suited General Burrows, out in front leading the Army! Thus, the book’s title would become The Eva Burrows leads the way.6
The photograph that encouraged the name of the book7
Research Once the formation process had concluded, research into General Burrows, the mission and ministry of the Army, and tug boasts commenced. I collected information from The war cry, local and state wide newspapers. Information compiled included; the “vital statistics” of the boat,8 its roles and functions,9 and interesting information about what General Burrows said about the honour. In researching I found it interesting that Burrows at first was not sure about having a tug boat named after her, one reporter wrote; Salvation Army world leader General Eva Burrows had the wind temporarily taken out of her sails when she learned that her namesake was a Sydney tug.10
It would therefore be somewhat of a myth to think that Generals of The Salvation Army are happy with all the accolades they receive. However, there appears to be a desire that such recognition would remain linked with the movement’s mission. The reporter went on to state, she “quickly took the gesture, in recognition of the Salvos’ work”.11 One another occasion, General Burrows stated to reporters, “At first when I thought about putting out fires, I wondered, because The Salvation Army is trying to stir up fires. Then I realised it is a rescue boat.” 12 The common elements of the tug and the Army was something I, Hampton then drew on.
6
Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way. Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 4 – 5. 8 Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 8 – 9. 9 Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 11. 10 Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 7. 11 Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 7. 12 Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 13. 7
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The war cry, one of the sources of data13
Writing Although, for quick reference there are sections in the book listing facts, I also wanted in my writing to make the students to think about General Burrows’ role and also the ministry of the Army. For this reason, I linked such things as being at the helm of the tug boat with being at the head of the Army and as the tug is always ready for action, so too is the Army. The process of approvals was a laborious one, permission was needed for photographs, newspaper articles and through the different levels of The Salvation Army, even to the General herself!
The double page of “vital statistics” on the ‘Eva Burrows’14
Launch The launch of the book was exciting as it was conducted by General Eva Burrows herself! The time and effort put into researching and writing the book now was to see the fulfillment of the idea of a resource for school students to learn about the Army, its mission and ministry. Conclusion The final three pages were developed to bring together the links between the tug and the Army. The International Mission Statement of The Salvation Army approved by General Burrows in 1989 assisted in connecting the idea that the tug and the Army were ready for action and the motivation for both was the saving of people. The mission statement was also included to introduce the students to the idea of the social work of the Army. Overall it was a great experience with a successful outcome. 13 14
Cited in Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, back cover. Hampton, The Eva Burrows leads the way, 8 – 9.
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need idea
research writing
launch The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 34
HUMAN RESOURCE DEPLOYMENT AS ORGANISATIONAL STRATEGY FOR MISSION: A COMPARISON OF THE SALVATION ARMY AUSTRALIA EASTERN TERRITORY HUMAN RESOURCE DEPLOYMENT, 1975 AND 2015 Cecil (Cec) Woodward1 ABSTRACT Organisational structures reflect features such as: “its age, size, type of production system, the extent to which its environment is complex and dynamic.” It is inevitable that, over time, there will be differences in the way structures are arranged within any organisation. As a people-based organisation, The Salvation Army is definitely not immune from such changes. These have an impact on the range and form of various elements of its structure. From its beginning its history shows this principle at work. The primary focus of the paper is an analysis of changes in the deployment of human resources from 1975 and 2015 in the Australia Eastern Territory. The data is drawn from a comparison of the relevant Disposition of forces for 1975 and 2015. Three distinct aspects of the organisation’s structure are examined; administration (headquarters), corps, and social and community services. Within the latter, changes in eleven sub-categories of work are briefly noted. There are two significant profiles that emerge from this analysis. For social and community services there has been a decrease in both the real number and percentage of the total number of officer personnel deployed. By comparison, the number of corps officers (including corps leaders) has barley declined when compared to officer deployment but declined significantly compared to the total number of human resources. Introduction All organisations exist to achieve certain outcomes that are the basis of their purpose. The organisational form may be as simple as one person producing a certain product or service for purchase, or a complex mix of outcomes which emerge from a diversity of products within an overarching mission. While structures will be geared to ensure the achievement of the mission, they are impacted by organisational features such as: “its age, size, type of production system, the extent to which its environment is complex and dynamic.”2 The core base of any organisation’s structure is,
Reference citation of this paper Cecil Woodward, “Human resource deployment as organisational strategy for mission: A comparison of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory officer deployment, 1975 and 2015”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 35 – 46. 1 This paper has been modified by the peer review process from the paper presented at the symposium for clarity of information and correction of results. 2 H. Mintzberg, “The structuring of organizations”, 176 – 195, in G. Lewis, A. Morkel, G. Hubbard, S. Davenport, and G. Stockport, Australian and New Zealand strategic management: Concepts, context and cases, (2nd Ed), (Sydney, Australia: Prentice Hall, 1999), 176.
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those people who perform the basic work of producing the products and rendering the services, … [but] as an organisation grows more managers are needed – not only managers of operations but also managers of managers.”3
In the process of developing strategies which ensure that the mission is central, the deployment of personnel within the structure becomes more complex as an organisation grows. We can discover something of that evolution in the growth of The Salvation Army. It began when William Booth as an individual was engaged in July 1865 by the East London Special Services Committee for a one week preaching engagement in Whitechapel. Two years later, in 1867 with six mission stations, the first paid ‘evangelists’ were engaged.4 Divisional headquarters and associated officers came into being in 1880.5 Historical concern of human resources deployment In the early operations of The Salvation Army in the USA we can find an example of concerns about the alignment of core organisational objectives with the deployment of officer personnel. In 1887 Ballington and Maud Booth became the leaders of The Salvation Army in the USA. In the midst of a thriving work, building plans were revealed in The war cry “when a front-page drawing of the proposed [national] Headquarters appeared in June 1894. The price of the land was $160,000 and the new [nine story] building would cost $200,000.”6 In this context of growth and consolidation, a review of the Army’s administration was undertaken by its foreign secretary for presentation to the General William Booth. It is the additional notes of Chief of Staff Bramwell Booth which are of special interest to us. His notes7 of October 1894 specifically address the cost of headquarters. Regarding territorial headquarters staff he says, “The staff seem to me too numerous – in proportion to the number of corps. They cost too much, about £20 a corps per annum for Central management.”8 His comparative summary of territorial and divisional staff numbers is as per the table below.9 ‘Field’ officers
‘Field’ officers % of total
Location
Total officers and clerks
HQ staff and clerks
USA UK Australia
1,308 1,068 81.6% 240 3,750 3,400 90.7% 350 1,170 1,000 85.5% 170 Number of field officers and headquarters’ staff in 189410
HQ staff and clerks % of total 18% 9.3% 14.5%
Mintzberg, “The structuring of organizations”, 177. Harold Hill, Leadership in The Salvation Army: A case study in clericalization, (Milton Keynes, UK: Paternoster, 2006), 46. 5 Hill, Leadership in The Salvation Army, 80. 6 Cited in Diane Winston, Red-hot and righteous: The urban religion of The Salvation Army, (USA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 55. 7 Thanks to Garth R. Hentzschel for identifying this information for the paper during his research in London. Some words/sections of these notes were damaged and lost in the London Blitz. 8 “Notes by the Chief of Staff to General on USA affairs”, October 1894, International Heritage Centre, London, PWB/1/6/22 9 “Notes by the Chief of Staff to General on USA affairs.” 10 “Notes by the Chief of Staff to General on USA affairs.” The raw numbers were given in the letter. Percentages have been included here for an easier comparison with the statistics from 1975 and 2015. 3 4
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Bramwell believed that the UK with only 9.3% of those officers and clerks employed by the Army in administration had the best ratio. Australia’s percentage of 14.5% of human resources in administration was acceptable due to the distances between headquarters and corps. However, he was dissatisfied with the USA’s percentage of 18% of the Army’s human resources allotted to administration (headquarter officers and clerks). It must be noted here that Bramwell did not separate ‘field’ officers into social and corps work. As this was 1894, four years after the publication of In darkest England and the way out and the following ‘Darkest England Scheme’ there would have been human resources deployed in such appointments. Having raised his concerns, there is nothing in what remains of Bramwell’s notes to indicate any proposed action to correct what is seen as an imbalance. Writing about the headquarters staff, he wrote, “They cost too much”, but then continued, “but they can’t help it if they’re there.” He then adds his thoughts, “Duplication of work – a tendency for untrained minds to think that because they are fully occupied they are usefully and remuneratively occupied.” 11 He criticised divisional officers but we don’t know his recommendations, as his one-word comment was lost in damage to the document. Bramwell continued, “The Divisional Officers are often more separate from their Field Officers than they ought to be. Class and caste grows with the growth of the Military idea. Needs ... (next word lost.).”12 This was only seventeen years after The Christian Mission had become The Salvation Army. The challenge of strategies that ensure accountability and commitment to an organisation’s core mission becomes greater as an organisation grows and expresses itself in a diversity of settings. Management becomes the dominant role for leadership. Questions about where and whom to deploy within the organisation’s structure take on increasing significance. A decade after Bramwell Booth’s report we read the following 1905 observations of George Bernard Shaw about The Salvation Army. It is building up a business organisation which will compel it eventually to see that its present staff of enthusiast-commanders shall be succeeded by a bureaucracy of men of business. The order founded by St. William Booth is not exempt.13
Comparison of human resource deployment in 1975 and 2015 There is discussion that the way The Salvation Army operated in 1975 had changed in many ways by 2015.14 Alongside those changes there has arisen a range of speculations and myths about how to understand and explain these changes. While it is hoped the Army holds to the core mission of faith first, the living out of that faith always needs to be contextualised within the contemporary structure of the organisation. Some of the changes are reflected in the way human resources were deployed for those two different periods. By reference to the official Disposition of forces15 of the Australia Eastern
“Notes by the Chief of Staff to General on USA affairs.” “Notes by the Chief of Staff to General on USA affairs.” 13 G. Bernard Shaw, Major Barbara: A screen version, (UK: Penguin Books, 1945 reprinted from the 1905 edition), xix – xx. 14 General and specific discussion appear in Army publications, see for example; David Woodbury, “Robust discussion needed to address decline”, Others, (Sydney, Vol. 1, Iss. 7, August 2017), 15.; David Woodbury, “Counterproductive calling. Refocusing our mindset”, Others, (Sydney, Vol. 1, Iss. 10, November 2017), 11. 15 Anon, Disposition of forces 1975, (Sydney, The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 1975).; Anon, Disposition of forces 2015, (Sydney, The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2015). 11 12
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Territory16 and The Salvation Army year book17 for those two years, a snapshot of the deployment of human resources has been created. This is presented in the table that follows. Although the table may contain some minor discrepancies, the overall profile outlined is a reliable indicator of the changes. The years chosen represented the availability of data sources and time between the two dates to allow for a clearer picture of any potential changes. The table gives numbers of human resources personal and the numbers of officers placed alongside the various ministry areas, and in the case of corps, geographical areas. Human Resources Deployment – 1975 and 201518 Deployment category Human resources Active officers19 Employees etc. Total number of paid human resource personal HQ staff & administration Total THQ Total Booth College Total DHQ Employees20 Total administration Officers21 & corps by divisions ACT & South NSW Central & Nth Qld Central NSW North NSW South Qld Sydney Central Sydney West West NSW Officers & corps totals
1975 numbers 666 674 1,340
92 16 47 674 829 Officers 41 30 39 34 66 48 43 23 324
Corps22 21 17 21 20 38 28 22 14 181
1975 %
2015 numbers
2015 %
100%
513 4,350 4,863
100%
61.8%
47 17 57 4,350 4,471
92%
Syd East & Illawarra The Greater West 24.2% of officers to total human resources
Officers 36 27 33 35 71 42 48 292
Corps23 22 14 20 20 39 22 31 168
6% of officers to total human resources
16
Although Papua New Guinea was a part of this territory it was not included in the name of the territory until the 1989 Disposition of forces. 17 Anon, The Salvation Army year book, 1975, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1975).; Deslea Maxwell (ed.), The Salvation Army year book, 2015, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 2014). 18 Unless otherwise indicated the information for this table has come from Anon, Disposition of forces 1975, and Anon, Disposition of forces 2015. There are discrepancies in numbers that appear in different sources, for example Disposition of forces 1975 gave 674 employees while The Salvation Army year book, 1975 gave 663 employees. 19 Officers serving outside of New South Wales, Queensland and ACT have been removed. Local leaders of Corps who are not officers have been included. 20 As Bramwell Booth included clerks in staff numbers, employees are placed here for their administrative and assistance role to officers on the field (corps and social). It would also appear that the Army has separated the roles into spiritual and non-spiritual tasks. Officers were once appointed as nurses, mangers, secretary, etc with the expectation that they would conduct the duel role of work and Christian ministry. Now people are employed to do the work with chaplains appointed for the spiritual aspects. Therefore, there appears to be a greater role separation between administration and ministry. 21 Including non-officer local leaders. 22 Excluding outposts. 23 Including corps missions.
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Deployment category
Social centres/programs People’s Palaces Hospitals RSDS Aged Care (incl Chaplains) Court, Prison, Rural Chaplains etc Counselling Homelessness / Crisis Recovery Services Youth & Children Handicapped Adults Welfare / Community Centres Moneycare Officer & social totals
1975 numbers
Officers 32 4 14 49 7 2 26 20 27 3 3
1975 %
Centres 7 3 4 15 4 1 6 9 11 2 3 65
2015 %
Officers Centres ----20 8 22 19 37 43
--187
2015 numbers
14% of officers to total human resources
1 2 13 2 2 1 -100
11 17 9 11 3 13 43 177
2% of officers to total human resources
Distribution of human resources in The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Human resources 1975 number 1975 % of all 2015 number 2015 % of all human resources human resources Administration officer and 829 61.8% 4,471 92% employees Total officers on the 510 38.2% 392 8% ‘field’24 Too often Salvation Army inhouse discussions and research focus mainly of officers which only tells a portion of the entire story. For example, if employees were removed and the persons serving overseas were included the data outcome would look very different. Distribution of officer and ‘corps leaders’ in The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Human resources 1975 number 1975 % of all 2015 number 2015 % of all human resources human resources Administration 155 61.8% 121 22% officers Total officers in 324 44.9% 292 53.6% corps Total officers in 187 25.9% 100 18.3% social Officers overseas25 56 7.8% 32 6% Total 722 100% 545 100%
24
As used by Bramwell Booth in 1895 to denote all active officers away from headquarters. This category includes officers in appointments in another territory. In 1975, PNG was part of the Australia Eastern Territory, but for the purpose of this exercise, Australian officers serving there in 1975 have been included as if in another territory. As a particular point of comparison, there were 20 AUE officers in PNG in 1975. Our ongoing connections with that territory is indicated by 5 AUE officers being in senior roles there in 2015. Discrepancies in this area include that some numbers include lay people serving overseas while others just include officers. 25
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Distribution graph of officer and ‘corps leaders’ in The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory 1975 7.8% 2015
21.4%
6.0% 22.2% Overseas Admin
25.9%
44.9%
18.3%
53.6% Social
Corps
Observations and explanatory notes Human resources deployment profile The snapshot provided in the preceding tables and graph provide a glimpse into how The Salvation Army in Australia and then the Australia Eastern Territory deployed its human resources in 1895, 1975 and 2015. The observations discussed below attempt to describe the impact of the strategic relationship between missional focus and human resource deployment. The tables provide a snapshot of the deployment of people in 1975 and 2015 as recorded in the relevant Disposition of Forces documents.26 It however needs to be stated that there may be some minor discrepancies due to a number of reasons. Firstly, there are discrepancies between and within Army publications.27 Secondly, there is uncertainty as to whether appointments were full time or part time. The attempt for the table has been to register where the majority of service was allocated if shared between two or more appointments.28 Thirdly, while the Disposition of Forces is a static document, appointments were not and the officer or employee may be moved or choose to leave within any given year. Fourthly, from year to year there are no definitions of positions, for example officer numbers could including “Corps Leaders” in some documents but not others.29 Fifthly, while some employees may be considered as engaged in ministry of The Salvation Army, in the wider sense, the structure of the Army restrict them to more administrative roles unless they are officially appointed as a “Corps Leader”. Total number of employees The major change from the year 1975 and 2015 was the increase of employees by 545.4%! Deeper research into this increase should be investigated. This may be an area of mission drift so the research would need to be historical, theological and sociological in nature. This paper however suggests through observation that growth of employee roles may be due to three factors: first, the need for non-officers as officer deployment options reduce; second, the numbers increase as professional skill and theoretical base for both management and service delivery increase; third, as
26
Anon, Disposition of forces 1975, and Anon, Disposition of forces 2015. See for example the Disposition of forces and The Salvation Army year book of the same year as they have different numbers of employees and officers. This is often due to the reporting date. 28 For example, the Disposition of forces 2015 have the same officer listed for both the School for Discipleship and Corps Officer Long Jetty Corps. 29 Other matters are; in considering corps those that were receiving official oversight within a division include the nonofficers who were filling the officer role as a ministry worker. There is a sense in which “Corps Leader” has replaced the “Envoy” status. For 1975, national PNG officers, corps and centres would have been included in the territorial totals but are not here as they are outside the scope of this paper. 27
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the Army moves away from its traditional corps structures, paid personnel replace the voluntary roles. Total number of active Salvation Army officers Even when corps leaders are included in these statistics, the decline in the number of active officers is obvious.30 There were 177 fewer officers in 2015, a decline of 24.5%. This overall reduction is inevitably reflected in the changed pattern of deployment over this 40 year period. The following notes will explore this more fully but it is worth noting at this point the degree of change across various aspects of Salvation Army activity. Social officer numbers reduced by 46%, officers in Headquarters positions reduced by 22%, and for corps officers (with corps leaders included) the overall reduction was 10%. ADMINISTRATION BOOTH COLLEGE The college may be considered to be not directly administrative, but it is always included in the territorial headquarter section of the Disposition of forces. There is only a slight increase in the number of Booth College officers over the 40 years, despite the transition from a traditional training college role to operating through several different schools. There has however been an increase in employees in these schools THQ The number of officer personnel at THQ has halved in the 40 year period. There may have been an effective over-count in 1975 with many officer wives ‘counted’ in their husband’s department although their major ministry involvement was often elsewhere either on THQ or other non-official appointment in the movement. While this analysis reveals the reduction of officer personnel at THQ, outside the scope of this paper was any attempt to identify the overall human resource allocations at THQ (and other administrative areas). A significant part of the growth in employee numbers as reflected in the table has occurred at THQ. DHQ There has been an increase in the number of officers at the divisional level despite the closure of one DHQ within the time parameters. Most of this reflects the integration of social programs into the divisional structure in 1992 with associated new divisional social positions.31 Most divisions 30
Although outside the scope of this paper it was noted the decline in Soldiership of the Army. With the number of corps having reduced by less than 10% during this period, one would not expect a dramatic reduction in people who were soldiers within The Salvation Army. However, the decline has been around 30% which indicates a dramatic soldiership reduction. The various factors that have impacted on those numbers require a much more detailed analysis which is outside the scope of this paper. It was also noted that in line with the aging population the number of retired officers increased from 280 to 416, this would place additional administrative and financial burdens of the movement, while offering a source of additional opportunity for ministry. 31 Roy Calvert, “’One Army’ – At last!”, The eastern Salvationist, (Sydney, Australia: Australia Eastern and Papua New Guinea Territory, July 1992), 1.
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have also added a divisional women’s coordinator to support the director of women’s ministries and additional employees as secretarial and administrative work. The restructure of divisional headquarters in 2016 will provide a different profile for future analysis. FIELD – CORPS AND SOCIAL CORPS The number of corps/missions has declined from 183 to 168 in the period between 1975 and 2015. A total of 58 corps closed, only seventeen of the 58 were in small rural areas and resulted in no Army presence in the town. The closures were offset by 41 new corps/mission centres being opened. Because corps boundaries have changed and one division ‘closed’ during this 40 year period, a detailed analysis requires a much more intensive study than the scope of this paper. A separate schedule of corps/missions by divisions with a listing of closures, openings, amalgamations during this period has been developed but is peripheral to the purpose of this paper. The profile changes in summary are as follows: • ACT and South NSW: Marked by a couple of small country closures and transfer of Illawarra corps to Sydney East, but new corps were opened throughout Canberra and on NSW south coast. Overall – increase of 4 after opening 6 new corps. • Central and North Qld: Primarily marked by amalgamations in Townsville and Rockhampton. Overall – decrease of 2 after opening 2 new corps. • Newcastle and Central NSW: Marked by amalgamations in Newcastle inner suburbs. Overall – decrease of 1 after opening 9 new corps. • North NSW: Some small rural corps closed but overall numbers maintained through enlarged divisional boundaries. Overall - decrease of 3 after opening 1 new corps. • South Queensland: Amalgamations in both suburban Brisbane and some regional/rural areas. Losses countered by openings in outer Brisbane, Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast. Overall – number unchanged after opening 16 new corps. • Sydney East and Illawarra: Illawarra corps added to this division. Closure of many inner suburban Sydney corps. Overall – decrease of 14 after opening 2 new corps. • The Greater West: There were some amalgamations, new openings in outer Sydney and parts of West NSW added. Overall – decrease of 1 after opening 5 new corps. • West NSW: Corps variously incorporated into ACT and South NSW, Newcastle, and The Greater West divisions. This has effectively offset various closures in those divisions. Overall, all but a couple of this division’s corps still operate. It is very significant to register that although there has been a reduction in the overall number of corps officers/leaders over this 40 year period, the proportion of officers assigned to this work has increased. In 1975, 44.9% of officer personnel or 24.2% of all personal were in corps appointments. In 2015, 53.6% of officer personnel (including corps leaders) or 6% of total personal (massive decrease in overall corps focus) were deployed in corps.
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SOCIAL AND COMMUNITY SERVICES The following analysis is very general because in some locations, several types of service are integrated into a broad based model. This trend is even more prevalent in 2015 where the focus has shifted very strongly from institutionally based models to adaptable program responses for particular client groups and individuals. Despite the limitations of the data in the table, it is indicative of a very different service methodology and structure. The immensity of the changes is further emphasised when the 46% reduction in officer personnel is placed alongside an increase of 109% in programs/centres. This is a clear indication that areas of this type have been handed to employees. The follow is a brief overview of the difference services; • Peoples’ Palaces: This work has ceased. • Maternity Hospitals / Hostels: This work has ceased. • Red Shield Defence Services: The increased statistics reflect this program structure changing from being organised territorially to nationally. • Aged Care: The reduced officer deployments reflect employees taking over the management roles at centres. Almost all of the officer numbers occupy a chaplaincy/director of Mission role. • Chaplains: The growth in officer numbers broadly reflects the move to program-based services plus court and/or prison chaplaincy becoming full-time rather than a part-time position connected to residential homelessness services. Not only has the number of court centres served increased but chaplaincy now includes a significant allocation of rural chaplains plus officers attached to Salvos Stores, Salvos Legal, etc. • Counselling: The provision of counselling has grown from a ‘marriage guidance’ base to a network of centres, all staffed by professional employees. These will however all soon close. • Homelessness/Crisis Accommodation Services: Although the number of centres has increased significantly, the former focus on large institutions has almost completely disappeared. For 2015 there is a range of much smaller units often with a focus on community housing. Management and service delivery has largely transitioned from an officer-base to professionally trained employees. • Recovery Services: (Addiction recovery programs) The number of centres remains unchanged. The reduction in the number of officers is more about a reduced number attached to particular centres rather than a withdrawal of officers from the management of each centre. • Youth and Children: The number of centres has increased slightly but the service target groups and style is totally different. Services in this category in 1975 were predominantly institutional care of children and youth. In 2015 almost all children’s/youth services are program-based offering a wide range of interventions to support youth through various transitions. This may include accommodation options. The officer as institution manager role has gone and current responses are coordinated and serviced by employees with suitable qualifications. • Handicapped Adults: This is a small but significant service area which is also now predominantly community based. • Welfare/Community Centres: Statistically this area is difficult to quantify. Sometimes this work is listed under social/community service headings, at times listed as part of a corps’ The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 43
•
operations, and at other times not specifically identified at all. The focus of this work has always been about building linkages between those who receive assistance and the local corps. In the past this work has not required significant direct officer deployments and that pattern continues. Moneycare: This service is noted but is not included in any of the statistical analysis. Its listing highlights the trend to broadly distributed community-based programs totally staffed by employees.
Findings The primary purpose of his paper has been to explore the structural changes in human resource deployment patterns for the Australia Eastern Territory in 1975 and 2015. Drucker emphasised that the following should happen, “Mission defines strategy and strategy defines structure.”32 It needs to be remembered that the deployment changes being examined arose from organisational decisionmaking strategies. The motivation for such needs to be investigated and can only be done with the examination of minutes of board meetings. It is hoped that the increase of administration and move towards employees was based on the organisation’s mission and not factors such as decline in office numbers, technological advancements, cultural demographics, community expectations, legislation and so on. An investigation is needed into whether the increase (both numerically and statistically) of administrative staff actually help Army to remain true to its missional values and not to head towards missional drift. Bramwell Booth wrote that 18% of human resources in headquarters as staff and clerks was too costly for the Army, so what price is the movement paying for 92% of its human resources being focused on areas other than the preaching of the gospel? There are often speculations and myths that emerge within an organisation over time, based on the predispositions and perceptions of various participants and observers of the dynamics of various changes. The data presented in this paper, provides a reliable source from which to draw conclusions about some of the dominant organisational myths. One myth was reflected in an assessment of American twentieth century Salvationists that “they regarded themselves as members of a church that sponsored professionalised Christian social services to the downtrodden.”33 The same could validly be said about Australian Salvationists, that is, they sponsor social services but not play an active role in it. This myth is not a myth, but correct as there is a clear movement of officers away from social services in the Army (187 officers in 1975 to 100 officers in 2015). It is clear that officers have been replaced by employees as although the number of officers in social services have declined by 46.5% these services have increase by 187.7% over the same period. This is an area that could possibly lead to mission drift as the question needs to be asked; Do the employees receive the same theological training or missional training as officers do? This then links to the myth that The Salvation Army has drifted from its mission priority of Christian worship, witness and service. The data as outlined above indicates that when officer deployments are analysed, there is a clear priority to maintaining corps (44.9% of total officers in 1975 as compared with 53.6% of officers in 2015). However, dangerously, too often the Army only Peter F. Drucker, The Essential Drucker: In one volume the best of sixty years of Peter Drucker’s essential writings on management, (USA: HarperCollins Publisher, 2001), 72. 33 L. Taiz, “Hallelujah Lads and Lasses” cited in R. G. Moyles, William Booth in America – Six visits, 1886 – 1907, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2010), 213. 32
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focuses on officer numbers, yet when the full picture is shown, corps were given only 6% of the entire human resources in 2015 as compared with 24.2% of the entire human resource in 1975. Although the total number of corps closures was 58 and only 11 rural corps closures resulted in no Army presence, the major source of reductions came from the amalgamation of city corps in relatively close geographical proximity. A first glance this may appear to be of little concern, however it needs to be remembered that the city suburbs are increasing in population and therefore there are fewer corps to spiritually service a higher density of population. There is therefore less of an opportunity for people to experience The Salvation Army Christian worship, witness or service. While it could be easy to make assumptions about the reasons for the dramatic increase in employees such as professionalism in social service delivery, this is outside the scope of this paper and questions need to be asked whether this was the strategy that had to be adopted. Does it instead indicate a missed opportunity to incorporate this type of training as an option for an officer’s professional development? It is clear that William Booth had a strong desire for an inclusive approach to the breadth of Salvation Army mission through his proposed University of science of humanity to supply “the training needed . . . [for] every variety of work engaged in by The Army.”34 Yet it is also equally true that Bramwell Booth in writing to William Booth was very concerned about the number of human resources deployed away from the ‘field’ and as Salvationists are concerned about the dance between spiritual and social, they should be as concerned with the resource management between the ‘field’ and ‘administration’. Conclusion A core element for any organisation’s strategy decisions must be how human resources are allocated for the achievement of its mission objectives. For organisations such as The Salvation Army, a key aspect for an effective structure is an appropriate deployment of its officer and employee personnel. Over the 40 year period between 1975 and 2015, the above data summarises changed deployment strategies. There could be many factors that contributed to these changes which should be further investigated. Within the context of The Salvation Army, the burning question remains about the meaning and status of Salvation Army officership and employees. Does officership merely exist “as a convenience by which we organise the Army”35 or does it have some significant ‘higher order’ ecclesiastical status? Also, what steps are being made to ensure that employees have the same aim as officers? In addition to this, how could the current Army be accountable for the costs involved in the increase in the administration? Whenever efforts are made to assess of the effectiveness of the ministries of the Army during this period, it is imperative that they take into account the strategies which have led to significant structural changes in human resource deployment. Ultimately, The Salvation Army continues to trust the One who called it into being, and commits to faithfully being His servants in His mission. Postscript On 13 March 2018 an official update was released on a national social program review.36 The review was in conjunction with the implementation of the One Australia Territory strategies. “The Roger J. Green, The Life and Ministry of William Booth – Founder of The Salvation Army, (Nashville, USA: Abingdon Press, 2005), 209 35 Waters, C. cited in Hill, Leadership in The Salvation Army, 153. 36 Bulletin issued by National Secretary for Mission, Melbourne. 13 March 2018. 34
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key driver to review has been . . . achieving greater impact to the Australian community . . . achieving a greater missional impact.� The outcome is that The Salvation Army will focus on and be known for: Accommodation and Homelessness Services, including Family and Domestic Violence. Alcohol, Drugs and Other Addictions. Chaplaincy (including Red Shield Defence Services). Community Engagement (Localised and corps based). Doorways. Strategic Disaster Management (SAES). Some other areas, such as Disability Services, are still under review. Services that will cease to be a Salvation Army focus include Counselling Services and Family Tracing.
Within the context of the humn resources deployment data it will be interesting to see the significance of these changes to the number of employees, the deployment of officers and the number of social services.
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CATHERINE BOOTH’S LETTERS TO HER PARENTS, SARAH AND JOHN MUMFORD David Malcolm Bennett ABSTRACT This paper will give a brief survey of the letters that Catherine Booth wrote to her parents, most of which were written after she had married William Booth. These letters were written from 1851 to early 1865, and for the most part cover her years as the wife of a Methodist minister and as a travelling evangelist in association with her husband. The first letters to be examined were written from Brighton on the English south coast before she was married. These have previously been dated to the year 1847, but a close examination of them has caused them to be redated. The letters written soon after their marriage focus especially upon William Booth’s travelling evangelistic mission for the Methodist New Connexion. Booth was then removed from the travelling ministry and appointed for a year to the Brighouse circuit in the north of England. The letters from Brighouse show their unhappiness in that town. Their next appointment was to the Gateshead circuit, where they were much happier and more successful. This is where Catherine preached her first sermon, and for a while even substituted for her husband while he was ill. This paper concludes with details of some of the letters that tell of the remarkable evangelistic partnership that William and Catherine Booth shared, as they visited various regions in England and Wales. Introduction This paper is about the letters that Catherine Booth wrote to her parents, John and Sarah Mumford. While they are a completely different set of letters from those William and Catherine Booth wrote to each other, they do at times overlap and tell of the same incidents. However, the letters women write to their parents tend to be different, sometimes very different, from the letters that they write to their fiancés or husbands. Today we have many ways to communicate with people a distance from us. But in midnineteenth century Britain there was only one easy means of communication, short of going to visit someone, and that was to send them a letter. The telegraph system was in its early stages, but not so readily accessible. So, it was letters or nothing, and those letters written with pen or pencil. But with the theme of the Symposium in mind,1 letters can be regarded as a major source of accurate history. True they only tell the story from one person’s perspective, and other people might see the same events differently, but they tell it just after it happened, or even while it was happening. So, the events are still fresh in the mind, and often in the mind of an eyewitness. They are, in fact, a collection of memories, recent memories. But myth can sometimes be attached to them. Reference citation of this paper David Malcolm Bennett, “Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Sarah and John Mumford.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 47 – 60. 1 The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, “History – A Collection of Memories or a Collective Myth.”
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Catherine Booth2
Sarah and John Mumford, Catherine Booth’s parents3
2 3
Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army. Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army.
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The letters that Catherine Booth wrote to her parents form one of the largest existing, collections of letters associated with the Booth family. She wrote some to her mother, a few to her father, and lots to “My very dear Parents”.4 These letters only go up to January 1865. In other words, they were written in what can be call their “Methodist period” and their “travelling evangelists period”. So, the letters we are considering in this paper were all written before The Salvation Army began, though there are references to forerunners of Salvation Army ideas and practices. For the most part these letters are easy to read, however, there are some difficulties. Catherine Booth was very good with words. She had had a very limited formal education, but was highly intelligent and well read. However, her spelling is at times rather odd, which can be a bit confusing. But the main problem is her punctuation, which has also been noted by others. She could write a sixpage letter in one paragraph, and often in one sentence. Sometimes the one long paragraph might be broken up by a couple of exclamation marks or question marks, but even then they are not always in the right places. Commas also sometimes seem to function as full stops. Occasionally in the later letters a full stop functions as a full stop, but not often. Frankly, her punctuation is very confusing. The letters presented here acknowledge her spelling, but have been repunctuated. There are also major problems with dating some of the letters. If the heading on a letter is “Monday”, that does not help much in the process of dating that letter. Catherine Mumford Booth In one of the letters to her parents Catherine told them: “I hope you will not let my letters lay about. Lock them up or else burn them.”5 We are very fortunate, for Mr. and Mrs. Mumford seem to have locked them up. It is the purpose of this paper to unlock some of these letters and detail a little about them. In the past Frederick Booth-Tucker in his biography of Catherine Booth unlocked some and so have others. However, in that biography Booth-Tucker often changed the wording and mixed letters up, so that his versions are not a reliable guide. Some extracts that Booth-Tucker and others have already put into print will be included, but much of what appears in this paper has not been presented before. These letters that Catherine Booth wrote are inevitably about her, but they also tell us a little about her father, a great deal about her mother, her children and, most especially, the man she married, William Booth. This paper will concentrate mainly on William and Catherine. In October 1855 Catherine told her parents “at best I am but a frail thing, soon ex[h]austed.”6 Catherine Booth, in her own words: “a frail thing!” That “frail thing” married, had eight children, all raised to adulthood, plus one (or was it two) adopted, she preached, wrote, organised, campaigned for the rights of the poor and marginalised, and played a major role in establishing an Army. That is remarkable for “a frail thing”. She had, of course, poor health, which would justify her using that term and this is very evident in these letters. She had curvature of the spine, which caused her considerable pain, which she often 4
The originals of these letters are part of the Booth Papers housed in the British Library. That library has supplied the writer with scanned copies so that they can be produced in an easily accessible and readable form. It is hoped to eventually produce the complete collection as a PDF for researchers and other interested parties. The work of transcribing and editing these letters is continuing, and each letter will eventually be allotted a number, P1, P2, P3, etc. for identification purposes, as many are not clearly dated. However, as it is possible that these numbers may change slightly as the work proceeds and new discoveries are made, we here give the dates, where they are known, where they were written from, and their location in the Booth Papers. I thank the British Library for permission to quote from this collection. 5 Leeds, Dec. 13th, 1855; MS64803 (f.77r). 6 Sheffield, October 22nd, 1855. MS64803 (f.38r).
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refers to in these letters, at times she had piles, had long term problems with her bowels (she frequently had diarrhoea), had a nervous disposition, angina, sometimes heart palpitations, and she later died of cancer. In October 1858, just after the birth of her third child (Katy) and nearly seven years before the birth of The Salvation Army, she uttered the desperate words, “My hands are so full & my body so weak that I think sometimes it would be as well for me to get safe to heaven & give place to someone more competent for the duties devolving upon me.”7 One of the words most commonly used in these letters is “poorly”, an old English term for being unwell. Poorly is used well over 200 times in these letters and it most often refers to Catherine herself. Sometimes she is “poorly”; at other times she is “very poorly”. Catherine rejected the formal medical methods of her day. She may have suffered from them as a child, so as a young woman she was reluctant to go near a normal doctor. Rather, she preferred the alternative forms of medicine of her day, such as “galvanism”, that is, electric shock treatment for bone disorders, which in her case was for her back;8 “hydropathy”, that is, the drinking of and bathing and being dowsed in water, often cold.9 And thirdly, “homeopathy”, which is the administering of tiny doses of medicines on the basis of “like cures like”, and these “cures” included belladonna. 10 Catherine read books about homeopathy, advised her family and friends on homeopathy, and even on one occasion instructed a friend on a homeopathic treatment for a dog.11 Whatever can be said in favour of these methods, they do not seem to have done Catherine much good, for she was nearly always “poorly”. However, it should be noted, her children all lived to adulthood. In November 1860, so towards the end of the Booths’ famous ministry in Gateshead and after five years of marriage, she says, “I have about given up all hope of ever being any better than I am,” physically, that is, “& so I must try to make the best of it & suffer as a X’n.”12 However, when Catherine first became busily engaged in her preaching ministry, she enjoyed better health or seems to have done. In the early part of that period she hardly ever then referred to herself as poorly, and if she was not well at that time, she usually kept quiet about it. Immediately after they left the Methodist New Connexion in mid-1861 they went to visit William’s mother in Nottingham, and by that time Catherine had become a popular preacher. And she said this, “I am, astonishing to say, much better in health. If you knew how I was fixed when I left home, you would be amazed at me for coming, but I am better rather than worse for doing the Lord’s work.”13 However, further pregnancies and other factors did lead to a return to poor health later. Catherine Booth was also a pessimist. This is evident from these letters and from those she wrote to William. When she was expecting her first baby, she at times thought that it might not live.14 Perhaps that was not unusual in the mid-nineteenth century. On one occasion before they were married, when William Booth was a hundred and fifty miles to the north in Lincolnshire, she was without a letter from him for about a week. Catherine panicked. He must be ill or injured or even dead, she seems to have thought. William meanwhile was ministering to several churches and was 7
Gateshead, October 1858, MS64804 (f.161v). Catherine frequently went to see a galvanist by the name of Franks, while she was engaged to William Booth, see David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Letters of William and Catherine Booth (Brisbane, Camp Hill Publications, 2003), passim. 9 William also shared her belief in hydropathy and went at times to recuperate at Smedley’s Hydropathic Clinic, see for example, Gateshead, August 23rd, 1860, MS64805 (ff.63-64). 10 Gateshead, November 21st or 28th, or December 5th, 1858, MS64804 (ff.177v-178r). 11 See for example, Gateshead, January 28th, 1859, MS64804 (ff.190v-191r). 12 Gateshead, November 19th, 1860, MS64805 (f.85r). 13 While this letter is undated, the resignation letter, scheduled to arrive that morning, was written on 18 th July, Frederick de L. Booth-Tucker, Life of Catherine Booth (London: Salvation Army, 1892), 1:302. This letter from Catherine was, therefore, presumably written from Nottingham on July 19 th, 1861, MS64805 (ff141v-42r). 14 Leeds, January 3rd and January 29th, 1856, MS64803 (ff.88r & 105v). 8
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very busy. And that was the reason the letter was late. But, on her own admission, on that occasion Catherine made herself sick with worry.15 So, Catherine Booth was “a frail thing”. But she proved to be tougher than she first thought, as we know and shall see. The First Three Letters The first letters Catherine wrote to her parents (at least those that still exist) were written while she was convalescing in Brighton, on the southern coast of England. These letters have traditionally been dated to the year 1847. For example, Frederick Booth-Tucker and Roger Green, in their biographies of Catherine, date them, or seem to date them, to 1847.16 Catherine Bramwell-Booth clearly dates them to 1847.17 However, that year is almost certainly incorrect. Part of the third of these letters has crucial material to determine its dating. Catherine Mumford, as she was, said, I hope you will get this on monday morning, & I will write again on monday, so that you may get it before you go to the glorious Exhibition. Oh, I should like to see it again so much. It seems a pity for such magnificence to be disturbed. I hope the closing ceremony will be worthy of its history. There is one thing I trust will not be forgotten: that is to give God thanks for having so signally disappointed our enemies & made the fears of friends groundless. This unparalleled production of art & science was born in good will, has lived in universal popularity, & will, no doubt, expire with majestic grandeur, lamented by all the nations of the earth.18
In the likely time frame, that “glorious Exhibition” can only be the Great Exhibition held in London in 1851. That and other evidence indicates that these first three letters were written in 1851.19 Catherine Mumford was in Brighton in 1847. We know that because her diary says so, but these letters were written four years later, so she stayed in Brighton on at least two occasions, the letters being written during the second visit. William Booth: New Connexion Evangelist From 1854 to 1861 William Booth was a preacher for the Methodist New Connexion, one of numerous branches of fractured Methodism in Britain. Some of the leaders of the New Connexion quickly recognised his evangelistic gifts and began to use him in an exclusively evangelistic ministry, travelling and preaching to ever-increasing congregations, particularly in the northern half of England. There are, of course, no letters that Catherine wrote to her parents in the early part of this period, because it was before their marriage, so she was living with them. But after Catherine and William 15
The letters that William and Catherine Booth wrote to each other will hereafter be referred to as Booth Letters, the first number after that will be the page number for the printed version, the second number in brackets will be for the PDF file on the Booth Letters CD. Letter to William Booth, CM27, March 2nd or 9th, 1853, Booth Letters, 79 (CD, 82); see also her letters CM6, December 5th-9th, 1852, CM7, December 12th, 1852 and CB154, September 19 th, 1860, Booth Letters, 23-24 (CD, 27-28), 28 (CD, 32) & 333 (CD, 324-25). 16 Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:40 – 41; Roger J. Green, Catherine Booth (Crowborough: Monarch, 1996), 32 – 33, 301, fns. 39 – 40. 17 Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth (London: Hodder, 1970), 43 – 44. 18 Brighton, September or early October 1851, MS64803 (f.6v). 19 For example, each of these letters mentions a friend or relative named Maria, who does not appear in the 1847 diary entries.
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were married in June 1855 the letters to John and Sarah Mumford began to flow, and they are a treasure chest of stories about William Booth’s evangelistic ministry. It needs to be remembered that Catherine was not preaching yet, and judging by the letters written in the mid-1850s she seems to have had little desire to do so. However, at the end of 1857 she began to give occasional lectures on temperance and thought then of the possibility of preaching. At that time she told her parents, “If I had been fortunate enough to have been brought up amongst the Primitive [Methodist]s, I believe I should have been preaching now. You laugh! But I believe it. The cares of a family and the bother of a house & servants now preclude any kind of labour that requires much study”.20 So, the idea was there, but in those years she was remarkably quiet about it. She was, of course, leading a Methodist class and teaching some girls, but she referred to those activities very rarely. Apart from that, she appears to have been content to be a preacher’s wife, to look after his home, with help from servants, and to raise his children, but hopefully not too many. It is surprising that in her early married life she so rarely gave evidence of a desire to preach. In April 1855, so before she was married, she had declared her beliefs on women’s equality with men in two letters, one to her then fiancé,21 and another, slightly later, to Rev. David Thomas, a Congregational minister, whom she much admired.22 Towards the end of 1859 she wrote a pamphlet supporting Phoebe Palmer, the renowned American preacher, who was then in England, which clearly supported the right of women to preach. But in the letters written to her parents in 1855-58 she did not usually express any desire or expectation that she should preach. That came later. So according to these letters in this period the preaching is done by William. And here are some accounts of it and its results from the pen of Catherine. Bear in mind that at this stage William Booth is a travelling evangelist for the Methodist New Connexion, so they are moving about a lot and living in other people’s homes, going from town to town, from chapel to chapel. However, these extracts all seem to be taken from their time in Sheffield in the north of England. In mid-October 1855 Catherine said, I went to chapel yesterday and witnessed a scene such as I have never beheld before. In the afternoon there was a love feast [that is, a kind of communion service], and it was indeed a feast of love. The chapel was packed above and below, so much so that it was with extreme difficulty the bread & water could be passed about. The aisles and pulpit stairs were full, and in all parts of the chapel persons rose to testify of the power of God in connection with the services. It was an affecting time, both to me and William’s mother, when someone called down blessings on his head, to hear a general response and murmured prayer all through the building. At night we got there at 5 minutes to 6, & found the chapel crowded & the vestry half full. I was just returning home when a gentleman told me there was a seat reserved for me in Mr. Mills’ pew, which, after some difficulty, I reached. The chapel presented a most pleasing aspect, a complete forest of heads extending to the outside of every door, upstairs and down. Mr. Shaw opened the service, and William preached with marvellous power for an hour and ten minutes. Everybody was absorbed and riveted. Though scores were standing. They had a glorious prayermeeting, in which seventy names were taken, many of them being very satisfactory cases. I would have given something considerable for you to have been there.23
Then a little later: 20
Brighouse, December 7th, 1857, MS64804 (f.57r). Letter CM122, Apr. 9th, 1855, Booth Letters, 283 – 86 (CD, 277-80). 22 For the text of this letter see David Malcolm Bennett, Catherine Booth on Women’s Place and Ministry (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2004), 13 – 18, or the Booth Papers in the British Library, MS64806 (ff.199-201). For a discussion on the dating of this letter see Catherine Booth on Women’s Place and Ministry, 4 – 6. There can be little doubt that it was written on or soon after April 22nd, 1855. 23 Sheffield, possibly October 15th,1855, MS64803 (ff.30r-31r). 21
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We had a mighty day at the chapel yesterday. A tremendous crowd, jammed together like sheep in a pen. One of the mightiest sermons at night I ever listened to, from “Will a man rob God? Yet ye have robbed Me!” [Mal. 3:8] The chapel continued crowded during the prayer-meeting, & before half-past ten o’clock 76 names were taken. All glory to God! My dearest W[illia]m. has been very prostrate to day, but he is preaching again to night.24
While probably still in Sheffield, she told her Mother, The work goes on gloriously. On Sunday night the chapel was packed to suffocation, and after a powerful sermon, a mighty prayer meeting ensued, in which upwards of sixty names were taken, some of them very important and interesting cases. People of all grades and opinions attend the services, from members of the Town Council to the lowest outcasts. Last night (Monday) was what William calls a precious night. Mr. Mills, the ex-President, says the sermon was both beautiful and effective.25
So, William Booth, evangelist, had at least one fan in the New Connexion hierarchy, Mr. Mills, an ex-President of the Conference, which is worth noting, for, as we shall see, William Booth was later removed from the specifically evangelistic ministry. A year later, back in Sheffield, Catherine wrote: We are trying to lose sight of man & second causes and to do what we do more exclusively unto the Lord. I feel this is the only way to find satisfaction & peace in the prosecution of our mission. But I am not near such an apt scholar at it as my beloved. He can bear non-appreciation, etc., etc. much easier than I can. The simple reason is, he is in a much better state of soul, but I am trying to rise. May the Lord help me.26
They did this travelling ministry for the Methodist New Connexion for nearly two years. During that time William Bramwell Booth was born. Then the New Connexion Conference of June 1857 decided that William Booth should cease this specifically evangelistic ministry and become a minister of a circuit, thus serving in one particular area. Methodists circuits usually had one main chapel and several others located in the same district. The Booths were sent to Brighouse in the Halifax circuit in Yorkshire. That for the next year was to be William Booth’s mission field. William Booth’s Circuit Ministry The Booths viewed the move to a circuit with mixed feelings. Both William and Catherine believed that William’s ministry should be as an evangelist, travelling from place to place preaching the Gospel, and they were disappointed that that had been brought to a conclusion, if, perhaps, only temporarily. However, they had been travelling around, living in other people’s homes ever since they were first married. That was difficult, especially with a baby, and another was due very soon. So, the disappointment at ending William Booth’s ministry as a travelling evangelist was lessened by the relief of being in one location and being able to establish their own home. They clearly had mixed feelings about it. However, as they settled in, there was a major problem. They did not seem to like the Methodists in Brighouse, and the Methodists in Brighouse did not seem to like them. It has proved difficult to establish definite reasons for that. From the Booths’ perspective, they were not entirely 24
Sheffield, October 22nd, 1855, MS64803 (f.38). This is not in the Booth Papers and is drawn from Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:146 – 47. 26 Sheffield, possibly September 7th, 1856, MS64803 (f.137r). 25
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happy about being placed in circuit ministry and any minor problems they experienced with the people may have consequently been exaggerated. From the people’s perspective, they may not have liked William Booth’s vigorously evangelistic preaching, though no documentation has been uncovered to confirm that. But whatever the reasons, the Booths had a miserable year at Brighouse. Soon after leaving there Catherine told her mother, “I feel just like any one liberated from prison, getting from that hated Brighouse.” It also should be noted that the Booths were not the only ones who had difficulties at Brighouse. Their successor, Mr. Round, also seems to have had problems there.27 However, a positive factor of their time there was that Catherine had engaged in ministry as a class leader,28 something that would not have been possible in their travelling situation. That was very important for her development. After Brighouse they moved to the east and further to the north to Gateshead. The difference in the mood of Catherine’s letters after the initial settling in is very noticeable. Brighouse was “hated”, but Gateshead was loved. She told her mother, “Every thing looks encouraging in the Circuit & W[illia]m seems pleased with his reception every where.”29 Early in 1859 they began a series of evangelistic services in one of the chapels. Catherine was heavily involved, though she was still not preaching. She told her parents, I snatch a few moments just to enquire how you are and to let you know how we are getting on. I never was so much engaged in my life. I have done visiting my own district & am now helping with others. I should think I have visited near three hundred homes & given verbal invitations as well as left the bills during the last 4 days. I have engaged to go again tomorrow & Wednesday. This with other extra duties consequent on the services makes me very throng.30 But bless the Lord, our labour is not in vain. Yesterday was a very encouraging beginning. Chapel well filled (seats thirteen hundred), such a sight as they have not seen since W[illia]m. was here three years ago, a capatol [sic] prayer meeting & five cases, bless the Lord. I trust we are going to have a glorious work. I understand there is a good congregation to night. I am too tired to go. I must pray for them at home, & besides, W[illia]m will make me work so when I am there, & I don’t feel equal to it. Last night he called on me to pray at the close of the sermon before a crowded chapel at mount pleasant. I carn’t [sic] stand that, tho’ many have spoken of it as a good season & I believe it was. If I only had more grace, I could do any thing. But what avails superior light, without superior love. Oh, for an indwelling Christ.31
Catherine Booth Begins to Preach On Whit Sunday, 27th May 1860 (so 15 months later), Catherine Booth preached for the first time. That changed everything. Now there were two preachers in the family. However, two or three months later William Booth became ill, and went to recuperate at Smedley’s Hydro, leaving Catherine holding more than one baby. In fact, she was caring for four children and a circuit of Methodist chapels. However, she did have servants to assist in the home, and there was at least one, possibly two, other fulltime preachers in the circuit, so she was not alone. But Catherine Booth had not only begun to preach she had become a very popular preacher and, it seems, everybody wanted to hear her. (Female preachers were not unknown in the Methodism of that time but were fairly rare.) So, she had to prepare sermons and deliver them. She did preach in different chapels, so she could preach the same sermon more than once, but a problem arose that people followed her from 27
Gateshead, June 17th, 1858, MS64804 (f.121r). Brighouse, October 16th, 1857, MS64804 (f.44r). 29 Gateshead, probably July 11th, 1858, MS64804 (f.125v). 30 “Throng” in this context means busy. 31 Gateshead, February 7th, 1859, MS64804 (ff.194v-195r). 28
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chapel to chapel, so were likely to hear a sermon that they had heard before. Catherine decided that if they were going to keep following her, they would have to put up with hearing the same sermon. She described it this way: The people begin to follow me from place to place, very much to my annoyance, as, of course, I cannot have a new subject for every place. However, if they will come, I cannot help it. God has certainly & wonderfully opened me a great & effectual door. I am lost in wonder & gratitude. Oh, pray that I may be enabled to use these opportunities, as one who must give an account of this awful stewardship. I do try to aim at the good of souls in every word, & I think I can appeal to the searcher of hearts as to my desire to glorify him only with every faculty he has given me.32
An example of the handwriting of Catherine Booth from letters to her parents33
Here is part of a letter written to her mother that graphically describes her new situation. I have scarce time to write to day. I have to go out directly to visit, and I have been writing all the morn’g preparing for Sunday. I am published for anniversary sermons at Felling Shore, morn’g & night… On Sunday week I am at the Teams anniversary, morn’g & night, and the Sunday after they want me to take Bethesda again, and the Sunday after that they want me at Sheriff Hill for their anniversary, & then they want me at Gateshead Fell. So, you see, I have plenty of work cut out. I am anxious to do as much as I can while W[illia]m. is away, as they esteem me as a competent supply for him, & this will prevent disappointment, but I don’t intend to do so much when he returns.34
32
Gateshead, September 17th, 1860, MS64805 (f.69r). Scanned image from the British Library collection of the Booth Papers, Disk, 45. 34 Gateshead, August 31st, 1860, MS64805 (ff.66v-67r). 33
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Her report to her parents about her visit to the chapel at Teams ran, Had a very good day. At night the chapel was packed & many went away unable to get in. I had a new subject: “Be ye reconciled to God.” It was by far the best effort I have made yet. I spoke an hour & a quarter with liberty & effect. The attention & interest never appeared to flag for a moment, & no one seemed aware that I had spoken any thing like as long. I do intend to try to be shorter for my own sake.35
As noted previously, less than two years earlier Catherine had written, “My hands are so full & my body so weak that I think sometimes it would be as well for me to get safe to heaven & give place to someone more competent for the duties devolving upon me.”36 Now her duties were far greater and she responded to them with faith, courage and surprising energy. In the space of about three months, Catherine Booth’s situation had significantly and dramatically changed. She had gone from being the wife of a Methodist minister, caring for his needs, looking after their children, organising their home, and serving as a class leader to being one of the most popular preachers in the north-east of England. And still looking after a family and a home! It also needs to be borne in mind that her sermons usually lasted about an hour, so they took a lot of preparation, and the effort in preaching them and speaking to people afterwards would have been considerable. One has to ask how did this “frail thing” cope with all this additional labour? That is not an easy question to answer. We can say God helped her and I am sure He did, but it was a dramatic change and something she could not have planned or even expected. But her whole life had been moving in that direction, though for most of the time she had seemed unaware of that. John Mumford Catherine Booth’s mother, Sarah Mumford was a Christian, and seems to have been rather like Catherine in temperament.37 Catherine’s father, John Mumford, had been a lay preacher and temperance speaker, but was now an alcoholic and had withdrawn from Christian activity. In October 1860 John Mumford travelled north to Gateshead to visit his daughter and her family. While there he went to hear her preach at a nearby place called Wreckington. Under her preaching on this occasion, John Mumford had a religious experience. There are two points of special significance here. First, Catherine knew something had happened to her father at that time, but did not know precisely what.38 In one of her letters she described his experience as “a blessing”, but added that she hoped it might lead to “a glorious result”, presumably lead to conversion or rededication.39 However, a year later she said in response to something her father had said, “I did not know before, that my dear Father regarded that [event in Wreckington] as the day of his decision for Jesus.”40 The second point is about where and when John Mumford had that experience. If we are going to get our collection of memories right, we need to get the location and timing right. Some Army literature has stated that this experience of John Mumford happened in Cornwall in 1861.41 However, 35
Gateshead, September 13th, 1860, MS64805 (f.70v). Gateshead, October 1858, MS64804 (f.161v). 37 I glean this from the many references to her mother’s thoughts and behaviour in these letters. 38 Gateshead, October 10th, 1860, MS64805 (f.80v); Gateshead, October 31st, or November 1st or 2nd, 1860, MS64805 (f.81r). 39 Gateshead, October 31st, or November 1st or 2nd, 1860, MS64805 (f.81r). 40 St. Ives, October 18th, 1861, MS64805 (f.156r). 41 For example, Green, Catherine, 141. 36
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whatever did happen to Mumford on this occasion occurred in the far north-east of England in October 1860, not in Cornwall in the far south-west in late 1861. What happened to John Mumford later? Encouraged by his daughter, he seems to have carried out some temperance speaking in the late 1850s, so a little before the Wreckington experience, 42 and may have done so after it. On occasions, he also accompanied and perhaps helped Catherine and William Booth in their evangelistic missions,43 but he does not appear to have returned to preaching. However, sadly, it seems that the drink had hold of him. Information about his later life is hard to find and when his wife died, it is said that her death certificate described her as a widow, yet he was still alive and lived for another nine years.44 The Booths as Independent Evangelists William and Catherine Booth hoped that at the Methodist New Connexion Conference of 1861 William Booth would be reinstated to the role of the denomination’s travelling evangelist. It did not happen. He was appointed instead to the Newcastle Circuit. The Booths were not happy and after initially taking up the circuit, William Booth resigned as a New Connexion minister and William and Catherine launched out as independent travelling evangelists.45 After leaving the New Connexion, they began their new role in the county of Cornwall in the south-west of England. At this stage they had the support of the main Methodist denominations, the Wesleyans, the New Connexion, and, to a lesser extent, the Primitives. They had been to Cornwall before in the Spring of 1857, while William Booth was still the New Connexion evangelist, and after initial hesitancy the people proved most responsive. They returned to Cornwall in August 1861. They travelled the county and did not leave until early 1863,46 so they were there a year and a half. On the earlier visit to Cornwall William Booth had been the sole preacher. But this time there were two preachers: William and Catherine Booth. Working together, they could cover a greater area and minister in more chapels. They preached mainly in Methodist chapels of various vintage and size. It is worth bearing in mind that Methodism was very strong in Cornwall. At the beginning of the nineteenth century there had been significantly more Methodists in Cornwall than there had been in London,47 even though the population in Cornwall was much less. Various shades of Methodism had remained strong in that county, and, of course, the Booths, though they were now independent, were firmly in the Methodist tradition. They began in Hayle and their mission varied from the successful to the explosive. If there had been hesitancy before, now the people of Cornwall came to love them. Catherine said that in Hayle
42
Gateshead, December 2nd or 9th, 1858, MS64804 (f.180r); Gateshead, January 14th, 1859, MS64804 (f.187r). Booth-Tucker, Catherine, 1:449; David Malcolm Bennett, The General: William Booth (2 vols. FL: Xulon Press, 2003), 1:299; 308, n.33; Letter (WB131), Booth Letters, 345 (CD, 335). 44 St. John Ervine, God’s Soldier (2 vols. London: Heinemann, 1934) 1:307; Roy Hattersley, Blood and Fire (NY: Doubleday, 1999), 179. I have not yet been able to access Sarah Mumford’s death certificate to confirm this. 45 I will be writing a paper on that resignation later. 46 Catherine’s first letter from Cardiff in Wales, their next port of call, was probably written on February 18 th, 1863, MS64806 (ff.33-37). 47 See, for example, the membership figures in the various “Minutes of the [Wesleyan] Methodist Conferences” for the first decade of the nineteenth century, https://books.google.com.au/books?id=ICIRAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v= onepage&q&f=false, accessed 2 August 2017. 43
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The work ha[d] commenced in good earnest. We have had three very good nights. W[illia]m preached Monday & Tuesday night & me last night. The cases in all about 21. I never saw people cry & shout as they do here. I can do nothing in public in the prayer-meetings, the noise is so great. I occupy myself with going to the people in the pews. The place is full of conviction, & I doubt not we shall have a glorious work. Don’t be over anxious about reports. There is plenty of time before us and invitations now are becoming perplexing. I think the way is opening in Cornwall for a much longer stay than we at first contemplated.48
The Booths even worked with a Wesleyan minister named Samuel Dunn in Camborne. Samuel Dunn had been William’s minister in Nottingham in Booth’s teenage years, and in that period Dunn and Booth had not always seen eye to eye.49 Catherine said, W[illia]m went by invitation to see Mr. Dun[n] at Cambourne [sic],50 4 miles from here, the other day & He [sic] wants us to go there. He is going away for next Sunday & I am going to preach for him, & to stay two or three ev’ngs as my strength serves. And if a good work should begin there, we shall perhaps try to work the two places at the same time, interchanging with one another, according to circumstances. If we can do this it will be well, as this place [Hayle] is too small for a sphere for us both.51
So, Catherine went to Camborne. She told her parents, “There is a glorious beginning at Cambourne [sic]. I have had overwhelming congregations. Last night the chapel was packed & full of conviction, but they would not yield. Either me or W[illia]m is going back for to night, hoping for a glorious break down, which if it comes, we shall try to work both places at once.”52 Later from St. Ives, Catherine said, The good work goes on gloriously. Near 800 names have been taken. We commenced yesterday in the Primitive chapel for a week or a fortnight… I spoke in the afternoon to a crowded audience. The heat was intense, altho’ we had nearly all the windows open. I felt but poorly & did not enjoy my usual liberty. Nevertheless, I suppose, the people were well satisfied. W[illia]m had a crowded chapel at night & we are hoping for a good week. The Wesleyans are all very anxious to have W[illia]m in their chapel & have been long; Trustees, Leaders, and people, without a dissentient, but the Super[intendent] has stood in the way. They have a Trustees meeting to night, however, to try & overcome his opposition & carry their point. If they should (which I don’t expect, because I have no faith in Parsons), we shall probably stay here untill [sic] the new year sets in. The people of all denominations and of no denomination at all are exceedingly anxious to keep us. I cannot speak, however, for the Priests, neither do I care much whether they are anxious or not.53
But towards the end of their time in Cornwall major problems arose. The Methodist New Connexion Conference of 1862 accepted Booth’s resignation of 10 months before. This made some New Connexion churches reluctant to use the Booths. In addition, the Wesleyan Methodists and the Primitive Methodists each banned their churches from using travelling evangelists such as the Booths. This gradually closed many pulpits to them, which not only led to a loss of opportunity but also to a loss of income. 48
Hayle, August 15th, 1861, MS64805 (ff.147r-v). For a defence of Samuel Dunn, see my article on www.williamandcatherinebooth.com. 50 The correct spelling of the town is “Camborne”. Rev. Samuel Dunn served in Camborne in an independent Methodist Church in the early 1860s, see O. A. Beckerlegge, “Samuel Dunn” in John A. Vickers (ed.), A Dictionary of Methodism in Britain and Ireland (Peterborough: Epworth, 2000), 101. 51 Hayle, August 15th, 1861, MS64805 (f.147r). 52 Hayle, Probably late August 1861, MS64805 (f.149r). 53 St. Ives, November 18th, 1861, MS64805 (ff.163v-164r). 49
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So, they moved to Cardiff in Wales. It was in Cardiff that they found some important supporters, who were to help them financially and in other ways from that time. They were Mr. and Mrs. Billups and Richard and John Cory. Mr. Billups was a wealthy merchant and the Corys were ship owners. The Corys even later named one of their ships the “S. S. William Booth”, and the Booths were to have a share in its profits. I think it may have been in late April 1864 that Catherine told her parents that one “day’s post brought us news of the loss of the ‘W[illia]m. Booth’, with great loss to her owners, & consequently the loss of our share in her worth to us… the Lord evidently does not intend us to get rich, for He could have prevented it.”54 The ship sank on its maiden voyage. But the Cory brothers and Mr. and Mrs. Billups remained friends and supporters of the Booths and their work. In Cardiff they adopted a new, or at least unusual, tactic. They first preached in a Baptist Chapel,55 but they knew that many from other denominations would not attend, so they decided on a secular location: the Circus. Here is Catherine Booth’s description of that Circus. The Circus answers much better than we expected. Wm. had a good attendance in the morn’g & a good time. I had it full in the afternoon and spoke for an hour with tolerable liberty. The sight of the place almost overwhelmed me at first; it looks an immense place. We speak from the stage, on which there were a good many people sitting round, the ring just before us (the friends have seated, with seats with backs to them), then commences a gallery in the amp[h]itheatre style, rising from the ring to the ceiling, & when full forms a most imposing sight. The side gal[l]eries & those behind the stage were likewise well filled. It was a great effort for me to compass the place with my voice, but I suppose I was heard well, so I shall take it easier next time. 56
Catherine Booth’s Criticisms We will conclude with a few miscellaneous items. First, we must remember that Catherine Booth was not all sweetness and gentility. Catherine was at times strongly critical of others. Perhaps at times unfairly so. But when she was stirred, her writing could be most powerful. After the New Connexion Conference in 1863, so two years after they had left that Connexion, her mother asked for her comments on the proceedings at that Conference. Catherine replied: You ask for our comments on W[esleyan] T[imes] reports of Conference proceedings. For my part I am disgusted with the to[a]dyism of the paper and am doing my best to persuade W[illia]m to give it up. Mr. Stephenson57 says in his advertisement of W[esleyan] T[imes] “every lover of religious liberty should read it, etc.” Just ask him from me, “What for?” It is about as perfect an organ for priestism as the priests themselves could desire. According to it, the Conference was perfect, the president, whom I happen to know, was perfect! Just the man for such a post!! The proceedings were all perfect, the working of the system is perfect. In short, everything about the New Con[nexion] is just as it should be. There is nothing to be mended, either in men or measures. All glory be to Dr. Cook[e], Dad[d]y^ Crofts and all their glorious crew! That’s what their reports amount too, and even this would be tolerable if one could believe that the man who wrote it was such a fool as to think it. But we know better. We know the revelations of things at that Conference must make on any intelligent mind a different impression, and therefore I cannot but read it with loathing. Let me have truth, if it shakes the foundations of the earth; and I see no difference between lies written & spoken, though I think the former the worst of the two.58
54
Leeds, probably late April 1864, MS64806 (ff.104v-105r). Cardiff, probably February 18th, 1863, MS64806 (f.34v). 56 Cardiff, February 23rd, 1863, MS64806 (f.42r). 57 This must be George Stevenson, a Methodist publisher. 58 Walsall, probably mid-June 1863, MS64806 (ff.55v-56r). 55
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Note that: “Let me have truth, if it shakes the foundations of the earth.” And the word “truth” is underlined. That’s powerful and especially relevant to our age in which people worship their own “truth”, whether it be true or not. Bramwell Booth For a moment we turn to Bramwell Booth, or Willie, as he was known in childhood. This is probably a new suggestion about Bramwell Booth’s deafness. It is well known that for much of his life he was deaf. Catherine Bramwell Booth in her biography of her father indicates that Bramwell seems to have been deaf from fairly early adulthood, and that it may have been caused by “straining his throat with continuous preaching in the open-air when suffering from a chill”.59 Something has been discovered in these letters that might indicate that he had hearing problems even as a young child. This is offered tentatively, for the evidence can be understood differently. Catherine made several references to Bramwell, or Willie, if you like, being a late talker.60 Bramwell was late in starting to talk. It is true that children begin talking at different ages. Some begin talking late, for no obvious reason. But it may be possible that Bramwell was born with a hearing defect. That is a suggestion only. It may not be correct. It does also need to be kept in mind that when he did begin to talk, he made up for lost time and proved to be a lively chatterbox. Nature and Humour In closing here are two comments from Catherine Booth, which are a little different. The first, relates to her love of nature, and the God of that nature, themes which often appear in her letters. In one early letter, when convalescing in Burnham on the Essex coast in the south-east of England she said, “All nature, vocal & mute, points upward, & all unsophisticated souls must feel the power of its testimony to the being and goodness of the Christian’s God.”61 In the letters that Catherine wrote to William Booth, there is very little evidence of her having a sense of humour. Indeed, she told William to avoid “the sin of levity”.62 William Booth was more inclined to engage in the amusing and she did not seem comfortable with it. But in these letters to her parents she seems a little more inclined to appreciate a bit of fun. On one occasion the flow in her letter becomes a little confused, and she tells her parents, “I am having some fun with W[illia]m. As I am writing, he is talking about the money, and I am telling him if he will have babies, he must provide for them.”63
59
Catherine Bramwell Booth, Bramwell Booth (London: Rich & Cowan,1933), 57. See also Hattersley, Blood, 406. Truro and Brighouse, May 23 rd, October 16th, and November 22nd or 29th, 1857, MS64804 (ff.20r, 44v-45r, 54v). 61 Burnham, possibly September 4th, 1854, MS64803 (f.9v). 62 Letter CM16, January 16th, 1853, Booth Letters, 60 (CD, 63). 63 Leeds, December 18th, 1855, MS64803 (f.79r). 60
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OZKIS STORIES OF SALVATION ARMY OFFICERS WITH AUSTRALIAN CONNECTIONS WHO SERVED AS NEW ZEALAND MILITARY CHAPLAINS IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR Kingsley Sampson1 ABSTRACT Eight New Zealand Salvation Army officers served overseas as military chaplains in the First World War. Four of these were Australian born and the others had lived in Australia for some years. OZKIS gives an overview of each chaplain and then tells the stories of two of the Australian-born officers, how they came to be in New Zealand at the outbreak of the war and the service they gave among New Zealand troops in Egypt, Europe and the United Kingdom during the war. It was this service among other things which increased the high regard in which the New Zealand public held The Salvation Army in the post-war era. Introduction The term ‘OZKIS’ is a made-up word derived from the colloquial terms ‘Aussies’ (used to describe Australians) and ‘Kiwis’ (used to describe New Zealanders). I have been unable to find any previous use of this term but it surely cannot be original. That said, I am using it in this article to refer to the four (out of eight) New Zealand Salvation Army military chaplains who had been born in Australia and who served overseas with the New Zealand Expeditionary Force (NZEF) in the First World War. All the chaplains had links with Australia, either by birth or by having lived there for some period of time prior to the war. This article will briefly describe the careers of these eight men and then feature in more detail the stories of two of the four who had been born in Australia. The close connection between The Salvation Army in Australia and New Zealand was facilitated by the fact that New Zealand was part of Army’s Australasian Territory from 1894 – 1912. During this period, all officers were trained in Melbourne and, as per Salvation Army policy, could be appointed anywhere within the two countries. Then when New Zealand became a separate territory in 1912, Australian-born officers remained in New Zealand and the same happened for New Zealandborn officers in Australian appointments. Thus by this administrative decision, the New Zealand Salvation Army came to eventually have several military chaplains who had been born in Australia. Coupled with this, there was much general travel and migration between the several separate British colonies that made up Australia and New Zealand, so it was not unusual for Australians to be living in New Zealand and vice versa.
1
Reference citation of this paper Kingsley Sampson, “OZKIS. Stories of Salvation Army officers with Australia connections who served as New Zealand military chaplains in the First World War”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 61 – 70.
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The Chaplains The First World War lasted from 1914 – 1918. New Zealand’s involvement began with the occupation of German Samoa in August 1914 and continued in Egypt, Gallipoli, Palestine and the Western Front until the Armistice was signed in November 1918. During the war, 130 military chaplains from a variety of Christian denominations served overseas with the NZEF. In alphabetical order, the eight Salvation Army chaplains were:
Adjudant John Bladin2
Bladin was born in Victoria in 1884, commissioned as an officer in 1903 and came to New Zealand in 1910. He served overseas from 1916 – 1918 and became Territorial Young People’s Secretary after the war. From 1929, he served in Sri Lanka, Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom including some years as principal of the International Training College in London. Bladin retired with rank of commissioner and died in Melbourne in 1959, aged 75.
Herbert Colledge3 2
The war cry (New Zealand, NZWC, 23 December 1916), 11. For more on John Bladin, see Kingsley Sampson (ed.), Under two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, (Wellington: Flag Publications, in press), chapter 19. 3 NZWC, (21 September 1918), 4.
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Colledge was born in Scotland in 1874 and entered training from Toowong Corps, Brisbane in 1895. He had appointments in Australia and India before coming to New Zealand in 1912 as field secretary. He was a military chaplain in New Zealand from 1914 and served overseas from 1918 – 1919. Colledge later served as territorial commander in India and Sri Lanka and was awarded an MBE. He retired with the rank of lieut. commissioner and died 1954, aged 80.
Edward Leeuwin Garner4
Garner was born aboard a ship in Australian waters off the coast of Western Australia’s Cape Leeuwin in 1867, hence his middle name, Leeuwin. He was commissioned as an officer in 1884 and came to New Zealand in 1900. His story will be featured later in this article.
Ensign Samuel Green5
Green was born in Melbourne, Victoria in 1889 and came to New Zealand in 1894. He was commissioned in 1908 and served overseas from 1918 – 1919. After the war, he had further appointments in New Zealand until he resigned his officership in 1933 after a tussle with the territorial
4
NZWC, (12 May 1900), 6. For more on Edward Garner, see later in this article and Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 17. 5 NZWC, (23 February 1918), 8. For more on Samuel Green, see Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 21.
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commander over what he was doing to help people during the depression. He became a Presbyterian but remained a strong supporter of The Salvation Army. Green was a prominent local body politician in Northland and served for 15 years as mayor of Dargaville. He was awarded the MBE for services to local government. He died in 1976, aged 87.
Candidate Alfred Greene, April 18926
Greene was born in Melbourne, Victoria during 1872, commissioned as an officer in 1892 in the same session as George Carpenter7 and came to New Zealand in 1903. His story will also feature later in this article.
Donald Macaulay8
Macaulay was born in Scotland in 1871 and trained as a Salvation Army officer in New Zealand in the early 1890s. Most of his appointments were in New Zealand apart from two years in Australia and time overseas as military chaplain. He retired in 1936 with the rank of brigadier and died in 1952, aged 81.
6
New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt (Hereafter NZSAHC&A). For more on Alfred Greene, see later in this article and Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 16. 7 Later General of The Salvation Army, 1939 – 1946. 8 NZWC, (21 December 1918), 10.
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Charles Walls9
Walls was born in New Zealand in 1882 and lived in Australia from 1887 – 1910. He was commissioned as an officer in 1900 and served overseas from 1916 – 1919. His final appointment in New Zealand was as chief secretary. He retired with the rank of lieut. colonel and died in 1953, aged 71.
Walter Winton10
Winton was born in New Zealand during 1877 and lived in Australia from 1899 – 1915. He was commissioned in 1899 and served overseas from 1916 – 1920. After the war, Winton served in India, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia. He retired with rank of brigadier in 1940 and died in 1957, aged 80.
9
NZSAHC&A. For more on Charles Walls, see Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 18. Photograph courtesy of Phil Lascelles Collection. For more on Walter Winton, see Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 20. 10
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The Stories of Two Prominent OZKIS Alfred Greene11 Alfred Greene was the first Salvation Army officer to be sent as a British army chaplain on active service anywhere in the world.12 Aged 42 when he left New Zealand, he served overseas in Egypt, France and Britain from October 1914 to January 1920. He served 5 years and 82 days overseas which, together with a further 86 days in New Zealand, gave him a total military service of 5 years 168 days. It is thought that his was the longest overseas tour of duty by any New Zealand military chaplain.13
Chaplain-Captain Alfred Greene14
As a child, Greene had a Church of England background and first met The Salvation Army in Ballarat, Victoria in 1883. He was converted in Melbourne in 1890 and after officer training had 18 appointments in Tasmania and Victoria between 1892 and 1903. He married Captain Isabella McKay from Stratford, New Zealand in 1900. They had one child, Olive born in Greymouth in 1906. In New Zealand, Greene had eight corps and three social appointments between 1903 and 1914. Greene was gazetted as a military chaplain (fourth class) on 1 September 191415 and left New Zealand on 16 October 1914. He arrived in Egypt on 3 December 1914 and quickly made himself indispensable to the military administration. He earned the nickname of ‘Buckshee Greene’ due to his ability to get things done and to provide help and comforts for the troops from almost anywhere. He had wanted to go to Gallipoli but was not allowed as the New Zealand military authorities felt he was too valuable in attending to the wounded coming from the peninsula. He supported reinforcement troops arriving from New Zealand and visited New Zealand sick and wounded in up to 20 hospitals and convalescent homes.
11
For more on Alfred Greene, see Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 16. NZWC, (3 October 1914), 7. 13 NZWC, (11 February 1933), 3. 14 NZSAHC&A. 15 New Zealand gazette, (No. 121, 1914), 40 – 42. 12
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The mana Greene gained among the troops is illustrated by this unsolicited comment from a soldier returning from Gallipoli in September 1915. The soldier spied a Salvation Army representative on the Wellington wharf and said: “Do you know Adjutant Greene? Well, the boys in Egypt say: ‘Ask the Salvation Army if they have any more Greenes. If they have, let us have them.’”16 But his work was done at a cost. In February and March 1916, Greene spent three weeks in a Cairo hospital with gastroenteritis. Such were the demands that Chaplain-Captain Edward Garner was appointed to assist Greene17 which Garner did from his arrival in Egypt in February 1916 until Greene went to the United Kingdom. Greene was mentioned several times in dispatches and was awarded the Military Cross for his welfare work. This was unusual because the Military Cross was usually given for service at the frontline. From Egypt, Greene went to the United Kingdom via France in April – May 1916. He was first appointed chaplain at Hornchurch Depot, a New Zealand Convalescent Hospital near London. Then in August 1916, he was transferred to the Gift Section in London, where he was responsible for dispatching all patriotic gifts received from home to New Zealand troops in both Britain and in France, a task he did until the end of the war. He visited hospitals throughout Britain and, after the first battle of the Somme in September 1916, visited the sick and wounded in no less than 160 hospitals. Greene also made periodic visits to the troops in France and was responsible for the recording and marking of all the New Zealand graves in Britain. After hostilities ended in November 1918, Greene was retained in Britain to assist with the repatriation of the troops. Greene eventually arrived back in New Zealand on Monday 5 January 1920. Upon his return to New Zealand, Greene was posted to the New Zealand Chaplains’ Department where his duties included arranging accommodation and repatriation for returned soldiers. He remained an army chaplain until 1935, eventually attaining the military rank of lieut. colonel, after which he was posted to the Retired List.18 In the early 1920s, he was put in charge of the Army’s newly established immigration department where he served until his retirement in 1932. Immediately before his retirement, Greene (now aged 63) was made food controller in Napier following the 1931 earthquake that devastated the cities of Napier and Hastings.19
Major Alfred Greene welcomes new migrants to New Zealand20
16
NZWC, (25 September 1915), 3. Dominion, (8 December 1915), 15. 18 New Zealand gazette, (No. 15, 20 February 1936). 19 NZWC, (14 February 1931), 3. 20 NZWC, (20 November 1920), 4. 17
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In retirement, Greene served as Wellington court officer for 10 years, President of the Wellington Retired Officers’ Association from 1940 and a Justice of the Peace. He was an active member of the Wellington Returned Servicemen’s Association21 and at the start of the Second World War, served for a while in charge of the Salvation Army’s War Emergency Department and later on the Army’s Military and War Emergencies Council. Greene was promoted to Glory on 24 November 1950, aged 78 and interred in the Salvation Army section at Wellington’s Karori Cemetery. His wife had earlier died in April 1947. Edward Garner22
Ensign (Chaplain-Captain) Edward Garner23
After his commissioning as an officer, Edward Garner had 29 appointments in Victoria, South Australia and New South Wales between 1884 and 1900. He married Edith May Bradley Kennedy in September 1889 and they had four children, only one of whom survived infancy. The Garners were transferred to New Zealand in 1900 where Edward became the National Junior Soldier (Young People’s) Secretary. In this role, he travelled the length of the country visiting Sunday schools and encouraging and training children’s and youth workers. The Garners resigned in 1902 and Edith died suddenly in March 1903, aged 37. She is buried in Christchurch’s Linwood Cemetery. Garner remarried in 1906. His second wife was Annie Maud Strange from a New South Wales Salvationist family. They had two children, a girl and a boy. Garner was reaccepted as an officer in 1912 and had one corps appointment before the war. He was appointed a chaplain soon after the outbreak of war and served firstly at Trentham Military Camp where the Salvation Army Institute was enlarged several times in 1915. One newspaper report said that during two months in early 1915, 29,231 and 28,000 men respectively made use of the Army’s facilities.24 While this may seem a lot, Trentham Camp grew so rapidly that by mid-1915, it housed up to 7,000 men at any one time, mostly in tents.25 Charles Walls was also on the Trentham Institute staff.
21
NZWC, (9 December 1950), 8. For more on Edward Garner, see Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 17. 23 NZWC, (10 July 1915), 10. 24 Otago daily times, (12 June 1915), 4. 25 Geoffrey Rice, Black November, (2nd Ed.), (Christchurch: Canterbury University Press, 2005), 47. 22
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Chaplain-Captain & Mrs. Garner (front row, left and centre) with other Salvationist workers at Trentham Military Camp. Taken in 1915 before Garner was posted overseas.26
Garner went to Egypt in January 1916 to assist Alfred Greene. By the time he arrived, the Gallipoli campaign had concluded, and New Zealand’s troops were being re-equipped and reinforced prior to deployment on the Western Front. While in Egypt, his tasks included spiritual work and helping Greene with hospital duty and distributing gifts received from New Zealand to the men. His diary suggests he found working with Greene difficult. Garner went to the United Kingdom in mid-1916 and had two main appointments while there. At first, he was posted to Hornchurch Convalescent Hospital near London and he also helped Greene which he still did not find easy. In April 1917, he was posted to the New Zealand Evacuation Camp in Torquay, Dorset where he was tasked with providing activities for men awaiting repatriation to New Zealand. Garner wrote in 1918 that as well as church parades and providing equipment for bowls, cricket and tennis, he had put on boating, motor drives, garden parties and fêtes for the men. He had also arranged light work opportunities for 400 men.27 Garner wrote that he was happy …serving the boys in the Evacuation Depot and that while the ministry of comfort was good … to lead men to the Saviour was better.’28 He was also mentioned in dispatches for his work at Torquay.29
After a short tour in France in 1918 and further time in the United Kingdom, Garner returned to New Zealand in October 1918. His post-war appointments in New Zealand including assisting in the repatriation of servicemen, collecting funds for a new children’s home plus corps and youth work. Garner’s children were eleven and eight respectively when he returned in October 1918. His son, Mervyn’s recollections of Garner’s return give a glimpse into how returning fathers were often strangers to their children due to the length of their absence from their wives and families. Mervyn later wrote: At the [Wellington] wharf crowded with well-wishers and returning troops, ... I saw my mother go up to one of the men and kiss him; innocently I asked her who the man was she had just kissed. 26
NZWC, (12 February 1916), 6. NZWC, (27 April 1918), 7. 28 NZWC, (23 March 1918), 6. 29 NZWC, (25 May 1918), 3. 27
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Her reply, ‘That is your father’ has echoed down through my memories not as an embarrassment but as a reminder that time is relative. Three years is an eternity to a young child.30
In 1928, Garner resigned as an officer and returned to Australia where he eventually became a Methodist. He died in Sydney in 1941, aged 74. Annie, his second wife, died in 1959, aged 88. Conclusion Both Greene and Garner, along with the other New Zealand Salvation Army chaplains were absolutely dedicated to the NZEF men. They expended themselves tirelessly for their welfare and earned the men’s gratitude and respect. Their activities enhanced the reputation of the Army in New Zealand and this translated post war into public and financial support for the Army for many years to come.
30
Extract from memoir of Garner’s son Mervyn, 11. Edwin Garner File, NZSAHC&A.
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WWI DOUGHNUT FACT AND FICTION: THE MYTH OF THE DOUGHNUT HELMET Nanci Gasiel ABSTRACT During WWI and its immediate aftermath, The Salvation Army USA sent 244 male and female War Service Workers to France and Germany to provide humanitarian aid to the US military forces. Shortly after arriving in France for war service work in August 1917, two United States Salvation Army Lassies decided to make doughnuts as a treat for the troops. The doughnuts were immediately popular and reminded the soldiers of their mothers back home. Soon, all US Salvation Army huts offered this tasty treat as part of their standard menu. The story of those first doughnuts has been repeated thousands of times during the past hundred years, and in some cases has been embellished. From one specific embellishment “the Myth of the Doughnut Helmet” was created. This myth states that the first doughnuts were fried in WWI soldier’s helmets because there were no other cooking vessels available. This myth appears to have originated in a 1959 newspaper article, where it lay dormant until the early 2000s when it was rediscovered and spread like wildfire through Salvation Army publications. The myth has become so prevalent that it can even be found in popular culture and scholarly works. This paper will look at the possible origins of this myth, variations of the myth, where the myth can be found, and investigate if there is any historical basis for this myth. Introduction For the past hundred years doughnuts have been synonymous with The Salvation Army in the United States of America. This culinary partnership began during the fall of 1917 shortly after the first two contingents of Salvation Army War Service workers disembarked at the port of Bordeaux, France to begin their wartime ministry. In total, 244 men and women, some officers and others Envoys,1 officially served in France and Germany between August 1917 and October 1921.2 Their mission was to provide humanitarian and spiritual aid to United States military forces. Over the past century, the origin story of the first batch of Salvation Army doughnuts has been told and re-told thousands of times by Salvation Army officers, employees, volunteers, the secular press and scholars. As one may expect, during the course of these retellings some factual inaccuracies have crept into the basic narrative. In most cases, these appear inconsequential to the consistent narrative of the doughnut origin story. One inaccuracy, however, instead of fading into Reference citation of this paper Nanci Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 71 – 91. 1 While 250 Salvationists engaged in overseas War Service work is generally noted, some of those on the list of official War Service Workers appear multiple times as they returned to the United States and then went back overseas. Additional United States Salvationists aided these official workers, but remain undocumented, and appear occasionally in newspaper articles, photos and correspondence. The numbers and names of most of these undocumented workers remain unknown and unresearched. 2 All but two Salvationists, Captains Harold and Mildred Smith, left France and Germany by October 1919. The Smiths remained behind through to 1 October 1921. At this time, three huts staffed by twenty workers remained open in Germany. The last US troops returned home in 1923. Ethyl Ringle, “Salvation Army Still Helps Yanks on the Rhine,” The Washington herald, (USA: 7 November 1921), 1.
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obscurity appears to have been rediscovered after more than forty years since its original publication and incorporated into the core of the narrative. It first appears in a version of the doughnut origin story in 1959 and then seems to fall away from the narrative until 2003 when it was resurrected and now serves as a key element in the story. Like many history myths, this specific myth, which shall be referred to in this paper as the “doughnut helmet myth,” has begun to feed on itself. It can be found in national, territorial and corps Salvation Army publications and press kits; in secular periodical articles and books; and even appears in scholarly works. As the doughnut helmet myth has been repeated so often in the past fifteen years, citation for this myth is not required as it has more than surpassed enough printed repetitions to be considered “common knowledge” by even the strictest academic standards. This paper will look at the possible origins of the doughnut helmet myth, variations of the myth, where the myth can be found, and investigate if there is any historical basis for this myth. Origin of the doughnut helmet myth
Back of postcard sized fundraising communications piece from The Salvation Army Indiana Divisional Headquarters, c. early 21st century3 In the 11 June 1959 issue of the Chicago daily news Home Economics Editor Isabel Du Bois published her condensed version of the doughnut origin story. Her article “How Doughnut Joined the Army” was designed to promote Doughnut Day, which had been an optional national fundraising event since 1918 and had become one of the largest annual fundraisers for The Salvation Army USA Central Territory’s Metropolitan Division which encompassed the Chicago metropolitan region. Her article read in part:
3
Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum.
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The doughnut has been the identifying trademark of the Army since one historic day in 1917. On the edge of a rainswept battlefield in Montiers, France, a group of Salvation Army workers pitched a tent and began to fry doughnuts for American doughboys. The soldiers, bogged down by 36 consecutive days of rain, were restless. Rations were poor. So Adjutant Margaret Sheldon conceived the doughnut idea as a means to bring them cheer. One hundred and fifty doughnuts, fried seven at a time in soldiers’ steel helmets were dispensed the first day. It was pouring rain when the cooking started. The water-soaked tent collapsed. The stove fell apart. But the doughnuts were a huge success. Soon the project spread to other areas. Before long the Army was frying doughnuts for soldiers from one end of the trenches to the other.4
While the story includes many of the elements found in other versions of The Salvation Army doughnut origin story which were published regularly since 1918, there is one specific inaccuracy included. Du Bois says that the doughnuts were fried in “soldiers’ steel helmets.”5 This is the key phrase which makes this the earliest identified publication of the doughnut helmet myth. This key element, cooking doughnuts in soldiers’ helmets, seems to have tapped into some aspect of the 21st century United States psyche. It provides a neatly packaged and easily repeatable Salvation Army version of US frontier or pioneer mythology. This mythology commonly offers a heroic story of the individual overcoming all odds with no ability to secure assistance or comfort through the purchase of commercial goods. An example can be seen in a myth which is often repeated at many historic sites whereby a pioneer woman had to grow her own cotton, card and spin the fibres, weave and dye the cloth, and sew all of the clothing for her whole family by herself without any assistance from others, except maybe her daughters. In reality this myth is very far from the truth in all but a few rare occasions. This sort of heroic frontier or pioneer mythology is a frequent undercurrent in much United States history.6 The related doughnut helmet myth offers a picture of resourcefulness and the ability of WWI Salvationists to overcome extreme odds to succeed. While they certainly did overcome extreme odds, no primary documentation was identified while researching this paper which can support the claim that Salvation Army lassies fried doughnuts in soldiers’ helmets during WWI. The next written repetition of the doughnut helmet myth, after Du Bois’ 1959 article, appeared to occur in 2003. However, it was likely derived from an earlier oral tradition or written story which was not identified during the research process for this paper. In a promotion for Doughnut Day, The times of Munster, Indiana published the following text in its 6 June 2003 issue: Doughnut Day was established as a fund-raiser in 1938, but its roots reach back to World War I, when Salvation Army ‘lassies’ fried doughnuts in soldier’s steel helmets over small stoves.7
The myth is repeated again in November 2003 when it was launched on a national scale through the debut of Salvation Army Famous Doughnuts, a branded fundraising product which was sold in grocery stores at first in the Washington state area and later in stores across the USA. Each package Isabel Du Bois, “How Doughnut Joined the Army.” Chicago daily news, (USA: 11 June 1959), 31. Du Bois, “How Doughnut Joined the Army.” 31. 6 Ulrich gave a thorough discussion of this frontier or pioneer mythology and its relation to United States historical writing, research and interpretation. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, The age of homespun: Object and stories in the creation of an American myth, (USA: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001). 7 This quotation contains another historical inaccuracy in addition to the doughnut helmet myth. This year, I have identified newspaper articles which date the first Doughnut Day to November 1918 to raise funds for the war effort. This evidence was identified via the website newspapers.com by searching the term “doughnut day.” Several hundred newspaper articles from across the United States which were published between 1918 and 1938 were returned through this search and show the existence of this fundraising event before 1938. 4 5
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of doughnuts was based on an original Salvation Army WWI recipe, and carried a repetition of the doughnut helmet myth on the box.8 The doughnut helmet myth is consistently incorporated into retellings of the doughnut origin story from this date forward. The myth can be found on multiple Salvation Army USA websites,9 contained within Doughnut Day fact sheets for use by corps and media,10 and publications including the United States War cry.11 The myth is not confined to Salvation Army sources alone. It has long since become part of the doughnut origin story which can be found in secular and scholarly sources. On 7 July 2018, while researching this subject, I completed a Google search for the words “cooked doughnuts in helmets” and was provided with 8,240,000 hits. While not all of those returned results will have contained all four words, all but one link on the first five pages lead me to an article, both Salvation Army and secular, which contained the doughnut helmet myth.12 These results included websites from Salvation Army USA divisions and corps, newspapers, a home school lesson, scouting activity sheet, Smithsonian Magazine, and the United States Library of Congress. Additionally, the doughnut helmet myth has been found in popular books such as Edge’s Doughnuts: An American passion;13 the scholarly article “The McAllister Sisters, The First Infantry Division, and The Salvation Army in World War I” by Mary Manning, 14 Reference Librarian for the First Division Museum at Cantigny; and in the television program “Food Fact or Fiction” on the Cooking channel.15 Variations of the myth include the doughnuts being fried in oil instead of lard,16 that a bonfire was used instead of a stove,17 occasionally a tin can or garbage can is substituted for a soldier’s
Jenna Hubbard, “A Doughnut a Day Keeps Hunger Away,” New frontier chronicle, (USA: 11 December 2003), 1.; Aimee Sheridan, “Famous Army Doughnut Returns,” New frontier chronicle, (USA, 11 December 2003), 4.; Bill Virgin, “Salvation Army is Back in the Doughnut Trade,” New frontier chronicle, (USA, 11 December 2003), 4. 9 Websites identified include, but are not limited to: “A taste of history: Fried dough, front lines & The Salvation Army”, (Minnesota & North Dakota, USA: The Salvation Army Northern Division, 10 February 2018), https://salvationarmynorth.org/?community-news=a-taste-of-history-fried-dough-front-lines-and-the-salvation-army accessed on 11 July 2018; “Donut day 2018”, (Indiana, USA: The Salvation Army Muncie, 2018), http://corps.salvationarmyindiana.org/muncie/donut-day/ accessed on 11 July 2018; “National doughnut day honors The Salvation Army lassies of WW1”, (Florida, USA: The Salvation Army Clearwater & Upper Pinellas County, 4 June 2016), https://www.salvationarmyflorida.org/clearwater/national-doughnut-day-honors-the-salvation-army-lassies-ofwwi/ accessed on 11 July 2018; “Donut day”, (USA: The Salvation Army Kalamazoo, n.d.), https://tsakalamazoo.org/kalamazoo/Donut_Day accessed on 11 July 2018; “Top competitive eaters compete in secondannual donut-eating crown to raise money for vets”, (California, USA: The Salvation Army California South Division, 25 May 2018), http://www.salvationarmy-socal.org/southern-california/news/donut_day_2018 accessed on 11 July 2018; “National donut day 2016”, (USA: The Salvation Army Coastal Alabama, 4 May 2016), http://salvationarmyalm.org/coastalalabama/2016/05/04/national-donut-day-2016/ accessed on 11 July 2018. 10 For example, “National doughnut day fact sheet”, (USA: New Frontier Chronicle, 2 June 2011), http://www.newfrontierchronicle.org/national-doughnut-day-fact-sheet/ accessed on 11 July 2018. 11 Karen Clark, “Our doughnut girls.” The war cry, (United States of America: 11 November 2006), 11 – 14. 12 A full list of these can be received from the author. 13 John T. Edge, Doughnuts: an American Passion, (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 2006). 14 Mary Manning, “The McAllister sisters, The first infantry division, and The Salvation Army in World War I”, The Bridgehead sentinel, (Summer 2011). 15 Food fact or fiction. “Hole in one.” Season 2, episode 2. The cooking channel, 24 October 2016. 16 Colin Wylie, “10 simple steps for dutch-oven doughnuts” (USA: The voice of Scouting, 1 June 2017), https://voiceofscouting.org/dutch-oven-donuts-national-donut-day accessed on 14 July 2018.; D. K. Smith, “National doughnut (donut) day” Hallelujah 940, (USA: iHeartMedia, 1 June 2018), https://hallelujah940.iheart.com/featured/d-ksmith/content/2018-06-01-national-doughnut-donut-day/ accessed on 14 July 2018.; “Let’s dish! Let’s talk about doughnuts!” The journal, (USA: 2 June 2016), http://monmouth.journalsnj.com/7658-2/ accessed on 14 July 2018.; Sally Levitt Steinberg, The doughnut book: The whole story in words, Pictures and outrageous tales, (North Adams, MA: Storey Publishing, 2004), 104. 17 “How the doughnut became a symbol of Salvation Army service.” Central news, (USA: August 1994). 8
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helmet,18 or that soldiers’ helmets were used when the Salvationists ran out of cooking pots. 19 Some versions of the myth include inaccurate quantities of doughnuts produced.20 One variation of the myth, found on a home schooling website, elaborated by stating “Donuts handed out during World War I were often fried in oil, and American soldier’s helmets were used as the cooking pot as they could hold the high heat of the hot oil. Seven donuts could be fried at a time in a helmet.”21 The historic record and doughnut making in “Make Do” times It’s clear that the doughnut helmet myth is prolific and within the past fifteen or more years has become a key part of the WWI narrative. What does the historic record say about how female Salvation Army War Service Workers, also known as “Doughnut Girls,” made doughnuts while serving in France? Did they, in fact, have situations where they used “make do” materials? If so, what types of items did they improvise and why? Fortunately, the Doughnut Girls left behind a host of diaries, memoirs, oral histories, letters, scrapbooks, interviews, newspaper articles and artifacts which provide a rich and detailed picture of their lives and daily activities while serving in France and Germany.
Adjutant Helen Purviance22
Adjutant Margaret Sheldon23
Depending on different accounts, the first doughnuts were fried in September, 19 October or November 1917. Adjutant Helen Purviance, who fried the first doughnut, indicated both September 18
Judy Vaughn, The bells of San Francisco: The Salvation Army with its sleeves rolled up, (Berkley, CA: RDR Books, 2005), 40.; “How the doughnut became a symbol of Salvation Army service.”; Steingberg, The doughnut book, 104 – 105. 19 Michael Waters, “National doughnut day began with an ingenious woman on a WWI battlefield.” Atlas obscura, (2 June 2017), https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/national-doughnut-day-wwi accessed on July 14, assessed on 14 July 2018. 20 Green Bay, WI Corps, “The history behind doughnut days”, The Salvation Army news, (USA: Spring 2004), 3.; Clark, “Our doughnut girls.” 11. 21 “National doughnut day facts”, (USA: SoftSchools.com, 2005 – 2018), http://www.softschools.com/facts/holidays/national_donut_day_facts/1347/ accessed on 14 July 2018. 22 Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum. 23 Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum.
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and October dates in various interviews.24 A date in October 1917 is most probable. Adjutant Margaret Sheldon, Purviance’s doughnut making partner, did not leave for France until 13 September 1917. She arrived in Bordeaux on 23 September and then spent several days with her guide and fellow officer, Captain Ethel Renton, shopping for necessities and having her uniform made and tailored. In her diary, Renton noted that on 30 September 1917, “Col takes Ens. Purviance and Sheldon to Port Montier…”25 It is assumed that Port Montier references Montier-sur-Saulx, the established location of the hut in which Sheldon and Purviance made their first batch of doughnuts. The Doughnut Girls knew very little French, and misspellings of French towns are very common in their writings. This location is frequently referenced as Montiers in many of their writings and in other written accounts.26 In addition to providing a heroic story, the doughnut helmet myth addresses a common problem during wartime, shortages. Whether the format of the myth specifies that the helmet was used just for the first batch of doughnuts, as a regular occurrence, or when other pans ran out; it is still implying that the Doughnut Girls had to contend with shortages on a regular basis. The historical record shows this aspect of the myth to be true. Shortages of equipment occurred with some regularity, most often when the women moved to a new hut location and their supplies followed in baggage trucks. It is important to note that these conditions did not often last very long, ranging from a few days to a couple of weeks at most. In an undated newsletter fragment, Ensign Minnie “Ma” Burdick wrote about the shortages she experienced. “There are many little things we need here that we can not buy and I would have brought had I known, such as needles and thread, cold cream, tooth picks, doughnut cutter, aprons, etc.”27 Of his WWI experiences, Irving S. Cobb recalled seeing Salvation Army War Service workers busy in their improvised hut. In an article for the Canada and Bermuda Territory edition of The war cry he described the scene as he watched the three workers at their tasks. Some way, some how, three members of that Salvation Army – a little Captain, and two women … had broken through, and, in one corner of that stable, they had spread their scanty meagre supply of thin blankets. Out of the wreckage of an old stone manger, which had been broken to bits by a chance shell, they had improvised a sort of crude oven. The man was making coffee, and one of the women, with an empty wine bottle for a rolling-pin, was rolling out the batter, and the other, in a great cauldron of boiling, bubbling lard, was cooking doughnuts.28
Ingredients In a 1988 oral history interview, Lieutenant Stella Young described the process of acquiring supplies.
Purviance noted date as September 1917. Helen Purviance, “Doughnuts for the Doughboys: A first hand glimpse of life on the front line.” The sample case, (Vol. 57, No. 1, July 1920), 9 – 10.; Purviance noted date as 19 October. Jeff Testerman, “‘Doughnut Girl’ of WWI helped Doughboys.” The Petersburg times, (USA: 21 November 1981), 6.; Braxton Zuber in letter noted date of November 1917 and Sidney J. French in letter noted the date was “about November 8, 1917.” Roy Kelsey, “Doughnuts, Love and sympathy.” The Floridian, (USA: 8 May 1977), 23. 25 Ethel Renton, diary (transcription). Salvation Army National Archives and Research Center. 26 “The Doughnut Girl,” The war cry, (USA, Vol. 97, No. 45, 5 November 1977), 3, 12 – 13. 27 Scrapbook, Burdick Family 2048.18.16, Salvation Army USA Central Territory Historical Museum. 28 Irving S Cobb, “Angels in tin helmets,” The war cry, (Canada, No. 4125, 21 December 1963), 10 – 11, 15. 24
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The American authorities gave us all the ingredients that we needed because we were giving it to their soldiers. They had a central place where they used to have all their supplies. Then they would come up and come to see us and ask what we really needed. They would try to get it. They’d go down into the town where they could buy it at stores that weren’t hit by the war.29
She added, “They were glad to give us anything they had because we were helping their boys.” In an article that he wrote for The outlook magazine, Adjutant Raymond C. Starbard noted that the Army supply trucks called every two to three days.30 While the US Army supplied many of the ingredients and cookware needed to produce the menus served in US Salvation Army huts, the Doughnut Girls were on their own when it came to those items not commonly found in a military field kitchen. These included doughnut cutters, rolling pins, and the vast quantities of pie tins necessary to supply the hungry troops.
Postcard by the Chicago Daily News showing a series of scenes from World War I31
Doughnut Cutters Of those “make do” items described by the Doughnut Girls, the most iconic is certainly the doughnut cutter. Adjutant Helen Purviance noted in multiple articles that her first doughnut cutter was a knife with which she cut the dough into strips and then twisted it to make crullers. These she dubbed “twisters”.32 Eventually the men requested something more familiar, “doughnuts with holes.” She complied with the request.
29
Stella M. Young, interviewed by Nicki Tanner, 8 December 1988, transcript held at Salvation Army USA National Archives and Research Center. 30 Raymond C Starbard, “Pies and doughnuts: A new kind of war munitions furnished by The Salvation Army,” The outlook, (Vol. 119, No. 6, 5 June 1918), 220 – 221. 31 Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum. 32 “Helen Purviance stirs audience.” The Huntington herald, (USA: 25 November 1918), 1, 6.
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I hunted a village blacksmith, took him a condensed milk can and an empty tube of shaving cream and explained, with many gestures and sketches, that I wanted him to fabricate a cutter from the milk can, with the shaving cream tube centered to cut out the hole. That French blacksmith rose nobly to the challenge. The doughnut cutter he made served us well until we received a real cutter from the States.33
In other interviews, Purviance noted that the first cutter was made from a baking powder can and camphor ice tube.
Doughnut cutter made presumably by a US soldier for Ensign Minnie "Ma" Burdick during WWI34
Other Doughnut Girls improvised doughnut cutters from other materials. Stella Young also noted making crullers at first. Her first cutter was made by Army engineers.35 Ensign Minnie “Ma” Burdick wrote “I have a milk can for a doughnut cutter and a smaller one to cut out the hole in the middle.”36 At some point during the war she was gifted with a cutter made from brass artillery casings and lead solder. The maker produced two tubes, secured in place with solder and brass bracing. The cutter was held by an engraved handle. The engraving read “CE Evans to Mother Burdick.” Her daughter, Captain Cecil Burdick, who served in France and Germany, returned home with a number of souvenirs. Among them “is a doughnut cutter fashioned from a shell case, ‘flat on top so that cutting 1,800 doughnuts in a day the hand would not become blistered.’” 37 According to The Charlotte news, Adjutant Margaret Sheldon had a similarly styled cutter. “It is made from a Kelsey, “Doughnuts, Love and sympathy,” 23.; “The Doughnut Girl.”; Testerman, “’Doughnut Girl’ of WWI helped Doughboys”, 6.; The materials used for this first doughnut cutter sometimes vary by interview. “After several soldiers asked, ‘Can’t you make a doughnut with a hole in it?’ Purviance had an elderly French blacksmith fix a doughnut cutter by fastening the top of a condensed milk can and camphor-ice tube to a wooden block.” Mrs. Major John Trout, “Doughnut Halos,” The war cry, (United States Central Territory, 16 May 1964), 15.; “For a cutter we used the top of a baking powder can. The question of a hole – for whoever heard of a doughnut without a hole – was solved with the cap from a camphor ice tube.”; “Doughnut Grease Pot Boils Again,” Battle Creek Enquirer (18 September 1927). 34 Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum. 35 Young interviewed by Tanner; Barbara Craig, “On the front: ‘Doughnut Girl’ a World War I heroine,” The Milwaukee journal, (USA, 30 May 1988), Section G. 36 Scrapbook, Burdick Family 2048.18.16. 37 G. K. Meyer, “Miss Burdick back from war,” Southwestern telephone news, (USA, Vol. 6, No. 10, June 1919), 223. 33
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portion of a German 77 with a one-inch shell for the center.”38 For many of the Doughnut Girls, their cutters were functional pieces of trench art. Rolling Pins For that first batch of doughnuts Adjutant Helen Purviance noted that “we had no rolling pin so we patted out the dough.”39 She later repurposed a wine bottle for a rolling pin. Ensign Minnie “Ma” Burdick noted that she too used a wine bottle for a rolling pin, but later had a rolling pin carved from a stick of wood. 40 Captain Della Rapson may have won the award for most unique rolling pin substitute. Having arrived only the day before, she wrote in her wartime diary of Thanksgiving Day 1918 from her hut in Chambley: “Would like to have made pumpkin pie, but could not so make about 1,200 doughnuts, rolled with a Spalding baseball bat.” In her reminiscence of Della Rapson, Mary Ola Bozeman Churchwell added more detail to this story, which Della had told to her. One day in France, the ‘Doughnut Girls’ wanted to make pies but there was a big problem. They had no rolling pin and no clean surface on which to roll the dough. One of the soldiers took a plate glass window out of a damaged building and the girls washed it to have a clean ‘table.’ Now, for a rolling pin: thanks to the soldiers they found a baseball bat to roll the dough.41
Lieutenant Stella Young poses with a doughnut cutter and rolling pin42 “A Unique Doughnut Cutter.” The Charlotte news, (USA: 13 March 1919), newspapers.com accessed on 17 July 2018. 39 “Doughnut Grease Pot Boils Again.” 40 Scrapbook, Burdick Family 2048.18.16. 41 Edward Arthur Ringle, A “Doughnut Lassie” A biography of Griselda “Della” Rapson Rengle, Copy of selfpublished materials located at The Salvation Army Southern Historical Center, GA. 82, 111. 42 Photograph by Lt. Colonel Edward J. Parker. 38
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Cooking Vessels In their diaries, letters and newspaper interviews, the Doughnut Girls left surprisingly few references to the vessel in which they fried their first doughnut. They often provided great detail about the ingredients, the doughnut cutter, the stove, and the reaction of the soldiers to eating the doughnuts. With very few exceptions, the cooking vessel is not even mentioned. Adjutant Helen Purviance rarely discussed the cooking vessel that she used when cooking the first doughnuts. However, she did mention it on occasion. In 1920 she wrote an article for the magazine The Sample Case in which she specified: Yes, I had the honor of assisting in the making of the first doughnut. Adjutant Margaret Sheldon rolled the doughnut at Montiers-sur-Saul, near Toul, in September 1917. I dropped the dough in a small pan of fat which was sizzling atop a small army stove.43
It was not until 1964 when she described the pan further when she is quoted in an article by Mrs. Major John Trout as saying: “I was literally on my knees,” she said, “when those first doughnuts were fried, seven at a time, in a small frypan.” She went on to add, “There was also a prayer in my heart that somehow this home touch would do more for those who ate the doughnuts than satisfy physical hunger.”44
This quote has often been used in numerous publications since. Later, in 1978 she is quoted as saying that she used “… the only pan we could get in the village held eight doughnuts at a time.”45 In these passages, the officer who fried the first doughnut definitively states what type of cooking vessel she used. And, it is very specifically a frypan and not a soldier’s helmet. While the troops appreciated the doughnuts, not all of them understood to what great lengths the Salvationists went to provide them. Captain Louise Holbrook recalled her doughnut making process and an exchange with one soldier. For a stove I had one of these little field stoves, the kind you put a log of wood in at the end and then keep shoving it in till it is burned. I was set up outdoors, and I was using a steel writing table for my cabinet. I mixed the doughnuts in a big dishpan, lifted it out onto the table, filled the pan with lard, heated it, and fried the doughnuts – then repeated the whole performance. A long rangy Texan who was new to the outfit draped himself over the corner of the table, filled his mouth and drawled. “These here doughnuts sure taste a whole lot better’n I expected they would.” Well, how would you have reacted to that? I was tired; I answered: “Well, I like that! And how did you think that they would taste after I spent all day making them?” “Why! Did y’all make these here doughnuts?” “I most certainly did. Where did you think they came from?” “Why, I thought that the Salvation Army shipped them over from America in tins and all you had to do was warm them up.”46
While the Doughnut Girls offer scant evidence of the cooking vessel they used in their writings and interviews, wartime photos and film footage help to detail the pots, pans and square “Doughnuts for the Doughboys” “Doughnut halos.” 45 Phillip R. Smith, Jr. “Those Salvation Army doughnuts were a second choice!” The American Legion magazine, (Vol. 104, No. 6, June 1978), 12. 46 Mrs. Major Alva (Louise) Holbrook, One officer’s experiences in Two World Wars, typescript, no date. 43 44
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sided professional doughnut sets, which had been shipped from the United States specifically for this purpose, that were widely used.
Doughnut Girls cooking over a field stove47
Ensign Minnie “Ma” Burdick also improvised when needed. She wrote in a letter home, which was reprinted in local newsletters for her fellow Salvationists to read: You would be surprised if you could see how I can make things and cook in tin pans and baking powder cans. I use a bottle for a rolling pin and fry eggs on a pie plate. Oh, it is great, and we are enjoying it. We have been working pretty hard but if you could only see how the boys appreciate it all, you would know that it is time and strength well spent.48
Years later Stella Young recalled “We made our coffee in a galvanized can on an old Army field range.”49 Helga Ramsay also used a galvanized trash can in her first hut at Boucq for making coffee and cocoa.50 After replacing the Ensigns Burdick at the large hut in Brest, France, which was located at the largest US Army base in the country housing 90,000 soldiers, Captain Alice McAllister wrote about acquiring a specialized piece of equipment for the hut. The Army had recently acquired from the French army several large vats with built in fire boxes. At the recommendation of one of her enlisted hut workmen, McAllister asked at the field kitchen if she could have for the hut the one pot that was not being used by the Army. She was told that it could not be officially given for her use, but no one was going to argue if it simply vanished and reappeared in the hut. With the new doughnut kettle, the staff could now fry 75 doughnuts at a time. This allowed the hut to
47
Image courtesy Salvation Army Museum of the West. Scrapbook, Burdick Family 2048.18.16. 49 “On the Front: ‘Doughnut Girl’ a World War I Heroine.”; “She’s Still a Cupcake,” The American Legion magazine, (USA: April 1977), 20, 44. 50 Helga Ramsay, “War Service in France and Army Occupation in Germany.” Typescript. 48
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dramatically increase doughnut production and was a key element in the industrial kitchen that the hut staff created.51 Stoves Stoves were a key element in determining what items would be on a hut menu. With a small stove, or even a camp fire if necessary, anything that could be boiled or fried could be prepared. This included doughnuts, coffee and cocoa. They were both a blessing and bane for the Doughnut Girls and their male assistants. At first, the Doughnut Girls used small local French stoves, but were quite delighted when the Army began to provide field kitchen stoves. While these stoves did not come with ovens, some were improvised. Ensign Floyd “Pa” Burdick made a portable oven for his wife from a cracker tin. It held two pies. Captain Della Rapson often commented on the stove that she was using in her wartime diary. It was the key element that determined the day’s cooking or even what work could be performed in her hut. On 7 December 1918 she wrote: “We made a large batch of doughnuts today and served them with cocoa at 7:00 pm. Will be so glad when we get a good stove so we can make something else.” She received the desired field range, abandoned by the German army, on 13 December. Unfortunately, there may have been a reason that the stove was left behind. “An adventure of smoke and raisin pies today. The stove does not work well – several of the boys tried to fix it, all in vain so far.” 52 In an interview published in the El Paso herald, Adjutant Margaret Sheldon described the stove used to cook the first doughnuts. “One of the boys made an adobe stove. This proved to be all right and we made the first Salvation Army doughnuts that were made in France.”53 Her partner, Adjutant Helen Purviance recalled the stove differently. In the article “She Put Dough in Doughboys” by Susan Fortune, Purviance provided a quoted description of the stove that she used. “We got an old French stove that was 18 inches from the floor, relied on the commissary for the necessary supplies and started to fry seven doughnuts at a time.”54 In an article published in the June 1978 issue of The American Legion magazine, Purviance is quoted about her recollections of the stove on which she fried the first batch of doughnuts. “‘We had a little round stove, so low I had to get on my knees to fry the doughnuts …’”55 Ultimately, the two women produced 150 doughnuts that first day and were able to double their production the next day. Eventually Salvation Army huts would produce 9,000 doughnuts per day. Lieutenant Isabella Blomgren relayed information about the type of stove that she used in France during a 1965 interview with The Wichita eagle “To make doughnuts at the front, the women took with them two pieces of sheet steel iron for the sides of the ‘stove’ and a larger piece for the top. These were set up with a chimney to keep the smoke from their eyes. Wood was burned.”56
51
Alice McAllister, The doughnut sweethearts: The diary of Alice McAllister during World War I, (USA: Frontier Press, 2012), 48 – 49. 52 A “Doughnut Lassie” A biography of Griselda “Della” Rapson Rengle, 83, 85. 53 “Woman maker of first ‘Army’ doughnut, Assists in drive; Relates experience overseas,” El Paso herald, (USA: 17 March 1921), newspapers.com accessed on 9 January 2018. 54 Susan Fortune, “She Put Dough in Doughboys,” unknown newspaper fragment, (1964), n.p.. 55 “Those Salvation Army doughnuts were a second choice!” 12. 56 Leone Lightner, “July 4th was noisier then.” The Wichita eagle, (July 1965), 14a.
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Clearly, there were ample occasions when the Doughnut Girls had to “make do” and either improvise specialized equipment or work with inferior equipment. It is important to note that as they described all of these instances not one diary entry, letter, interview or memoir mentioned the use of using a helmet to cook in. Some good old fashioned steel helmet cooking?
Interior view of M1917 helmet57
The question remains if a WWI helmet can, in fact, actually be used as a cooking vessel. If so, perhaps there may be some kernel of truth in the doughnut helmet myth. The first doughboys to arrive in France were issued the British made Mk 1 helmet. This was soon replaced by the US made M1917 helmet. Both were patterned after the “Brodie” helmet first made in 1915 for British troops and designed by John L. Brodie. The purpose of the helmet was to reduce head wounds caused by artillery and small arms fire. The M1917 helmet, like its British counterpart, featured a shallow crown and was made from pressed steel. It contained a leather, cotton, wool and asbestos lining which was riveted to the top of the helmet and secured to the head with a leather chin strap. The interior dimensions of a M1917 helmet held in the Central Territory Historical Museum’s educational collection are 9.5 inches (24.13 cm) long by 7.5 inches (19 cm) wide by 4 inches (10.16 cm) deep. Even if you were able to remove the lining without destroying the functional capacity of the helmet, there isn’t a lot of volume inside the helmet in which you could fry the specified seven doughnuts. In his detailed account of War Service Salvation Army operations for the magazine The outlook, Adjutant Raymond C. Starbard noted the proximity of the huts to combat. “Our lassies are not allowed at the first-line trenches, but are in places about three kilometres [two miles] back, where they are subject at all times to artillery fire, gas shells, and air-bomb attacks. They work during the still hours, but during the bombardment are ordered into the dugouts.” Some of the doughnuts, pie, coffee and cocoa produced in these front line huts would be ferried at night by a male war service worker or soldier to the front line trenches, to provide the combat troops with 57
Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum.
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some treats. Additional, larger huts with greater capacity were established in training camps or rest camps.58 On 10 October 1918 Captain Della Rapson recorded in her diary about this system. “We made 680 doughnuts for a company of boys in the trenches. The C.O. sent in a detail of four boys and a Sgt. to carry them out.”59
Doughnut Girls in France60
Ensign Myrtle Turkington noted “The gas masks and helmets are the first things we look for in the morning and the last things we note the location of late at night before retiring. Never know what instant either or both might save your life. Indispensable in the danger zone.” 61 Her sister, Florence, wrote in her diary about the first four Doughnut Girls to deploy to the front on 23 January 1918. Mrs. Adj. Hammond, Gladys McIntyre, Ens. Purviance, and Mrs. Hickey are still here. They expected to leave last night for their new camp, but Dan and the lot didn’t get back in time. They will leave tonight. The Col. wants to take them when it is dark. They have been supplied with gas masks and helmets. They look real soldierly. It is a gas sector they are going into.62
Doughnut Girls who worked in these huts did experience dangerous events. Lieutenant Stella Young had a near miss while frying doughnuts. She noted that it was important to wear her M1917 helmet at all times for protection. She said, “…you couldn’t go out without it because of the shrapnel.” She relayed the story of a specific experience to Nicki Tanner during a 1988 oral history interview.
“Pies and doughnuts: A new kind of war munitions furnished by The Salvation Army,” 220 – 221. A “Doughnut Lassie” A Biography of Griselda “Della” Rapson Rengle, 76. 60 Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum. 61 Bert Ford, “Salvation Army doing noble work,” Daily Arkansas gazette, (USA: 9 June 1918), 7. 62 Florence Turkington, “Diary 1” typescript, The Salvation Army USA National Archives and Research Center. 58 59
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I have a piece of shrapnel that almost hit me. … I had just moved from the table to get something that I needed when the shell landed right in front of the door and splintered the door. The shrapnel went flying everywhere. That little piece went right through the doughnut pan here, as big as a silver dollar. So I always tell people, if I had been standing there, I wouldn’t be standing here!”63
Young also noted that gas masks were critical safety items. “We wore it like a bag around our neck. Then if you heard any noise of a bullet or a shell coming over, you had to put that mask on because it would be mustard gas.”64 Captain Louise Holbrook, Lieutenant Violet McAllister and her sister Captain Alice McAllister experienced a terrifying artillery attack while assisting at a field hospital where they helped to tend to the wounded. In her memoir, Captain Holbrook wrote: There was a day when, after the Germans had pounded us with dud shells all the morning they finally got the perfect range and started using high explosives at the entrance to the dugout which they65 had built: driving us back into the cave. The first shell landed in front of the window where I was washing dishes. The second one came a little closer and we started evacuating the men into the dugout. The third shell landed on top of the entrance but did no harm. We were helping with the stretchers while this was going on. The last man was inside the dugout when we heard the next shell coming. We all made for the door of the hill – jammed in the door – and the shell got there first. I was buried to my waist. Alice McAllister had her helmet dented and I suspect had a headache the rest of the day.66
Captain Alice McAllister’s helmet may have well saved her life during this attack. Captain Holbrook didn’t fare as well. According to a summary of the incident published in The Missoulian, Holbrook “…found that a splinter of the shell had pierced her leg.”67 Through additional research in newspapers now available online, we are beginning to develop casualty lists and better understand combat experiences like these. Any Salvation Army USA records of casualties appear to have long been destroyed if they were ever recorded. While it is generally assumed that the Doughnut Girls were issued helmets and gas masks as soon as they arrived in France, this may not be the case. Captain Della Rapson arrived at her first hut appointment on 4 May 1918 and did not receive a helmet until 6 July.68 Not all Doughnut Girls stopped their work during combat. Ensign Minnie “Ma” Burdick was one of three Salvationists to receive the Croix de Guerre from the French government. She was awarded this honor for making 234 pies in a 12 hour period under enemy shell fire. Adjutant Starbard relayed his observations of how the soldiers responded to doughnut cooking. “…I have seen the boys so impatient to get the doughnuts that they have crowded about the pots in the open and fished the doughnuts from the boiling fat with twigs from near-by trees.”69
63
Young interviewed by Tanner. Young interviewed by Tanner. 65 It was a German dugout that had been dug into the side of a mountain. After the Germans withdrew it was occupied by the Americans. Louise explains all of this later in the writing, she also noted that the orientation of the dugout made it impervious to artillery fire when the Germans had it but that it was now in US hands, the Germans were firing on it from the other side of the mountain and the dugout was easy for them to hit since it was facing the artillery pieces. 66 One officer’s experiences in Two World Wars. 67 Dan C Batchelor, “Hero worker of ‘The Army’ here,” The Missoulian, (USA: 25 June 1919), 1, 6, newspapers.com accessed on 17 July 2018. 68 A “Doughnut Lassie” A Biography of Griselda “Della” Rapson Rengle, 63. 69 “Pies and doughnuts” 64
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Ensign Purviance noted a similar reaction, “The soldiers loved to come in and help because they could snatch the first doughnut out of the pot!”70 In an article that she wrote for The sample case, Purviance further detailed her experiences with soldiers and doughnut cooking. Those boys were awful pests, sometimes. They used to hang around the kitchen when we were trying to get enough pies or doughnuts ahead to give them all around. They’d be standing just outside the range of splattering grease with their hungry eyes fixed on the doughnuts piled up to cool. Sometimes they’d offer to do the frying for us. A lot of them were expert cooks. We always jumped at the chance to let them work for we could then cheer up those that were sick or wounded.”71
For some soldiers, the act of helping to fry doughnuts was about more than getting a tasty treat. Envoys Irene and Gladys McIntyre relayed the story to The Salt Lake herald republican of a Doughboy who helped them in the hut. The man loved to fry doughnuts. Eventually, his company was deployed to the front. The sisters were unable to learn what had happened to him. One day a while later, the man stumbled back into the hut. He had finished his turn on guard duty then traveled ten miles with no sleep to reach the sisters. When pressed as to why he had come so far and insisted on helping the ladies with doughnut frying rather than sleep, he noted that helping them took him back home to his wife and baby.72 It is important to note that these references relay the constant danger under which doughnuts were often made. They specify the use of the helmet for safety and do not include any reference to soldiers surrendering their helmets for use as a cooking vessel. Additionally, they specify the use of pots for cooking and imply high volume production. When asked if he had found any primary sources which indicated that Doughboys used their M1917 helmets to cook in, Doran Cart, Senior Curator at the National World War I Museum and Memorial in Kansas City, Missouri, USA, specified that he could confirm that “…no WWI soldiers … or SA workers cooked in their helmets! Over 28 years here at the museum I have looked at countless primary documents and never seen that.”73 Bill Brewster, Curator of Collections at the First Division Museum at Cantiny in Wheaton, IL, USA agreed. “I have never encountered any evidence of the M1917 helmet being used for any purpose other than as a helmet.” 74 Knowing that both men have examined thousands of primary sources between them, this leaves a very small statistical margin of error. The question about use of the M1917 helmet was also posed to the National Army Museum and no reply has yet been received. Brewster went on to state that: As you will observe the lining is secured to the crown of the helmet. This would make it very difficult to do anything without altering the helmet assembly. They may have been short on supplies, but I doubt so short that they would have sacrificed their helmets. It also seems that there would have been some writing about this type of use.”75
Basically, there is also no evidence to support the idea that a Doughboy would destroy his helmet, which was destroying government property and a punishable offence, in order to enjoy a doughnut. “The Doughnut Girl.” “Doughnuts for the Doughboys: A First Hand Glimpse of Life on the Front Line,” 9 – 10. 72 “This Doughboy hikes 10 miles for doughnuts,” The Salt Lake herald republican, (USA: 5 August 1918). 73 Doran Cart, “WWI helmet,” email, 23 May 2018. 74 Bill Brewster, “M1917 helmet use question,” email, 12 June 2018. 75 Brewster, “M1917 helmet use question”. 70 71
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A tisket, a tasket, a helmet for a basket?
Photograph showing a Doughboy using his helmet to hold crackers and other packaged items76
There is some evidence, however, that WWI soldiers and aid workers occasionally used helmets as baskets. Even with a non-removable liner, the M1917 helmet was deep enough to hold a few items. Ensign Purviance noted in an interview one such occurrence. “One boy brought in a helmet full of eggs. ‘I just bought them from a farmer,’ he said. ‘Would you please fry ‘em for me, sunny side up?’ He ate all 12 eggs in five minutes.”77 Additionally, there is some photographic evidence for the use of helmets as baskets. One photograph, which was most likely taken by a US Signal Corps photographer, shows a solder eating a cracker. Other crackers and packaged item can be seen resting in his overturned helmet. Another photo, taken by a British photographer, shows British WAACs using captured German helmets as baskets in which to carry their rations.
76
Image held in both the Central Territory USA Historical Museum collection and the Southern Historical Center. Image courtesy the Southern Historical Center. 77 “Those Salvation Army Doughnuts Were a Second Choice!” 12.
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English WAACs use captured German helmets as baskets to carry their tinned rations, 26 April 191878
Did any US Soldiers ever cook in their Helmets? Is there any historical basis upon which Isabel Du Bois may have drawn when writing her 1959 article? Is there any evidence of a US soldier ever cooking in their helmet? Yes, there is some, but it relates to a different set of wars.
US GIs wearing M1 helmets during a Christmas celebration at Camp Granite, CA in 194379 78
Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum.
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In 1941 as the United States geared up for another global conflict, the Army adopted a new helmet. The M1 helmet featured a deep crown and narrow almost non-existent brim. It measured 11 inches (27.94 cm) long by 9.5 inches (24.13 cm) wide by 7 inches (17.78 cm) deep. This allowed the M1 helmet to provide far greater head coverage than that offered by the M1917 helmet. Most importantly, the helmet came with a fully removable lining. Unlike its predecessor, it was designed for more than head protection. War too had changed. Instead of being stationary in trenches with well supplied field kitchens in the rear and tinned MREs when needed, soldiers now moved more rapidly and in smaller groups. They had a need to take a basin with them. The M1 helmet was designed to be used as a basin for washing, boiling water, holding things, and even on at least one occasion cooking doughnuts. In his memoir The four deuces: A Korean War story author and former war correspondent C. S. Crawford related an experience he had with US Marine Albert Truelove. Truelove was a former baker and Jewish Armenian immigrant who decided to make doughnuts one day in memory of his cousin, who had also been in service and had not survived. Outside in the trench and near the opening to the sleeping bunker I shared with Red, the 81mm FO, were four bags of flour and sugar and cans of shortening that Albert Truelove had conned some grunts into bringing up the hill. Albert Truelove looked me right in the eye and gave me one of his Armenian Jew smiles. ‘Well, Cautious. It just so happens I’ve got a lot of Armenian Jew cousins up on this hill, and they all like doughnuts. And some of those cousins didn’t get any doughnuts this morning. Never mind the fact that some guys comin’ through the chow line walked away with a dozen or more in their field jacket pockets. I’m here. I’m a cook. And I’ve got everything I need to make doughnuts.’ ‘I’ll tell it to you straight, Cautious. I’m going to see to it every grunt up here on this hill gets plenty of doughnuts today. I’ve got everything I need except a bunker. I figured I knew you well enough that you would let me use yours.’ Albert Truelove cooked his doughnuts in oil heated in a steel helmet, heated over a small, portable, gasoline-fueled stove. There wasn’t too much shape to his doughnuts; mostly they were just round balls, but they were awfully good. We talked for a long time, long after the all the dough had been used up making doughnuts, long after the cooking oil had cooled and had been emptied out, the pot again assuming its real role as a helmet.80
Other than promising to be a very good read, this abridged excerpt from The four deuces constitutes the only reference to doughnuts being made in the helmet of a US soldier that was identified while researching this paper. While it apparently did happen, such instances were certainly exceedingly rare and specific to a different war and a different helmet. It is possible that Du Bois had heard of this incident, or that she had heard of other similar use of WWII and Korean War soldiers cooking in helmets and assumed that this was common in all wars that used steel helmets. In any case, she felt the need to qualify the type of cooking vessel used by Adjutant Sheldon and Adjutant Purviance to fry the first Salvation Army doughnuts. Unfortunately, she incorrectly assumed what cooking vessel was used. It is quite likely that other
79
Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum. C. S. Crawford, The four deuces: A Korean War story, (New York, USA: Ballantine Books, 2009), https://books.google.com/books?id=wUS3PI00xkQC&pg=PT180&lpg=PT180&dq=cooked+doughnuts+in+helmets&s ource=bl&ots=NPhkKbCBe5&sig=vQSy6bHeB2w3XEyD8d5EQxyFWuQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjYtjJ9I3cAhVq4YMKHYh2BXA4HhDoAQhQMAY#v=onepage&q=cooked%20doughnuts%20in%20helmets&f=false accessed on 15 July 2018. 80
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authors also didn’t think twice about the helmet as a cooking vessel. The M1 helmet was in use by the US Army through 1985 and almost certainly soldiers continued to use the helmet as a vessel. Conclusion
Postcard showing image of Salvation Army Lassies working at a hut on the frontlines in France81
This paper has demonstrated that the first doughnuts were cooked in a small frypan, not in a helmet and that there are no other known instances of Doughnut Girls or WWI soldiers cooking in the M1917 helmet. It has shown what items the Doughnut Girls could readily acquire and how they chose to improvise specialized tools when needed. It has also discussed how the later M1 helmet was adapted by GIs for cooking and other purposes. The doughnut helmet myth provides a compact and heroic story of the Doughnut Girls. It is curious that of all of the “make do” elements which are factually accurate to the doughnut origin story, that something so perplexing as cooking in a helmet is the element that has become the most frequently recited. Perhaps it is because the idea is so sensational that makes it appealing. Or, that we are unknowingly transferring the way more recent helmets were used onto the WWI period. Or maybe it is because the helmet has become a succinct stand-in for the plentiful ways that the Doughnut Girls showed their pluck and ingenuity all while selflessly helping the soldier far from home. The larger question remains, what harm does the doughnut helmet myth do? To those not familiar with the history of WWI and the structure and use of the M1917 helmet, it’s probably an innocent myth. But, to those who have examined a WWI helmet, the story quickly becomes ridiculous. The long term effects of the myth are that the documented stories of wartime ingenuity are lessened in importance or removed entirely from the narrative. By removing or devaluing these elements, I believe that it degrades the genuine heroism shown by those women and men who 81
Courtesy of The Salvation Army Central Territory Historical Museum.
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served with The Salvation Army overseas. These individuals are American heroes, equal to, in my opinion, to that of the enlisted men. None of them were required to put themselves in harm’s way, but all of them did in order to minister to and aid their fellow man.
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Alfred Deakin, 18981
1
Courtesy of the Deakin University collection. Permission granted 17 August 2018.
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ALFRED DEAKIN, AUSTRALIAN FEDERATION AND WILLIAM BOOTH’S SALVATION ARMY Robert (Bob) Broadbere2 ABSTRACT The Salvation Army is often portrayed in historical texts as only focused on the poor and attacking the leading classes. This paper will show that the Army also attracted the interest and support of the upper classes. To do so it will use the example of Alfred Deakin and note the similarities between Deakin and the Army. The similarities include spiritual and political leanings which were tied to the period of Australia’s Federation and William Booth’s ‘Darkest England Scheme’. Introduction The Salvation Army is often portrayed in historical texts as only working with and attracting the poor, even to the extent of attacking the leading classes. In 1892 Engels wrote; … the Salvation Army … appeals to the poor as the elect, fights capitalism in a religious way, and thus fosters an element of early Christian class antagonism, which one day may become troublesome to the well-to-do people …3
This paper will challenge this myth by showing that the Army also attracted the interest and support of the leading classes by using Alfred Deakin as an historical case study. Little has been written on Deakin’s mystical life; he is mostly remembered as the three-time prime minister of the newly federated Australia, between 1903 and 1910. Yet his interest in such spiritual matters as Spiritualism, Theosophical thought and the teachings of Emanuel Swedenborg, could have drawn him to Booth and the Army. This paper will show the links Deakin had with Booth, as Deakin was partial to both the Army’s social conscience and spirituality. To show that the Army attracted the attention of the ruling classes, this paper examines Deakin: the man, the politician, and his spiritual experience. The spiritual experience of Deakin will cover his prayer life, the impact of Swedenborg and Spiritualist teachings. It also outlines Deakin’s links to William Booth and his Army which went on to help the Army’s voice be heard in the Federation period of Australia.
Reference citation of this paper Robert (Bob) Broadbere, “Alfred Deakin, Australian federation and William Booth’s Salvation Army.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 92 – 107. 2 This paper has been modified by the peer review process from the paper presented at the symposium for clarity of information. 3 Frederick Engels, Socialism: Utopian and scientific, (France: Revue Socialiste, 1880), 90.
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Alfred Deakin – A brief survey of his life, religion and politics. Deakin, The man Alfred Deakin, born 3 August 1856 was given the name Alfred after Alfred Lord Tennyson, the poet laureate. His parents, William and Sarah Deakin, arrived in Adelaide as newlyweds in 1850. The couple came from the Welsh market town of Abergavenny. The family later moved to Victoria, where the young Deakin attended Melbourne Grammar School. It appears that this was not his first school as he earlier attended a girls’ school run by the Thompson sisters who objected to the small child’s jokes on the young ladies. One Christmas party, when one of the Thompson sisters boxed his ears, Sarah removed her son to Melbourne Grammar. Deakin later attended Melbourne University and like many politicians, graduated in law. Although admitted to the Victorian Bar in 1877, by 1879 Deakin was primarily a politician with law becoming more of a secondary interest to him. On 3 April 1882 Deakin married Elizabeth Martha Anne (Pattie) Browne, known as ‘Pattie’. She was 19 and the groom 26. Hugh Browne, Deakin’s father-in-law, was a wealthy man who was prominent in Spiritualism.
Elizabeth Martha Anne (Pattie) Browne4
It is unfortunate that some commentators suggest that Deakin formed links with the Spiritualists just to marry Pattie Browne. This can hardly be true; by 1874 the 18-year-old Deakin was a leader in Melbourne Progressive Lyceum, a type of Sunday School run by the Spiritualists. While 11-year-old ‘Pattie’ attended that ‘Sunday School’ it was another eight years before Deakin and Browne were married. After 1916 it is recorded that Deakin lived as a recluse, his memory decayed, the famed silver tongue stilled.5 He died of meningo-encephalitis on 7 October 1919, survived by his wife and daughters. He was honoured with a state funeral and the coffin draped in a Union Jack. Pattie Deakin died 30 December 1934 aged 67 years. She had become known for her work for children’s welfare and for servicemen during World War 1.
4
Courtesy of the Deakin University collection. Permission granted 17 August 2018. R. Norris, “Alfred Deakin (1856 – 1919)”, (Australian Dictionary of Biography National Centre of Biography, Australian National University), http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/deakin-alfred-5927/text10099, published first in hardcopy 1981, accessed online 18 September 2017. 5
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Deakin, The politician MacCallum wrote of Deakin; “If Henry Parkes was the father of federation and Edmund Barton its midwife, then Alfred Deakin was its nanny”.6 MacCallum continued; …it was Deakin, as the outstanding politician of the first decade of the Commonwealth, who nursed the fractious infant through its childhood illnesses, checked its tantrums and set it on the path to a sturdy adolescence.7
In comparing Deakin with other political figures of the federation period, Brett took another view of Deakin and stated that; Deakin is remembered too, but not so vividly, more as a bearded worthy than a national icon. He was Australia’s most important prime minister in its first ten years after federation, but he sits uneasily as a representative Australian figure. He is too intellectual, too respectable, for the larrikin masculinity of the Australian legend that runs from convicts [,] … bushrangers … through the drovers and shearers … and the Anzacs.8
Authors have given additional reasons for Deakin’s misfit with Australian history. Brett believed that, “Deakin was never a mate. He didn’t swear and rarely drank. “[h]e … was unfailingly courteous and, although many loved him, he always held himself a little aloof.”9 Alfred Gabay quoted Roe to show that some of this isolation was due to his beliefs. Roe “Alfred Deakin was in many ways an unusual, if not an extraordinary man. One historian has written: he remains the phenomenon of Australian political history, even of Australian experience, a man who throughout his adult life sought spiritual light and discipleship.”10 Not only do some historians claim Deakin was a misfit, but during his own time some newspapers were unkind to him. In 1915 the New Zealand truth was one that had a negative response. The truth reported on Deakin’s stop-over in Auckland after he fell afoul of authorities in the USA on his way to lead the Australian contingent for the Panama Exposition. The report described him as, “‘Alfred Jingle’ Deakin, the silvery-tongued lawyer and ex-Prime Minister of Australia … Deakin … chucked his job. These Labor Ministers are becoming beastly fellows.” 11 Deakin, The spiritual experience Much of Alfred Deakin’s spiritual life has been excluded from his biographies, even the most recent biographer, Judith Brett, gave emphasis to his political life with only some reference to his eclectic spiritual experiences.12 Deakin was a complex man and this complexity was evident in his religious beliefs. He was something of an Omnist with his recognition and respect for many religions. He was to live a mystic life, starting with Spiritualism. Deakin also studied Buddhism, Judaism, Islam and Christianity through his reading of the Bible. His daughter later said of him,
Mungo MacCallum, The good, the bad and the unlikely: Australia’s Prime Ministers, (Australia: Black Incl., 2012), 1. MacCallum, The good, the bad and the unlikely, 1. 8 Judith Brett, The enigmatic Mr Deakin, (Melbourne, Australia: Text Publishing, 2017), 3. 9 Brett, The enigmatic Mr Deakin, 3. 10 M Rose cited in Alfred J. Gabay, The mystic life of Alfred Deakin, (Cambridge University Press, 1993), n.p. 11 “Ladies and gentlemen and others”, New Zealand truth, (Wellington, NZ: 3 July 1915), 3. 12 Brett, The enigmatic Mr Deakin. 6 7
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I think he had tremendously deep religious views, I’m sure of that. He read to us on Sundays from the Bible, from great preachers, and he was deeply, always deeply conscious of being, as he put it, “a tool for Providence to work through”. Any powers he had he felt he owed to the Divine One and it was not his own doing.13
There were a number of areas which were important to Deakin’s spiritual life and there is evidence that his spiritual experience was very important to him. Brett wrote; “On Sunday, 1 August 1880, just before his twenty-fourth birthday and in the midst of the negotiations over the ministry as a newly minted MP, Deakin began a Spiritual Diary and kept it up until early 1882.”14 According to Brett, Deakin recorded attendances at séances, where Deakin “decided to only record communications from spirits about his personal and everyday life.”15 Not only is Brett’s work too extensive to quote here in full, but Deakin himself also prepared a manuscript on his spiritual life entitled Personal Experiences of spiritism.16 Deakin wrote of his own understanding with this Spiritualist medium and remarked, “There is my God, I have a soul, I need nothing more to be wise.” Taking a Postmodernist view, if Deakin believed he had found salvation via the various interpretations of “being right with God” then who are we to deny his destiny. It would not have aligned itself to a Salvationist view of salvation; however he was not the only Spiritualist to become associated with the Army.17 In commentating on Deakin’s writings, Gabay examined the overwhelming impact of Deakin’s Spiritual life. Gabay wrote; “Like his activities in the ‘outer’ world, … this private or ‘inner’ writing was motivated by a profound religious faith and a complex cosmology – the Providence of God, … the duties and responsibilities of the soul…”18 Prayer Life Deakin published his Boke of praer and praes on 3 August 1884 with the preface, “Almost always I realise the existence of God – always I believe in Him with my intellect and turn to Him with my heart but I am anxious for a closer and more permanent relationship.”19 He concluded the preface with the words, “I shall write those prayers I can express so as to open the channel wider and enable me to recall past prayers when I cannot uplift fresh appeals. Let me know my wants if I can know nothing else.”20 The book showed Deakin’s natural inclination to pray and this habit of prayer continued through his busy life and he was able to write them verbatim. Spiritualism As already shown, Spiritualism was an important element in the life of Deakin. This belief impacted all areas of his life. In Gabay’s Messages from beyond, he noted that Deakin had adopted Lady White in an ABC broadcast in the 1960s cited in “The Faith of Alfred Deakin”, The Spirit of Things, (transcript from ABC broadcast 13 May 2001), www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/spiritofthings/the-faith-of-alfreddeakin/3481066 accessed 13 June 2018. 14 Brett, The Enigmatic Mr Deakin, 82. 15 Brett, The Enigmatic Mr Deakin, 84. 16 Alfred Deakin, Personal experiences of Spiritism, (unpublished manuscript, National Library of Australia, Circa 1895, NLA MS 1540/5/1175-1452). 17 Another well-known Spiritualist who had connections with the early Salvation Army was W. T. Stead. 18 Al Gabay, “Private writings of Alfred Deakin”, Historical studies, (Vol. 22, No. 89, October 1987), 525. 19 Alfred Deakin, The boke of praer and praes, (unpublished manuscript, 3 August 1884), National Library of Australia, MS 1540-Papers of Alfred Deakin, 1804 – 1973, http://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-267335547/view accessed 27 May 2018. 20 Deakin, The boke of praer and praes, 3. 13
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vegetarianism as a teenager both for “his spirituality and also as a means to stop the suffering of fellow animals.”21 This may have been an element that likened him to William Booth as Booth too was a vegetarian in later life.22 Deakin held to Spiritualism to such a level that William Henry Terry, who founded the Victorian Association of Progressive Spiritualists in 1872, said of Deakin that he was a true Spiritualist able to conduct meetings and also became a leading medium. Through these meetings, Deakin met his future wife. The Reverend Helen M Grey noted that Deakin continued to learn about the belief as “Deakin developed his mediumship in a class run by Dr Motherwell.” 23 As with other Spiritualists, Deakin was attracted to the life and teachings of Jesus Christ and Gabay quoted Deakin as saying; “that the religion of Jesus Christ is the life of the present, the light of the future and the hope of the world. A life, the life of Christ, that is the one thing needful – the only revelation required is there, we have to live it.”24 For this reason, Deakin was attracted to the teachings of Swedenborg and The Salvation Army. Swedenborg teaching Emanuel Swedenborg was born Emmanuel Swedberg (1688 – 1772), and became a Swedish Scientist, philosopher, theologian, mystic and founder of Swedenborgianism. Best known for his book Heaven and Hell published in 1758, he was seen as the greatest spiritual explorer of the Eighteenth Century and claimed to have visited heaven and hell and talked with spiritual beings. Brett wrote; “In Swedenborg, Deakin found a thinker who combined a seer’s witness to a greater reality with a practical ethics. Swedenborg confirmed his belief in spiritual revelation, and put the Ideal of Unselfish Love as the heart of the religious life”.25 With this knowledge most Salvationists may think the Booths would have nothing to do with such teachings. Swedenborg tributes provides samples of famous persons who acknowledge the organisation’s influence on them. Two prominent names linked with this paper and included on the list are Alfred Deakin and William Booth. The Swedenborg site reported that William Booth, writing to his wife, Catherine, stated; “Continue to love me. Aye, let us love, as God would have us love one another, and let us realise, on earth, in spirit, what Swedenborg said when he saw his vision of heaven, that man and wife there were melted into one angel”.26 Bennett confirms that this quotation appears in a letter probably dated from February 1857.27 While supposing that Booth would be familiar with Swedenborg’s work, in the generation of Booth and Deakin there were mystics who saw God in vastly different lights and who were more widely read that what would occur today.
Alfred J. Gabay, Messages from beyond: Spiritualism and Spiritualists in Melbourne’s golden age, 1870 – 1890, (Melbourne, Australia: Melbourne University Press, 2001). 22 George Hazell argued that the Founder was not a doctrinaire vegetarian but later could not eat meat because of the state of his stomach. George Hazell’s “How vegetarian were the Booths?”, Under the tricolour, (Sydney, January 1999), 1 – 3. 23 Helen M. Grey, “Australian Pioneers of Spiritualism”, Spiritual horizons inc (n.d.), n.p. 24 Gabay, The mystic life of Alfred Deakin, n.p. 25 Brett, The enigmatic Mr Deakin, 158. 26 “Tributes/Testimonials”, (Swedenborg Association of Australia, 2018), www.swedenborg.com.au/tributestestimonials accessed 13 June 2018. 27 David Malcolm Bennett, The letters of William and Catherine Booth (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2003), Letter WB124, probably February 1857, 321. As there are no other references to Swedenborg it should be stated that this reference does not mean that William Booth usually agreed with Swedenborg’s teachings. 21
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Deakin and William Booth’s Salvation Army28 Although the two did not always see eye to eye, Deakin saw William Booth, the Founder of The Salvation Army, as a kindred spirit and the organisation Booth commenced as an important feature in the new nation of Australia. In addition to personal contact with the Founder, Deakin and The Salvation Army connected in three areas. Firstly, on a spiritual level. Secondly, the Army’s attempt to develop land colonies under Booth’s ‘Darkest England Scheme’ to support selected immigration which could help increase the population. Thirdly, the support of the federation of Australian colonies, as it appeared beneficial to the Army’s total ideology of society cohesion. Deakin and Booth During the Founder’s visit to Melbourne in 1905 he seems to have been summoned to meet the Deakins at an early morning breakfast. In a letter from Melbourne but on International Headquarters (IHQ) letterhead, the Founder complained, “I was dragged off this morning to breakfast with Deakin. He would take no ‘nay’, I must see Mrs Deakin and their daughters, so I turned out at 8:30 a.m. after the exhaustive week-end I had.”29 The next paragraph implies that the Deakin family were at his lecture the night before, as the Founder continued; “They were at my lecture the night before, and was tenderness itself. I don’t know whether they have any religion,30 but they cried like rain when I parted. One of the girls could be made into a Salvationist I feel sure, if taken hold of by someone with a medium of intelligence.”31 While it would appear that much communication between Deakin and Booth was lost in the fire that destroyed IHQ during World War 2, some of Booth’s letters to Deakin survive.32 Deakin’s attraction to Booth and The Salvation Army was explored by Rachel Kohn in an interview with Gabay of Bendigo University.33 Gabay explained that Deakin was attracted to the Army because he believed that it was a church dedicated entirely to social causes and which had dispensed with ceremony and the sacraments. In the same broadcast, Gabay said; General Booth was a good friend [to Deakin] during this period, partly because he gave him spiritual advice which Deakin sorely needed at this time, and partly because they were involved together in trying to make the village settlement movement come to fruition in Victoria, that is, to get rid of Britain’s paupers by bringing them to Australia and settling them on land.34
Gabay finished the interview with the comment; “In the end that was a political embarrassment to Deakin but it formed part of his attachment to Booth and the Salvationists.”35
28
Readers interested in Deakin and The Salvation Army are referred to: Papers of Alfred Deakin Subseries 5.5 NL of A held in the National Library of Australia. 29 Founder to the Chief of Staff, (Melbourne, 13 June 1905). 30 This seems a strange remark given Deakin’s public stance of his beliefs. 31 Founder to the Chief of Staff, (Melbourne, 13 June 1905). 32 The Salvation Army IHQ was bombed during the blitz of WW2.Though letters from Alfred Deakin were destroyed, some fire scarred letters of William Booth to Alfred Deakin were salvaged and accessed for this paper. The remaining letters relate to the immigration proposals of Booth. IHQ files accessed from the International Heritage Centre, October 2017. 33 “The Faith of Alfred Deakin”, The Spirit of Things, (transcript from ABC broadcast 13 May 2001), www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/spiritofthings/the-faith-of-alfred-deakin/3481066 accessed 13 June 2018. 34 “The Faith of Alfred Deakin”, The Spirit of Things. 35 “The Faith of Alfred Deakin”, The Spirit of Things.
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An article from All the world, also touched on the Founder’s 1905 visit to Australia and outlined Deakin’s greeting. “During our Leader’s last visit to Australia Mr. Deakin presided at The General’s reception meeting in the Great Exhibition Building, Melbourne. On several former visits he [Deakin] delivered addresses of warm-hearted welcome.”36 Non-Army publications also took note of the relationship between Deakin and Booth. In 1912, the Poverty Bay herald, reported on the British release of the Life of General Booth.37 The review stated, “In his diary the late Commander in Chief of the Salvation Army records his meeting with Mr Alfred Deakin on the occasion of his first visit to Melbourne. He is a very nice fellow, wrote the General, a man who appears to have more capacity than anyone I have yet met in the colonies.”38 Earlier, in 1891 The Maitland mercury reported that General Booth’s farewell meeting from Melbourne was chaired by Deakin.39 The “Personal” column of Adelaide’s Advertiser in 1905 reported on General Booth’s visit to Melbourne including the fact that after the farewell meeting “Mr Alfred Deakin M.H.R., called on General Booth at the Salvation Army Federal Garrison Offices, Bourke-street Melbourne…”40 Following the death of William Booth on 20 August 1912, Bramwell Booth telegrammed Deakin to let him know that “General laid down his sword at 10:15 last night” to which Deakin responded, “Sincerest sympathy universal here”.41 A memorial service in Melbourne attracted many Salvationists as well as civic and government leaders. A newspaper reported that a condolence message was sent by Mr Alfred Deakin.42 Deakin and The Salvation Army An article entitled “Friends of the Army - The Hon Alfred Deakin” appeared in the Army publication All the world and described how Deakin had affection for the Army from its commencement in Victoria, Australia. It stated that Deakin “held out his hand to the first Salvationist of Victoria, who happened to be the late Colonel Barker. The Premier’s esteem for the Army is only equalled by his affection for its honoured founder.”43 When Deakin married in 1882, he went to Tasmania for his honeymoon where he took his bride, Pattie, to a Salvation Army meeting on two occasions. She did comment that few people would attend such events on their wedding tours, but Pattie knew “they would go anywhere to get nearer to God”.44 A final word on Deakin and The Salvation Army came from Commissioner James Hay. Hay arrived in Australia in 1909 and while touring the newly-federated nation, he wrote; Australia was at that time (circa 1910) showing only too gravely that a great falling away had taken place in Church life, while Sunday schools were manifestly weakening everywhere. Worldly prosperity had captured many, and gambling, with its attendant degradation, was
“Friends of the Army - The Hon Alfred Deakin”, 639. George S. Railton, General Booth, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department & Hodder and Stoughton, 1912). 38 “Life of General Booth”, Poverty Bay herald, (NZ, 24 December 1912), 4. 39 “General Booth’s farewell meeting”, The Maitland mercury, (NSW, 21 November, 1891), 2. 40 “Personal”, The Advertiser, (Adelaide, Australia, 13 April 1905), 4. 41 “Sword laid down.” The Sydney morning herold, (NSW, Friday 23 August 1912), 10. 42 “Memorial Services in the city”, The West Australian, (Perth, Monday 26 August 1912), 7 – 8. 43 “Friends of the Army - The Hon Alfred Deakin”, All the world, (London, UK: December 1906), 637. 44 Gabay, The mystic life of Alfred Deakin, n.p. 36 37
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carrying down the people to lives of sin and spiritual carelessness. These, my first impressions, were only too sadly confirmed as I made my early contacts over all the land.45
Hay soon made contact with the Prime Minister, Alfred Deakin, then in his third term as Australia’s Prime Minister. Hay added to the comments just noted; “In these very early associations I was privileged to have conversations with some of the country’s finest men, notably Alfred Deakin, that great Commonwealth Founder. Colonel ‘Bill’ Hoskins and Colonel ‘Joe’46 Birkenshaw were particularly glad I conversed with this capable statesman early in my Australian experience.”47 Deakin and Booth’s ‘Darkest England Scheme’ The Salvation Army’s support for Federation should also been seen in the Founder’s push for immigration colonies. Christian history contains an extract from In darkest England and the way out48 reflecting the need for immigration colonies. The article stated, The Over-Sea Colony: all who have given attention to the subject are agreed that in our Colonies in South Africa, Canada, Western Australia and elsewhere, there are millions of acres of useful land to be obtained almost for the asking.49
Booth toured Australia to push for support for his ‘Darkest England Scheme’ and this bought him into close contact with Deakin. On 21 November 1891 the Maitland and Hunter River general advertiser reported on the farewell meeting to the Founder in which Alfred Deakin was the chairman. The newspaper reported; “General Booth delivered an address on his colonisation scheme. He declared he would not think of sending anyone here whom he would not place in a similar position in England.”50 The reporter also noted that Booth addressed concerns that the scheme could undermine employment opportunities for those already in this country. Yet, ever the optimist, the Founder still felt encouraged by his visit and stated “a corner of the Darling Downs would suffice him and his three million people”.51 The Founder did not understand that Australia is 70% desert and immigration in large numbers over largely undeveloped lands would create its own problems. Although Deakin’s government had concerns, the Army had previously secured a large portion of land at Pakenham, some 65km south east of Melbourne. A letter to the editor of the Argus dated 29 October 1892 explained that this land colony was for “the betterment of humanity….”.52 The writer also identified the land as being 100 acres under cultivation. It would appear however that this property did not remain under the ‘Darkest England Scheme’ as a land colony for long. However little information is known about the location of this site or how the colony later developed into “homes” for youth and then the elderly.53 45
James Hay, Aggressive Salvationism, Achievement for God and souls, (Melbourne, Australia: Gordon Hay, 1951), 48. Christian names as written by Hay 47 Hay, Aggressive Salvationism, 48. 48 William Booth, In darkest England and the way out, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army), 1890. 49 “In darkest England and the way out – Selections from William Booth’s bold proposal for eliminating poverty.” 34 – 35, In Kevin A Miller (ed.), Christian history, (Iss. 26, Vol IX, No. 2, 1990), 35. 50 “General Booth’s Farewell Meeting.” The Maitland mercury and Hunter River general advertiser, (NSW, Saturday 21 November 1891), 2. 51 “General Booth’s Farewell Meeting.”, 2. 52 Christopher Mudd, “A Salvation Army labour colony.” The Argus, (Melbourne, Saturday 29 October 1892), 6. 53 Although in 1892 a farm colony was established at Pakenham, Bolton gave only a few lines of information about this property, but as a home for problem Australian youth, not emigrants. She showed that in 1897 the home for “delinquent 46
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Several newspapers, including the Brisbane courier indicated that another parcel of land, 300 acres had been made available by a lady sympathetic to the aims and objectives of the Army’s land colonies.54 In a wide-ranging article in the Hobart Mercury, their reporter also acknowledged the 300 acres in NSW.55 The article however showed that while Deakin’s government did not give land to the Army, generous citizens did; “in New South Wales a lady gave them a farm of three hundred acres fully stocked.”56 Neither paper offered any identification of the site. The lobbying from the Army did secured land in Western Australia, this time from the colonial government. The Western Australian Sunday times quoted an article that had appeared in The war cry noting that, “along the banks of the Collie the Commandant has secured 20,000 acres of variable land, ranging from the deep black loam, so much in request, to the iron hills of proverbial inutility57”58 The article also stated; “the area is some twelve miles from east to west, and an average of five or six miles north and south.” This land was a land grant from the government to the Army.59 The existing correspondence of the founder from this time lists Collie on a number of occasions. There is also a link with the Booths, Deakin and Collie. An article in The West Australian reported on the departure of Commandant Herbert Booth after his five-year term. After the farewell meeting in Melbourne, attended by Deakin, the Commandant resided at Collie to decide his future with The Salvation Army.60 An article by the Army and information in Bolton seems to suggest that some land colonies morphed into the training farms for children and men and later rehabilitation farms for people with addictions.61 At first Deakin was excited by the social work of The Salvation Army. The Hobart mercury made a comment about Deakin and Booth, referring to the starving of Melbourne on 4 July 1889, Booth is alleged to have said; “The Government of Victoria practically threw upon our Officers the task of dealing with the unemployed.”62 The paper continued; … the Victorian Minister63 paid a high tribute to the Army’s work during the previous six years64 and especially that part of which consisted in apprehended children found in brothels and taking charge of them. The Victorian Parliament voted the Army an annual grant ….65
Booth’s idea of bringing the English poor into Australia received a voice, aroused some trepidation from certain parts of the population and the government. One newspaper commented on a less than friendly communication regarding Deakin and Booth. An unidentified journalist of The
youth” was moved from Pakenham and “Girls’ homes were opened at Riverview in Queensland, and Pakenham, in Victoria, in 1897”. However, during 1899/1900 Salvation Army periodicals announced accommodation for the aged in a new complex on the Pakenham site.53 Barbara Bolton, Booth’s drum, The Salvation Army in Australia, 1880 – 1980, (Lane Cove, Australia: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980), 116 – 117, 126, 142.; See “Through the Ages” by Major Bob Broadbere 2017. 54 “Visit of General Booth”, The Brisbane courier, (Qld, Monday, 5 October 1891), 6. 55 “The Salvation Army”, The Mercury, (Hobart, Friday 15 February 1929), 8. 56 “The Salvation Army”, The Mercury, (Hobart, Friday 15 February 1929), 8. 57 Inutility as written in The war cry. 58 The war cry (Melbourne, 25 February 1900). 59 In 2017 Collie is listed as 213km south of Perth, Western Australia near the junction of the Collie and Harris rivers. Currently a predominately coal-producing town of some 7,000 souls. 60 “Salvation Army work in Australia”, The West Australian, (Perth, Thursday, 12 September 1901), 3. 61 Anon, Good British stock: Child and youth migration to Australia, (Australia: n.d.).; Bolton, Booth’s drum, 142. 62 “The Salvation Army”, The Mercury, (Hobart, Friday 15 February 1929), 8. 63 Deakin was a state politician in Victoria at that time. 64 Years in question being 1883 to 1889. 65 “The Salvation Army”, The Mercury, (Hobart, Friday 15 February 1929), 8.
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Sydney stock and station journal took delight in the Founder’s ‘put down’ of Deakin’s government.66 It was reported that; “The great event has taken place and General Booth has scored a magnificent victory! He has bowled out our politicians in a masterful manner.”67 The journalist was reporting on the negative response from the Deakin government to Booth’s desire to establish land colonies in Australia. Although Booth and “the intelligence of the community” were “all shouting about the need for immigrants,” the government rejected the Army’s plan. The report continued, “the world can laugh at us now … but we can afford to laugh … even though we are humiliated! … for our ‘representatives’ fail to represent us.” Booth, it was reported also allegedly stated that “Alfred Deakin and his party are no more Australian than the Czar of Russia!”68. Within the context of this report one wonders why the General made such a comment or was it made up by the un-named journalist? Yet judging by Booth’s correspondence of 1905 in relation to the land colonies and immigration, Booth and Deakin’s cabinet were at loggerheads. In a letter dated 9 January 1905, the Chief of the Staff advised the Founder he had received a copy of The Chronicle with the headline “Collapse of General Booth’s Australian Scheme”. This was followed by the paragraph; Then there is the telegram from Deakin which I confirm as follows:- Debate Federal Parliament not hostile but inconclusive owing want of knowledge details your proposals – no conflict political parties feared – no change public attitude or that of this government since my cable second September – consequently cause postponement your scheme not yet understood.
As an afterthought on page three Bramwell wrote, “Australia again. I must confess I feel the whole thing is an awkward drop and I take a good share of the responsibility for the position we are in. It will be a lesson to me”.69 It appeared that confusion continued between the new Australian federal government and The Salvation Army in faraway London. Begbie quoted an undated letter to an unnamed colonel that showed Booth’s displeasure with Deakin. Booth wrote, Thanks for the letter on the “Emigration Question.” I promised Mr. Deakin an Official Communication in my last note to him, but I have been so busy with one thing or another that I really have not had time to write. Moreover, I am puzzled to know what to say. I cannot understand the attitude of Australia. Its Authorities pretend to want an increase of population, and when the opportunity is offered raise all sorts of difficulties…70
The Founder, due to leave Melbourne on 6 June 1905 wrote, “My Dear Chief, re The Scheme for Emigration. I have been thinking very much about it, and I have a great deal to say to you as to details before any bargain is struck”. 71 The four-page letter contained further points about the scheme and finished by listing his final appointments before leaving Australia. In this section a note appeared about an appointment, “not the least attractive being one from the Hon Alfred Deakin at his own
“General Booth and Alfred Deakin”, The Sydney stock and station journal, (New South Wales, Friday 13 October 1905), 6. 67 “General Booth and Alfred Deakin”, 6. 68 “General Booth and Alfred Deakin”, 6. 69 Italics mine. 70 Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, The founder of The Salvation Army (2 vols), (London, UK: MacMillian and Co., 1920), 2:361. 71 It should be noted that whilst overseas the Founder often sent hand written notes to IHQ and senior staff 66
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home”. Were both Deakin and the Founder still optimistic about the emigration scheme or was Deakin after deeper spiritual guidance? Two letters from Bramwell to his father dated 5 and 9 October 1905 also survive. Though these carbon copies are fire damaged, the Chief of Staff’s concern has been saved. It is interesting to note that in the paragraph mentioning Deakin, the Founder deleted a reference to Deakin’s cabinet.72 It may show that while Deakin was in favour of Booth’s emigration scheme, his cabinet was not. There is also a telegram from 9 October 1905 but as they were handwritten across several pages it is hard to read what the Chief of the Staff is saying to the General on this issue. It appears to relate to the letters mentioned above and the uncertainty of an immigration scheme ever proceeding. By 14 October 1905, the Chief of the Staff is again quoting newspaper comments to the Founder. It is interesting that the two leaders are ‘feeling’ the mood of a government through newspapers and not direct communication. Due to fire damage this letter is hard to read.73 In it Bramwell wrote; …there is a rather interesting article in to-day’s ‘Times’ on Emigration prospects in Australia. It is on page 3. You will also see a telegram from Melbourne on our scheme on page 5, from which it appears that they are already coming down from their high perch.
Only the first page of the note to Deakin, dated 12 January 1906 survives. The Founder appears to be acknowledging the inevitable when he wrote to Deakin, “I have not sent the ‘Official Letter’ promised. I don’t think I can say anything in a public way on the subject of Emigration that is likely to help the course of things which I believe we both desire.” If Deakin saw the Founder as a mentor, could we also feel that Deakin continued to ‘carry the light’ for the Founder’s project even though he, Deakin believed it would not proceed?
A portion of the letters outlining connections between Deakin and The Salvation Army74 72
This would be the Australian cabinet. The International Heritage Centre appears to have only the (poor quality) carbon copies. 74 The letter shows damage received during the blitz of WW2. 73
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Was the Founder being unfair to Deakin, his cabinet and Australia’s new federal government? Alternatively did the Founder believe William Blake’s words “Till we have built Jerusalem in England’s green and pleasant lands” 75 applied to Australia? The Founder in travelling from Sydney to Brisbane would have gone via the inland route to the Darling Downs and down the Toowoomba range to Brisbane. Passing through the fertile valleys that now are a food bowl for much of Australia. Booth told a reporter, “I say boldly to Australia, here is an opportunity by which we can help these hordes of people at home. You are under some obligation, if it is only from distant relationship to the country which I hear many of you call home.” By now, the Founder in full voice said; “you could put three millions of people on those Darling Downs which I came through last night.”76 Booth was unaware of the climatic changes in Australia. While there are years of plenty, there are also years of drought that would not support such a population. In 2017, although the Darling Downs produces food and coal, it with the South West Region combined still only has a population of 271,690 and the industries would not have supported a population of three million.77 The Founder’s views are commendable but, in this instance, not practical. Therefore, there can be some sympathy for Deakin and the newly-federated state having a ‘go-slow’ attitude. It is difficult to now imagine the influence the Army had on the Federal government of the time as in 2018, the influence of Salvation Army social programs is diminishing. Very few officers are now appointed to social programs as they are now managed by professional social workers. It would also be safe to say that no current General or Territorial leader would stay at the private home of an Australian Prime Minister. Deakin, The Salvation Army and Australian Federation. The conflict between the colonies over federation was strong. On a number of occasions arguments over a few issues may have seen the union not occur.78 Campaigning on both sides took place and advertisements such as those by the South Australian Commonwealth League outlined the positive reasons for federation. Forward thinking men like Deakin and Booth embraced the benefits of Federation.
William Blake 1757-1827 – from his poem ‘Milton’. “Visit of General Booth”, The Brisbane courier, (Qld, Monday, 5 October 1891), 6. 77 “RDA Darling Downs and South West Region – Estimated Resident Population”, Regional Development Australia, (30 June 2017), https://profile.id.com.au/rda-dd-sw/population-estimateaccessed 13 June 2018. 78 See the discussion in, “Debates that shaped the nation: Federation fast facts”, Commonwealth of Australia, (Australia, Education Services Australia, 2011), http://www.civicsandcitizenship.edu.au/cce/federation_fast_facts,9276.html accessed 27 May 2018. 75 76
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Advertisement from The Commonwealth League to encourage the ‘yes’ vote for the federation vote79
The Salvation Army’s Federated Films provides a statement on the Army’s support for Federation.80 The statement outlined; “Implicit in The Salvation Army filming of Federation was the support for unification of the colonies.” The statement continued; Although the Salvation Army sought to remain apolitical, it appears to have felt this issue transcended politics. The Salvation Army saw it [Federation] as a move towards human unity and harmony, and away from division. A second reason for the Salvation Army support: it anticipated [rightly] that a Federal Government would provide increased funds for the needy.81
In the lead up to Federation, The Salvation Army prepared for the coming together of the colonies. All Army administration colonial divisions was bought under one territory, the Australasian Territory, under one Commander communicating for the territory, these were Commissioner T. Henry Howard (1886-1889); Commissioner Thomas Coombs (1889-1896); Commandant Herbert Booth (1896-1901) and Commissioner Thomas McKie (1901-1909). A large banner over the Bourke Street Headquarters, Melbourne82 included The Salvation Army crest with the slogan “Advance Australasia” wrapped over it. The modified crest also appeared on letterheads and the header of The War Cry. Commissioner Coombs took the concept further by referring to Federation and the Army’s
79
Courtesy South Australian Library. SLSA permission ref IFD_PM06_May 1898 “The Salvation Army and the Federated Films” (The Salvation Army, n.d.), https://salvos.org.au/scride/auesalvos/files/documents/Brief_History_Salvos.doc accessed 14 September 2017. 81 “The Salvation Army and the Federated Films” , 2. It must be noted that the contract was not given to the Army due to their support for Federation. The NSW and Victorian Colonial Governments put out tenders for the filming of the federation ceremonies and events. The large photographic suppliers, Baker and Rouse, won the contract and subsequently sub-contracted The Salvation Army's film unit to complete the task. Lindsay Cox to Garth R. Hentzschel, personal communication, (email, 31 July 2018). 82 “Limelight”, ABC (n.d.), www.abc.net.au/limelight accessed 20 September 2017. 80
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accomplishments; “while politicians and other public figures were talking about how to federate the colonies, the Salvation Army, so far as its own work was concerned had gone and done it.” Coombs added; “the Salvationist forces in the colonies were under one government, and would all contribute their due share to pay for the new Headquarters.” Brigadier Kyle was the Social Secretary around the time of Federation. Before Federation Kyle wrote, “Federation is an inspiration, its impulses are Divine.” Kyle wrote again to The war cry, this time his reflections of 1 January 1901 and its lead up, [1 January 1901] was the proudest day in the history of Australia… hitherto, though there has been an Australia, it has been a jarring conflicting number of states, whose conduct has not always been sisterly, and certainly not brotherly, but to-day the United States of Australia is an accomplished fact.83
Commandant Herbert Booth, the Australasian Territorial Commander, was asked with other church and organisational leaders to participate at the celebration in Centennial Park, Sydney. There is a film segment of the Federation parade for the inauguration that shows Booth with three other uniformed Army officers84 in a carriage processioning though a makeshift Federation arch.85 A final note on Federation comes from Deakin’s granddaughter Judith Harley: He [Deakin] was passionate about Federation after leading the Victorian delegation to the first Colonial Conference in London in 1887. He declined all ministerial office in every cabinet from 1890 until 1900 in order to devote himself to the Federation cause. This meant a loss of income which he could ill-afford at this time.86
It is interesting to note that even in 1906 The Salvation Army, in Brisbane at least, was still conducting Federation Fairs.87 It is clear that the Army and Deakin would have seen eye-to-eye on the matter of Federation. Conclusion Deakin’s speech to the Australian Native Association (ANA) in 1898 concluded with the words of Bendigo poet William Gay. Our country’s garment With hands unfilial we have basely rent, With poetry variance our souls are spent, 83
The War Cry, (Melbourne, 5 January 1901), 2. These officers were “Colonel Peart, chief secretary for Australasia; Brigadier Gilmour, general secretary; and Brigadier Saunders, first officer.” “Commonwealth Day – The Procession”, The Sydney mail and New South Wales advertiser, (NSW: Saturday 5 January 1901), 9. It should also be noted that there are discrepancies in lists of Salvation Army representative at the swearing in ceremony. The Sydney morning herald, stated only two Salvation Army officers represented the Army: Lt.-Col. Hoskins for New South Wales; and Commandant Booth for Victoria. While The daily telegraph stated: Commandant and Mrs. Booth for Victoria; and Brigadier Glover for West Australia. However, the ABC noted that Cornelie was unwell and did not attend the ceremony, thus explaining the difference in the reporting. “Guests at the swearing in ceremony” The Sydney morning herald, (NSW: Wednesday 2 January 1901), 11, 12.; “Commonwealth celebration guests”, The daily telegraph, (Sydney, Wednesday 2 January 1901), 9.; “Limelight Department”, ABC, (Australia, n.d.), www.abc.net.au/limelight/docs/lime/federation.htm accessed 5 August 2013. 85 “Inauguration of the Commonwealth (1901)”, (Australian Screen, An NFSA website, 2018), clip 1, Parade for the inauguration, https://aso.gov.au/titles/documentaries/inauguration-commonwealth/clip1/ accessed 31 July 2018. 86 ABC Radio National, May 2001. 87 “The Salvation Army – Federation Fair”, The Brisbane courier, (Brisbane, 8 August 1906), 9. 84
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And ancient kinship under foot is trod: O let us rise – united, penitent And be one people – mighty, serving God.88
“United, penitent, one people, mighty, serving God” could easily have been echoed by William Booth and Salvationists throughout Australia and thus alignment could occur between the “prophet of the poor”89 and the powerful of the nation. Through this paper it has been seen that Booth and his Salvation Army did not only work with the poor, but also the rich, the influential and the intellectual. Booth did know of the dangers in trying to stretch too widely. Begbie quoted Booth to have said, I have been trying all my life, to stretch out my arms so as to reach with one hand the poor, and at the same time keep the other in touch with the rich. But my arms are not long enough. I find that when I am in touch with the poor I lose my hold upon the rich, and when I reach up to the rich I let go of the poor. And I very much doubt whether God Almighty’s arms are long enough for this.90
Yet Booth lamented over any who escaped him, powerful or poor. On hearing that Cecil Rhodes had died, Booth wrote; Cecil Rhodes is dead… Now he is gone to his account. The S.[alvation] A.[rmy] has lost a friend, so far as this world’s good and influence are concerned. I cannot help feeling very sad. I wonder whether in our several interviews I did what I could for his soul. Oh, what a snare hoping for a more convenient season is, not only for the sinner saving himself but for the saint saving other people.91
It is not known what Booth would have said at Deakin’s passing, as Deakin outlived the Founder by seven years. However, what can be stated is that, like his Lord, Booth still hoped to win both the low and mighty to his faith and his God.
Deakin recited this poem on 15 March 1898 and the full poem was published in newspapers, see “One people – mighty, service God.” Mount Alexander mail, (Victoria, Monday 28 March 1898), 3. The poem was later published under the title “Australian Federation” in William Gay, The complete poetical works of William Gay, (Melbourne, Australia: William Gay, 1911). 89 A term sometimes used to describe William Booth. Thomas Coastes used this term for the title of his biograph of William Booth. Thomas F. C. Coates, The prophet of the poor. The life-story of General Booth, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1905). 90 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:384. 91 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:252. 88
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“Bound to the Cross and the Colours” A symbol of individual responsibility and sacrifice1 1
“Bound to the Cross and the Colours”, The Conqueror, (London, UK: Volume V, No. 9, September 1896).
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AN HISTORICAL INVESTIGATION INTO THE MYTH OF THE SALVATION ARMY AS A “COMMUNITY OF BELIEVERS” AND THE DEATH OF IN·DI·VID·U·AL·ISM Garth R. Hentzschel2 ABSTRACT Words and phrases such as “Community Church”, “Faith Community” and “Community of Believers” have appeared in the vocabulary of The Salvation Army over the last decade. Alongside this, some Army authors have claimed, “William Booth avoided the intense individualism of the 19thcentury holiness movement” and that corporate salvation and corporate holiness are the correct biblical understandings. This paper will investigate these claims in light of historical Salvation Army literature and trace the historical development of the current emphasis of the new definition of ‘community’ in The Salvation Army. Introduction The Salvation Army in Australia has moved from the traditional terms of corps to using community church, faith community and a community of believers. In addition to this, there have been recent statements written against individualism in the Army. This paper investigated such statements through an historical inquiry and found that the statements are incorrect. It must be noted that although a theological discussion on such an issue would be exciting, this is outside the investigation of this paper. In addition, it would be important for the reader to understand that the paper is written from a western frame of reference and the section of mapping the development in Salvation Army writing from the focus on the individual to the corporate are from books published in English. There now also appears to be an aggressive stance against the individual in some areas of Army literature. It is not identified if this is a cultural or theological shift; however as it is a move away from the Army’s historical stand, some warning of the impact this could have on the movement is also included. Identifying the use of the term ‘community’ When I was YPS-M about 20 years ago, local Catholic school students would visit the Islamic mosque and then visit our corps’ citadel for their studies on comparative religions. I soon noticed that there were some distinct differences in the understanding of terms. The students would ask “What does the church do for its community?” I would start to talk about the social welfare work of the Army and the students would stop me and state, “No, we mean, like, what does the church give its community, like sacraments or last rights?” From the Catholic tradition, the students saw their church’s community as those who attended the congregation. From a Salvationist tradition, I saw community as those outside the Army. I went to meetings to help me serve God and people in the wider community. The students went from the world to their community, attending services. From that time, 2
Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A historical investigation into the myth of The Salvation Army as a community of believers and the death of in·di·vid·u·al·ism”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 108 – 132.
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I have noticed the increased use of the term ‘community’ within The Salvation Army and seen its meaning change. All that one needs to do to see examples of how prevalent the term has become in the Army is to search the internet. In Brisbane alone, there is “The Salvation Army Calamvale Community Church”,3 “Life Community Church”4 “Forest Lake Community Church”5 and “Bayside Community Church”.6 Although ‘community’ in the name of these corps are supposed to show that; “local Salvation Army churches are our grassroots community presence around the country, providing a huge diversity of spiritual, social and recreational activities”,7 it has also become an idea of a ‘community of believers’. One of the Army’s websites from the Australia Southern Territory stated “the church community lives and functions outside the four walls of a church building”8 and “[t]he church community is made up of believers”.9 Later, the church should be a “nurturing community where people can grow in their faith”.10 Another website from the same territory used the terms “Christcentred community” and “faith community”11 In this way the community has moved from being outside the corps to being the corps itself. Contestation over individualism throughout Army history in current Army literature There appear to be two camps when current Army literature refers to individualism within the early years of The Salvation Army. The first camp states that the Army was against individualism, while the second camp strongly argues that William Booth and the early Army were strong supporters of the individual. The camp against individualism in the early Salvation Army A case against individualism A number of contemporary Salvation Army authors discredit individualism even to the extent that they argue individualism is anti-Christian.
3
The Salvation Army Calamvale Community Church website, (Calamvale: The Salvation Army, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/calamvale/ accessed 23 July 2018. 4 Also known as “The LifeWorks Centre”. Life Community Church website, (Slacks Creeks: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/contact-us/find-the-salvos-near-you/place/qlcc/ accessed 23 July 2018. 5 Forest Lake Community Church website, (Forest Lake: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/lakesalvos/ accessed 23 July 2018. 6 Bayside Community Church website, (Alexandra Hills: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/bayside/ 23 July 2018. 7 “Find a church near you”, The Salvation Army website, (Sydney: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), accessed 23 July 2018, ¶ 1. 8 Aylene Finger, “Should I force my 15 year old to go to church?” in “Christianity FAQ” (Melbourne, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, n.d.), https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/en/Who-We-Are/About-Us/ChristianityFAQ/ accessed 23 July 2018, ¶ 6. 9 Finger, “Should I force my 15 year old to go to church?”, ¶ 6. 10 Linda Bond, “How do I pick a church to attend?” in “Christianity FAQ” (Melbourne, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, n.d.), https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/en/Who-We-Are/About-Us/Christianity-FAQ/ accessed 23 July 2018, ¶ 1. 11 “Worship Gatherings”, Kingston Gardens Community Church website, (Kingston Gardens: The Salvation Army – Australia Southern Territory, n.d.), https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/en/Find-Us/Victoria/KingstonGardens/FaithCommunity/ accessed 23 July 2018.
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Campbell Roberts and Danielle Strickland showed a negative feeling toward individualism when writing about the historical context of the early Army or as they called it the “Salvationist Foundation”. They wrote: For all the advantages brought about by the Industrial Revolution, it produced a kind of rampant individualism. Many people were inspired by thoughts of getting rich, and often this manifested itself in an attitude of self-help and a drive to make money. The strong embraced such individualism. The weak were often devastated and abused by it.12
Just over a decade before Roberts and Strickland, a clearer description of this distrust of the ideology of individualism was given by Dr. Donald Burke, a Canadian Salvationist. In this dialog it would appear that individualism is anti-Christ and that Burke outlines a theology that comes from such a mistrust, that living in a community supersedes a personal relationship with God. Burke wrote: … we tend to think of ourselves first as individuals rather than as part of a community. We speak of individual happiness, individual freedoms, individual destiny, individual dreams, individual rights, and even individual salvation. But this emphasis upon our individual identity as islands unto ourselves has left us isolated, neurotic and unable to think of things (or persons) beyond ourselves. A large part of the underlying ache that infects so many of us must be attributed to our modern obsession with self and our dismissal of much that is beyond ourselves. Yet this self-centeredness of our time runs directly counter to the teachings of the Scripture. Over and over again, a careful reading of the Bible will show that life for God is life that is lived in community with others.13
Earlier still, in the beginning of the 1970s, Fred Brown claimed that individualism led to problems in society with humanity becoming lonely, desperate and depraved. He claimed that by the late 1960s individualism had caused people to talk, … a lot about freedom and love as a cover for their promiscuous exploitations. They were amoral, interpreting freedom as permission to indulge their animal appetites at will. In the main they were pathetic individuals whose promiscuity was primarily a symptom for their loveless lives.14
A case against individualism in the early Salvation Army The case against individualism has had a marked impact on Salvation Army theologians. Geoff Webb and Kalie Webb used Salvation Army history to argue their view against individualism and claimed that William Booth tried to work against the rise of this ideology in the 19th century. They also claimed that society’s push of individualism saw Booth’s intention collapse. Webb and Webb claimed: William Booth avoided the intense individualism of the 19th-century holiness movement, however. He included the concept of corporate holiness, since only a holy people could achieve a holy work and usher in the Kingdom. He emphasised sanctification not only of the individual believer, but of the entire movement, since Booth’s Army would be in the vanguard of ushering in the millennium. Surprisingly, Booth’s emphasis on corporate holiness was quickly lost...15 Campbell Roberts and Danielle Strickland, Just:imagine – the World For God, (Victoria, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2008), 39. 13 Donald E. Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, (Canada: The Salvation Army, Canada and Bermuda, 1996), 36. 14 Fred Brown, Secular evangelism, (London, UK: SCM Press, 1970), 49. 15 Geoff Webb and Kalie Webb, Authentic “fair dinkum” Holiness for ordinary Christians, (Australia: The Salvation Army Australian Southern Territory, 2007), 206. 12
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While Webb and Webb claimed that Booth pushed for a corporate holiness, Roberts and Strickland claimed that Booth moved away from the idea of personal sin to that sinners “were victims of a selfishly individualistic society” and therefore not in need of personal salvation.16 They later went further and claimed that “Booth’s theology developed past this rather narrow concept of redemption”17 when he wrote In darkest England and the way out.18 Here they argued that salvation is linked to the need to seek justice for others, not necessarily to a personal relationship with God. The paramount idea then is for a Christian to develop a relationship with others and for humanity to develop a relationship with God. Roberts and Strickland wrote Salvationists must place their, … personal faith and experience of God last, not first. This is perhaps in direct contrast to what has become the hallmark of modern evangelism with its emphasis often on the individual and privatised ‘God experience’...19
They argued both from an historical and biblical point of view that salvation of the individual was not possible without a community. Roberts and Strickland then developed what they called the “Micah 6:8 triangle”20 which is somewhat a map for salvation where individuals (note, not the individual), God and Human Community all play an equal part.
Micah 6:8
The Micah 6:8 triangle as developed by Roberts and Strickland.21
While Roberts and Strickland later wrote, Often the Christian community is divided into two camps: those who emphasise personal salvation from sin over social reform and those who emphasise social reform over personal sin. We suggest they are intimately connected. Ultimately, when you boil social justice down to its
16
Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 40. Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 42. 18 See the discussion in Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 39 – 45. 19 Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 34. 20 Micah 6:8 NIV, “He has shown you, O mortal, what is good. And what does the LORD require of you? To act justly and to love mercy and to walk humbly with your God.” There is no discussion in this verse on salvation and it appears that a postmodern approach is used to define salvation as justice. 21 Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 32. 17
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most basic form, it is about right relationships. Sin results in broken relationships, between one another and between humanity and God.22
To emphasise too the latter part of this quotation, sin is the broken relationship between one another (individuals) and humanity (community) and God. There is nothing included about a person’s individual relationship with God. Also, although they stated the two sides are “intimately connected” in the discussion on evangelism that followed, there was no discussion on an individual’s responsibility to share the message of salvation to others. The camp for individualism in the early Salvation Army A case for individualism In direct opposition to the ideas outlined earlier by Webb and Webb, Roberts and Strickland as well as Burke, other writers have claimed that individualism was born from Christianity and was not antiChristian. A non-Salvationist Christian academic historian, Herbert Butterfield claimed that the understanding of the individual came from a Christian worldview. He stated; “We can hardly measure what the modern doctrine of individualism must owe to the Christian belief that men are spiritual beings, born for eternity, and having a value in commensurate with that of anything else in the created universe.”23 A case for individualism in the early Salvation Army Those researching The Salvation Army have argued that individualism drew people to the movement, helped to build the Army, moved it from ritualism and helped it to be innovative. John Coutts stated that even to the second generation of Salvationists their focus was on the individual. He wrote that “Bramwell Booth…was rallying his troops on the unshakeable ground of personal religious experience…”24 Gertrude Himmelfarb stated, although not fully correctly, that The Salvation Army’s “religion was nondoctrinal and nonritualists”, therefore supporting equality and increased individualism.25 Norris Magnuson argued that The Salvation Army’s success was due to its motivation, nature and belief of revivalism and support for the individual. Magnuson stated: …while the aid varied in complexity and extent, its most characteristic form was also the simplest, namely informal individual help for persons in need whenever that need appeared…26
22
Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 34. Herbert Butterfield and C. T. McIntire (ed.), Writings on Christianity and history, (New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1979), 40. 24 John Coutts, The Salvationists, (London, UK: A. R. Mowbrays & Co., 1977), 15. 25 From its commencement The Christian Mission had a set of doctrines and later formed rituals, but the point attempting to be made was that it questioned the doctrine and rituals of the established church. Of more interest is the fact that with the Army not having religious rituals and rights, there is no need for a priestly tribe and therefore allowed for more freedom and individuality for its members. Gertrude Himmelfarb, Poverty and Compassion: The moral imagination of the late Victorians, (New York, USA: Knof, 1991), 220. 26 Norris Magnuson, Salvation in the Slums – Evangelical Social Work, (Metuchen, USA: The Scarecrow Press, Inc, and The American Theological Library Association, 1977), 32. 23
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Although Webb and Webb believed that William Booth attempted to have corporate holiness, Norman Murdoch argued that Booth followed Phoebe Palmer and James Caughey and taught individuals to develop their own salvation27 and their pathway to individual holiness: The Booths followed Caughey and Palmer in preaching an instantaneous holiness experience in which God places purity in the individual character when the individual places himself [sic] wholly in God’s control through an act of total consecration.28
From research, Lillian Taiz saw a different understanding of the corporate than Webb and Webb as she argued that the Army’s teaching on individual holiness was an important factor in drawing people to the movement. She stated: The Salvation Army’s doctrine of individual holiness attracted … restless men and women by promising to provide a discipline for a sanctified life that established a clear set of behavioural norms.29
Taiz went so far as to state that “[t]o Salvationists, the uniform symbolized the power of individual holiness they found in the Salvation Army; divesting themselves of ‘worldly dress.’”30 She saw this individual holiness led to a holiness movement, not a corporate holiness. From her research she was led to believe that the Army’s term of ‘holiness movement’ meant that each individual acted in such a way that the entire movement as a living organism acted in a holy manner. Ken Sanz also showed that the Army’s sense of independence, individualism and initiative endeared itself to the new colonies of Australia and these freedoms bought the new converts to the Army.31 All this shows that there is quite a difference in the claims for and against individualism in its use, acceptance and understanding in the early Salvation Army. It is important therefore to understand the meaning of individualism. The rise and decline of the individual The simplest definition of individualism comes for Wikipedia which stated that it, …is the moral stance, political philosophy, ideology, or social outlook that recognizes the intrinsic autonomy and corresponding moral agency of the individual as expressed through voluntary adherence to an intentional community or other self-selecting identity group such as a religion, as opposed to compelled community (for example) a nationalism [or socialism]. Individualism emphasizes the moral worth of the individual. Individualists value independence, and as a political ideology, promote self-reliance and the exercise of one’s own goals and desires, and advocate that the interests of the individual should achieve precedence over the state or a social group, while opposing external interference upon one’s own interests by society or institutions such as the government.
27
Philippians 2:12 King James Version:- Wherefore, my beloved, as ye have always obeyed, not as in my presence only, but now much more in my absence, work out your own salvation with fear and trembling. 28 Norman H. Murdoch, Origins of The Salvation Army, (Knoxville, USA: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), 68. 29 Lillian Taiz, Hallelujah lads and lasses: Remaking the Salvation Army in America – 1880 – 1939, (Chapel Hill, USA: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 59. 30 Taiz, Hallelujah lads and lasses, 62. 31 Ken Sanz, “How revival happened”, Hallelujah!, (Sydney, Vol. 1, Iss. 2, 2007), 10-12; 10-11.
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Individualism makes the individual its focus and so starts “with the fundamental premise that the human individual is of primary importance in the struggle for liberation.” … Individualism thus involves “the right of the individual to freedom and self-realization”.32
There is no clear agreement on when individualism appeared in the western countries, but what is more likely is that it developed at different times, progressing at different rates. Rudolph Heinze argued that self-realisation was found in the mediaeval church,33 whereas Carr stated it developed from the Renaissance: … when men, who had hitherto been “conscious of himself only as a member of a race, people, party, family, or corporation”, at length “became a spiritual individual and recognized himself as such”. Later the cult was connected with the rise of capitalism and of Protestantism, with the beginnings of the industrial revolution, and with the doctrines of laissez-faire... Individualism was the basis of the great nineteenth century philosophy of utilitarianism...34
Although Carr showed that individualism commenced in the Renaissance, Shaw argued that individualism commenced over 150 years later during the reformation.35 It needs to be pointed out that Carr listed “men” as developing individuality and not women as it is clear that few women, until the Victorian period were allowed to develop a sense of self apart from their father or husband. Callum Brown placed an important development of individualism even later than Shaw and stated that, through Methodism questions of the power of the state church arose. By 1810 “the full theological and personal implications of modern evangelicalism emerged into popular religiosity and popular culture”.36 This lead to a power shift from the clergy to the individual. Brown continued: Instead of implying obedience to church discipline and ecclesiastical courts, the religious test became one for the individual to impose upon his/her self. [This lead to the phenomenon that the]…conversion came to be the most powerful and widely understood symbol of individual freedom in late eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain.37
Anna Clark argued that later again, the mid-Victorian was the thinker and writer of individualism. She stated that people such as James Hinton were imbedded in the context of the struggle over individualism within religion and culture: We typically think of Victorian ideas of the self as having been created by … political economy …, demanding self-reliance, autonomy, self-interest, and competition, or by evangelicism, demanding introspection, self-control, and self-denial (Gagnier 320; Hilton 80). However severe these ideas might be, they retained the idea of the autonomous self at their center.38
Clark also stated that: Christian theology of the time held that the believer gives up his “old self,” metaphorically crucified as Jesus died, in order to have a new life redeemed from sin (Romans 6:6; …).39
“Individualism”, (Wikipedia, 9 July 2018), http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Individualism accessed 23 July 2018. Rudolph W. Heinze, Reform and Conflict: From the medieval world t the wars of religions, 1350 – 1648, (USA: Barker, 2005). 34 E. Carr, What is History?, (UK: Macmillian, 1961), 33. 35 G. Bernard Shaw, The Complete Prefaces of Bernard Shaw, (UK: Paul Hamlyn, 1965), 639. 36 Callum G. Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, (UK: Routledge, 2001), 36. 37 Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, 36 – 37. 38 Anna Clark, “James Hinton and Victorian individuality: polygamy and the sacrifice of the self.” Victorian Studies 54.1 (2011), 35+. General OneFile. Web. 16 Sept. 2013. 39 Clark, “James Hinton and Victorian individuality.”, n.p. 32 33
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This conversion commenced with individualism as it; …advocated starting with self-knowledge, and then moving beyond this stage toward greater communion with the divine and others.40
While all of the authors listed above claimed the church played a part in the commencement of lifting the individual, Carl Trueman stated “the term [self-determination] is a hallmark of the modern democratic mindset, focused on the individual.”41 This would have developed more in the modern history era specifically after the two world wars. A major difficulty in identifying the commencement of individualism is there has been no set definition of the term.42 Yet, the descriptions of individualism made by Salvationist authors such as Webb and Webb, Roberts and Strickland, Burke and Brown are more in line with the description of “Radical Individualism” which appeared from about the 1960s43 “with hedonism,44 narcissism,45 anomie,46 social Darwinism,47 or Jacobinism.48”49 Therefore the individualism described by the authors was not that of the Victorian era and therefore there is some question to their understanding of the historical context of their argument. Concerns of historians in the rise of anti-individualism Before looking at the historical evidence to investigate if individualism was excluded or promoted in the early Salvation Army, it is important to look at what historians in general have written about such an ideology. There are a number of history researchers who have been concerned about the movement away from individualism in the academic arena. Margert McMillan argued that humanity cannot in fact see community without understanding the individual as; “We see ourselves as individuals but equally as parts of groups …”50 Benedict Anderson is concerned that the term “community” is used in places that can never be a community. He claimed that large groups or movements can only be at best an “imagined community” as their size disqualifies them of being a community. The definition of the “imagined community” well fits The Salvation Army. Anderson wrote the imagined communities are: …groups like nations or religions, that are so big that we can never know all the other members yet which still draw our loyalties. Groups mark out their identities by symbols, whether flags, coloured shirts, or special songs. In that process of definition, history usually plays a key role.51
Clark, “James Hinton and Victorian individuality.”, n.p. Carl R. Trueman, Histories and fallacies. Problems faced in the writing of history, (Wheaton, USA: Crossway, 2010), 110. 42 See the discussion in Anon, George Orwell: A critical study in radical individualism. Online document http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/96026/6/06_chapter%201.pdf accessed 23 July 2018. 43 Anon, George Orwell. 44 Hedonism – a belief that one needs to pursue pleasure, and sensual self-indulgence. If it feels good it must be good. 45 Narcissism – extreme selfishness, with a grandiose view of one's own talents and a craving for admiration. 46 Anomie – a lack of usual social or ethical standards in an individual. 47 Social Darwinism – a belief that one culture or idea is superior to another and if it survives then it is the higher form of evolution and should dominate all others. 48 Jacobinism – a radical element of the French Revolution that believed freedoms should be bought about by a reign of terror and favoured revolutionary change in government and society. 49 Anon, “Chapter 2 – Theme of individualism” online document, http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/48002/6/06_chapter%202.pdf, 50 50 Margaret MacMillan, The Uses and Abuses of History, (London, UK: Profile Books, 2009), 54. 51 As cited in MacMillan, The Uses and Abuses of History, 54. 40 41
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In this way Anderson claimed that it is not the feeling of community that binds together the people, but those items that help them identify to each other. In Salvation Army terms these would be, the uniform, flag, crest, shield, Salvation Army songs, congresses and doctrines. The World Socialist Movement and the Socialist Party of Great Britain showed that the push for community is not a new concept, the idea that there is no individual outside of the community is tribalism, Marxism or Socialism.52 If Booth was against individualism as Webb and Webb and Roberts and Strickland claimed, he did not favour that the Army should become Socialist either. Bramwell Booth told how his father had to face such ideas early in the development of the Army. Two leading officers questioned William Booth’s leadership and began to disrupt Army proceedings. Bramwell Booth continued: All this came to a head under the guidance of two men, both holding important positions, one at Headquarters and on in the field. They had become imbued with certain Socialistic ideas, and they agitated for a change in The Army system. The Founder met them, and as the matter had become more or less widely known he gave an address on the subject at one of his councils. Briefly he pointed out that the constitution of The Army was settled; that it could not be altered without an Act of Parliament, even if then.53
Individualism in the early Salvation Army It must be stated again that this paper will not attempt to correct the understanding of individualism, to look to define the individualism Salvation Army authors used, or to argue for or against the theological need of individual or corporate salvation or holiness. Its needs to investigate if their claims are correct, that “William Booth voided the intense individualism”54, attempted to preach “corporate holiness” and ‘corporate salvation’55 and taught “that life for God is life that is lived in community with others”.56 William and Catherine Booth as individualists As the authors under review stated that William Booth was against the individualism of the holiness movement of the 19th-centuary it is to William and Catherine Booth the investigation should first turn. In biographies about William many of his contemporaries stated clearly that he was of the individualist mindset. Jesse Page, after she had interviewed the Founder declared that: The General [William Booth] is a great individualist, in so far as he does not believe in general confessions and universally nice feeling. In his own meetings he is not satisfied simply with a widespread impression or even conviction; what he wants is to see the people bought to the point one by one.57
The World Socialist Movement and the Socialist Party of Great Britain’s website, (London, n.d.), https://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/socialist-standard/1970s/1973/no-832-december-1973/marxs-conceptionsocialism accessed 26 December 2017. 53 Bramwell Booth, These fifty years, (London, UK: Cassell and Company, 1929), 147. 54 Webb and Webb, Authentic “fair dinkum” Holiness for ordinary Christians, 206. 55 Webb and Webb, Authentic “fair dinkum” Holiness for ordinary Christians, 206.; Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 34. 56 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 36. 57 Jesse Page, General Booth. The man and his work, (London, UK: New Century Leaders Series, S. W. Partridge & Co., 1901), 153. 52
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This was also supported by Harold Begbie in his biography of William Booth. It must be noted that Begbie interviewed people who knew Booth58 and that Begbie’s interaction with Booth was in the first decade of the 20th century, 10 years and more after In darkest England was published. Begbie also outlined Booth’s philosophy for the mediation of humanity; … even when he [William Booth] was hot-foot among the social reformers, he remained in nearly every essential a conservative, and never ceased to lay his supreme emphasis on conversion as the cure of individual sorrow and of social disorder.59
This also goes against the idea that Booth’s theology had changed to a more community or socialist understanding that is claimed by the authors. In the second volume, Begbie reiterated this point in a stronger manner; “William Booth happened to be one of the stiffest Conservatives and one of the most unbending Individualists of the Victorian era…”60 This does not sound like the anti-individualist described by some modern authors. Back in the first volume, in summation of Booth’s teaching on salvation, Begbie declared, He [William Booth] believed and taught that every man is born in sin, and because of sin cannot inherit the Kingdom of Heaven. He believed and taught that an absolute and conscious change of nature must take place in every individual before he can inherit eternal life…. His emphasis was on Conversion, the conversion of the adult, an intelligent individual, and this was the first and greatest of his preachings…61
Going further, Florence Booth remembered how William saw the individual and The Salvation Army, or the ‘imagined community’. William believed that the Army was not a single entity, but rather a movement of individuals heading in the same direction. William stated to his officers, “Combination, to you, means the increased force which unity gives to the individual effort.”62 Bramwell Booth also saw that his father was an individualist and said of his father, “He believed that in every individual there was a judgment seat, continually approving or condemning; and to that inward tribunal he appealed…”63 Later, Bramwell wrote again about his father’s preaching and its focus on the individual, He had the wonderful gift of establishing what we call ‘connexions’ with his audience, so that an enormous proportion of those present at any one time had the feeling that he knew them individually…64
Bramwell in writing on the motivation of commencing the Army showed that William was very much against the ideas of the ‘community of believers’ or ‘faith community’, Bramwell wrote: The Founder did not propose to form another religious sect with its settled communities of good people sitting under a favourite preacher and keeping him among them so long as his popularity was maintained. Such an idea would have been totally abhorrent to him. … His great purpose was to form a fighting force in every locality whose effectiveness for God and salvation should
Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth – The Founder of The Salvation Army in 2 Volumes, (London, UK: Macmillan and Co., 1920), 2:130. 59 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:365. 60 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:130. 61 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:408 – 409. 62 Florence Booth, Wanted – An Elite, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1928), 144. 63 Bramwell Booth, Echoes and memories, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1925), 23. 64 Booth, Echoes and memories, 24. 58
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depend, not on a favourite leader, but upon the spirit and courage and love of the individuals composing that force…65
Florence Booth went even further. She attacked the hierarchy of the churches which stopped individualism and outlined one of the reasons for which the Army was raised; Our Founders raised up The Salvation Army because they saw clearly that there should be an army of fighting men and women. The churches have erred by shutting out the laity and making God’s work depend upon the leaders only; and The [Salvation] Army was raised as a protest against this very mistake.66
Biographers who wrote about Catherine Booth in a similar manner to William saw her individualist nature. W. T. Stead who worked closely with Catherine at times stated that: …she was very far removed from a wholesale acceptance of the dogmas of the denomination. When only a little chit of fourteen, she calmly arrived at a decision which is surely the supreme manifestation of religious individualism…67
William and Catherine Booth’s writings that link to individualism From a review of the works of William and Catherine it should be noted that they both saw the individual as being very important. Rather than working against individualism William Booth himself pushed the importance of knowledge of self and then the responsibility of the individual to act within the saving of others: ... Individual effort has been extolled, and that not at all too highly. Let every man learn the art of personal attack and self-defence, and God give all our Soldiers wisdom and courage to stand up alone, and to stand to the very death...68
Throughout a series of letters to soldiers that appeared in The war cry from 1907 to 1908 William used a very powerful tool in the English language. He wrote in 2nd person, that is the use of “you”, “your” and “yours” as if he were writing to the individual soldier. He used this to draw the individual in and to make them responsible for the ideas outlined.69 To the very end of his life William believed in the importance of the individual. On his 80 th birthday he wrote that he had written several “birthday reflections” for different Army publications and in review of these, “I endeavoured to put into every message I sent some real Salvation Army doctrine, and to urge each person’s responsibility for their own salvation and the salvation of their neighbors.”70 Not only was William concerned for the individuality of his people but also his movement. He was concerned that The Salvation Army should remain as an individual identity within the broader Christian church. Commissioner Mildred Duff recounted the Founder had stated to her:
65
Booth, These fifty years, 143. Booth, Wanted – An Elite, 8. 67 W.T. Stead, Mrs. [Catherine] Booth of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: James Nisbet & Co., 1900), 27. 68 William Booth, Salvation Soldiery – a series of addresses on the requirements of Jesus Christ’s service, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1889), 52.; William Booth, “A good soldier of Jesus Christ”, The Salvationist, (London, November and December 1879), 48. 69 These letters were later republished in a book, William Booth, The founder’s messages to soldiers, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department, 1921). 70 Cited in R. G. Moyles, Farewell to the Founder, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2012), 3 – 4. 66
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Keep your own individuality – God has made of us a special Organization because He has raised us up to do a special work.... Never interfere with any one who tries to do good – but never allow others to interfere with you.71
Catherine was also clear about the importance of the individual in relation to the Holy Spirit she wrote; We teach them [Salvationists] that we are to compel men to come in, that we are to seek by our own individual power and by the power of the Holy Ghost in us to persuade men…72
The letters between William and Catherine too revealed their individualistic drive, thoughts and understanding of the need for individual connection to God. In writing on the Bible Catherine showed that she read it in an autobiographical manner. Writing to William on 18 November 1853, she wrote, Thanks a thousand times for your counselings [sic]. They do me good. There is something about advice or remarks made in a letter or by a friend directly to one’s self which moves one more than any thing in books or sermons. Hence the glorious adaptation of God’s letter to his creatures. It speaks to the individual heart.73
Also, modern for the time, in their relationship they saw that they remained individual people, William wrote to Catherine, “Let us live for each other individually and together as one.”74 Individualism in the second generation of Army literature John Coutts claimed that even to the second generation Salvationists focused on the individual.75 Reviewing works of Bramwell Booth, Florence Booth, and Frederick Booth-Tucker showed this claim to be true. Bramwell most certainly would have picked up a great deal of thought from his parents and he like them was an individualist in the need for personal salvation and responsibility. Bramwell wrote in regard to sin and evil “that we have to fight these things in individual lives. It is the individual man and woman whose hearts are contaminated and possessed by the different forms of evil…” 76 He believed what people wanted was “Personal, Individual Liberty from sin”.77 Bramwell also argued against ‘intellectualism’ for “[t]he common Soldier of The Salvation Army … knows … that religion is a personal revelation in his own soul …”78 Once a person entered a state of salvation those of the second generation, like the first saw then it was their responsibility of the individual to serve the individuals within the community. In writing 71
Mildred Duff, This One Thing I Do, Triumph Booklet, (London, U.K.: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, n.d.), 3. Catherine Booth, The Salvation Army in relation to the church and state and other addresses – delivered at Cannon Street Hotel, City, (London, U.K.: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1883), 31. 73 Catherine Booth letter to William Booth on 18th November, 1853, cited in David Malcolm Bennett, The letters of William and Catherine Booth (Founders of The Salvation Army) – Extracted from the Booth papers in the British Library and other sources, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003), 181. 74 William Booth letter to Catherine Booth on 21st February, 1855, cited in David Malcolm Bennett, The letters of William and Catherine Booth (Founders of The Salvation Army) – Extracted from the Booth papers in the British Library and other sources, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003), 268. 75 Coutts, The Salvationists, 15. 76 Cited in Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth, (London, UK: Rich & Cowan, 1933), 183. 77 Cited in Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth, 266. And reprinted in Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth Speaks – Daily readings, (London, U.K.: Salvationists Publishing and Supplies, 1947), 266.; The same idea was published by Miriam Booth in a devotional book. Miriam Booth, Miriam Booth Birthday Book, (London, U.K.: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, n.d.), 7 January. 78 Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth speaks, 143. 72
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to his brother Herbert Booth, Bramwell wrote: “Can we use the soldiers each and every one of them, so that it shall be impossible to be a soldier of the S[alvation].A[rmy]. without having a definite job. One man, one job, that is the formula.”79 In the same mode of thought, Bramwell saw the individual’s responsibility to outwork “the light of God”. He pushed forward this idea even further showing that spiritual freedom was the aim of The Salvation Army, “...we kept ever in mind our own overruling purpose – the illumination and spiritual emancipation of the people.”80 This emancipation was not done in a community but as a one-on-one process: Now this is Individual hand labour as distinguished from machine-work – work in bulk. This cannot be accomplished by addressing a crowd in a Shelter Meeting, nor even by dealing with groups in a Home or at a Penitent-Form. It can only be done by dealing with men and women one by one. I have called it hand-labour but I ought to have said heart-work. I mean that Officers must bring each individual under their own influence while they are themselves touched in heart and mind by a sense of that individual’s sin and need and sorrowful condition.81
For sustainable service, Bramwell saw the need for the movement and also the individuals within the movement to have ongoing vigilance, for “The Army”, he said, “as a whole, and for each of us individually, the way of life and progress is the way of resistance, of conflict – it is the way of God Himself.”82 A part of this vigilance was the care of the individual: Even though a matter concerns only one individual it must not be dealt with casually. Perhaps, indeed, an individual matter may deserve closer attention, harder thinking, more of the spirit of humaneness and wisdom, more of the light of God, than a matter which affects, less deeply, a considerable number of people.83
Bramwell later wrote that soldiers had a similar responsibility to officers to assist the individual and he also stressed that young people deserve this individual attention too.84 Another of those of the second generation, Commissioner Florence Booth was the one who appeared to write more about the individual than any other person. She believed that “[o]ur work for the souls of men is a personal work – a work for individuals by individuals.”85 It would appear that the influence in understanding of individualism came from Florence’s understanding of Christian history. She like later Salvation Army historians86 identified how God used a few individuals to advance His work: In the history of Christianity we find the same thing: individuals, here and there, stepping ahead of their fellows, stepping out in the path of light. Every advance has been directly traceable to the fact that from the ruts of formalism and stagnation one man or one woman has stepped out with every power stretched towards God and eagerly offered for His use. 87
79
Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth, 282. Booth, Echoes and Memories, 11. 81 Bramwell Booth, Talks with Officers of The Salvation Army, being interviews reprinted from ‘The Officer’ Magazine, (London, U.K.: The Salvation Army Book Department, 1921), 64. 82 Booth, Talks with Officers, 141. 83 Bramwell Booth, “Our first staff officer – A study of the Founder as a manager of men”, The staff review – A quarterly review for staff officers of The Salvation Army, (London, U.K.: No. 3, July 1922), 225 – 242; 235. 84 Booth, Talks with Officers, 98 – 99, 172 & 189. 85 Florence Booth, “Personality and personal dealing”, The staff review – A quarterly review for staff officers of The Salvation Army, (London, U.K.: No. 2, April 1922), 133 – 139; 133. 86 See for example Samuel Logan Brengle, et al., God as strategist, (London, UK: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1942). 87 Booth, Wanted – An Elite, 3. 80
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This belief was so strong that against Army practise of the time, she wrote that the most successful approach of the Army was not massed rallies or meeting together in communities but the work of an individual to another individual; I am more than ever sure that the key to success in soul-saving is faithful personal dealing; by that I mean the effort of an individual brought to bear upon another individual.88
Earlier in the same publication she wrote: Take individuals upon your heart. Pray for them. Follow up your work with them, or follow up some one else’s work with them, in one way or another. Jesus did this...89
Florence also implored every officer “to develop their people individually.”90 She leaves her readers in no doubt that the success of the early Salvation Army was its support for individualism. On another occasion, she wrote; The commonest disadvantage of association is, perhaps, the loss of individuality. Very markedly was this seen in some of the communities of monks and nuns of the past. But in our association as Salvationists this disadvantage has been effectively guarded against by the cultivation of the individual, which, from the first, has been recognized as essential to our success as an Army; by the association of the sexes, which has resulted in the highest development of the individual…91
She went on to explain that it too is the individual who brings either positive or negative attention to The Salvation Army and affixes public opinion to the movement and that, “It is very important that individuals should have a clear idea as to their responsibility in this matter.”92 Another important figure in the second generation of the Army was Commissioner Frederick Booth-Tucker. Due to the positions he held, Booth-Tucker knew the inner workings of The Salvation Army and gave a metaphor to show how the individual or “each component part” was important to the working of the whole: The Salvation Army in its present form is no more the accidental grouping together of a number of atoms than is the product of engineering skill, such as a steamer, or railway engine. Those who see but its outward developments have little idea of the care, the consideration, and the calculation which, in constant dependence upon the Divine Spirit, are bestowed upon the preparation of each component part.93
Booth-Tucker too encouraged officers to focus on the individual in their corps. He wrote; Take the trouble to know your Soldiers individually. Don’t drive them as a hireling drives a flock of sheep, but seek, like a good shepherd, to find out their several weaknesses and capacities, then endeavour to strengthen the one and encourage the other…94
Booth, Wanted – An Elite,177. Booth, Wanted – An Elite, 81. 90 Florence Booth, Powers of Salvation Army Officers, (London, U.K.: Salvationists Publishing and Supplies, 1924), 98. 91 Booth, Wanted – An Elite, 144 – 145. 92 Booth, Wanted – An Elite, 146. 93 Frederic de L. Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, The Mother of The Salvation Army in 3 volumes, (London, U.K.: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1893), 2:427. 94 F. Booth-Tucker, “Development of Soldiers”, The Officer, (London, U.K.: December, Vol. 5, No. 12, 1897), 363. 88 89
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Holiness and individualism It is clear that the early Salvation Army was individualistic in its approach to salvation, service in the Army and responsibility towards non-believers, but was this the case with holiness? As shown, it was claimed the William Booth desired to remain aloof from individualism in the 19th-century holiness movement but this was later forced upon him. Yet historical literature shows otherwise. William and Catherine Booth and American Salvation Army officers Samuel Logan Brengle and his wife Elizabeth Swift Brengle all stressed the need for individual responses to holiness in their books. William wrote in Purity of heart that “Red-hot Religion” and holiness should come from “every individual Soldier who reads these words.”95 Begbie stressed that Catherine too preached personal holiness; …influenced by a remarkable premonition of the coming importance of the movement was decidedly in favour of an intense cultivation towards personal Holiness. There is no question about that.96
Samuel and Elizabeth reached out to the individual in their writings. As William Booth had done in his letters to Salvationists, the Brengles used second person in their writing through both statements and questions. For example, Samuel, at the end of each chapter of When the Holy Ghost is Come97 wrote questions such as, “Have ye received the Holy Ghost since ye believed?”98 and in The way of holiness statements such as, “You too, my brother, my sister; you can have the blessing just now if you thus meet the conditions.”99 Elizabeth in Half-hours with my guide wrote; You have given up the world’s fashions for yourself, as un-Christian and injurious to your soul; is it not the height of foolish inconsistency to allow them for your children?100
And another by Elizabeth; But when God has His perfect, undisputed way with you, it will please Him to reveal His Son in you as He did Paul. Then you will know that you have a share in this clause of the covenant, and the world will be better, will be blessed, because of you.101
There was no evidence found to support the claim that William Booth or any other early leader repelled individualism displayed in the 19th century holiness movement. Social reform and individualism As shown earlier Roberts and Strickland claimed that with the writing of In darkest England and the way out; “Booth’s theology developed past this rather narrow concept of redemption”.102 Yet as will be shown, even this did not persuade William Booth to move from his individualistic mindset. William Booth, Purity of Heart, (London, U.K.: Hazell, Watson & Viney, 1902), 49 – 50. Begbie, Life of William Booth, 1:359. 97 S. L. Brengle, When the Holy Ghost is Come, (London, U.K.: The Salvation Army Book Department, 1909). 98 Brengle, When the Holy Ghost is Come, 51. 99 Samuel Logan Brengle, The way of holiness, (Atlanta, USA: The Salvation Army Supplies and Purchasing Department, 1988), 15. Other statements written in second person also appeared in Samuel Logan Brengle, Helps to holiness, (London, U.K.: The Publishing and Supplies, 1896), 25. 100 Elizabeth Swift Brengle, Half-hour with my guide, (London, UK: The Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, n.d.), 23. 101 Brengle, Half-hour with my guide, 19. 102 Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine, 42. 95 96
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From time to time there are some who think they have discovered communism in the book In darkest England and the way out. They argue that they can see Socialism in its essence and claim that Booth changes practical and theological paths in the process.103 However, they forget to read the book in fine detail as Booth in fact comes from an individualist mind-set. While it is true that Booth does not give any allegiances to any one philosophical thought or worldview other than to his own unique understanding and outworking of Christianity, he stated: There is nothing in my scheme which will bring it into collision either with Socialists of the State, or Socialists of the Municipality, with Individualists or Nationalists, or any of the various schools of thought in the great field of social economics – excepting only those anti-Christian economists who hold that it is an offence against the doctrine of the survival of the fittest to try to save the weakest from going to the wall, and who believe that when once a man is down the supreme duty of a self-regarding Society is to jump upon him.104
Those who trumpet the change in theology or sociological understanding of Booth fail to see he was a practical individualist and even gave a warning to the Socialists: There is no need to clamour for great schemes of State Socialism. The whole thing can be done simply, economically, and speedily if only the workers will practice as much self-denial for the sake of establishing themselves as capitalists, as the Soldiers of the Salvation Army practice every year in Self Denial Week.”105
There are, I believe five clear items of evidence that Booth did not lose his individualism to community or socialism throughout In darkest England or the scheme that followed. Firstly, the methodology used in the book leans more heavily towards individualism requirements. What would now be called a mixed method of quantitative and qualitative data is shown throughout the study, yet there is an identifiable lean toward qualitative data. Booth outlined individual stories of Salvationists’ work with individuals in need and also gave the story of the individuals in need.106 Or what researches would call today, individual case studies. Van den Hoonaard and Van den Hoonaard have shown how qualitative research methods have allowed individualism to impact on social research and the individual, in that the literal or figurative mode have been able to “come alive” through such methodologies.107 Secondly, William was very clear about his motivation; it was not for the change of society to help the individual, but the change of the individual to help society: I have no intention to depart in the smallest degree from the main principles on which I have acted in the past. My only hope for the permanent deliverance of mankind from misery, either in the
103
Directly after the publication of In Darkest England and the way out, Begbie showed that Mr. Huxley attacked the work and The Salvation Army as being “a new Ranter-Socialist sect” and its leader as a “socialistic autocracy.” Huxley went so far as to warn against “the great social danger of the spread of Boothism” and the book which pushed “despotic socialism in all its forms, and more particularly in its Boothian disguise.” Historians such as Professor Norman Murdoch now claim that other people, with more socialist agendas wrote In Darkest England and the way out. Murdoch argues that Frank Smith with his connections to unionists, Fabians and Socialist politicians wrote the book or a least gave it its ideological stand. Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:129, 130.; Norman H. Murdoch, Frank Smith: Salvationist Socialist (1854-1940) – Principal ideologue of the Darkest England Scheme that created Salvation Army Social Services, (Orlando, USA: National Salvation Army Social Services Conference, Sunday 16 March 2013). 104 William Booth, In darkest England and the way out, (London, U.K.: The Salvation Army, 1890), 18. 105 Booth, In darkest England and the way out, 231. 106 Booth, In darkest England and the way out, 24. 107 Will C. Van den Hoonaard and Deborah K. Van den Hoonaard, Essentials of thinking ethically in qualitative research, (New York, USA: Routledge, 2013), 16.
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world or the next, is the regeneration or remaking of the individual by the power of the Holy Ghost through Jesus Christ.108
Further evidence of this is that his son and second General too saw that it was the individual who needed changing: There has been the great error of all the plans of human reform, from the philosophies of ancient Egypt down to the socialism of to-day! They have all had in mind, at any rate in some degree, the improvement of man, but they have sought to accomplish it by changing his surroundings without changing him.109
Thirdly, Harold Begbie argued against the claims that In Darkest England was a rant of “despotic socialism”. He argued that, “William Booth happened to be one of the stiffest Conservatives and one of the most unbending Individualists of the Victorian era …110 he was a monarchist, a constitutionalist, a conservative, and certainly not a lover of radicals and socialists”111 Fourthly, it was individualism that appeared in the guiding documents of the newly developed social scheme and not the call for a community. Orders and Regulations for Social Officers of The Salvation Army stated that the Social Work of The Salvation Army aimed at “the Salvation of the Individual.”112 Therefore once and for all dispelling the now held myth that William Booth changed his theology with the introduction of In Darkest England and the Way Out, his idea always was ‘individual salvation’. Fifthly, others too have argued the point that The Salvation Army’s social and evangelical work focused on the individual. Just two examples. W. H. Beveridge, director of the labour exchange department on analysing the social work of The Salvation Army stated, “To change the nature of the individual, to get at the heart, to save his soul, is the only real, lasting method of doing him any good.”113 This was also identified by the public as The Brisbane Courier of 1890 stated: …Creeds and rituals and sacraments, priests and temples and cathedrals, can be recognized only as they bring forth palpable or demonstrable fruit to the well-being of society; and if in this respect the shouting Salvationists, who know neither church nor priest nor sacrament, excel, it is they who will be taken by the hand [of society] … While other Churches, as represented by the great majority of their members, have been content to save their own souls, and to pacify their sense of the claims of outsiders by singing and praying about them, the Salvationists have grasped it as their individual duty and mission to rescue the perishing….114
Mapping the move from Individualism in The Salvation Army There are number of items that could be viewed to map changes in theology and ideology of the Army. One stark example of the move from individual to community was found in Frederick William Fry’s song in the Songbook of The Salvation Army, I’ll Stand for Christ. In the 1919 edition of the 108
Booth, In Darkest England and the way out, Preface ¶ 9, cited in Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:85. Bramwell Booth, Papers on Life and Religion, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1920), 172. 110 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:130. 111 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:24 – 25. 112 Adelaide Cox, “Co-operation with governments and other organizations”, 34 – 43, in Bramwell Booth (ed), Social problems in solution – papers read at the International Social Council, London, (London, U.K.: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1921), 35. 113 W. H. Beveridge, “The Social Work of The Salvation Army”, 171 – 210, in Anon (ed), The life of General Booth, (London, U.K.: T. Nelson & Sons, n.d.), 174. 114 The Brisbane Courier, (Queensland, Monday 21 April 1890), 4. 109
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song, individualism is seen with the words “I’ve taken my stand”115 whereas the 1986 edition showed a communal line “we’ve taken our stand”.116 Two of the versus of the song in different editions of the Songbook of The Salvation Army are as follows: Words of I’ll stand for Christ from the 1919 Songbook of The Salvation Army
Words of I’ll stand for Christ from the 1986 Songbook of The Salvation Army
In The Army of Jesus I’ve taken my stand, To fight ‘gainst the forces of sin, To the rescue we go, Satan’s power to o’erthrow, And his captives to Jesus we’ll win. 117
In The Army of Jesus we’ve taken our stand, To fight ‘gainst the forces of sin, To the rescue we go, Satan’s power to o’erthrow, And his captives to Jesus we’ll win.118
This is evidence that individualism has been removed from areas within The Salvation Army and it is not just an academic exercise to espouse the community ideology and theology. As it has been established that the early Army and its leaders were individualistic, this section briefly maps the changes in thought in Salvation Army literature from individualism to the community of believers. It is hoped in this way to understand were and how such a change has been introduced into the movement. From the late 1880s there appeared to be some movement away from individualism. In 1889 an ex-officer, wrote; Gradually the cords have been drawn tighter and tighter, and the liberty of the individual conscience has been more circumscribed, and so what was once an organization that appeared to offer what some thought a dangerous liberty of thought and action to its members, had been developed into a sect of the most exclusive and rigorous description…119
Similar concerns were raised about the Army just over a decade later. In 1898 The Contemporary Review in a paper entitled “The Salvation Army: A note of warning” stated that the numerical decline from 1880 was due to “multiplicity of regulations … Where so much is done by rule there is little room for individual initiative ...”120 Yet, in the 1940s and 1950s there were still strong discussions about individualism in relation to spiritual relationships. General George Carpenter wrote a number of times on the importance of the individual’s responsibility in spiritual salvation and growth. Of salvation he wrote, … complete surrender implies far more than an isolated act in a personal history… But from that moment onwards there must be a constant renewal of surrender, an unbroken alertness for the call, an untiring watchfulness against the attacks of the Evil One.121
When he wrote about the wider community, Carpenter saw that the individual needed to impact the world. He stated that Christ “reaches nations by the hearts of the individual”122 and that
William Booth (ed), Salvation Army Songs – For use in Australasia, (Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army, National Headquarters, 1919), No. 296, 183 – 184. 116 Eva Burrow (ed), The Song Book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1986), No. 687, 544. 117 Booth, Salvation Army Songs, No. 296, 183 – 184. 118 Burrow, The Song Book of The Salvation Army, No. 687, 544. 119 Arthur Sumner, The new papacy: Behind the scenes in the Salvation Army, (Toronto, Canada, 1889), 7. 120 “The Salvation Army: A note of warning”, Contemporary Review, (London, No. 74, 1898), 441. 121 George Carpenter, Keep the trumpets sounding!, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1943), 7 – 8. 122 George Carpenter, Banners and adventures, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1946), 12. 115
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individually we need to guide them to “the Healer”. 123 As to the aim of the Army’s existence, Carpenter could not have been clearer. He wrote: The Army’s supreme interest. People! Individual men, women, children! They are our supreme interest.”124
As radical individualism started to grow throughout the 1960s, the Army appeared to retract slowly into its own community. Then in the early 1970s, a major displacement of theology and ideology started to take place. The major driver of this change was Captain Fred Brown. Brown had written a number of books and had them published by Salvationist Publishing and Supplies. He then wrote and presented another for publication; however The Salvation Army demanded changes to the script. What these changes were and how many were suggested is not known. Brown refused to make the required changes and had his book, Secular Evangelism125 published by SCM Press. Brown was removed from his appointment. The book covered much of Brown’s experience as the corps officer at Regent Hall Corps, London. Brown criticised traditional evangelism and after his dismissal went on to publish Faith without Religion126 and Living before you die.127 In all of these books, there is something of a disconnect in much of what is said, probably because Brown is trying to work the issue out for himself. He was a writer and not a theologian. He used many different sources, his personal stories, references from published materials and stories from other people. There are also many paradoxes: while he clearly was anti-establishment, he attempted to establish a mode of operation; while he pushed for community, he followed no theory of community development, in fact he often worked in a mode against the principles of building a community.128 Yet, Secular evangelism is one of the first, if not the first that moved The Salvation Army from the focus on the individual, their individual relationship to God, the Army and each other to a community approach. Brown even devoted a chapter entitled “God is community”.129 Faith without religion looked at the faith understanding of those outside the Christian traditional sphere. In one chapter Brown stated that church people have; … personal fulfilment insuring routine activities within the church, but only when they as individuals and not their activities have been given priority. The fact is that the church is commissioned to make mature persons, not institutional servants…”130
Elements of Postmodernism too crept in as Brown stated the ‘Salvation’ should become ‘fulfilment’, a feeling and not a state of being.131 This was a major change in Army theology as salvation is the forgiveness of sin and the knowledge of God whereas ‘fulfilment’ is an internal feeling and selfknowledge. In this way the ‘secular man’ can have the equivalency of the ‘saved man’. There are a number of thought provoking ideas and comments very much against the ‘orthodox’ understanding 123
Carpenter, Keep the trumpets sounding!, 20. Carpenter, Keep the trumpets sounding!, 40. 125 Brown, Secular evangelism. 126 Fred Brown, Faith without religion, (Naperville, USA: SCM Press, 1971). 127 Fred Brown, Living before you die, (Naperville, USA: SCM Book Club, 1973). 128 See for example the process outlined in Dave Andrews, Building a better world: Developing communities of hope in troubled times, (Australia: Crossroads, 1997). The actions differ from community development in a number of ways, leadership was decided by outside the group, not from within the community, and the community became exclusive. Brown, Secular evangelism, 50 – 56. 129 Brown, Secular evangelism, 49 – 64. 130 Brown, Faith without religion, 62 – 63. 131 Brown, Faith without religion, 63. 124
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of the Christian faith. Yet the chapter upon which this paper needs to focus was the final chapter entitled “group and individual conversion.”132 Brown first outlined the traditional understanding of the “method of salvation” where an individual decides “to be for or against Christ” but he then goes on to say, I wonder about its supposed exclusiveness. Evangelicals give the impression that this is the only method of salvation, the only means whereby faith can be born and Christ received as Saviour. They act on the assumption that their particular interpretation of truth, from this standpoint at least, is infallible; that the one valid response to Jesus Christ is a deliberate step taken in faith by each individual as a decision of the will.133
Brown based his idea on what he observed, that there were, … fewer and fewer people .. taking such a step … [and that some young people only] desire to join their friends in one or both of the musical sections… [or] please their parents or Sunday school teachers.. [the] step of faith, a step that meets all ecclesiastical requirement, but their secret or unconscious motivation is understandably some form of self-interest… Now these observations do not deny the possibility of child conversion or of individual adult response to Jesus Christ. What they do is to suggest that sometimes what passes for personal conversion is nothing more than evidence of a wish to join a group.”134
Brown’s response to these and other issues around individual decisions for Christ moved the idea from a relationship to service and from the individual to the corporate. …this individual and deliberate decision to follow Jesus Christ is not the only way to honour him as Lord and Saviour; … lip-service is often given to the idea of personal commitment to Jesus Christ – given sincerely out of mistaken loyalty to a particular denominational doctrine of conversion – but in those terms their knowledge of Christ is obscure and confusing. Nevertheless they know him in other terms, terms that mean most to them within the group, and should be encouraged to recognize his Saviourhood as such…. What could be more natural, however, than that individuals should learn the meaning of Christian discipleship within a community of believers, learn it unconsciously by their association with its authentic spirit? ... They are being ‘converted’ (changed, caused to turn, turned to godliness) by the life of the group; and their ‘conversion’ is no less authentic because a personal commitment to Christ as such is missing…135
Brown then goes on to outline his view of individual development, believing that the individual is controlled by the group, For secular man is thinking increasingly in group terms. He functions in our mass-production age as a member of a team. His individual identity, like it or not, is related to his group activities… They seek to belong to communities. Group loyalty is preferred to lonely individualism. 136
Yet society has moved away from this, people belong to a group that they can associate with in terms of their values and aspirations and will only remain in that group while they have the flexibility to be themselves. It is also interesting that earlier in The Salvationist at worship, Brown was concerned about individuals who served and worshiped in the church and not doing so with a Christ centred life. Brown wrote at an earlier date;
Brown, Faith without religion, 140 – 153. Brown, Faith without religion, 140 – 141. 134 Brown, Faith without religion, 142. 135 Brown, Faith without religion, 143 – 144. 136 Brown, Faith without religion, 145. 132 133
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…Self-centred worshippers preoccupied with their own spiritual pulses, have mistaken fastidious piety for reality in religion. Their piety, turning in on itself, has soon become chronically sick and made communion with God impossible.137
In The Salvationist at worship Brown also wrote, Any individual who tries to sustain costly service apart from consistent worship of God is attempting the impossible. Sooner or later, he is disillusioned, turns sceptical, then cynical and finally abandons his idealism for easy expediency.138
Although Brown had the individual in mind in the early 1960s there was also some hint of future movement away from the individual in his earlier work. Brown stressed the importance of corporate worship, as he believed that it was “not only desirable, but indispensable”.139 Then there is mixed thought of individual and corporate as, he wrote “The priesthood of all believers is a corporate priesthood, as well as a possibly individual one…”140 but he went on to say that there is an important relationship one-to-one with God as the Body of Christ is strengthened with God, “reappearing in the gathering together of the individual members of His Body.”141 He turned his back on this in later writing. The rise of salvation through the community did not gain a great deal of traction in the 1980s. Army literature still held to the historical theology that stressed the idea of the individual in the salvation process. For example, William Brown and Gordon Brown, wrote “All are sinners justly exposed to the wrath of God and therefore all need personal salvation.”142 However, Fred Brown’s idea of salvation through community slowly took hold, especially in academic circles. In 1996 Donald Burke, an academic Salvationist wrote Being a Christian in an unchristian world. Unlike Fred Brown, Burke still inferred the need for an individual salvation, however does not use second of first person, only third person throughout the book.143 Burke however did write that the “worshipping community” was important for spiritual growth and for this reason he claimed, “[t]he Christian life cannot be lived apart from community.” 144 He attacked the idea of individualism, this was quoted in full earlier in this paper, Burke pushed his argument that “our continued growth in faith and in love must take place within a worshiping community.”145 He then used Philippians 1:6146 to argue that salvation can only exist in a community. He wrote; 137
Fred Brown, The Salvationist at worship, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1964), 7. Brown, The Salvationist at worship, 9. 139 Brown, The Salvationist at worship, 68. 140 Brown, The Salvationist at worship, 68 141 Brown, The Salvationist at worship, 68. 142 William L. Brown and Gordon W. Brown, Romans: Gospel of freedom and grace, (New York, USA: The Salvation Army, [Eastern Territory] Literary Department, 1988), 19. 143 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 12 – 16. 144 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 36. 145 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 36. 146 Philippians 1:6 NIV stated, “being confident of this, that he who began a good work in you will carry it on to completion until the day of Christ Jesus.” This says nothing of the need for community on its own and needs the chapter to place it in context that Paul in writing to “God’s holy people in Christ Jesus at Philippi, together with the overseers and deacons” Philippians 1:1 NIV. There are however a number of other points of concern with the evidence presented in Burke’s work. Firstly, the chapter in Philippians used does not support the point of view stated in Burke’s book. Burke understood the “you” used by Paul as meaning all in the church rather than “you” as if Paul was writing is second person to the individual in an autobiographical manner. With Burke taking “you” as meaning the church, the individual within the church is not included. However, an issue arises when Paul wrote “all of you” to use Burke’s understanding would mean all the churches of Philippi, but the letter appears to be to one church or to one group of people. It is probably more correct that verse 6 was written to the individual and how God was continuing to work within them. Secondly, as all the other proponents of the community of believers’ theory neglect, there is no discussion on what happens to the individual when 138
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It was not as individual Christians who lived their Christian lives in isolation from other believers that Paul spoke of their salvation, but rather as members of a community of faith. This should alert us to the importance – even the necessity – of the church, of a worshipping Christian community, as the milieu within which Christian growth occurs.147
He clearly tied the individual growth to the “Christian community”. Then argued that “life together as a worshiping Christian community also helps to shape our identity”148 and finally it will “flow tenderness and compassion” back to the community.149 In Health, healing and wholeness published in 1997, defined community only in terms of the people gathered together due to their faith with a focus on its ability to heal. There was no discussion on the wider community or individuals within it. Although Needham called it “the community of faith”150 and Campbell, “Christian community”151 they described the same thing. Both argue that the community is the agent of God’s healing and “[t]he healing of a person is indivisible from the healing of community.”152 It should be noted here, to show the changes that Carpenter stated that Salvationists needed to direct people to the Healer, not the community.153 In even more current Army literature, the idea of individualism had almost gone completely. On one such book, The Salvation Army had become “the charismatic community that formed around this people’s prophet”, William Booth.154 The remainder of the book Founding vision for a future army pushed for the charisma in sociology, soul-saving, holiness etc but the only listing of the individual was in the need for pray. Burns, as others stressed the need for community and relationship, even relationship with non-human identities for example a “relationship with the environment”.155 In the section on evangelism there is nothing at all about the individual. It is clearly seen that there has been an historical development in the change from emphases of the individual to the community in Army literature from the 1970s. Historical, spiritual and psychological dangers of the loss of the individual As it has been shown that there has been a clear change from the emphases on the individual, this section is included to help current Salvationists know of wider implications or “future prospects”156 of such a move. There are numerous dangers of losing individualism in The Salvation Army from the disappearance of elements of the movement’s history to the limitation of new initiatives. the church turns sour. Thirdly, although I am no theologian, Hebrews 10:24-25 would have been a much clearer portion of scripture to make the point of the importance of meeting together. Yet even here it describes meeting together, not the development of believers in a community. 147 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 36. 148 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 37. 149 Burke, Being a Christian in an unchristian world, 38. 150 Phil Needham, “The theology: The healing gospel”, 26 – 42, in Graham Calvert, Health, healing and wholeness. Salvationist perspective, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1997), 32. 151 Ian Campbell, “Health, healing and mission: sharing vision for transformation”, 169 – 177, in Graham Calvert (ed.), Health, healing and wholeness. Salvationist perspective, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1997), 170. 152 Campbell, “Health, healing and mission”, 170. 153 See for example Carpenter where he stated, “[o]thers are groping towards the Healer, and we, like Andrew and Philip, must guide them”. George Carpenter, Keep the trumpets sounding!, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1943), 20. 154 Alan Burns, Founding vision for a future army. Spiritual renewal and mission in The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Shield Books, United Kingdom Territorial Headquarters), ix 155 Burns, Founding vision for a future army, 59. 156 Frederick Coutts, In Good Company, (London, UK: Salvationists Publishing & Supplies,1980), 71.
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Butterfield declared that history could be impacted with the loss of individualism as: …history is an intricate network formed by all the things that happen to individuals and all the things that individuals do. In other words it is “the essence of innumerable biographies”; and even the “history of thought” may lead to deception unless we regard it as rather the history of people thinking.157
If the Army loses individualism, it could lose its history. He continued later to write that the loss of individualism will mean that there is an inability to see the roots of problems; Even today, when the affairs of a country culminate in a gigantic offence, we have only to stare at the process of things for a little while to see that, behold the shocking crime at the centre, the blame goes back to vast numbers of individuals, each guilty of small derelictions of duty or petty compliances with vested interests – each gravely responsible, though astoundingly unaware of the importance of what he [sic] was doing. And one of the difficulties of modern democracy is not that individuals matter less than before but that they tend to think that they matter less.158
Spiritually there can be a problem with a community mentality. Niebuhr stated the church as a community has both good and bad points, yet the very points that make the church will destroy it; The Christian church is a community of hopeful believers … Ideally the Church is such a community of contrite believers. Actually the church is always in danger of becoming a community of the saved who have brought the meaning of life to merely another premature conclusion. It is in danger of becoming a community of the righteous who ask God to vindicate them against the unrighteous; or, even worse, who claim to vindicate God by the fruits of their own righteousness. In that case the church loses the true love of Christ, which is the fruit of a contrite heart, by claiming that love as a secure possession.159
As people find their faith in the community and not individually in Christ then the community becomes the measuring rode. The community can accept or reject any behaviour and then its collective makes future rules. As an example, this year the Quakers held their annual meeting in London and talked about “dropping god from ‘guidance to meetings’ because god ‘makes some Quakers feel uncomfortable’”.160 Community can also inhibit action. There is a social psychological phenomenon called ‘bystander effect’ or ‘bystander apathy’. In groups people are less likely to help another person and the greater the number in the group, the less likely people are willing to assist. People in groups go through two behaviours, a diffusion of responsibility and a need to act in a socially acceptable way, which usually means to remain quiet and follow an appointed leader.161 For these reasons alone it is clear to see why William Booth and the early Salvation Army promoted and encouraged individualism and a person’s individual responsibility to God, others and the Army.
157
Butterfield and McIntire, Writings on Christianity and history, 18. Butterfield and McIntire, Writings on Christianity and history, 23. 159 Reinhold Niebuhr, Faith and history: A comparison of Christian and modern views of history, (New York, USA: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1949), 238. 160 James, “Quakers turn their back on religion and god?”, (The Bosh!, April 2018), https://thebosh.com/quakers-turntheir-back-on-religion-and-god/ ¶ 4. Accessed 24 July 2018. 161 Kendra Cherry, “The bystander effect – Why bystanders sometimes fail to help”, (verywellmind, 12 March 2018), https://www.verywellmind.com/the-bystander-effect-2795899 accessed 24 July 2018. 158
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Conclusion Although there has been a theological development in Army literature from the individual to a corporate or community salvation and holiness, the development appears to have come about from a rebellion against radical individualism of the 1960s and not from a historical foundation from the beginning of the Army. In reviewing the works of the early Salvationists, no evidence could be found to support Webb and Webb’s claim that “William Booth avoided the intense individualism of the 19th-century holiness movement”.162 Nor could evidence be found for the claims made by Roberts and Strickland163 of Booth’s move from individualism during or after writing In darkest England. The Micah 6:8 triangle was also not supported from historical Army literature and should be seen as part of the developing theology from the time of Fred Brown. In addition to this, Webb and Webb, Roberts and Strickland, Burke, and Fred Brown have been guilty of judging the past with current, though faulty ideologies and could be accused of “using it to conjure up images of social or psychological dislocation”164 to promote the importance of their claims. In saying this, it must be again emphasised that this was a historical investigation and not a theological analysis. For this reason more research should be conducted to see the validity of their claims from the theological angle. Historically, however, their claims have no evidence and appear to have been built upon myths from a 1960s understanding of radical individualism. Therefore the ramification of these ideas in using terms such as “faith community”, “Christian community”, “Community church”, “corporate salvation”, “corporate holiness” and the like should be questioned.
Webb and Webb, Authentic “fair dinkum” Holiness for ordinary Christians, 206. Roberts and Strickland, Just:imagine. 164 Anon, “Chapter 2 – Theme of individualism”, 50. 162 163
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SALVATION ARMY ‘WAR SONGS’ AND THE FORMATION OF IDENTITY Garth R. Hentzschel ABSTRACT Historically, songs have been used to form national identities and unite people. This paper looks at a number of Salvation Army ‘war songs’ or patriotic songs and the importance they had in defining Salvationism to unite and edify early Salvationists. Introduction Throughout history, music has played an important role in creating culture, identifying issues, bringing people together and educating the masses. War songs specifically, according to Dr Jennifer Hill “fuelled a patriotic fervour and a loyalty to Empire that can seem difficult to relate to in twentyfirst century Australia.”1 If this is the case in the wider world, how did these types of songs define Salvationism and what were the unifying and edifying ideas portrayed to these early Salvationists. This paper uses one of the earliest sources of music compiled by The Salvation Army to identify themes portrayed to Salvationists. The importance of ‘war songs’ During military conflicts and times of national celebration or commemoration, songs have played an important role in bringing people together. During the Great War, war songs also encouraged troops, galvanised their resolve and educated them as to the enemy. Such songs outlined the role of the soldier while also lifting morale. On 27 January 1915, Rudyard Kipling wrote of the importance of bands, music and associated words for the troops: … a few drums and fifes in a battalion are worth five extra miles on a route-march—quite apart from the fact that they swing the battalion back to quarters composed and happy in its mind no matter how wet and tired its body may be. Or a band, not necessarily a full band, … is immensely valuable in districts where troops are billeted. It revives memories; it quickens associations; it opens and unites the hearts of men more surely than any other appeal. In that respect it assists recruiting perhaps more than any other agency. The tunes that it employs and the words that go with them may seem very far removed from heroism or devotion; but the magic and the compelling power are there to make men’s souls realise certain truths which their minds might doubt. More than that. … It stands to reason that a body of twelve hundred men whose lives are pledged to each other’s keeping must have some common means of expressing their thoughts and moods to themselves and to their world. [The war songs] can lift a battalion out of depression, cheer its sickness, and steady and recall it to itself in times of almost unendurable strain…. Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “Salvation Army war songs’ and the formation of identity”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 133 – 152. Cited in Catriona May, “Noting the importance of music in the Great War”, (University of Melbourne, n.d.), http://anzac.unimelb.edu.au/entertaining-the-troops/ accessed 16 July 2018, ¶ 10. 1
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Salvation Army music, compiled by William Booth2
2
William Booth (Compiler), Salvation Army music, with supplementary tunes, (London, UK: Salvation Army Book Stores & S. W. Partridge & CO., c1882).
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He later continued, war songs have, — shaken men to pride, humour, and self control… [and] a battalion is better for music at every turn — happier, easier to handle, and with greater zest for its daily routine if that routine is sweetened by melody and rhythm, melody for the mind and rhythm for the body. 3
Keeping with the era of the Great War, the leader of the Turkish military advance against the ANZACS, Mustafa Kemal also saw the need for songs to unify his nation. Known as Atatürk, he became the founder of the modern Turkish State. At the time of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in 1934, he called for music to lead the way towards unifying the people which would help them to form an identity and become a nation. He ordered researchers to, … collect folk songs which … expressed the essential national and noble soul of the Turks. Turkish composers were then to make new arrangements of those songs, specifically according to the rules of Western classical music, which he regarded as a sign of a more advanced society.4
Patriotic or war songs are used to help unite a people into a nation or a coherent group. They do this as they are complex in nature. As Christopher Kelen outlined, they, … are texts but they are also forms of human behaviour … are a political/ historical, sociological/ linguistic, cultural/ literary/ musical phenomenon and so require and deserve analysis from many complementary angles.5
Kelen then outlined the importance of different song types. He argued that how and where they are performed is also important. Of the patriotic or war songs he wrote, they; … can also serve ‘specific practical and cultural purposes’. Culture, very generally conceived, is a kind of dreaming together and it might not be much of a stretch of the imagination to think of anthems as lullabies for adult populations. Certainly [war songs] have mnemonic functions in teaching citizens or helping them to remember how and who they are…6
The Salvation Army and war songs Turning to The Salvation Army, Gordon Moyles identified a number of such key war songs in the history of the movement. He called them ‘pep’ songs, as they not only motivated the troops but also made the indoor and open-air meetings more exciting and interesting.7 Moyles went on to explain that such songs were a part of the successful growth strategy of the early Salvation Army. For the reasons outlined by Moyles, specific to the Army and the reasons outlined by other authors more generally, the impact of war songs on soldiers, culture and nations runs deep. It is not difficult to see why such songs are important in the development, training, unity, retention, hopes, motivation, identity, history, zest, and pride of officers, soldiers, adherents and friends of The Salvation Army.
Rudyard Kipling, “The soul of a battalion”, (The new readers’ guide to the works of Rudyard Kipling, 27 January 1915), http://www.kiplingsociety.co.uk/soulbattalion.htm accessed 17 July 2018, ¶¶ 3 – 7. 4 Özgür Balkiliҫ, “Music Reform in Turkey – On the failures and successes of inventing national songs”, Chapter 4, in Ail C. Gedif (ed), Made in Turkey: Studies in popular music, (New York, USA: Routledge, 2018), n.p. 5 Christopher Kelen, Anthem quality – National songs - theoretical survey, (Chicago, USA: Intellect, The University of Chicago Press, 2014), introduction. 6 Kelen, Anthem quality Chapter 1. 7 R. G. Moyles, Come join our Army. Historical reflection on Salvation Army growth, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2007), 67 – 73. 3
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A decline in the use of war songs From the point of identity formation, it is of great concern that in some places within the Army such songs are no longer sung.8 It is even more concerning that songs of other groups have become more prevalent. Modernity should be forced to ask what this is doing to the development, training, unity, retention, hopes, motivation, identity, history, zest, and pride of Salvationists? Some Salvationists believe the loss of identity has contributed to the sharp decline in numbers of soldiers and officers in Australia over the last number of decades.9 This belief is supported by research into organisational development, which found that a strong identity and even “identity interventions” is beneficial in, enhancing organisational focus, building resilience in the face of major change, and improving performance. … build[ing] organisational capacity that would stave off premature organisational “death” and extend the organisation’s life expectancy.10
Therefore Salvationists are not alone in their concern for loss of identity and the outcome of such a loss! With the advent of postcolonialism some identities have been criticised and patriotism seen as something evil.11 In addition to this, globalism’s thin vale appears to break down separate nations into one global market place and become a melting pot of cultures and ideas. This however it not always the case.12 In the wider Christian arena too there are concerns that, … global Christianity once was the struggle between colonialism and nationalism. Now it is how local identity can be preserved in the midst of a pervasively American view of commercialism and success.13
This has seen identity confusion in the Army14 and churches15 as well as decline in the love of country. Seeing the correlation between love of country and singing patriotic songs, Susan Guerrini and Mary Kennedy studied 102 secondary choral students in Canada and the United States of America to examine their knowledge of their respective patriotic songs. Guerrini and Kennedy investigated the melody, lyrics and correct singing of the student’s own national songs. They found that 77% of American students and 41% of Canadian students were proficient in their own national songs. Guerrini and Kennedy then wrote: Implications for practical application indicate that more emphasis should be placed on giving choir students the opportunity to sing their own national anthems, with special attention to typical lyric mistakes.16 David Woodbury, “Counterproductive calling. Refocusing our mindset”, Others, (Sydney, Vol. 1, Iss. 10, November 2017), 11. David Woodbury, “Robust discussion needed to address decline”, Others, (Sydney, Vol. 1, Iss. 7, August 2017), 15. 10 Cl Van Tonder, “At the confluence of organisation development and organisation identity theory enter identity interventions, South African journal of industrial psychology, (Vol. 30 No. 2, 2004), 91 – 98, 91. 11 Margaret MacMillan, The uses and abuses of history, (London, UK: Profile Books, 2009). 12 See discussions in Ryan, who stated in part “The first world – the affluent West – is riding the crest of globalism. …. the rest of the world…are gathering by the flickering campfires and telling their children the stories of the old hatreds, loading their guns and sharpening their knives as they whisper. Others such as Giddens & Hutton claim that globalian is really Americanism and is the new form of imperialism. Geoff Ryan, Sowing dragons – Essays in neo-Salvationism, (Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2001), 67.; A. Giddens and W. Hutton, “Anthony Giddens and Will Hutton in Conversation”, in W. Hutton and A. Giddens, (eds), On the Edge. Living with Global Capitalism, (London, UK: Jonathan Cape, 2000), 1 – 51. 13 Wes Granberg-Michaelson cited in “Editorial, Predicts: More of the Same”, Christianity Today, (Vol. 43, No, 14, 1999), 1 – 4, 2. 14 Numerous articles and letters to the editor about uniforms, soldiership, the crest, the shield, etc appear in Salvation Army publications. See for example discussions in; Peter Hobbs, “The Soldiership dilemma”, Others, (Sydney: Vol. 2, Iss. 7, July 2018), 12; Nigel Bovey, “Dress-coded message”, Salvationist, (London: No. 1604, 27 May 2017), 10- 11. 15 Granberg-Michaelson, “Editorial, Predicts: More of the Same”. 16 Susan C. Guerrini and Mary C. Kennedy, “Cross-cultural connections: An investigation of singing Canadian and American patriotic songs”, Bulletin of the council for research in music education, (USA: No. 182, Fall 2009), 31 – 40, 40. 8 9
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What percentage of Salvationists would know Salvation Army songs? I recommend a sociology, hymnology, or missiology focused study to do similar research with young Salvationists as it is out of the scope of this history paper. As Kipling, Kemal, and Guerrini and Kennedy linked war songs with strong identity, such songs could assist the Army with the current identity confusion. While people such as Blyth claim that such music was aligned only to the 19th century Christian militarism and the Victorian militaristic society,17 they fail to consider the chronological history of the military metaphor both in the Christian faith and the world at large. This assumption then isolates the military metaphor to this period of time, making it appear modern for the 19th century and out of date thereafter. However, the human condition has seen a long history of the military metaphor, both the Old and New Testament used such a metaphor18 and it is still used in contemporary society, including; sporting, medical and journalistic dialogue.19 The metaphor could still be used by The Salvation Army in its songs to support identity, but first we must look to the original war songs of the Army and what identity they portrayed to Salvationists of their day. The data source The collection of songs chosen for this analysis were taken from the music book titled Salvation Army music (c1882).20 It appeared to have been in circulation from about 1882 to 1900 when it was replaced by The Salvation Army music (1900).21 Here again are some areas that need future investigation. There appears to be errors or omission in the publication information of early Salvation Army music.22 While there are no publication dates given on Salvation Army music (c1882), the official history stated that The salvation soldiers’ song book was published in 1885. Later Sandall stated that “Salvation Army music followed with ‘nearly 500 of the most lively and useful tunes’”. 23 However Salvation Army music did not contain “nearly 500” songs. It in fact contained over 500 songs, the exact number being 533.24 In addition to this, an early edition of Salvation Army music contains information that could help to date it well prior to 1885. First, the advertisements at the back of this book outlined that The war cry’s circulation for “July, 1882” was “300,000”. There would be no advantage to advertise 1882’s circulation in 1885.25 Later issues of the book carried advertisements for The war cry, however the circulation number had been removed.
17
Andrew James Blyth, Music practice within The Salvation Army: its history, significance an relevance in 21st century, (Salford, UK: Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement of the degree of Master of Philosophy, University of Alford, March 2015), v, 1, 14. 18 See for example: Exodus 15:3; Isaiah 42:13; Joshua 5:14; Zephaniah 3:17; 2 Timothy 2: 2 – 3. 19 See for example: “A Current Affair Summed Up”, Collective Noun, (Brisbane: 2017), https://www.facebook.com/collectivenouncomedy/videos/1264237080365404/ accessed 7 September 2018; Clare Mclean, “Cancer and the military metaphor”, The Ne Zealand medical student journal, (No. 18 – 19, September 2014), 22 – 23; Evans Chapanga, “An analysis of the war metaphors used in spoken commentaries of the 2004 edition of the Premier Soccer League matches in Zimbabwe”, Zambezia, (Vol. XXXI, No. i/ii, 2004), 62 – 79. 20 William Booth (Compiler), Salvation Army music, with supplementary tunes. (London, UK: Salvation Army Book Stores & S. W. Partridge & CO., c1882). 21 William Booth (Compiler), The Salvation Army music, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1900). 22 One omission is that Sandall does not list Salvation songs a collection of 600 songs, Booth, Salvation Army music, xii. Robert Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army – Volume two – 1878 – 1886, (London, UK: Thomas Nelson and sons, 1950), 124. 23 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army – Volume two, 124. 24 Booth, Salvation Army music. 25 Booth, Salvation Army music, x.
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Advertisement for The war cry with 1882 circulation information26
Second, Salvation Army music was little more than a reprint of the music book from Christian Mission days as the title page stated “FORMERLY PUBLISHED AS ‘REVIVAL MUSIC’”. The only difference appeared to be “SUPPLEMENTARY TUNES”.27 Third, at the end of the preface written by William Booth, there appeared the following statement, The hymn book referred to at the head of the tune is the “Christian Mission Hymn Book.” Compiled by William Booth; the other references “H.H.,” or “H. H. Book,” are to the “Hallelujah Hymn Book,” Used also by the Mission.28
A review of songs I have always found it interesting that The Salvation Army had so many songs written about it. I have not been able to find any denomination similar to it in this respect. This tradition appears to have commenced early in its history, as in Salvation Army music two songs appear about the Christian Mission. The first song that appeared about the Christian Mission was I shout my Saviour’s praise; Verse 1 I am a Christian Missioner, One of the happy few, I shout my Saviour’s praises, And this I ought to do.
Verse 2 I’ve Jesus Christ within me, He’s turned the devil out, And when I feel Him with me It makes me sing and shout.
Chorus Glory hallelujah! Glory hallelujah! Glory hallelujah! I’m on my journey home.
Verse 3 Sometimes I’m blamed for shouting For this I will not care; I’ll work my way to glory, And shout when God is near.29
Although the Christian Missioners saw themselves as a “happy few”, they were prepared to “shout my Saviour’s praise”, “sing and shout” and “shout when God is near”.
26
Booth, Salvation Army music, x. Booth, Salvation Army music, Title page. 28 Booth, Salvation Army music, Preface. 29 I shout my Saviour’s praise, 304 – 305, No. 472, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 27
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The second song is one that some Salvationists may have sung as a songster item.30 The Christian Mission, while it tells the history of the movement, it also tells of the motivation, the aspiration and the tools used in the work for God, which had become spiritual warfare. The first five versus tells of the history, “In the East of London the work began,” “First in the streets, and then in a tent,” “then we got a dancing room,”. Then the song included motivation, “And felt the power of Jesus’s name;” and aspiration, “But our words are blessed to the hardened crowd”, “thus the Mission grows apace”, “For the Lord has made it a vessel of grace”, “Drunkards, thieves, and infidels all”, “Have gladly obeyed the Gospel call.”31 In addition to this the song also identified the growing movement towards spiritual warfare within the newly named Salvation Army; Many who once fought by our side Glory hallelujah! Have won the fight, and crossed the tide. Sing glory hallelujah! We’re soldiers fighting for our God. Glory hallelujah! And we shall conquer through the Blood. Sing glory hallelujah!32
This song gave evidence of the spiritual warfare that was about to engulf the newly named Salvation Army. William Booth in this music book, Salvation Army music, was clear about what songs should be used for (note at this stage the Army still sang “hymns”, soon they were to sing songs which would move them further away from church sounding terminology); I trust that the character of the hymns contained in this book render unnecessary any warning against the danger of seeking to please man rather than God by musical efforts. It would be an unspoken grief to me were I to find that the publication of this volume had diverted the attention of any one from spiritual service to mere human performances, however pleasing or attractive. To “sing with the understanding” surely means not so much with musical correctness as with the solemn consciousness of the eternal truth of that which is sung, for we sing of salvation and aim to save souls by singing as well as by proclaiming the gospel of the Grace of God.33
An analysis of the early ‘war songs’ of The Salvation Army In Salvation Army music there were 32 songs identified as war songs. There were others which included spiritual warfare terminology such as soldier, win, die, fight, march etc., however as this theme did not continue throughout the song they are not used for this paper. For example, one song not analysed is I love Jesus. In Salvation Army music it had not yet become a war song of the Army. It is therefore an example of a song that was transformed after the Christian Mission became The Salvation Army. Later, pilgrims became soldiers and warriers, the journey became warfare, yet the end result was still the same, “go singing glory home” Salvation Army music (c1885) Verse one I’m a pilgrim bound for glory,
Song book of The Salvation Army 2015 Verse one I’m a soldier bound for glory,
30
Ray Stedman-Allen (arr), The Christian Mission, in The Musical Salvationist, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, January 1971). 31 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 32 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 33 Booth, Salvation Army music, Preface.
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I’m pilgrim going home; Come and hear me tell my story All who love the Saviour - come.
I’m soldier going home; Come and hear me tell my story All who love the Saviour - come.
Verse three When I first commenced my journey, Many said, “He’ll turn again;” But they all have been deceived In the way I still remain.
Verse three When I first commenced my warfare, Many said, I’d run away; But they all have been deceived. In the fight I am today.
Verse five Soon to Jordon’s swelling river, Like a pilgrim I shall come; Then I hope to shout salvation, And go singing glory home.34
Verse five Soon to deaths dark swelling river, Like a warrier I shall come; Then I mean to shout salvation, And go singing ‘Glory!’ home.35
Further research could be conducted in how songs were changed as the militarism of The Salvation Army developed throughout the latter part of the 19th century.36 This paper is confined to investigate the first 32 war songs that were available to the Christian Missioners as they became Salvationists. As these songs helped educate and form the identity of these spiritual ancestors of current day Salvationists, the question needs to be investigated, What identity did the war songs portray to the Missioners who were turning into Salvationists? Who are these Salvationists? There were a number of titles used to define the first generation of Salvationists as they moved from Christian Missioners on to becoming the new, yet to be explored soldiers in The Salvation Army. The move from Mission to Army, not being planned, meant that a title for the followers and members was still not fully set upon. Older and more traditional titles were still in use, such as; “missioners,”37 “Christians,”38 “follower of the Lamb,”39 “pilgrims,”40 “brethren,”41 “sons of God,”42 “ransomed sons and daughters”43 and “saints”.44 Somewhat of a bridge between the old and new names of the movement are in the lines of one of the songs, “Volunteers in the army of the Lord”.45 The term “volunteer” is of interest as it is this
34
I love Jesus, 24, No. 33, in Booth, Salvation Army music. Richard Jukes (atr.), I love Jesus, 290, No. 856, in Authority of The General (ed), The song book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 2015). 36 See for example Stand like the brave and Happy song both went through changes. Although the 1882 version of both songs were militaristic, later versions saw even stronger movement towards militarism. In Stand like the brave every verse changed completely and increased in its strength as a war song. The only thing that remained the same in the song was the chorus. Happy song like I love Jesus, had only a few words changed; pilgrims to soldier and Mission Hall to open-air. Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand like the brave, 184, No. 187, in William Booth, The Salvation Army music, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1900).; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Happy Song, 234, No. 235, in William Booth, The Salvation Army music, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1900). 37 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 38 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 39 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 40 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 41 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 42 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 43 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 44 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 45 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 35
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title that caused George Railton, Bramwell Booth and William Booth to change the name of The Christian Mission to The Salvation Army.46 The development of identity of a Salvation Army soldier was well on its way in this publication. As would be expected, the most common title used in the 32 war-songs was “Soldiers”.47 The title also was very strongly linked to meaning. For example, attributes of soldier were displayed such as: action, “Soldiers who fight side by side”;48 ownership, “Soldiers of the Lord”;49 faith, “Christian Soldiers”50 and “soldiers of the Cross”;51 as well as character, “Valiant soldier”.52 In addition to the title of soldier, other titles relating to spiritual warfare were included; “comrade”,53 “warriors”,54 “armour-bearer”55 and “an Army”.56 What do they do? It is very clear that the war songs of the early Salvation Army portrayed a very different job description of the Christian soldier than the more traditional going to church to worship. There were some tasks that would have been understood by more traditional ears, such as “praying”,57 “praise His name”58 and “bear the cross”.59 The Missioners had now to “enlist in the army.”60 They were no longer allowed to sit idly by as they must “arise”61 and “stand up for Jesus”.62 Military terms were used to teach the new soldiers how to engage in spiritual warfare; to help “the General, officer and other soldiers,” 63 “work for God”64 and “serve the Lord”.65 These new Christian soldiers were also to be identifiable as they were to “wear [a] uniform”.66
46
Catherine Bramwell Booth. Bramwell Booth, (London, UK: Rich & Cowan, 1933, 5th impression), 97. Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 48 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 49 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 50 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 51 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 52 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 53 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 54 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 55 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 56 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 57 Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 58 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 59 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 60 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 61 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 62 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 63 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 64 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 65 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 66 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 47
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The most frequent action portrayed in these songs showed the need for Salvationists to engage with the enemy of God and humanity. These new Salvationists were expected to “fight”67 and to “strike” the enemy.68 They were to “battle in the Army”,69 to “fight for Jesus and the Army”,70 to “Battle for the Lord”71 and battle “for the right”.72 Salvationists were also told that this was a “fight for liberty”73 and a “battle for the right”.74 They would also need to be prepared for “a long battle”.75 There should also be no retreat from the fight as they were to “hold the fort”76 and “stand firm”.77 There was to be no ‘R & R’78 as the soldiers were to “camp on the field”79 and remain vigilant, “watching unto prayer”.80 Like any good soldier, Salvationists also needed to “march”.81 Such an idea showed an Army moving forward and ready to go to battle or wherever they were most needed. They were not to march where they liked, but “march as commanded”,82 “under marching orders to take the battlefield”83 and “follow at command”.84 Once the march was complete, they were to “stand prepared for war”.85 Another very strong military imagery was the use in these songs of the idea of the banner, signal or standard. Such items were used for a number of purposes, …in large armies, to distinguish the troops of different nations or provinces; and in smaller bodies, those of different leaders, and even particular persons, in order that the prince and commander in chief might be able to discriminate the behaviour of each corps or person; they also served to direct broken battalions or squadrons where to rally, and pointed out the station of the King, or those of the different great officers, each of whom had his particular guidon or banner, by which means they might be found at all times, and the commander in chief enabled from time to time send such orders as he might find necessary to his different generals…
67
The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army Music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army Music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Equip me for the war, 235, No. 359, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 68 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 69 I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 70 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 71 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 72 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 73 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 74 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 75 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 76 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 77 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 78 R & R refers to time that members of the armed forces spend relaxing, away from their usual duties. R & R is an abbreviation for ‘rest and recuperation.’ 79 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 80 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 81 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye Soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 82 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 83 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 84 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 85 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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Carrying a banner, or standard, in the day of battle, was always considered as a post of honour…86
In these war songs, Salvationists were encouraged to “set up banners”,87 “wave the banner”,88 “lift the gospel banner”,89 “take the gospel banner”,90 “lift high His royal banner”,91 “raise or wave the standard”,92 “wave signals to support others”,93 “unfurl blood and fire”,94 and “rally round the banner”.95 The use of shouting, loud trumpet or bugle calls, loud noises and speaking the name of the leader were not only for passing on commands but also for psychological warfare. 96 Such noises rallied the moral and resolve of the troops while putting fear into the hearts of the enemy. For these reasons salvation soldiers were to “raise the Christian battle-cry”,97 “shout aloud Hosannah!”,98 “swell Salvation theme”,99 “call for the war”,100 “blow or sound the trumpet”,101 “sound the battle cry”,102 “pass the word”,103 “shout for joy”,104 “shout in the field of battle”,105 and “speak his name”.106 This fight was not a selfish battle nor a relief effort. Salvationists were encouraged to “rescue others”107 and then recruit “others to join the Army and Jesus”.108 Finally, it was clear that the enlistment was not for a term or a season, but for life or at least until death. Not only was this clearly described as to “die in the field of battle” 109 and “enlisted for
86
Johan Beckwith, Fragmenta antiquitatis: Or ancient tenures of land, And jocular customs or manors, (London, UK: Messis Unworth and Son, 1815), 88 – 89. 87 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 88 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 89 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 90 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 91 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 92 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 93 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 94 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 95 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 96 Rodes stated that “Shouting the victory is probably most accepted in the area of spiritual warfare”. Daniel D. Rodes, Seven keys to victory: Restoring the power of Biblical praise, (USA: EBED Publications, 1998), 110. 97 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 98 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 99 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 100 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 101 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll end this war, 269, No. 414, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 102 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 103 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 104 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 105 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 106 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 107 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 108 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 109 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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life”,110 it was also set within imagery. The idea of a Royal “armour-bearer”111 or standard-bearer was usually an appointment given for life.112 What is their character? United States Army Major Scott Parsons, an Assistant Professor of Philosophy and Ethics at the United States Military Academy at West Point argued that for a soldier, “character is not only important in the U.S. Army – and indeed in any well-functioning army – but essential.”113 It would appear that the character of the soldiers in the newly named Salvation Army was also of note and numerous attributes were included in the songs. The songs showed that soldiers should: “face hardship”,114 “watch”,115 “ignore the scoffs and frowns of the world”,116 “turn back on ease”,117 “bear the toil”,118 “endure the pain”,119 “stand firmly”,120 “not waver”,121 “not turn away”,122 “never yield”,123 “faint not”,124 “not lay armour down”,125 have their “face to the foe”,126 “not turn back”,127 “press on”,128 “never doubt”,129 “know their cause”,130 “never give over”,131 sacrifice “pleasure”,132 and glory “in loss”,133
110
Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 112 Beckwith, Fragmenta antiquitatis, 89. 113 Scott Parsons, “Why character is important in the United States Army”, Virtue insight – Conversation on character, (Jubilee Centre, 31 January 2017), ¶ 6, https://virtueinsight.wordpress.com/2017/01/31/why-character-is-important-in-the-united-states-army/ accessed 3 July 2018. 114 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 115 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 116 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 117 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 118 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 119 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 120 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 121 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 122 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 123 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 124 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 125 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 126 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 127 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 128 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 129 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 130 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 131 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 132 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 133 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 111
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Salvationists should also be: “brave”,134 “dauntless”,135 “patient”,136 “loud”,137 “happy”,138 “true”,139 “awake”,140 “alert,”141 “faithful”,142 “believing”,143 “loyal”,144 “courageous”,145 “doubtless”,146 “loyal unto death”,147 “glad”,148 “heroes”,149 “fighters”,150 “fearless”,151 “aware”,152 “loyal to The Salvation Army”,153 “ready”,154 “roused”,155 “steady”,156 “strong”,157 “valiant”,158 “bold”,159 “unshaken”,160 “firm”,161 “fixed”,162 “hand to hand & heart to heart”,163 “as strong as their enemies”,164 “never wanting”,165 “rejoicing”,166 “fearless”,167 “not discouraged”,168 and “not afraid to die”.169
134
Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 135 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 136 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 137 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 138 Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 139 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 140 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 141 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 142 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 143 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 144 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 145 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 146 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 147 Army of the Lord, 282, No. 435, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Army of the Lord, 282, No. 435, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 148 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 149 We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 150 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 151 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 152 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 153 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 154 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 155 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 156 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 157 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 158 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 159 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 160 Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 161 Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 162 Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 163 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 164 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 165 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 166 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 167 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 168 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 169 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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They should also have a: “valiant heart”,170 a “burning heart”171 and work “in His strength”.172 Finally, the songs made clear that “no cowards”173 would be accepted into this conflict. Whom and what do they attack? There were both spiritual and earthly enemies outlined in the songs. Salvationists were to attack: “hellish legions,”174 “fiends”,175 “the tempter’s spell”,176 “hosts and powers of hell”, 177 “sin”,178 “foes”,179 “foes in battle-array,”180 the “devil”,181 “mighty host with Satan leading”,182 “Satan”,183 “hell”,184 “temptation and sin”,185 the “bold tempter”,186 “legions and power of darkness”,187 “raging lions”,188 and “evil”.189 Of the earthly enemies, the following were included; “earth’s trifles”,190 “self”,191 the “earth”,192 the “treacherous world”,193 “wealth’s delight and fame”,194 “foes without and foes within”,195
170
Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll end this war, 269, No. 414, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 171 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 172 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 173 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army Music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 174 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 175 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 176 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 177 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye Soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 178 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Equip me for the war, 235, No. 359, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 179 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 180 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 181 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 182 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 183 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 184 I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 185 Marching Along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 186 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 187 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 188 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 189 Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 190 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 191 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 192 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 193 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 194 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 195 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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“deserted friends”,196 “the vile world”,197 “conflict and trials”,198 “bondage”,199 “cowards”,200 “envy”,201 “anger”,202 “hatred”,203 and “pride”.204 What is their strength and protection? The songs also outlined a number of areas of protection and areas from which the soldier could receive their strength for the spiritual warfare. The first area of protection were words associated with the armour of God.205 The word “armour”206 was used on its own as well as with more descriptive terms such as “gospel armour”207 and “heavenly armour”.208 In addition to this, specific items of the armour were included in the songs such as the: “helmet”,209 including “helmet of salvation”;210 “shield”,211 including “faith’s shield”;212 and “sword”,213 including “sword of the Spirit”,214 and “sword of truth”.215 The second area of strength and protection was in Christ. Words and phrases associated with Christ in the songs were; “strength through the Blood”,216 “Jesus’ mighty name”,217 “the cross of Christ”,218 “the Lord”,219 “Trust in our Saviour”,220 “strength of Jesus”,221 “Jesus on our side”,222 “hold on to the Saviour”,223 His “comfort to cheer”,224 and “Jesus will keep them to the end”.225
196
Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music. A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 198 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 199 I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 200 Ye valiant soldier, 166, No. 250, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 201 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 202 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 203 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 204 Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 205 Ephesians 6:10 – 18. 206 Marching Along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye Soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 207 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 208 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 209 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 210 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 211 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 212 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 213 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 214 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 215 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 216 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 217 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 218 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 219 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 220 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 221 I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 222 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 223 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 224 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 225 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 197
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The third area was God himself and included words and phrases such as; “thy word”, 226 “the grace of God”,227 “our leader’s name”,228 “He will give power”,229 “our great commander”,230 “grace to support”,231 “His love”,232 “His holy word”,233 “God’s help”,234 “God’s grace”,235 “His mercy”,236 “He’ll protect us”,237 and “God’s ammunition”.238 Fourth, the songs told the soldiers to “gird on arms”,239 another told them that there were “no weapons but light”240 therefore the arms were not weapons but those supplied by God Himself.241 The final area showed there was also some personal responsibility. With God and the soldier’s faith they would rise up with “wings of faith”242 and after the soul was saved the strength would come from “glory in their souls”.243 In addition to this the Godhead would unite with the soldier and “Blood and Fire and skills”244 would help win the battle. Who leads them? There was a very clear message in the 32 war songs that The Salvation Army was not led by humanity. It could be expected that some songs would encourage loyalty to the Booths and the leadership structure of the Army. However, the only song to include information on the earthly leadership stated, “I’ll fight to help the General, The Officers as well, And every private Soldier”.245 This song encouraged equality and comradery within the structure, to help others. Nothing was included about being led by them. The only other two ranks used in the songs was “Captain”246 and “general”.247 When this was used it is clear that the rank was used to mean the Lord; “Christ as our Captain”248 and “general Jesus”.249 In addition to the preface of Christ as captain, both “the Saviour” and “Jesus” as “Captain”
226
A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 227 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 228 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 229 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 230 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 231 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 232 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 233 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 234 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 235 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 236 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 237 Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 238 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 239 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 240 March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 241 See for example “God’s ammunition” in I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 242 We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 243 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 244 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 245 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 246 Stand like the brave, 65, No. 96, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 247 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 248 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 249 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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was used.250 There was also no question that Christ is a successful leader, as He is a “conquering Captain”251 and a “great commander”.252 Other names and titles given to the heavenly leader in these songs provided both an understanding of the relationship between the leaders and the singer, and the attributes of the leaders. The name God was used in a number of songs253 which showed that He is “our” 254 God, who is God of “all”.255 Royal titles are also used for the Godhead, specifically the word “King”.256 These included: “King of glory”,257 “Zion’s King”,258 and “King Jesus”.259 The latter royal title introduces the other person in the Godhead used in the songs denoting the leader. The person of “Jesus”260 was included with the addition of “Christ”,261 “the Lord”,262 “eternal Lamb”,263 “Son of God”,264 and “Immanuel”.265 In these songs Jesus was defined on a continuum from “my friend”,266 through to “general”.267 Whatever the name or title used, it was clear that it was the Godhead who was “our leader”.268 Will they win? There was no doubt that the early war songs of the Army expressed the belief that they were on the ‘winning team’. This idea was portrayed in both single words and phrases. Words such as:
I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 251 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 252 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 253 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 254 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 255 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 256 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 257 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army Music. 258 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 259 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 260 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 261 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 262 Army of the Lord, 282, No. 435, Booth, Salvation Army music.; A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Army of the Lord, 282, No. 435, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 263 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Equip me for the war, 235, No. 359, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 264 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 265 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 266 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 267 The trumpeters, 104, No. 154, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 268 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 250
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“forward”,269 “onward”,270 “freedom”,271 “win”/“won”,272 “conquer”,273 “victory”,274 and “triumph”275 were used throughout the songs. In addition to these, terms linked to winning included: “cannot go wrong”,276 “never can fail,”277 “never be defeated”,278 “must prevail”,279 “endless songs”,280 “victory unto victory,”281 “victor’s song,”282 and “every foe vanquished”.283 They reassured Salvationists of their victory. What are their rewards? The songs encouraged the new Salvationists in their fight with the promise of spiritual rewards; they would “win the prize”.284 Many rewards had strong links to the eternal, while others had more earthly value. The eternal reward is seen in words and phrases relating to the place of “heaven”285 in which the conquering Salvationists would reside after their battle won. Such included: “palace of God”,286 “crossing the tide”,287 “happy land”,288 “peaceful shore”,289 “beautiful city of God”,290 “Zion’s happy land”,291 “pearly gates”,292 and “crystal stream”.293 269
Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 270 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 271 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 272 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Oh, We are volunteers, 282, No. 434, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 273 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 274 Or sometimes victorious. Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. Victory or death, 306 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 275 Hold the fort, 18, No. 24, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 276 Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 277 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 278 Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 279 Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 280 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 281 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 282 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 283 Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 284 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 285 I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 286 We’ll be heroes, 238, No. 364, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 287 The Christian Mission, 309, No. 478, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 288 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 289 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 290 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 291 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 292 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 293 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music.
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The rewards in heaven that appeared in the songs promised the soldiers that they would receive: “robes and crowns”,294 a “crown”,295 “a crown of glory if remaining faithful”,296 “Jesus Christ welcome”,297 “Glory immortal”,298 “Glory in your view”,299 “honours in the Grand Review”,300 ”all robed in dazzling white”,301 “the glorious field”,302 “Jesus’ ‘Well done’”,303 “rest in glory, evermore”,304 “God’s bright presence”,305 and “victorious palms”.306 The soldiers would also; “sit on the throne of Jesus’,307 “see the angels”,308 “Stand before God”,309 “sing his praises forever”,310 “dwell in Jesus’ sight”,311 “reign”,312 allow “Christ to reign”,313 and “heavenly music hear”.314 Finally, they would be “blest in glory”,315 and live where “the war shall be no more”.316 The more temporal rewards promised to Salvationists were; “forgiveness of sins” 317 and “freedom from sin”,318 that “millions to the cross are flying”,319 “the Lord’s pardon”,320 “other’s freedom”321 and “peace”.322 Conclusion Such songs in the development of identity were important. Turning back to the words of Rudyard Kipling, he continued his speech by expressing the importance of war songs. Although it was written for the military, it is even more true for the Army of the Lord,
294
Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Marching along, 41, No. 63, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Ye Soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Awake, Happy song, 103, No. 153, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Christian warriors, 164, No. 247, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 296 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 297 I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 298 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 299 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 300 Only an armour-bearer, 291, No. 450, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 301 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 302 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 303 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 304 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 305 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 306 Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 307 Field of battle, 3, No. 4, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Victory or death, 306 - 307, No. 474, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 308 Strike! Strike for victory, 347, No. 532, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 309 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 310 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 311 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 312 A soldier of the cross, 37, No. 56, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Stand up for Jesus, 98 – 99, No. 147, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 313 Die in the field of battle, 293, No. 453, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 314 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 315 I’m glad I’m in this Army, 14, No. 19, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; March on, 260, No. 398, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 316 Ye soldiers of the cross, 47, No. 71, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; Sound the battle cry, 75, No. 111, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m bound to go, 150, No. 224, Booth, Salvation Army music.; We’ll end this war, 269, No. 414, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 317 I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 318 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music.; I’m enlisted in the Army, 395, No. 473, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 319 Rally round the cross, 87, No. 131, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 320 Soldier, 328 – 329, No. 506, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 321 The Christian Mission war-song, 5, No. 7, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 322 I’m a happy soldier, 330, No. 508, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 295
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… The Army needs music — its own music, for, more than any calling, soldiers do not live by bread alone. From time immemorial the man who offers his life for his land has been compassed at every turn of his services by elaborate ceremonial and observance, of which music is no small part — carefully designed to prepare and uphold him. 323
To sum up, the edification and identity development of the early Salvationist is shown in one verse of I’m a soldier; I’ll fight to help the General, The Officers as well, And every private Soldier Who fights to conquer Hell, The colours of the Army My dying hand shall wave, Then Jesus Christ will welcome me In Heaven among the brave.324
Even more interesting is that early Salvationists did not need to look to other churches or the world for their identity as they were taught through these war songs that the Army would lead. The final verse in We’re marching to Zion stated; With blood and fire unfurled, Marching to victory grand; The Army means to lead the world. To Zion’s happy land! To Zion’s happy land!325
Kipling, “The soul of a battalion”, ¶ 10. I’m a soldier, 342, No. 525, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 325 We’re marching to Zion, 327, No. 504, in Booth, Salvation Army music. 323 324
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LEST WE FORGET A TRIBUTE TO SALVATION ARMY SERVICE IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR1 Kingsley Sampson ABSTRACT Once New Zealand declared war in August 1914, The Salvation Army quickly swung into action. Over the next four years, the Army provided military chaplains, institutes in camps, funds for ambulances, comforts for soldiers, children’s homes for orphans of soldiers and much more. More than 400 Salvationists served in the New Zealand Expeditionary Force in the Pacific, the Middle East and Europe. This paper describes the service of The Salvation Army and its people during the war and offers some reflection on what the war meant both for the Army and New Zealand as a whole. Introduction This paper owes its origin to research conducted over the past four years by three retired New Zealand Salvation Army officers, Majors Harold Hill, Garry Mellsop and Kingsley Sampson, this research having been propelled by the centenary commemorations of the First World War. Drawing on their findings, this paper briefly describes the extent of the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, acknowledges those who enlisted and the service they gave and offers some reflection on what the war meant both for The Salvation Army and New Zealand as a whole. Connections between the New Zealand and Australian response will also be made where appropriate. This research is soon to be published in a book entitled Under two flags, information about which is given later in this journal. The Great War – Its Origin, Progress and New Zealand’s Response On 28 June 1914, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir presumptive to the Austrian throne was assassinated in the Bosnian city of Sarajevo, along with his wife Sophie. It was a shot that affected the whole world. Six weeks later, due to a series of interlocking alliances, Europe found itself at war, a war that eventually engulfed the world.
Reference citation of this paper Kingsley Sampson, “Lest we forget. A tribute to Salvation Army service in the First World War.”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 153 – 162. 1 Information in the paper will form the foundation of the soon to be published book, Kingsley Sampson (ed.), Under two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, (Wellington: Flag Publications, in print). At the time of preparing this article and the presentation that preceded it, page numbers had not been assigned for the forthcoming book. Therefore footnotes will direct readers only to specific chapters in this book.
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Picture illustrating the assignation of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914.2
Known both as ‘The Great War’ and ‘The War to End all Wars’, it lasted from August 1914 until the Armistice was declared on 11 November 1918. A peace treaty was finally signed in June 1919. This ‘Great War’ was the world’s first experience of mechanized warfare. It consumed vast amounts of material as the industrialized nations of Europe sought to out-gun their opponents. It was the war that gave us fighter planes, tanks, aerial bombardment, trench warfare, machine guns, storm troopers and poisonous gas. The names Gallipoli, ANZAC, Chunuk Bair, Western Front, the Somme, Messines, Passchendaele, Le Quesnoy all entered the New Zealand vocabulary and for Australia, Lone Pine, Fromelles, Bullecourt and Villers-Bretonneux. The Western Front with its trenches and barbed wire stretched from Belgium to Switzerland, a distance of 700 kilometres. That is equivalent to the distance from Cheviot to Bluff in New Zealand’s South Island or from the Gold Coast to Rockhampton in Queensland. Millions of people were affected by this war both as combatants and those back at home. Millions of soldiers were involved - from Britain, Canada, Germany, Austria, Turkey, China, India, South Africa, Russia, the United States and of course Australia and New Zealand. As part of the British empire, New Zealand declared war on Germany on 4 August 1914 in the spirit of ‘Where Britain goes, we go’ and Australia did likewise. New Zealand troops first saw action in Samoa, then the Middle East (1914 – 1916) followed by the Western Front in France & Belgium (1916 – 1918). For New Zealand, over 120,000 men enlisted or were conscripted. That was about ten per cent of New Zealand’s population at that time. Of these over 40,000 were wounded and around 18,000
Picture of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie in Sarajevo, “New Zealand history”, New Zealand government, n.d.), https://nzhistory.govt.nz/files/june-28-1914-franz-ferdinand.jpg accessed 15 August 2018. 2
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died in or because of the war.3 For Australia, about 420,000 people enlisted, 156,000 were wounded and over 60,000 killed.4 The losses in the war were exacerbated by the 1918 influenza epidemic known as the ‘Spanish Flu’ when 9,000 people died in New Zealand alone. In the years 1914 – 1918, there was hardly a family in New Zealand that was not affected either by the war or the ‘Flu’.5 Who were the Salvationists who enlisted?6 Research has produced the names of over 400 New Zealand Salvationists or people with some link to The Salvation Army who served in the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. These men came from throughout New Zealand - from Auckland to Oamaru, Hastings to Riverton, Thames to Wellington, New Plymouth to Greymouth. The largest group (19%) worked on the land; the next (15%) were labourers while the third largest grouping (12%) were engaged in retail or associated trades. Next were factory workers, transport workers and those in the building trades. To be more specific, there were farmhands, miners, butchers, milkmen, printers, railway employees, carpenters, motor mechanics. There was even a ship builder, a piano tuner and an auctioneer. In other words, a veritable cross-section of New Zealand occupations at the time. In round figures, 65% were single; 70% had been born in New Zealand; 16% had been born in the United Kingdom and 10% had been born in Australia. Salvationist Australians also served in the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. They included Jesse Samuel Bonham born in Toowomba, Queensland, William John Burgess born in Dinella, Victoria, Ernest Vivian Ellery who served in the medical corps and whose mother lived in Charters Towers, Queensland and Robert Prowse, born in Koringa, South Australia. Bonham was killed in the Sinai Peninsula in 1916, Burgess died of wounds on the Western Front and Prowse later served many years as an officer in an isolated Maori community on the East Coast of the North Island. Then there were the Salvationists with New Zealand connections who served in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Among these were Andrew Brooks originally from Auckland, a married Salvation Army officer who enlisted at Rockhampton and Walter Leslie Taylor from the Linwood corps in Christchurch who was working in Sydney and who enlisted there. George Olsen, a Wellington City Corps trombonist originally from Gunnedah, New South Wales returned to Australia to enlist in the AIF. Taylor and Olsen were both killed in action on the Western Front. Twenty New Zealand Salvation Army officers left their appointments and enlisted. General Bramwell Booth, a pacifist, disapproved of officers enlisting but Commissioner Henry Hodder, the New Zealand territorial commander was willing to place officers ‘on leave’ if they asked for it, rather than have them simply resign their officership and enlist in the war effort. New Zealand Salvationists saw conflict in all the major battles of the First World War Gallipoli, Messines, Passchendaele, Bapaume. Speaking generically, we could say, ‘We were there’.
“History guide”, New Zealand WW100, (New Zealand Government, n.d.), https://ww100.govt.nz/history-guide accessed 20 August 2018. 4 “First World War 1914-18”, (Australian War Memorial, n.d.), https://www.awm.gov.au/articles/atwar/first-world-war accessed 20 August 2018. 5 "The 1918 Influenza Pandemic, Page 1 - Introduction”, (New Zealand Government, n.d.), https://nzhistory.govt.nz/culture/influenza-pandemic-1918 accessed 20 August 2018. 6 See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapters 1 – 6 for more detail and specific references relating to this topic. 3
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New Zealand Salvationists killed while serving with the Australian Imperial Force in WW1. Left to right: George Olsen, Les Taylor.7
The Response of the New Zealand Salvation Army8 The New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War was substantial. There were recreational institutes for men in the training camps, funds were raised for ambulances on the Western Front, children’s homes were built for orphans of soldiers and a rest home at Rotorua operated for recuperating soldiers. Funds were raised throughout the war to support this work culminating in 1918 with the equivalent of $NZ10 million being raised for the Army’s war effort through its Red Jersey Appeal and a further $NZ5 million through its annual Self-Denial Appeal. For a comparison, one hundred years later The Salvation Army in New Zealand raises around $NZ15 million annually through its Red Shield and other appeals.9
Decorative pin used during the 1918 Red Jersey Appeal.10
The Salvation Army had its own ambulance brigade within the British Red Cross and New Zealand Salvationists raised funds for this and for Belgian refugees. Australian Salvationists donated ambulances for the Western Front.11 Photos: “Trooper George Olsen”, The war cry, (New Zealand, 16 September 1916), 7.; Taylor, The war cry, (New Zealand, 24 March 1917), 7. 8 See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapters 7 – 12 for more detail and specific references relating to this topic. 9 See also: Kingsley Sampson, “Salvation Army fundraising in New Zealand during World War One”, Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 2, Iss. 2, 2017), 6 – 16. 10 Photo courtesy of The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory Heritage Centre and Archives. 11 See also: Kingsley Sampson, “Provision of ambulances in the First World War”, Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 1, Iss. 1, 2016), 132 – 138. 7
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Home leagues received a major boost during the war as women gathered to sew, knit and prepare parcels of needed items for sending to the troops overseas. Women Salvationists in Wellington and Auckland distributed gifts to soldiers recuperating in hospital.12 In Rotorua, the Army ran a convalescent hospital, so soldiers could take advantage of the recuperative powers of the hot mineral waters in the area. There was also an institute with table games, a piano, a library and Sunday services. The Army purchased a launch to take men on fishing expeditions and excursions on Lake Rotorua. The Army also built a hostel in Wellington where returning servicemen and their families could stay when in the city. This later became Rudman House, a student hostel. Salvation Army bands played in military parades and in farewelling troops and welcoming them home. Wellington City Band regularly played patriotic and other popular songs on street corners to keep up people’s morale. On one occasion, the band headed a parade of 6,000 troops through the city streets. One War cry picture showed the Christchurch City Band “playing the troops off”.13 During and after the war, the Army either expanded or built several children’s homes. Names which became synonymous with the Army’s work with children in New Zealand date back to this era - Auckland’s Grange, Hodderville Home and Training Farm, Bramwell Booth Home in Temuka. The final home, opened in 1925 was Masterton’s Cecelia Whatman Home. Institutes were established at the major training camps at Trentham, north of Wellington and Featherston and Tauherinikau in the Wairarapa. These operated like a ‘dry’ canteen where the men could write letters, enjoy singalongs and table games, attend church services and Bible studies and receive personal and spiritual support from the chaplains and their co-workers.
Interior view of Salvation Army Institute, Featherston Military Camp, Wairarapa.14
All this work consumed a great number of people. Eight officers served overseas as chaplains, two officer couples served as welfare workers overseas, other officers served as chaplains to troops in New Zealand training camps and numbers of Salvationists served in various capacities helping out See also: Kingsley Sampson, “Home League support for military soldiers and their families”, Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 2, Iss. 1, 2017), 6 – 12. 13 The war cry, (New Zealand, 19 August 1916), 4. 14 Photo courtesy of The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory Heritage Centre and Archives. 12
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with welfare services for the troops and their families in camps and at transit points such as main railway stations. The war also affected the numbers of men cadets at The Salvation Army’s officer training garrison. There were twelve men out of thirty-one cadets admitted in 1915, just four in 1916 and none in 1917 or 1918. This had a flow-on effect on the availability of officers in the 1920s and later. Promoted to Glory15 A war has its casualties and as noted earlier, over 18,500 New Zealanders were killed in action or died of their wounds. More than sixty of these were Salvationists. Sergeant George Percival Pitt is thought to be the first New Zealand Salvation Army bandsman to be promoted to Glory at Gallipoli on 16 May 1915. Alfred Henry Harding, bandsman of Feilding Corps was one of over 800 soldiers killed on 8 August 1915 when taking part in the assault by New Zealand troops at Chunuk Bair, as part of the ill-fated Gallipoli Campaign. William John Griffiths of Auckland was wounded in the same attack and later died of his wounds. William Wellings of Christchurch City was killed in the Battle of Passchendaele on 12 October 1917, the day on which New Zealand suffered the greatest loss of life on any day in any war before or since. Wellings’ body was never recovered and his name is on the Wall of the Missing at Tyne Cot Cemetery near Zonnebeke in Belgium.
Left: William Wellings. Right: Name marked by poppy on the Wall of the Missing at Tyne Cot Cemetery near Zonnebeke, Belgium.16
John Samson Fleming of Dunedin City was killed on 4 November 1918 in the final stages of the war and is buried in the Le Quesnoy Military Cemetery in North- Eastern France. Three Wellington City bandsmen were killed in the war. The men were Jessie Samuel Bonham, killed on 2 June 1916, George Sinclair Olsen killed on 31 July 1916 while serving in the Australian forces, and Willie Bailey killed in July 1917. In memory of these men, Henry Goffin, the Wellington City bandmaster wrote the march Absent Comrades in 1918.
15 16
See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapters 1 – 6 for more detail and specific references relating to this aspect. Left photo: Courtesy of Wellings’ descendants. Right photo: Courtesy of Kingsley Sampson, 12 October 2017.
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Other Items of Interest17 Two New Zealand Salvationist bandsmen were prisoners of war and ten to twelve percent of New Zealand Salvationists served in the medical corps. Reginald James Brooks, a Salvationist from Greymouth survived the sinking of the hospital ship ‘Marquette’ in the Mediterranean Sea on 23 October 1915 with considerable loss of life. Ten New Zealand nurses were among those who died when the Marquette went down. Harold William Dawson, a Baptist and son of Envoy and Mrs Dawson of St Albans Corps, Christchurch served in the Royal Flying Corps. He was killed in action in France in October 1917 and is buried in Bailleul Communal Cemetery in Northern France. Wellington City Salvationists A. Allenthorpe and A. or W. Hodson were stokers on HMS Monarch in the Royal Navy. Over 170 Salvationist bandsmen were among those who enlisted from New Zealand and some of these played in military bands.18 Albert Tremain and Stan Inwood from Wellington City together with George Burgess from Gore played in the Band of the 4th Battalion, New Zealand Rifle Brigade. It is estimated that over 3,000 British Salvationist bandsmen enlisted in the First World War, and on one notable occasion a full band of 32 players was made up entirely of Salvationists. The New Zealand War cry reported that the colonel of an unnamed British regiment wanted to form a band but did not know how he could obtain enough players. One of his officers suggested that he form a band out of the Salvation Army men in the regiment. The colonel was dubious, but the next morning on parade he commanded that all men belonging to The Salvation Army step forward. To his surprise, over one hundred men responded. Sixty-seven of these indicated that they could play a musical instrument and from these the regimental band was formed. Another report notes that the 120th Battalion Band in the Canadian Forces was largely composed of Salvationist bandsmen from Hamilton, Ontario and that the bandmaster was also a Salvationist. After the war, The Salvation Army released its own war medal ‘For Service in the Great War’ with the recipient’s name inscribed on the reverse.
Bramwell Booth ‘Service in the Great War’ Medal.19 See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapters 1 – 6 for more detail and specific references relating to these aspects. See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 12 for more on Salvation Army banding in the First World War. See also Kingsley Sampson, “New Zealand Salvation Army banding in World War One”, Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 1, Iss. 1, 2016), 120 – 131. 19 Glenn Horridge’s private collection. Photograph courtesy of Glenn Horridge. Glenn Horridge, “Salvation Army Orders and Medals”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 2, Iss, 1, 2017), 114. 17 18
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Salvation Army Chaplains20 Eight New Zealand Salvation Army officers served overseas as chaplains in the war. In alphabetical order, these men were John Bladin, Herbert Colledge, Edward Garner, Samuel Green, Alfred Greene, Donald Macaulay, Charles Walls and Walter Winton. Their ages on going overseas ranged from 29 for Samuel Green to 49 for Edward Garner. Four of these men had been born in Australia; the others spent time there as well. Macaulay and Colledge arrived in Europe only after hostilities had ceased. The rest all served for varying lengths of time during the war. These men cemented the reputation of The Salvation Army among the troops. They distributed Red Cross parcels, visited the sick and wounded in hospital, buried the dead, held church services and Bible studies, provided light work and recreation for those recuperating from injuries, ran recreational institutes in military camps and generally made themselves useful both to the troops and their officers. Two of the chaplains received military awards. Alfred Greene and Charles Walls were awarded the Military Cross while Walter Winton was awarded the MBE. In later life, both Herbert Colledge and Samuel Green were also awarded the MBE. After the war, three chaplains held senior positions in The Salvation Army. John Bladin was National Youth Secretary in New Zealand in the 1920s and later principal of the International Training College, London, Herbert Colledge served as territorial commander in India and Sri Lanka while Charles Walls became chief secretary in New Zealand in the 1940s. Bladin retired with the rank of Commissioner while Colledge was a Lieut. Commissioner. Three other chaplains also continued as officers until retirement. Alfred Greene was involved with immigration and repatriation work in New Zealand until he retired in 1933, Donald Macaulay retired in 1936 after more than 40 years of officer service mostly in New Zealand while Walter Winton had post-war appointments in New Zealand, India, London and Australia. When war broke out again in 1939 and he was aged 62, Winton offered to serve again as a chaplain. Two chaplains resigned post-war. Edward Garner resigned in 1928 after several appointments in New Zealand and returned to Australia where he became a Methodist for the final years of his life, while Samuel Green became a staunch Presbyterian in the 1930s, a local body politician and mayor of Dargaville for 15 years. Reflection21 From this distance, it is not easy to answer the question ‘How did the war affect The Salvation Army in New Zealand?’ but the following can be noted. Public appreciation for what the Army did in the war translated into decades of financial support for the work of the Army. All who returned had to somehow take up the threads of their lives again among people who were sympathetic but who did not really comprehend the enormity of the experiences the soldiers had undergone. Some suffered long-term from their injuries and experiences and consequently their families were affected as well. Interestingly 50 of the 400 First World War male Salvationists reenlisted for the Second World War.
20
See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 15 for a general overview of the work Salvation Army chaplains and chapters 16 – 21 for specific biographies of six chaplains (Greene, Garner, Walls, Bladin, Green and Winton) 21 See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 22 for more detail and specific references relating to this section.
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In the trenches, amidst the brutality and carnage of war, some men may have lost their faith. They found it hard to accept that a loving God would allow such suffering. Others came home with a strengthened commitment to the Army and a deeper faith. Quite a few went on to become leaders and supporters of Salvation Army corps over the next fifty years. Of the twenty New Zealand Salvation Army officers who enlisted, four were killed, one died of illness, seven were wounded and four were invalided out sick. Only nine were able or willing to take up post-war appointments, and only two of those made it to the normal retirement age as active officers. Three stories22 Behind the statistics, there are human stories that speak of courage, idealism and faith that are worth remembering. The cost of war on a family can be illustrated by the story of the Hunter family of Riverton. Joseph Hunter was a bootmaker and corps sergeant-major of the Riverton Corps. He had ten children, five of whom enlisted. One son, Joseph Walter was killed at Gallipoli on 10 August 1915 and a few days later, a second son, David was also killed at Gallipoli. A third son, Harry was killed in Belgium in December 1917 and a fourth son, William was killed in France in October 1918. The fifth son returned home gravely wounded. There is no record that the Hunter boys were Salvationists but the effect on their father and their remaining siblings can only be imagined. Earlier we noted that General Bramwell Booth held pacifist views, but we do not know of many New Zealand Salvationists who held similar views. One Salvationist from Christchurch was a conscientious objector. William Charles Frederick Hill of St Albans Corps in Christchurch was called up and attested as Salvation Army in November 1917. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment with hard labour in May 1918 for ‘refusing kit’ and ‘wilful defiance of authority’. He was 41 years old at the time, barely within the range for call-up. We know nothing about him after the war but, given the Salvation Army orders and regulations of the time, a conviction and imprisonment could have led to his being suspended or removed from the St Albans roll. Ivan Hildreth, the son of Salvation Army officers, enlisted when he was 20. He went overseas in 1916 with at least seven other Salvationists in the 13th Reinforcements. He was a medical orderly in the United Kingdom and France. He served in the 2nd New Zealand Field Ambulance during the infamous Passchendaele battle of 12 October 1917. Of this day, he wrote in his diary: “It was a terrible job sliding the wounded down the shute (sic) to the dressing room all night. Wet & muddy. A very trying time for all.” Hildreth married the daughter of United Kingdom officers in 1918 and picked up his trade as a plasterer upon his return to New Zealand. The Salvation Army crest over the platform in the former Wellington Citadel and preserved in the present building is his work. Hildreth served again in the medical corps in New Zealand in the Second World War. He was a life-long Salvationist and died in Hamilton in 1988.
See Sampson (ed.), Under two flags, chapter 2 for the Hunter story, chapter 1 for Hill’s story and chapter 1 for Hildreth’s story. 22
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Salvationist Ivan Hildreth23
Conclusion With the passage of time, it is easy to forget what our Salvationist forbears endured in some of the great events in world history. But the centenary of the First World War has given the New Zealand Salvation Army the opportunity to pay tribute to New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted or those who supported the war effort from home. It has prompted us to rediscover their names, their service and sacrifice. It has revealed something of the impact the war had on the men and their families and it has reminded us that in this terrible conflict, both through individual Salvationists and as a movement, ‘the Army was there’. Lest we forget!
23
Photograph courtesy of June Sunkel.
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HISTORY: A COLLECTION OF MEMORIES OR A COLLECTIVE MYTH? THE NEED FOR DISCERNMENT IN INVESTIGATING THE HISTORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY Garth R. Hentzschel ABSTRACT Both memory and myth play an important role in the history of The Salvation Army. But what happens if the movement has loss of memory or myths are based on errors and inaccuracies. This paper rounds up the discussion of the symposium and puts forward a new challenge for a deeper discernment of history that will lead to transformative renewal within the Army. Introduction The aim of The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, 2018 was to add to the discussion and research on all areas relating to the history of The Salvation Army. I think this aim has been achieved with the theme for the weekend, ‘History: a collection of memories or a collective myth?’ We have heard about memories of: Army war-songs;1 Commissioner Condon as a boxer;2 OZKIS chaplains;3 the Salvationists who worked, fought and died in the Great War.4 We had myths challenged; the cooking of donuts in helmets,5 that William Booth was against individualism,6 that
Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “History: A collection of memories or a collective myth? The need for discernment in investigating the history of The Salvation Army”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 163 – 178. 1 Garth R. Hentzschel, “Salvation Army war songs’ and the formation of identity”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 133 – 152. 2 James Condon, “Keynote address: History shaping our future.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 24 – 29. 3 Kingsley Sampson, “OZKIS. Stories of Salvation Army officers with Australia connections who served as New Zealand military chaplains in the First World War”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 61 – 70. 4 Kingsley Sampson, “Lest we forget. A tribute to Salvation Army service in the First World War.”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 153 – 162. 5 Nanci Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 71 – 91. 6 Garth R. Hentzschel, “A historical investigation into the myth of The Salvation Army as a community of believers and the death of in·di·vid·u·al·ism”, The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories of a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 108 – 132.
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Booth only worked with the poor,7 that human resources are ministry focused,8 and that Bramwell Booth lost his hearing late in life.9 We also saw the story behind Eva Burrows leads the way10 and covered areas of the Army’s war work on a number of occasions. To refresh our own memories of how the first part of the theme developed, we revisit Frederick Coutts who wrote; …history is to a community what memory is to an individual. Without memory I would be an ‘unperson’, unable to say whence I came or whither I was bound. History enables a community – whether an entire nation or a section of a nation….11
We have re-established some of the old memories of Salvationists and confirmed how their understanding of the past has helped us. The Hon. Fiona Simpson, challenged us by showing how history helps us to uncover again the witness of the saints of old and “allow their light and witness to shine again”. Yet there is still work to be done in recording, preserving, researching and presenting other stories, other memories. Some action in this direction is the publication of They took up their cross, of which a booklet in the series was launched during the symposium. As stated in the introduction to the weekend, the second part of the theme was based on a quotation from Napoleon Bonaparte, History is a set of lies agreed upon.12 We have looked at such historical myths throughout this weekend. To take the phrase from one of my favourite television programs Mythbusters, some of the myths have been well and truly BUSTED, while others have been challenged.
Robert (Bob) Broadbere, “Alfred Deakin, Australian federation and William Booth’s Salvation Army.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 92 – 107. 8 Cecil Woodward, “Human resource deployment as organisational strategy for mission: A comparison of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory officer deployment, 1975 and 2015”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 35 – 46. 9 David Malcolm Bennett, “Catherine Booth’s letters to her parents, Sarah and John Mumford.”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 47 – 60. 10 Keith Hampton, “The story behind The Eva Burrows leads the way”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 30 – 34. 11 Frederick Coutts, In Good Company, (London, UK: Salvationists Publishing & Supplies,1980), 71. 12 Napoleon Bonaparte quoting Fontanelle, cited in John Scales Avery, Collected Essays Part 1, (Sparsnäs, Sweden: Irene Publishing, 2016), 208. 7
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Salvation Army historical myths “busted”. A photoshop of Bramwell and William Booth superimposed over an advertisement for the television program Muthbusters.13
One of the reasons for myths to develop was outlined by Herbert Butterfield …… Stop the Presses! … One of the myths discussed during the international history panel on Saturday afternoon was that William Booth sent a one-word telegram around the world, the word used was “others”.14 We searched and found the telegram!
A faked telegram with the word others.15
This telegram is fake. The panel discussed that this story could be no more real than this telegram and therefore the story is a myth. As this was being discussed, Colonel Olive Lucas emailed Gordon Taylor in London. Within hours Taylor emailed Lucas the following: Others Did William Booth send a one word telegram, ‘Others’, to Salvationists around the world? This question comes up regularly and over the years I have done extensive research and contacted other archives and heritage centres around the world, trying to find evidence to 13
Photographs of Bramwell and William Booth courtesy of The Salvation Army. Mythbusters image from https://www.pinterest.com.au/pin/399976010649500926/ 14 For a recount of this myth see Chick Yuill, Others. The insistent challenge to a reluctant church, (Sparkford, UK: Authentic Media, 2007), viii. 15 A photoshop to represent the story of William Booth sending a telegraph around the world with the word ‘OTHERS’.
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authenticate the story, but so far without success. In the course of my research, I have discovered that ‘Others’ was used as a motto and as the title of an annual report as early as 1894 – 95. “Others” was Bramwell Booth’s motto for 1895. It was also the title of the Army’s Annual Report for 1894 – 95, and was the Campaign Covenant Motto for a Three Months’ Pentecostal Campaign in South Australia, May – July 1895. There was also a poem by F. Booth-Tucker, headed: “Our Self-Denial Motto: ‘Others’”, in The War Cry, 28 September 1895 (p8). It is possible that William Booth could have sent a one word telegram, ‘Others’, to some officers or headquarters in the early 1900s, but I have not found any evidence of it, although we know that short telegrams were sometimes sent from IHQ at that time. For example, Bramwell Booth’s diary for 1 January 1907 says: The Chief wired to Comr. Coombs at Toronto; “Congratulations 1906 - Confidence 1907 Revelation seventeen, fourteen, Chief.” There is also a footnote: For other telegrams to Officers see Chief’s English letter book, page 521 + on. [Unfortunately this letter book has not survived.] So the one word telegram is a possibility, but the references above show that the word ‘Others’ was in use as a motto as early as 1895, which is several years earlier than the date usually suggested for the telegram. A song entitled ‘Others’, by Chas D Meigs (with the copyright date 1907), appeared in several song books, including The King of Kings, 1915, p227; Worship and Service, 1916, p71; Eternal Praise for the Church and Sunday School, 1917, p216, with the following footnote: Jan. 1. 1908, Gen. Ballington Booth dispatched this one word “Others” to all the Salvation Army Posts in the World. Mr. Meigs, catching the spirit of the message, couched it in this well-known poem.
A later song book, Sacred Solos and Duets, No.1, compiled by J. E. Sturgis in 1925 had a similar footnote but had changed Gen. Ballington Booth to General William Booth. The song by Charlie Meigs had appeared before 1907 in Consecrated Hymns, 1902, edited by A Geibel; World-Wide Hosannas, 1904, edited by Adam Geibel and Frank Lehman, and Hymns of the Kingdom: For use in religious meetings, edited by Adam Geibel, Rev. Wm Stone, R Frank Lehman, J Wesley Hughes (Geibel and Lehman, Philadelphia, 1905), but without the footnote. There is an obvious inconsistency between the date of the song’s composition (1902 or earlier) and the supposed date of the telegram (1 January 1908), but there is also the practical question about how William Booth could have sent a telegram to ‘all the Salvation Army Posts of the world’. He could have sent a one word telegram such as ‘Others’, to some officers somewhere in the world, but it is not realistic to think that he could have sent a telegram to all the Salvation Army posts in the world, and there is certainly no evidence that he did. After the First World War, Evangeline Booth told the following story in The War Romance of The Salvation Army, 1919, by Evangeline Booth and Grace Livingston Hill [p 23]: When the ‘Empress of Ireland’ went down with a hundred and thirty Salvation Army officers on board [1914], one hundred and nine officers were drowned, and not one body that was picked up had on a life-belt. The few survivors told how the Salvationists, finding there were not enough life-preservers for all, took off their own belts and strapped them upon even strong men, saying, “I can die better than you can;” and from the deck of that sinking boat they flung their battle-cry around the world - Others!’
Gordon Taylor Revised 28 July 2018
The story of “Others” is therefore another myth that has developed in Salvation Army history. While the meaning behind it should not be forgotten, that is, the Army should minister to others, it is time that this myth was ‘put to bed’. Especially when it is a story used as an excuse to use the word ‘others’ in inappropriate places. Myths develop and grow because we do not question them. As we saw in the introduction to the weekend, Herbert Butterfield, an historian lamented; The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 166
Holy people, much as we may love them, can be quite exasperating for the historian, not (I think) because they fabricate untruths, but perhaps rather because they do not know how to distrust other people’s reporting, and do not go far enough in analysing and questioning even their own impressions of things.16
The Christian and specifically the Christian historian therefore should question, analyse and search for truth and meaning of the events of the past. Or as the title states, discern, that is develop “the ability to judge well”.17 Or as C. H. Spurgeon stated, “Discernment is not knowing the difference between right and wrong. It is the difference between right and almost right.”18 1 Corinthians 12:7 – 11 also has discernment as one of the gifts of the spirit. This gift gives the ability to distinguish whether Divine or human motivation is present. To link to Butterfield’s quote, Christian historians need to learn how to discern other people’s reporting, analyse and question the impressions of others as well as their own first impressions of assumptions in history. Historians should not take things at face value as we should remember beauty is only skin deep and truth is much deeper than that!
Discernment is not knowing the difference between right and wrong. It is the difference between right and almost right C. H. Spurgeon Where discernment is needed What do we need to discern or learn to mistrust or question? Here are some thoughts and examples that I have learnt in the last few years. Need to discern sources With my interest in the history of The Salvation Army in Brisbane, Queensland, I was excited to find the artefact in the Sydney Heritage Centre which showed Mrs. Commandant Booth running a lecture with support of the Limelight. I asked myself, What is true about this document? What is problematic?
16
Herbert Butterfield and C. T. McIntire (ed.), Writings on Christianity and history, (New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1979), 99. 17 Glen A. Blanscet, Lessons from Solomon. Finding true success in life, (USA: WestBow Press, 2018), Chapter 5. 1818 Charles H. Spurgeon cited in “Quotable quotes”, (Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability, 2018), http://www.ecfa.org/trust/QuotableQuotes.aspx accessed 4 July 2018.
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A limelight ticket for a talk by Mrs. Commandant Booth19
At first glance all appears to be well, except for the back to front “S” on the collar and some ink marks from someone colouring in some of the letters. One could assume that as the item exists, so the lecture took place. However, with research it was shown that this is a ticket for an event that never took place. A notice in a Brisbane newspaper showed that the event was cancelled due to the illness of Booth and she had not left Melbourne.
A notice to inform the public that Mrs. Booth was unwell and her talk at The Salvation Army Brisbane Temple on Friday 1 July 1898 was cancelled20
We should also question other sources that could contain historical information on The Salvation Army. Most Army history is weak, as it only relies on ‘official’ Army publications. Lovely exceptions to this are the works of Dr. David Malcolm Bennett and Professor G. R. Moyles who triangulate other sources to discern what was really happening. What should be questioned in some of the current sources?; • The war cry - Moyles wrote about the use of this publication in the study of history. He stated “…though all newspapers tend to ‘fabricate’ stories, or embellish them beyond truth, the War Cry was essentially a propaganda journal, intended to boost the morale of its readers (mainly Salvationists) and ‘cry up’ war against sin.”21 Moyles later wrote, if used correctly, analysed and triangulated with other sources, The war cry can be used and should be used for more than just “the balance against an over-indulgence in negative non-Army commentary” in other sources, especially newspapers during the early Army period.22 It must also be noted that there is a myth that everything that happened in the Army was reported in The war cry and that 19
Sydney Heritage Centre, Photograph Courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel. “Important notice”, The Brisbane Courier, (Queensland, Wednesday 29 June 1898), 8. 21 R. G. Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army history: Essays of discovery, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2009), 87. 22 Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army history, 87. 20
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those reports which appear are all accurate. Yet another myth linked with The war cry is, that if it is not in the publication then it did not happen. • Corps History Books – In Australia, there were no orders to keep a Corps History Book until the 1920s and no Divisional History Books until the 1970s. As early as 1895 there were some attempts to collect history of corps and officers. Headquarters had no information and requested people to contribute.23 Therefore there are no ‘official’ sources of history for Queensland prior to 1895 and so much history could have easily been lost. • Letters – This has become a very new area of historical research in Army history. We will be forever in debt to Bennett for transcribing the Booth letters and also for his analyses of information contained in them. More letters need to be sourced and used in future research. It should be noted however that they contain only the thoughts and feelings on one person. They do hold information too about Army changes and motivation for such changes. What will future historians use to analyse our time when all the emails are deleted? • Diaries – While some diaries are starting to be used, there are other personal accounts ignored by historians. I found one such personal account in the British Library that tells a very different story about Army events. • Oral history – This source is strongly tied to memory and although holds valuable information, it needs to be verified with other sources. There are strong myths in oral history, especially in the case of “I started ….” or “My relatives were high up in the Army”. Oral history often focuses on small or local history and therefore often over emphasises the person central to the story or local event. • Boothisms – Too often in the Army someone says “William Booth said…” and all blindly follow. It is important to ask the person where did Booth say that or what else did Booth say? Not only do Salvation Army sources needed to be assessed, but so do sources from the public square. • Newspapers – As Moyles has shown newspapers in the time of the early Army were biased against much of the Army’s work. While researchers need to be aware of this, these papers sometimes hold more information about local Army activities than The war cry. • “Dr. Google” – The internet has given to us the access to sources such as Trove, online libraries, online archival newspapers all can bring historical information to us. However, there are many websites that are not peer reviewed. Great discernment is needed every time a historian presses ‘search’. If we take all sources as ‘gospel’ then we would believe that The Salvation Army is a “Catholic Organisation”.24 Through the Army’s Red Shield it is tied to the Illuminati and the Rothschild family. Although this is all a conspiracy theory, it is on the internet and the rating on the page stated that the majority of people believe it as it is “Probably Illuminati.”25
“A summary of Corps history and salvation biography”, The War Cry, (Brisbane, 27 July 1895), 10. “Salvation Army flag 3’ X 5’ for a pole – Catholic organisation of Sa”, ebay, (n.d.), https://www.google.com.au/search?q=salvation+army+catholic&source=lnms&tbm=shop&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiTiO 2dmaDdAhXXQN4KHWXpDMs4ChD8BQgNKAQ&biw=938&bih=571#spd=16290971171325297796 accessed 27 July 2018 25 “Salvation Army Rothschild Red Shield”, A complete guide to illuminati symbols, signs, and meanings, (Illuminati Symbols.info, n.d.), https://illuminatisymbols.info/salvation-army-rothschild-red-shield/ accessed 26 July 2018. 23 24
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Need to discern motivation Historians need to discern, question and evaluate the areas behind the sources and also published histories; • Source analyses – How was it produced? Where was it produced? Why was it produced? When was it produced? What audience was it written for? Why was this source used? Who wrote it? Why genre is used? These are just some of the questions that can be asked to help discern the source. • Biases – What information is included? What information is left out? What biases or worldview does the person hold? Is there a hidden agenda? These are just some of the questions that can be asked to help discern the motivation of the source. • Worldviews – There are many worldviews impacting the current study on The Salvation Army. In the guise of accepting the voice of the ‘other’, Postmodernism has changed the meaning of ideas and words. Postmodernism has even led to the questioning of ‘the truth’ believing that there are ‘many truths’. One example is as follows; I have researched the facts to the best of my abilities. The perfect absolute truth does NOT exist. Judges experience that every day…every witness has his own perspective – his point of view on particular events. In 1986, for about nine months it was my daily job to collect interviews from separate witnesses of the same events. Many times, I discovered that what newspapers or TV reporters mentioned was an entirely different story to the one I had heard in Court. It marked me for the rest of my career of 20 years, never forgetting this truth: there is no ‘real’, ‘perfect’ truth, there is only what our pre-conceptions allow us to see and our selective hearing to hear, even if this is not done intentionally. This is why I wanted to show different facets of the one event – a part of the war that happened on my home turf, in Flanders Fields. It is also why I wanted to self-publish, without being bound by commercial compromise.26
In the guise of multiculturalism, Postcolonialism has challenged the dominance of western Christianity and the faith itself. In the guise of equity, Socialism and Feminism has separated groups in history into the economic haves and have-nots. Although some of the questions asked in these worldviews are helpful to analyse history, these are not Christian or Salvationist worldviews and have often missed the motivation of the Army. On such matters General John Larsson wrote in the foreword to Aitken’s Blood and fire, Tsar and Commissar that; Recent historians have brought a welcome breath of fresh air to the study of early Salvation Army history by their openness to examine and evaluate all relevant material – even the negative. At times these historians have also interpreted their findings in new and sometimes controversial ways… But interpretations that suggest that overseas expansion was motivated by anything other than a desire to fulfil Christ’s commission to take his message to the whole world are unlikely to resonate with most Salvationists.27
Many of the economical and sociological terms and accusations labelled against the Army through such worldviews also do not ‘resonate’ with Salvationists. As readers are accepting 26
La Base Ville 1917: New Zealand Voices from Flanders Fields by Dominique G.J.M. Cooreman. Waipukurau, NZ: Cooreman, 2016. 27 Tom Aitken, Blood and fire, Tsar and Commissar: The Salvation Army in Russia, 1907 – 1923, (Milton Keynes, UK: Paternoster, 2007), xiii.
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of or not understanding all worldviews, such philosophies are now forcing themselves on Army policy and history. Through some of the Army history such worldviews are directly impacting the future of the Army.28 What resources were used – When reading published history, it is important to review the resources used. This will help the reader to know to what extend the story is told and from whose point of view.
Historical statements By using such tools and questions for discernment the historian can begin to evaluate historical statements that have appeared in The Salvation Army. There is a historical statement in Australia; …Saunders and Gore formed themselves into a Corps (church) under Gore’s temporary leadership. After an appeal to London for officers to be sent, Captain and Mrs Thomas Sutherland arrived in 1881. From this humble beginning, The Salvation Army grew rapidly in Australia….29
Through discernment there is arising a different understanding of the commencement of the work in Australia. Although my main focus of research is on Queensland at this stage, the research is uncovering information on other states. One example is information about New South Wales: An overview of the history of The Salvation Army in New South Wales The date of the official commencement of The Salvation Army in the colony of New South Wales was 2 December 1882, when Captains Adelaide and Tom Sutherland, Lieutenant Alex Canty and Sister Mary Ann Cox arrived. Yet some historians have claimed that 1880 was “the year of multiple births” of the Army. Sydney appears to be a city connected to this phrase. As in other places, the Army was commenced earlier by Christian Mission converts or Salvationists arriving on the continent from Britain. There has been some narrative on the brave lone stand of Thomas Mudiman, who it is claimed was converted in a Christian Mission meeting at Limehouse, London and settled in Sydney in 1880. It is also claimed that he would hold open-air meetings in the Domain every Sunday singing Salvation Army songs. There has been no evidence external to Army publications to confirm this and newspapers only stated that Mudiman was the doorkeeper at the opening meeting held in 1882. Army publications too state that his ministry “failed to attract any significant following.” However, Garth Hentzschel’s research identified two pieces of evidence that could show Mudiman’s ministry had greater success than earlier credited. Firstly, a musical called Hero and Leander appeared in the Sydney Opera house during the early part of 1881. This musical included humourous songs about The Salvation Army in Sydney. This showed the Army was well known in this location before 1881. Second, in October 1881 “a well-known itinerant preacher named Edwin Cocks” appeared in court for preaching in the Domain and marching in the streets. It was said that Cocks was an assistant in a large drapery establishment and claimed to be the leader of the Army. He was still holding open-air meetings in July 1882 and on his march through Bent Street he was pelted with stones from a number of people. Although more research is needed, it
Cecil Woodward, “Human resource deployment as organisational strategy for mission: A comparison of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory officer deployment, 1975 and 2015”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 35 – 46. 29 “Spreading to Australia”, Our history, (The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2018), ¶¶ 5 – 6, https://salvos.org.au/about-us/our-story/our-history/spreading-to-australia/ accessed 4 July 2018. 28
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would appear that there were Army ministries in Sydney prior to December 1882 and it may be found that these were connected.30
Historical assumptions In addition to historical statements that need to be questioned are historical assumptions. These are often more difficult to challenge as the idea is not usually written. One assumption is that as God raised up the Army all elements of the movement are God glorifying and this leads to the assumption that, from The Salvation Army’s commencement in Australia there was a smooth transition of leadership from Gore and Saunders to Sutherland to Barker to Ballington Booth. After discernment and research, it was found that this assumption is a very large myth. Gore and Saunders court marshalled Sutherland on his arrival.31 When Booth took over from Barker there was again “a great deal of discontent”.32
A snippet of a report on the change in leadership of Barker to Booth33
Although this assumption is clearly ‘busted’ as a myth, there needs to be deeper research into the beginnings of the Army in Australia. Discernment of myths and memories Myths It is fun to investigate all areas of Army history as often you are the first person to find out information on a topic or the first to find that statements that are made are indeed myths. Following are a few myths that I have found or talked about with other Army historians in recent days;
30
A section of this appeared as Garth Hentzschel, “Historical snapshot”, Other, (Sydney, Vol. 2, Iss. 8, August 2018),
9. See Garth Hentzschel, “Hidden turmoil of the Army’s early days”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Vol. 17, Iss. 10, October 2013), 26 – 28. 32 “Salvation Army troubles”, Bendigo Advertiser, (Victoria, Wednesday 11 February 1885), 3. 33 “Salvation Army troubles”, Bendigo Advertiser, (Victoria, Wednesday 11 February 1885), 3. 31
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William Booth never read a novel34 - This appears from time to time. However, these is evidence in a number of sources that Booth did read novels.35 William Booth’s last words were “I’ll Fight” – One such discussion on this matter will appear later in this issue of the journal.36 A soldier can be the general – I recently wrote about this issue and it was uploaded online; A soldier as General of The Salvation Army? It is an oddity of The Salvation Army that the General, like any officer, is a soldier, with their name on the Soldiers’ Roll of the corps they choose to attend. The General, therefore, is a soldier! Yet, while officers are soldiers, only a soldier who is also an officer can be nominated for the election of General. This has not always been the case. William Booth was reputed to have stated, “I cared little then or afterwards for ecclesiastical creeds or forms” and in light of this, he did not limit his choice of successor. In an early Army deed, it stated that, “William Booth and every general superintendent who should succeed him should have power to appoint his successor to the office of general superintendent and all the rights of powers and authorities of the office should vest in the person ...” There was nothing to limit the General’s choice to an officer. In fact, William Booth’s choice, his son William Bramwell Booth, never held an officer rank, he was only known as “Mr Bramwell” or “Chief of the Staff”. While The Salvation Army Act 1931 removed the right of the General to nominate their successor, it did not remove the right of a soldier to be elected General. In “Schedule, Point 12”, the document stated, “The person so to be elected may be either one of the members of the high council or some other person.” Subsequent Acts have changed elements of the Army’s constitution, but The Salvation Army Act 1980 revoked, repealed or amended elements of all previous Acts and Deed Polls and changed the status of officers and soldiers. This change is not outlined in any history book, yet is one of the points of interest in Army history. The change under consideration is “Schedule 4, Part V, 13 (b)”, which states that, “No person other than an officer shall be eligible for election as General.” This means that from 1980 only officers can be elected General and has, in part, created an “ecclesiastical creed” or a “priestly tribe”, excluding all others. Not only is this position closed to soldiers, but General John Larsson, in his book Inside A High Council infers that the administration tasks of clerks and recorders for the High Council are also reserved for officers. The only area where a non-officer can be included in a High Council is the “adjudication” process, to work through the eligibility of those attending, or other legal matters. Can a non-officer be elected as General? The short answer is no. However, there is another way a person untrained as an officer could sit on the High Council and become General. “Point 5” of the 1980 Act states that the General can, “appoint or promote any persons to any office or rank in the Army.” In this way, the General could appoint a soldier to become a Territorial Commander, give them the rank of Colonel or higher and having met the other requirements be summoned to the High Council. Once on the High Council, they could be nominated and receive the votes for the generalship. Although highly unlikely, it could legally happen. It is not a soldier becoming the General, but the closest the 1980 Act would now allow.37
34
R. G. Moyles, William Booth in Canada. Descriptions of his six visits 1886 - 1907, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2006), 89. 35 J. Evan Smith, Booth the Beloved – Personal Recollections of William Booth, Founder of the Salvation Army, (Melbourne, Australia: Geoffrey Cumberlege, 1949), 61.; David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The letters of William and Catherine Booth (founders of The Salvation Army), (Camp Hill, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003), 26, 32, 33, 56, 82, 107, 119, 279, 353.; Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, The founder of The Salvation Army (2 vols), (London, UK: MacMillian and Co., 1920), 1:33, 1:40, 1:378 36 Cecil Woodward, “’I’ll fight’ – William Booth’s final address. Memory of myth?” The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2), 191 – 195. 37 Garth Hentzschel, “A soldier as general of The Salvation Army?” Others website, (The Salvation Army, 2018), https://others.org.au/army-archives/a-soldier-as-general-of-the-salvation-army/ accessed 4 July 2018.
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William Booth was a Free mason38 - Although some claim the founder’s name appears in lodge documents or he held certain posts, they fail to realise that William Booth was a common name and that early in its history the Army did not allow officers to be members of such secret organisation.39 All early archives of the Army were destroyed in the London blitz – This is not the case as; firstly, some were rescued from IHQ; secondly, not all archives were at IHQ at that time as some were held in other locations and some in the homes of officers; thirdly, some were ordered to be destroyed at an earlier date;40 and fourthly, some information was never received by headquarters.41
Memory Historians need to discern if the memory is fully correct. Memory is an important element of history but sometimes memory does not align with evidence. This area is sometime difficult to analyse as memory is personal to the person or the organisation. Following is a section of a story of an event that helps to show a process of how memory can be challenged and supported. In Howard Davies’ latest book he outlined the memories he had about the chorus and song of Move, Holy Spirit.42 When staying with me, Davies desired to look at the reliability of his memory of the events. As the book outlined, he believed discussions he had in the 1970s would lead to the chorus being published in Keep singing!43 To our surprise the chorus was not in this publication. Davies remembered the meeting discussing the chorus and I remembered singing it throughout the 1980s. We went looking for the chorus in Army song books. We searched in The song book of The Salvation Army 1986,44 and Songs of faith,45 but no publication of the 1980s had included the chorus. It was now leading up to 9:00 pm on Sunday evening and Davies and Hentzschel decided to investigate this matter further. Davies called the chorus’ composer Alan Laurens and in a short time Davies and Laurens were talking. Laurens confirmed Davies’ memory of the publication history of the chorus to which Davies told him that the chorus did not appear in Keep singing!46 to which there was some surprise. Checking my memory of singing the chorus in the 1980s I called my mother, Major Glenda J. Hentzschel as my parents were corps officers and they too remember singing the chorus in the 1980s. While Davies was still on the telephone to Laurens, I found the song in Happiness
The Prophetic Explorer, “William Booth: Salvation Army founder, freemason”, (n.d.), http://www.propheticexplorer.com/william_booth.aspx accessed 4 July 2018. 39 See for example, The Chief of The Staff, Salvation Army officers and secret societies, (London, UK: International Headquarters, 1925). 40 For example, Bramwell Booth ordered the destruction of George Railton’s correspondence to headquarters. Henry Edmonds, My Adventures with General Booth, 1877 to 1889, 3 Volumes, (London, UK: Henry Edmonds), 2:51 – 52. 41 For example, Horsley complained that “it has been so difficult to secure the concise information”, John F. Horsley, The Victorian salvation war, 1883. (Melbourne, Australia: Salvation Army Book Deport, 1884), 7. 42 Howard Davies, Words & music: Stories behind the songs, (Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2017), 132 – 133. 43 Authority of the General, Keep singing!, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1976). 44 Authority of the General, The song book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1986). 45 Norman Bearcroft (ed), The Salvation Army songs of faith, A supplement to The Salvation Army song book, (Toronto, Canada: Headquarters for Canada and Bermuda, 1971). 46 The General, Keep singing! 38
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and Harmony 1990.47 This however did not confirm the memory that the song was sung in the 1980s. A little later in the night Glenda Hentzschel sent a photo of a page from an officers’ council songbook citing “Queensland Centenary Congress 1985”. Although the song did not appear in Keep singing!48 which questioned this part of the memory; the song was used in The Salvation Army during the 1980s which confirmed the part of the memory that the song was being used by the Army in 1980s. Reasons why errors occur I think there are three main reason for errors and omissions in Salvation Army history. Firstly, it has been difficult to access sources. Army documents have been lost, kept in department files, trashed, or made inaccessible. The advent of the internet does help access to some public documents and with the assistance of Army archives and heritage centres some documents that still exist are becoming more accessible. Secondly, there is a matter of lack of time. Lack of time to write about contemporary events and lack of time to research and write history. Brindley Boon stated; It took 14 years for me to write Play The Music, Play! including the long period of research. Sing The Happy Song! was required to be completed in 28 days. The 1978 International Congress was already approaching when it was decided that a new paperback version of the history of Army bands should be produced, together with a companion volume covering the story of Army vocal music. Both were required to be available for sale at Wembley and other congress centres.49
Time needs to be given to people interested to conduct deeper research to better investigate the past to inform the future. Thirdly, in some areas of the Army I have found an aversion for discernment in history. It feels as though some people do not want to have the past questioned for if it is found wanting, then they too could be questioned. I have even heard it said, “It doesn’t matter!” when different information is found. Yet, these people are happy to keep citing the myth. If it doesn’t matter then change the story! Development of myth as history There are many theories on how history is developed, written and understood. These show that the reporting of history can be changed and is in flux. Two theories will be briefly outlined here. McWilliams’ theory The first theory of development of ideas that will be discussed was outlined to me by Professor Erica McWilliams.50 Although an educationalist, her theory fits well to help us understand how myths develop in Army History. We will use for the example the paper we heard this weekend from Nanci Gasiel.51 McWilliams believed that there were three phases in thought development: • Invented; 47
Authority of the General, Happiness and harmony, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1990), 47. the General, Keep singing! 49 Brindley Boon, The best of both worlds, (Wellingborough, UK: World of Brass, c1990), 327. 50 Although no publication of this theory has been found, elements of it appear in McWilliams. This theory was outlined to the author through some of his studies. Erica McWilliams, How to survive best practice, (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2002), 57. 51 Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, 71 – 91. 48
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Discovered; and Plague. In the first phase someone invents an idea or a story in history. This could be done using evidence, facts, varied sources and memories, or it could be done on a hunch or poetic license. In our example, Gasiel traced the first invented idea that a helmet was used to cook the first doughnuts from an article in 1959.52 As with many topics this thought was lost for a time. It could be that people of the time knew it not to be true, it had a small readership, or there was little need for this idea at the time. The second, discovered is the process where a person in the future finds this invention and hails it as an idea that is a new fact or meets the needs of the current time. In our example Gasiel found that the discovery or in her words the narrative was “resurrected” in 2003. 53 At this discovery there is often no investigation of the facts or evidence behind the invention. There are also then often investigations into how it can occur, not if it actually occurred. That is looking for support, not looking for evidence. The final stage is plague. As the discovery meets the need of the population or story teller then the idea is repeated over and over again. Like the game of ‘Chinese whispers’ some of the repeated ideas are embellished with both fact and fiction. Again we turn to the example, Gasiel wrote that the myth of the doughnuts cooked in the helmet “now serves as a key element in the story.”54 Murdoch’s theory The second theory on how history is developed and myths could develop is Norman H. Murdoch’s “Inventing Salvation Army history”55 Murdoch believed there were three processes in the development of history and any of these could be open to the development of fiction or myth. 56 • The idea of history; • Investigation of history; and • The invention of history The explanations and examples for each of these processes are included later in this issue of the journal and therefore will not be unpacked here. Not just facts and dead people The discernment of sources, of motivation, of the development of the historical narrative are all important. However, there is yet another area that readers of history need to have clear and mature discernment and that is how history is interpreted. History is no longer accepted as just a list of facts, or a recount of what happened, or even a list of who were the people involved. Historians are now required to interpret these facts and the actions of people and ask why these events occurred. It is at this level that deep discernment is needed. Not
Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, 72. Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, 72. 54 Gasiel, “WW1 doughnut facts and fiction: The myth of the doughnut helmet.”, 72. 55 Norman H. Murdoch and Garth R. Hentzschel (ed), “Inventing Salvation Army History: Examining historical method in the light of experience”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane: Vol. 3, Iss. 2, 2018), 207 – 210. 56 Others such as Curthoys and Docker hold similar views. Ann Curthoys and John Docker, Is History Fiction? (2nd ed), (Australia: University of New South Wales Press, 2010). 52 53
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only are we to ask why were certain facts included and others not, not only are we to ask has the historian considered the biases of the sources, we now also need to ask what are the biases, motivations and agendas of the historian themselves? When we are writing history and interpreting the facts we must also ask these of ourselves. Here philosophies and worldviews come into play. Does the feminist interpret the facts to help understand history through the eyes of females or to criticise the past to bring division in the present? Are they concerned about equality in spiritual matters or only about economical and power matters? Does the Socialist interpret the facts to help give voice to the voiceless in history or to create subdivisions of economic and power struggles in a united faith group? Do historians from a Christian worldview interpret facts for truth and understanding or only to encourage the status quo or proselytize? With historians’ interpretations, history needs to be both the search for truth and meaning. Without meaning history is often no more than a list of disconnected facts. Yet, without truth then meaning can be misinterpreted and lead future thought and action off on a different trajectory. As included in the introduction to the weekend, Salvationist writer, Catherine Baird espoused that truth, from a Christian worldview should be more than just the elimination of falsehood. She wrote: In the New Testament the word truth means more than merely true as opposed to untrue. It means genuine as opposed to spurious, perfect as opposed to imperfect. It is the property of substance as opposed to shadow.57
Do the histories we read on The Salvation Army do this? Are the historians uncovering Baird’s definition of truth? It is only through the discernment of history that we can be sure. Then another why? The final topic I will include in this paper that needs discernment is the discernment of the motivation for people to engage with history. To illustrate this point, I will include something I recently wrote in my president’s message for the Historical Society’s website that I will include to stress my point; How do we rate our history? Reading through reviews on the internet about a Salvation Army Heritage Centre, I found an interesting comment. Peter M wrote, “This heritage centre deserves a much higher rating than Trip Advisor gives as it is an excellent place to visit…” (30 June 2015). Peter M went on to rate this heritage centre 5 out of 5! What rate should we give our history? Maybe the rate given will depend on what we see as the purpose of our history. In my experience there are a number of categories to which we rate our history. These categories include: Entertainment – do we see history as something that grabs our attention and amuses us? Education – do we see history as a collection of facts that inform us of past people and events? Genealogical – do we see history as a way of mapping our own family? Comfort – do we see history as a way to praise who we are and what we stand for? In observing attendance at public historical meetings, I see history as entertainment and comfort attract the largest crowds. While history as education interests the ‘serious’ history buffs and the genealogists as mainly focused on who is related to whom. None of the purposes are wrong and each have a part to play in the understanding and promotion of Salvation Army history, but should these be an end in themselves?
57
Catherine Baird, Evidence of the unseen: A book of meditations, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1956), 60.
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I would like to pose another category in which to rate history – Transformational. A more in-depth and meaningful study of history that in turn changes our future actions. Starting with a deeper research into history. Not only looking at the people and events but placing them into the historical context. This will help us to assess what will work better into the future, where we went wrong in the past and repent – not only to people, but to God, and promote the right type of culture and people to carry the movement forward. A person recently said to me, “Do not make us relearn a different history.” Well, if the current history is not helping to transform us, then we need to learn a new history! We, as a movement need to stop using history for our comfort and use it as a transformational tool. It is hoped that the theme for this year’s Salvation Army History Symposium, ‘History: a collection of memories or a collective myth?’, will lead to an investigate areas of history in search of truth. In turn it will help us to better understand the past and direct us toward a stronger future. I think that when people see history transform us as individuals and us as a movement, then we will all rate our history a 5 out of 5!58
Although history may be popular when people are entertained, we hope that when meaning comes from interpretations it will lead to actions, to transformation. With discernment, the right actions and positive and sustainable transformation. In this way the discerning study of history will help The Salvation Army, in the words of General Coutts, “to place itself in relation to its own past, its present opportunities and its future prospects.”59 It will transfer “the meaning of history from the outer world of historic events to the inner world of spiritual change”. 60 It will open the door for Salvation Army historians to ‘do their business’ as described by William Golding: It is our business to describe the indescribable. I prefer and at the same time fear the saying of St Augustine, ‘Woe unto me if I speak of the things of God; but woe unto me if I do not speak of the things of God.’61
Woe unto me if I speak of the thing of God; but woe unto me if I do not speak of the things of God St. Augustine It will allow the historian to proclaim the providence of God through our history. As the Psalmist wrote: We will not hide them from their children, shewing to the generation to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderful works that he hath done.62
Such a discerned history will transform the future through what we know from our evaluated memory and dispelled myths! Garth R. Hentzschel, “Message from the president. How do we rate our history?”, The Salvation Army Historical Society website, (The Salvation Army, 2018), https://salvos.org.au/historicalsociety/, accessed 04 July 2018. 59 Coutts, In Good Company, 71. 60 Christopher Dawson, “The Christian view of history”, in C. T. McIntire (ed.), God, history and historians. An anthology of modern Christian views of history, (New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 34. 61 William Golding, A Moving Target, (London, UK: Faber, 1982), p. 202. St. Augustine paraphrased 1 Corinthians 9:16 – King James Version “For though I preach the gospel, I have nothing to glory of: for necessity is laid upon me; yea, woe is unto me, if I preach not the gospel!” 62 Psalm 78: 4 (King James Version). 58
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MEET THE AUTHOR Publications about The Salvation Army and by Salvationists are often referenced, cited, critiqued and evaluated without the reviewer knowing anything about the author. In an attempt to introduce the authors of Salvation Army works to their readership The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History will, from time to time, ask authors to contribute to this section of the journal, “Meet the Author”. This issue introduces readers to a Canadian academic, Salvationist, author and lecturer, who has written many books, including those with a focus on Salvation Army history. He has also contributed to the AJSAH.
R. G. Moyles Robert Gordon Moyles is a Newfoundlander by birth (5 June 1939) and a Canadian by virtue of the fact that that once-British colony became the tenth province of Canada in 1949. It is, therefore, as a Canadian citizen that he has lived most of his life. Having learned to play an Eb bass poorly in the local Salvation Army band, he knew music would not be his life’s calling. Rather English Literature became his infatuation and after having completed his undergraduate studies at Memorial University, he and his wife, Ada, moved to London, England where, at the University of London, he completed his PhD in 1969, having written a thesis on the text of ‘Paradise Lost.’ As a result, an academic career seemed the most logical (and financially secure) one to pursue, eventually landing him at the University of Alberta in Edmonton. Here he taught Bibliography and Methods of Research, Canadian Literature and Children’s Literature, and served as the Associate Chair of the Department of English and Associate Dean of Arts. Though Moyles’ first love was teaching, his second (a near equal) was his love of research and writing. While committed to academic pursuits, producing such works as The Text of ‘Paradise Lost’: A Study in Editorial Procedure1 and Imperial Dreams and Colonial Realities: British Views of Canada 1880-1914,2 he also found time (and plenty of eagerness) to turn his attention to the history of The Salvation Army. In 1977, after the request of his friend, General Clarence Wiseman, he wrote The Blood and Fire in Canada,3 following it up with A Bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English;4 ‘Not Just Another Church’ A History of The Salvation Army in Edmonton;5 The Salvation Army in Newfoundland: Its History and Essence;6 and The Salvation Army and the Public.7
Reference citation of this paper R. G. Moyles, “Meet the author – R. G. Moyles”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 179 – 182. 1 R. G. Moyles, The text of ‘Paradise Lost’: A study in editorial procedure, (Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1985). 2 R. G. Moyles and Doug Owram, Imperial dreams and colonial realities: British views of Canada 1880-1914, (Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1988). 3 R. G. Moyles, The blood and fire in Canada: a history of the Salvation Army in the Dominion, 1882-1976, (Toronto, Canada: Peter Martin Associates, 1977). 4 R. G. Moyles, A bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English, 1865 – 1987, (Lewiston, USA: Mellen Press, 1988). 5 R. G. ‘Not just another church’, A history of The Salvation Army in Edmonton, 1893 – 1993, (Edmonton, Canada: The Salvation Army Edmonton Temple, 1992). 6 R. G. Moyles, The Salvation Army in Newfoundland: Its history and essence, (Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 1997). 7 R. G. Moyles, The Salvation Army and the public – Historical and descriptive essays, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2000).
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Robert Gordon and Ada Moyles8 8
Photograph courtesy of R. G. Moyles.
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Pictures of covers from two books by Moyles, (l) Not just another church; and (r) The Salvation Army and the public
In the meantime, Moyles wrote and edited a number of academic works, including EnglishCanadian Literature to 1900: A Guide to Information Sources;9 British Law and Arctic Men;10 Instruction to Delight: An Anthology of Children’s Literature to 1850;11 and Improved by Cultivation: English-Canadian Prose to 1914.12 In addition to several major research awards, he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada in 1994.13 In retirement, Moyles decided that, in addition to re-visiting his birthplace (Newfoundland) quite often, and his daughters in Singapore and Hawaii, and casting an alluring fly in whatever fresh water he could find, he would devote most of his writing energies to the history of The Salvation Army, that subject having, by then, become a sort of research addiction. As well, trips to the various Salvation Army archives: London, UK; Toronto, Canada; Alexandria (Virginia), USA; and even Melbourne, Australia; and to his beloved British Library and the Library of Congress, were delightful excursions in their own right. The ideas flowed and the books followed: William Booth in Canada: Descriptions of his Six Visits;14 Come Join Our Army;15 I Knew William Booth: An Album of
9
R. G. Moyles, English-Canadian literature to 1900: A guide to information sources, Series Gale Information Guide Library. American Literature, English Literature, and World Literatures in English Information Guide Series, V. 6 (Book 6), (Detroit, USA: Gale Research, 1976). 10 R. G. Moyles, British law and arctic men, (Saskatoon, Canada: Western Producer Prairie Books, 1979). 11 Patricia Demers and R. G. Moyles (eds.), Instruction to delight: An anthology of children’s literature to 1850, (Toronto, Canada: Oxford University Press, 1982). 12 R. G. Moyles, Improved by cultivation: An anthology of English-Canadian prose to 1914, (Peterborough, Canada: Broadview Press, 1994). 13 The Royal Society of Canada website stated, “The fellowship of the RSC comprises distinguished men and women from all branches of learning who have made remarkable contributions in the arts, the humanities and the sciences, as well as in Canadian public life.” “Fellows” The Royal Society of Canada, The Academies of Arts, Humanities and Sciences of Canada, (Canada, n.d.), ¶ 1 retrieved from www.rsc.ca/en/fellows on 22 April 2018. 14 R. G. Moyles, William Booth in Canada: Descriptions of his six visits 1886-1907, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2006). 15 R. G. Moyles, Come Join Our Army: Historic reflections on Salvation Army growth, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2007).
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Remembrances:16 Exploring Salvation Army History;17 William Booth in America;18 Farewell to the Founder;19 Glory! Hallelujah! The Innovative Evangelism of Early Canadian Salvationists;20 Maud, Emma, Evangeline: America’s Love Affair with the Three Booth Women;21 and, his latest, Across an Ocean and a Continent: The Salvation Army as a Canadian Immigration Agency.22 These, in addition to several articles on the Army in various magazines, have kept him busy and happy, as he enjoys a rather exciting (?) retirement with his lovely wife, Ada, who quilts madly and reads everything he writes.
Pictures of covers from three books by Moyles, (l) The Salvation Army in Newfoundland; (c) William Booth in Canada; and (r) Maud, Emma, Evangeline. America’s love affair with the 3 Booth women
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R. G. Moyles (ed.), I Knew William Booth: An Album of Remembrances, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2007). R. G. Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army History: Essays of discovery, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2009). 18 R. G. Moyles, William Booth in America: Six visits 1886-1907, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2010). 19 R. G. Moyles, Farewell to the founder, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2012). 20 R. G. Moyles, Glory! Hallelujah! The Innovative Evangelism of Early Canadian Salvationists, (Toronto, Canada: [Triumph Publishing], The Salvation Army, Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2013). 21 R. G. Moyles, Maud, Emma, Evangeline: America’s love affair with the three Booth women, (USA: Frontier Press, 2014). 22 R. G. Moyles, Across an ocean and a continent: The Salvation Army as a Canadian immigration agency, (Toronto, Canada: [Triumph Publishing], The Salvation Army, Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2018). 17
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BOOK REVIEW THEY TOOK UP THEIR CROSS No. 2 A DEVOTED HARDSHIP, TO HUMBLE TRIUMPH GEORGE HERBERT (BERT) KNOWLES Reviewed by Robert (Bob) Broadbere Heather Drew, A devoted hardship, To humble triumph, No. 2 in the series, Garth R. Hentzschel (ser.ed), They took up their cross, (Brisbane, Australia: Cross and Crown Publications, 2018), 24 pp. ISBN 978-0-9752199-7-3. A$5.00 + Postage.1
Cover of the book
With the ‘Australia One’ policy of members being ‘Salvos’ and that uniforms are now often referred to as ‘branding’; this booklet is a timely reminder that we are Salvationists and the importance of witnessing in uniform. Heather Drew’s booklet, the second in the series, They took up their Cross is a timely reminder of The Salvation Army’s origins and a Salvationist’s vocation. The booklet showed how the Knowles family loved and bore witness to the significance of the Salvation Army uniform. It was also shown that the family was a witness to ‘no compromise in this Army’. Future leaders of The Salvation Army associated with Nanango Corps were identified in the booklet which provides the reader with evidence of a depth of commitment evident by the local corps and the spiritual and leadership development of those who were early Salvationists. Drew also writes of Coolabunia Corps and I would encourage her to follow up the history of that corps as too many similar histories have been lost. I notice a reference to Coolabunia Corps in the South Burnet Times (circa 2012) which journal may well have more history available. Nobody told the Knowles family they had a hard life and were disadvantaged, but in comparison to current times, they had hardships. The booklet shows they were a true witness to their faith in God and to His glory. Reference citation of this paper Robert Broadbere, “Book review, They took up their cross, No.2, A devoted hardship, To humble triumph George Herbert (Bert) Knowles”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 183. 1 For purchase, please contact the executive editor of the AJSAH at AJSAHistory@gmail.com.
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BOOK REVIEW EXPLORING SALVATION ARMY HISTORY A DISCOVERY OF DISCOVERIES Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel R. G. Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army history: Essays of discovery, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2009), 88 pp. ISBN. 978-0-968898-4-4 Available from the author agmoyles@shaw.ca
Cover of Moyles’ book, Exploring Salvation Army history: Essays of discovery
I enjoy reading books on the history of The Salvation Army. However, sometimes the repeating of the same stories again and again in different books makes me think, ‘Why has this new book been published?’ Then at other times, researchers’ attempts to shine new light onto on old story by using worldviews that do not align with Salvationism, make me think, ‘What agenda do they have?’ It is often difficult for Salvationists who are avid history readers to find a book that makes them think about Army history while not attacking unnecessarily, portions of our faith. Or a book that introduces historical processes and concepts to non-academic readers while challenging those who have read much and read widely. I have found such a book! It is a book for all readers of Salvation Army history. Although published in 2009, it has not received the publicity I think it deserves. In addition, the book includes areas relating to the theme of the Symposium, “History: a collection of memories or a collective myth?”. Therefore, this review has been included in this issue of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History (ASAH). The book, although only short in comparison to other works of Army history covered the three areas of importance to people reading history for a Salvationist or Christian worldview as prescribed by McIntire;1 the theology, philosophy and historiography of Salvation Army history (the study of the writing of history and written histories). What was more astonishing was that it did this through Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book Review – Exploring Salvation Army history, A discovery of discoveries”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 184 – 185. 1 C. T. McIntire (ed.), God, history and historians. Modern Christian views of history, (New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1977).
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the use of practical historical discussion, not through the discussion of abstract ideas. The book walked its readers through the themes of historical inquiry and although each of the topics were covered separately, the theoretical framework was built upon from one topic to the next. While the introduction explained to the reader historical methodology in the way a kind teacher would lead their students into the understanding of a new concept, it is still intriguing enough for those who have read textbooks on historiography, theology and philosophy of history. The eleven essays were presented as chapters and outlined some interesting events from The Salvation Army’s history through the eyes of a trained researcher. The essays included: “Was The Salvation Army ‘Invented’?”; “Learning to look beyond the obvious”; “How the Socialists used The Salvation Army”; “Did Catherine Booth say ‘Never!’?”; “The origin of the name ‘Salvation Army’” and more. Each opened the reader’s eyes to different ways of seeing events. This is not a scary process for the amateur history enthusiast, as Moyles not only explains his process, and outlines his questions, but also gives practical examples to support his conclusions. These essays give ‘voice’ to the concerns of both plagiarising the work of other historians without thought and the modern approach of applying philosophies that do not align with the historical context. Both these methods have crippled Salvation Army history and therefore blurred the view of Salvationists for future action. What is also covered in this book is the broader social, political, cultural and religious contexts of which the Army responded to and was impacted by. This was done in a way that still celebrated the motivation and outcome of the event, while still questioning the legitimacy of the previously unquestionable claims. In line with the Symposium too, the essays investigated some of the historical myths in the Salvation Army narrative. For those interested in how and when the understanding of Salvation Army history changed, essay 4 gave a strong, although brief example for an understanding of the changes in Salvation Army historiography. The final essay, number 11 was one I specifically enjoyed as it told of the method of research for those interested in areas of Salvation Army research and of which I am currently engaged. Moyles wrote; … as a researcher, one is obliged to browse. Not only in the bookshops, but in every place where a likely anecdote or piece of corroborative evidence might occur. In many cases – in old newspapers, for example – there is little other option but to browse. While many early newspapers have now been digitized and are available online, most of the major ones are still only available on microfilm with no indexes to guide one to whatever subject one wishes to research. Browsing – or ‘scanning’ as some people call it – is the only way to find out…2
The book will help people understand the problems within much of the current published history of the Army in a supportive approach, will enrich any collection of Salvation Army books and open the readers’ eyes to questions about Army history and in turn the Army’s future. Moyles’ book would be a good text for anyone studying Army history, writing for the AJSAH, or who in the words of General Shaw Clifton is a “modern thinking Salvationist.”3
2
R. G. Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army history: Essays of discovery, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2009), 81. 3 Shaw Clifton, Selected Writings Vol. 2, 2000 – 2010, (London, UK: Salvation Books, 2010).
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RESOURCE AND REQUEST FOR INFORMATION Salvation Army Year Book Statistical Project David Philpot, Brisbane, Queensland is currently working on a website that will allow Salvation Army statistics to be displayed as an ‘animated heat map’ which will show how the statistics change over time. This will then be displayed on a map of the world for easy visual comparison between countries. To develop this map the project will use data from The Salvation Army Year Book. For example, statistics could show the number of senior soldiers for each country or territory, these will then be animated on a global map. Philpot is looking for people with The Salvation Army Year Book to enter this data into an online spreadsheet. The spreadsheet can be accessed at https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1UJTd8yz8P-7-2A9Y6xHKhknbn34iHb7SipoXAGPO20/edit?ts=599625c2#gid=0
A screen shot of The Salvation Army Year Book Statistics Project spreadsheet
The instructions to enter the data are simple. For Sheet 1; 1) enter your name and email for the year you enter; 2) if there are any territories or other categories listed on the spreadsheet but not in the Year Book leave the cell blank; and 3) add new rows as required. Philpot stated the main goal at this time is to get The Salvation Army Year Book statistics “in electronic form (including any errors you think might exist). We’ll work out the best way to interpret the stats (and clean out errors) at a later date.” The estimated time for the entry of data is about 2 hours per Year Book. If you have any questions please email David Philpot at dnphilpot@hotmail.com
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NEW RESOURCES New books of interest to Salvation Army history readers and others. Please note that these are not paid advertisements. THE HISTORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY, VOLUME NINE, 1995 – 2015 By Shaw Clifton Pre-Order Book: From SP&S London, https://www.sps-shop.com/pre-orderbook---the-history-of-the-salvation-army-1995-2015-16961-p.asp due to be released in September 2018. Price: English £15.00 Information: No additional information available at the time of publication. ACROSS AN OCEAN AND A CONTINENT By R. G. Moyles Order: Canada Trade http://store.salvationarmy.ca/index.php?main_ page=product_ info&cPath=10_118&products_id=14608 Price: Canadian $9.95 Information: Between 1904 and 1932 the Army was an official immigration agency, approved and financially sponsored by Canada’s Department of Immigration. During that time, the organisation brought to Canada approximately 111,000 British settlers. Across an Ocean and a Continent is a descriptive account of the Army’s immigration work. General John Larsson (Rtd) stated: “R.G. Moyles knows how to make historical data come alive through striking facts and gripping first-hand accounts.” CATHERINE BOOTH’S LETTERS TO HER PARENTS Transcribed and edited by David Malcolm Bennett Pre-Order Publication: From David Malcolm Bennett, bndv@iprimus.com.au due to be released in October 2018. Price: Australian $10.00 Information: The letters are transcribed with footnotes for explanations. The document will only be available as a PDF. For more information please contact Dr. Bennett or see his website www.williamandcatherinebooth.com
UNDER TWO FLAGS: THE NEW ZEALAND SALVATION ARMY’S RESPONSE TO THE FIRST WORLD WAR By Harold Hill, Phil Lascelles, Garry Mellsop, Kingsley Sampson (ed) Pre-Order Book: From Salvationist Resources at mailorder@nzf.salvationarmy.org due to be released in November 2018. Price: TBA Information: The book has four sections: 1) Who were the NZ Salvationists who enlisted and what happened to them? 2) What did the Salvation Army do in NZ in response to the war? 3) Short biographies of six of the chaplains who served overseas. 4) What happened to the men and the Army after the war. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 187
Push The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History Read it, push it and write for it! It is our journal!
A little soldier from The Little Soldier of the 1880s The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 188
SALVATION ARMY ORDERS AND MEDALS NEWLY IDENTIFIED LIFE-SAVING MEDAL Glenn Horridge The publication of the article, Salvation Army Orders and Medals in The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History1 was the culmination of thirty years research and collecting. It was hoped to be the definitive study but in all study there is often something new and unexpected around the corner, in this case to do with the Life Saving Guards’ and Scouts’ medals. In the original article, it was stated that during the 1910s and 1920s, the Life Saving Guards and Life Saving Scouts had a bravery award medal. It was also noted that there were two variations to the medal and the article went on to state that …both show the top three spikes of a three-pointed star in which is contained a lifebelt and the intertwined initials SA. Underneath is the word “AWARDED”. One variation has a Maltese cross with the words “For Saving Life” within a laurel wreath in the centre. Each arm of the cross has a word with “Accident” on the top arm, then moving clockwise, “Drowned, Sickness, Fire”. The medal arms are not connected leaving a gap between them. The second variation has a triangle with the words “FOR BRAVERY TO.........” all surrounded by laurel leaves. The ribbon is a thick white stripe in the centre and two thinner dark blue stripes either side. 2
Soon after publication of the article, a third variation of the medal came to light, also awarded in the very early 1920s. As with the other two, this variation has the three spi kes of a three-pointed star in which is contained a lifebelt with the intertwined initials SA. However, the SA is rather squashed making the S rather difficult to identify as such. Underneath are the words “AWARDED TO” and underneath that is the space for a name. This third variation is similar to the first type described above with the Maltese Cross and the words “For Saving Life” but there is no laurel leaf nor gap between the arms. The Maltese Cross is placed directly on top of a circular disc. Each arm of the cross still has a word with “Accident” on the top arm, then moving clockwise, “Drowned, Sickness, Fire”. However, on this third variation, each arm has a tiny illustration below each word, thus “Accident” appears to have a ladder, “Drowning” a lifeb elt, “Sickness” a bed, and “Fire” a pump on wheels. This newly identified medal has on the reverse “St. Thomas Troop” and underneath “L.S.S.” (Life Saving Scouts). At the bottom it states “Gamage London” with the silver mark identifying the piece as sterling silver. It was awarded to Harold Voisey, who was then in his mid-teens, for the rescue of a drowning person in a lake, a short distance from St. Thomas, Ontario, Canada.3 The first and third variation of the medal were obtained from the United States of America although the latter was awarded in Canada. This suggests that these were issued only in North America and Canada. The second variation was awarded in the United Kingdom. However, all three were in fact manufactured in Great Britain. The first variation is silver and the reverse shows it was made in Birmingham in 1923 by Bent and Parker, who were also one of the manufacturers Reference citation of this paper Glenn Horridge, “Salvation Army orders and medals, Newly identified life-saving medal”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 189 – 190. 1 Glenn Horridge, “Salvation Army Orders and Medals”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Vol. 2, Iss. 1, September 2017), 104 – 119. 2 Horridge, “Salvation Army Orders and Medals”, 112. 3 Information from Harold’s son, Norman Voisey.
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of the Order of Long Service presented to Salvation Army officers.4 The second variation is bronze and on the reverse bears the mark of one of the most famous London Department Stores of the era, Gamage. The newly discovered third variation, in sterling silver, was also a Gamage product and on the reverse has an (unclear) manufacturer’s initials followed by STR SIL. Finally, something not noted earlier. All three variations have tiny images in the spikes of the three pointed star. This is as if the badge of the Life-Saving Scouts is rising from behind the Maltese Cross. Therefore only three of the four points of the star shaped badge can be seen. Looking left to right, the images are of a lantern, (at the top) a Bible, then a heavily lidded eye – all imagery not normally seen on Salvation Army items. The point not visible would have two crossed clubs. These were the “fourfold purpose of the Life Saving” movements, both Scouts and Guards. As the Guidelines for leaders of the Life Saving Guard Organisation stated the items symbolically represented: a The care and development of the body: the club. b The care and development of the mind: the eye. c The care and development of the soul: the Bible. d Service for others: the lantern.5
Image of the newly identified Life Saving Medal 6
Horridge, “Salvation Army Orders and Medals”, 106 – 110. The Territorial Commander, Guidelines for leaders of the Life Saving Guard Organisation or Orders and Regulations for Leaders of the Life Saving Guard Organisation, (Sydney, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern & Papua New Guinea Territory, 1974 revised 1988), 2. 6 Photograph courtesy of Glenn Horridge. 4 5
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“I’LL FIGHT” – WILLIAM BOOTH’S FINAL ADDRESS. MEMORY OR MYTH? Cecil Woodward Introduction While women weep, as they do now, I’ll fight; While little children go hungry, as they do now, I’ll fight; While men go to prison, in and out, in and out, as they do now, I’ll fight; While there is a drunkard left, While there is a poor lost girl upon the streets, While there remains one dark soul without the light of God, I’ll fight – I’ll fight to the very end.1
This phrase, with the possible exception of the Founder’s song, are probably the best-known words associated by William Booth. No doubt this is in large part because they not only express the passions of his life’s work and continue to resonate with the desire of following generations to demonstrate a faith that actively loves their neighbour but also an earlier generation’s fascination with the final words of “great men”. However there is an unresolved question as to whether Booth voiced these words during his final address in Royal Albert Hall on 9 May 1912 or whether a myth has been created about them. They were not noted in any reports of that event at that time and it wasn’t until October 1927 that any connection was made between his final address and this famous statement. Roger Green’s assessment of the various reports is that “in all likelihood, these words were not uttered at the Royal Albert Hall on May 9”.2 Therefore, this paper will investigate the question, “Did William Booth include this statement in his address on 9 May 1912?” To investigate this question the following is an exploration of some of the dynamics of that time in an effort to clarify what may or may not have happened and which may assist to answer the question. Royal Albert Hall The Royal Albert Hall had been the venue for many Salvation Army special events in previous years. It seated around 8,000 at this time3 and was close to capacity4 for the celebration on 9 May for William Booth’s 83rd birthday. Despite its prominence as a London concert venue, until 1969 it was notorious for its poor acoustics. It should also be noted that in 1912 there was no amplification system in place to aid a preacher or other speaker. William Booth’s health
Reference citation of this paper Cecil (Cec) Woodward, “’I’ll fight’ – William Booth’s final address. Memory of myth?” The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2), 191 – 195. 1 Cyril Barnes, Words of William Booth, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1975), 79. 2 Roger J. Green, The Life and Ministry of William Booth, (Nashville, USA: Abingdon Press, 2005), 277. 3 Later it was reduced to 5,500 seating capacity to meet modern day safety standards, “Royal Albert Hall”, En.Wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Albert_Hall accessed 2 July 2018. 4 Some reports of this event indicate an attendance of around 10,000, others report 7,000.
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Booth’s health was failing in the last few years of his life despite maintaining an active life of campaigns, both throughout the UK and Europe and in his administrative responsibilities. On 16 December 1908, he had a cataract removed from his right eye.5 All went well until an infection in August 1909 which resulted in the eye being completely removed. In March 1910 he recorded in his journal his concern about bouts of vertigo, “I may fall at any moment, and that without notice.”6 Then on his 81st birthday, just a month later he confided, “My head was swimming, on and off, from morning to night.”7 The following year he wrote in his journal about “lapses of consciousness” and recalled an incident “when one of these unpleasant lapses of consciousness, which I have suffered for a couple of years, took place. This coming on while I was standing, I slipped to the ground . . .”8 Meanwhile, the cataract in his left eye was growing so that by the time he celebrated his 83 rd birthday, he could only see shadows. When it was time for him to speak, “Lawley took him by the hand and led him slowly to the rostrum.”9 The operation on his left eye was two weeks later on 23 May but was unsuccessful.10 The other challenging aspect for Booth that has to be considered in this paper was his voice. As already noted, the acoustics of Royal Albert Hall were poor, and Booth was described as having a “husky voice”11 as he addressed those filling this large auditorium. A press reporter who attended this event describes “a long speech in a faint hoarse whisper.”12 The themes of the address There were three primary themes in Booth’s address which lasted “fully an hour”.13 Firstly there was a review of the vision and work being done by The Salvation Army worldwide. Almost the whole of this address was a reflection on past accomplishments. Responses of housing the poor, better worker lifestyles, temperance reform, medical aid, prisoner rehabilitation: all of which were achieved through applying the gospel of Jesus Christ.14 The second theme was an acknowledgement that there would be a temporary absence by Booth because of his pending eye surgery. For the immediate future, he simply described as himself “going into drydock for repairs”.15 Thirdly, this point about his absence was balanced by a confidence that God could be trusted for the future. There was an assurance of faith that the Army would “not be allowed to suffer” . . . [because] “it is the work of God.”16 It is after this logical progression that claims are made for his finale, “the peroration of that speech”,17 his “I’ll Fight” declaration. However none of the reports of the event at that time mention
5
Green, The Life and Ministry of William Booth, 224. Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2 Volumes, (London, UK: Macmillan, 1920), 2:441. 7 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:443. 8 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:448. 9 David Bennett, William Booth and The Salvation Army, (Basingstoke, UK: Marshall Pickering, 1986), 181. 10 Richard Collier, The General Next to God, (London, UK: Collins, 1965), 220. 11 R. G. Moyles, Farewell to the Founder, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2012), 7. 12 P. Gibbs, “The Last Review: An Impression” (August 1912), in R. G. Moyles, Farewell to the Founder, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2012), 67. 13 J. E. Smith, Booth the Beloved, (Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1949), 90. 14 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:458 – 460. 15 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:458. 16 Barnes, Words of William Booth, 79. 17 Smith, Booth the Beloved, 90. 6
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the “I’ll fight” declaration. When note is made of the combination of poor acoustics, a husky voice, and an hour-long address, this suggests a finale which was anything but dynamic and forceful. Therefore, if spoken it may not have been heard. History of the “I’ll Fight” Statement An article in the British publication, The Salvationists by Gordon Taylor outlined the history of the appearance on the “I’ll Fight” Statement. In All the World April 1906, the following appeared: While women weep as they do now, I’ll fight: while little children go hungry as they do now, I’ll fight; while men go to prison, in and out, in and out, as they do now, I’ll fight. THE GENERAL 18
This statement was above a poem by Charles Coller. Taylor from the International Heritage Centre identified that this poem by Charles Coller together with the same quotation from the General was reprinted in other publications,19 including Our Own Reciter (1908), The War Cry. London (10 April 1909), and The War Cry Australia (16 April 1910). This same shorter version was quoted by Harold Begbie but not within the context of 9 May 1912 but alongside some other short quotations which expressed the passions of William Booth.20 This shorter version was also quoted by Richard Collier as a preface to The General Next to God.21 Thus there are many instances of a form of the “I’ll Fight” statement being openly attributed to William Booth, but there is no reference at all in reports of that period which link the statement to the Royal Albert Hall address. Various subsequent biographies now include the statement as a concluding declaration by Booth.22 In contrast to this recently claimed triumphantly defiant declaration, a prominent reporter who was present wrote in the Daily Chronicle of 21 August 1912, “When he ended his speech by a fervent prayer, kneeling down before all the people with only his white hair showing above the platform, men and women wept unrestrainedly.”23 The historical link of the “I’ll Fight” statement emerged when a corps sergeant-major writing in The War Cry London (15 October 1927) said he remembered William Booth’s address at the Royal Albert Hall in the fullness of the version we commonly now use.24 Others corroborated this memory including Commissioner Evan Smith who was private secretary to William Booth during those latter years of Booth’s life. Smith further elaborated on what he remembered in his 1949 book of recollections, Booth the Beloved. Because of Booth’s very poor eyesight, all of his correspondence and address notes at this time were dictated. Smith stated that the one hour address delivered in Royal Albert Hall was “prepared Gordon Taylor, “I’ll Fight”, The Salvationist, (London, UK: 3 July 2010), 13. Taylor, “I’ll Fight”. 20 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 2:473. 21 Collier, The General Next to God, 6. 22 Biographical material which includes the “I’ll Fight” speech as part of William Booth’s address on 9 May include: Barnes, Bennett, Collier, and Moyles. By contrast there is no such inclusion in three earlier biographies, Begbie, Carpenter and Railton. Cyril Barnes, Words of William Booth, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1975), 79.; David Bennett, William Booth and The Salvation Army, (Minneapolis, USA: Bethany House Publishers, 1986), 182.; Richard Collier, The general next to God: The story of William Booth and The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Collins, 1965), 220.; R. G. Moyles, Farewell to the founder, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2012), 7.; Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth – The Founder of The Salvation Army (2 vols), (London, UK: MacMillan & Co., 1920).; Minnie Lindsay Carpenter, William Booth – Founder of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Epworth Press, 1942).; George S. Railton, General Booth, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department and Hodder and Stoughton, 1912). 23 Gibbs, cited in Moyles, Farewell to the Founder, 68. 24 Taylor, “I’ll Fight”. 18 19
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during the two weeks prior to the event, with the utmost care and precision, every word of which, dictated to [him], was necessary, with [Smith’s] help to memorise.”25 It was not uncommon for Booth to memorise large portions of text and repeat it upon request.26 Smith’s intimate involvement in this process of preparation and repetition seems to provide the most reliable basis to accept that the “I’ll Fight” statement was included in Booth’s Royal Albert Hall address. The perplexing question which remains is why the reports of the event, Salvation Army or otherwise, failed to mentioned it. Possible explanations for the non-reporting of the “I’ll fight” statement There are four possible reasons why the media of the time failed to report the “I’ll fight” statement in the Royal Albert Hall. First and foremost, Booth’s presentation was an extensive address, and other content may have seemed more pertinent for inclusion in reports. As already noted, the content was an hour in length. Even if Booth’s speech was somewhat faltering, a lot of points would be made in that period of time. This was not an unusual length for Booth. He was accustomed to presenting lectures on the work of the Army which would range in length from 60 to 90 minutes.27 His sermons may not have been as long but 45 to 60 minutes would not have been uncommon for him. Reports of events inevitably must summarise, cull or ignore certain material to fit within editorial limits. Despite Booth’s apparent frailty, no one knew that this address was to be his final public presentation. Its significance was as a celebration of his 83rd birthday, not a farewell address. Thus, in the overall scheme of things, the historical significance of this address was not apparent and the content reported reflected this. Second, reports focussed on new information to the exclusion of material that had been printed previously. As noted above, a version of the “I’ll Fight” statement had appeared in several publications prior to the event of 9 May 1912. Editorial policy would favour allocating report space to new insights, and significant aspects of an event. Although subsequent material indicates that the “I’ll Fight” statement of Booth included some new elements, the focus of its message was no different to what was already in wide circulation. Again there is the likelihood that the significance this event would acquire as Booth’s final public appearance was not anticipated at some level by the publishing organisations, whether that was at the reporting level, editing level, or publisher level. Thirdly, it is possible that those who claimed to remember it fifteen or more years later were conflating two separate events. This is not an uncommon phenomenon and is more likely the greater the time lag since the events being remembered. There is no reason to doubt that these persons recalled William Booth using this statement. The fact of its publication in 1906 suggests that it was used by Booth on more than one occasion. No doubt those recalling it had heard it at some large Salvationist gathering, but perhaps the gathering was not on 9 May. However, this possibility is weakened by two factors. Firstly, many recall and agree on a version which is longer than that previously published.28 Secondly, Smith’s task to take dictation and then to help William Booth memorise his one-hour speech would tend to make it unlikely that his recollection is in some way distorted or unreliable. Finally, the statement may have been overlooked in 1912 reports because it had less significance then than we attach to it now. Over 100 years since William Booth’s address in Royal Albert Hall, contemporary Salvationists find focus, inspiration and challenge as they identify with 25
Smith, Booth the Beloved, 90. Garth R. Hentzschel, “A recitation to romance: a study on the poem and event which led to the romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Vol. 1, Iss. 1, 2016), 44 – 45. 27 R. G. Moyles, William Booth in America, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2010), 61. 28 Taylor, “I’ll Fight”. 26
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the spirit of this statement. Collier in 1965 identified the statement as “a war cry to kindle the heart.”29 For those who listened to Booth in the Royal Albert Hall, these words were a mere repetition of a theme they already knew very well. In addition to this the Salvationists of 1912 would have been more concerned about their General’s health, his time in “drydocks”. For how long and why, would possibly have been their questions. By contrast, for contemporary activist Salvationists they provide a rallying cry to continue the fight begun by William Booth. The statement is succinct and focussed. The significance of this declaration is based on a modern day retrospective view of the roots of the Army and their inspiration for today’s Salvationist. Was this statement included in William Booth’s Royal Albert Hall address? We must return to the core question of this paper, “Did William Booth include this statement in his address on 9 May 1912?” As the above material indicates, the historical evidence is not clear cut one way or the other. There are some plausible explanations for Booth to have said it but for it not to have been included in reports of the event at that time. On the other hand, from today’s perspective, it is regarded as such a significant statement that the very fact of its non-reporting makes a strong case against Booth including it that night. Despite these uncertainties, there is no doubt that the statement was used by William Booth, probably on more than one occasion. It encapsulates in a clearly focussed way, his commitment to what he believed with all his being was a God-given vision. For those who in this day and age commit themselves as soldiers of William Booth’s Army, God’s Army, this statement embodies a desire that that God-given vision will be the focus we endorse and enact. God bless our Army!
29
Collier, The General Next to God, 220.
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1
Salvation Army military Chaplains who became Commissioners in The Salvation Army. From top left and then clockwise; Chaplain then later Commissioner William McKenzie; Chaplain then later Commissioner Robert Henry; Chaplain then later Commissioner Benjamin Ormes; and Chaplain then later Commissioner Ernest Harewood. The emblem in the center is the badge of the Chaplain in the Australian military.1
1
Picture courtesy of Lindsay Cox.
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AUSTRALIAN SALVATIONIST MILITARY CHAPLAINS IN FRANCE DURING WWI Lindsay Cox William Shakespeare penned: “Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and others have greatness thrust upon them.”2 There are many who have attested that William McKenzie was a great man, widely known for his legendary war-time exploits, but somewhat less appreciated outside Christian circles for his remarkable Godly service as a Salvation Army officer.3 Born into greatness, thrust into greatness, or not, McKenzie made the most of the great opportunities that were presented to him as a military chaplain. Whilst the remarkable service of Chaplain-Major William McKenzie MC OBE OF is widely lauded and well documented, the service of 14 other Australian Salvation Army officers 4 who served as military chaplains in WW1 is little acknowledged and sparsely published. But, each of these Salvation Army officers had devoted themselves to ministering to the spiritual and temporal needs of Australian soldiers facing the horrors of war. All of the chaplains demonstrated a deep spiritual connection to God, an inherent love of mankind, and a unique strength of character.
Australian Salvation Army Chaplains in WWI. L-R (Seated): Ambrose Henry, Alfred Harris, John Cain, Ernest Knight, Joseph Birkenshaw, Thomas Albiston, Joseph Williams. L-R (Standing): George Wilson, Henry Burhop, William Pennell, Benjamin Orames, William McKenzie, John Condon, Alfred Hodges, Samuel Renshaw5 Reference citation of this paper Lindsay Cox, “Australian Salvationist Military Chaplains in France during WWI”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 196 – 206. 2 No fear Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, (SparNotes, 2018, Act 2, Scene 5), 7, nfs.sparknotes.com/twelfthnight/page_110.html accessed 20 July 2018. 3 See for example Daniel Reynaud, “Lest we forget: Fighting Mac, The Army and contemporary Australia”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, (Brisbane, Vol. 1, Iss. 2, 2016), 42 – 52. 4 The WW1 Chaplains referred to, are: Ambrose Henry, Alfred Harris, John Cain, Ernest Knight, Joseph Birkenshaw, Thomas Albiston, Joseph Williams, George Wilson, Henry Burhop, William Pennell, Benjamin Orames, John Condon, Alfred Hodges, and Samuel Renshaw. 5 Melbourne Heritage Centre and Archives P150671.
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Without demeaning the service of 11 of the aforementioned Australian Salvationist military chaplains, this paper focuses on just four of them who may be considered exemplary as a result of their service in the front lines in France in WWI. Shakespeare‘s comment on greatness, one way or another, is applicable to each of these quite different men who were stalwarts in their belief in God and service to their fellow man. By the time William McKenzie arrived in France with the Australian 1st Division in 1916, he had already gained all but legendary status throughout the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). The Melbourne Herald newspaper was acknowledging this when it printed: No man is better known among Australian soldiers at the front than Chaplain-Major W. McKenzie, of the Salvation Army. He has been with them in their trials and tribulation since the historic landing at Gallipoli, cheering them on their way, giving succour to wounded, providing comforts right up to the front line, carrying home letters to the trenches, organising concerts and sports, and even with his own hands laying to rest the bodies of men who have fallen on the battlefield.6
McKenzie’s legendary status has cast his brother military chaplains into the shadow, often obscuring proper recognition of their contributions. However, Chaplain McKenzie’s bravery and selfless commitment to the spiritual and temporal welfare of the frontline soldier was equaled by his three front line Salvation Army peers. The volume of McKenzie’s exploits may stand him ahead of his three compatriots, but the length of time each of these chaplains spent in France and the opportunities their deployments afforded should be considered. In fact, in the actions of each of these four chaplains, there was little to differentiate their acts of bravery and dedication. William McKenzie
Chaplain William McKenzie, background a photograph of a French Battlefield from WWI7
6 7
Reprinted in The War Cry, (Melbourne, 16 February 1918), 5. Photograph courtesy of Lindsay Cox.
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McKenzie entered the Officer Training Garrison from Bundaberg Corps in Queensland and upon commissioning was appointed to several corps in Queensland before gaining promotion and appointments at headquarters. War was declared whilst Brigadier McKenzie was returning from the 1914 International Congress in London. He immediately applied for military service and became commissioned in the Australian Army Chaplains Department. Posted to the 4th Infantry Battalion, Chaplain-Captain McKenzie arrived with the AIF in Egypt in December 1914; and four months later he and his comrades were clinging to the cliffs at Gallipoli. By the time McKenzie and the 4th Battalion arrived in France in April 1916, he was known by the nickname of ‘Fighting Mac’ and had well established himself with the soldiers of the whole 1st Division, to whom he often said: “Boys, I’ve preached to you, and I’ve prayed with you, and do you think I’m afraid to die with you?”8 After encountering McKenzie ministering to a neighbouring unit, Private Harry Hartnett of nd the 2 Battalion wrote home to his mother: Chaplain McKenzie knew he was popular and respected throughout the whole brigade and that he had a wonderful opportunity to capitalise on it. He was always ready to help and advise those in need of help – they did not have to seek him out, he came to them.9
The optimistic and cheerful demeanor of McKenzie was an important part of his practical response to the unimaginable suffering that the Australian soldiers experienced in the Somme Valley on the Western Front. He offered traumatized soldiers words of hope and comfort, and a hot cup drink. McKenzie recalled: One day I was watching a regiment ploughing back from the trenches through mud up to their waists. Well, someone told me that a couple of boys further back were in trouble, and I went along to help them. I found them both. They were dead; just dead of exhaustion. And that’s why we went out to meet the chaps coming back from the fighting line, and gave them a song home. We sang to them, played to them, joked to them. The great thing was to make them forget as soon as possible the hell they’ve come from.10
Private Tom Smith of the Australian Army Service Corps came across McKenzie at the conclusion of the Somme battle and wrote to his brother: The bravest man here is a Salvation Army captain, the only clergyman that was in the trenches, and was out in front bringing in wounded and burying dead. I saw him burying a man who was one moving mass of maggots.11
McKenzie’s devotion to the spiritual and temporal needs of the men of the whole 1st Division for more than three years physically and mentally sapped him so that in November 1917, ChaplainMajor William McKenzie was ordered home to Australia, a sick and exhausted man. His compassionate care for the never-ending number of wounded soldiers, and his involvement in burying of hundreds of young men he knew by name caused him lasting psychological damage. At the age of 48, McKenzie’s health was shattered, and he later recorded: 8
The War Cry, (Melbourne, 15 January 1955), 3. H. G. Hartnett, Over the top, (NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2009), 53. 10 The War Cry, (Melbourne, 12 February 1955), 3. 11 Photocopy of letter from Tom Smith, AASC Somme. Box R15 (D149899), Australia Southern Territory (AST) Archives. 9
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I was completely unstrung and unnerved. I have seen so many fine chaps killed. I had buried so many, so that I had to ask myself again and again, is it worth living.12
Robert Henry
Chaplain Robert Henry, background a soldier resting between the carnage of France’s battlefield13
The daunting task of finding a suitable replacement for McKenzie led Territorial Headquarters in Melbourne to propose Brigadier Robert Henry, who was at that time appointed to war services work in France. Henry became an officer out of Brisbane I Corps,14 Queensland in 1892. He was appointed to corps work in Australia and New Zealand, then to the training college and next to the editorial department. In response to Australia’s entry into the war, in 1916 Henry was appointed as a military secretary and sent in charge of an AIF recreation hut at the Le Havre Military Camp on the coast of France. In November 1917, Brigadier Henry was commissioned as a military chaplain and moved to th the 4 Battalion’s lines at Messines. Upon arrival he wrote of McKenzie’s departure: “The old padre’s going,” was the phrase on every lip, and that his departure is felt as a genuine personal loss by officers, N.C.O.s, and men is only stating a truth baldly. He has been loved and venerated, and men will continue to cherish his memory all through life. To me, such an outpouring of regard caused rejoicing because of my comrade, and a feeling of insufficiency because of myself.15
Understandably, it was not long before comparisons between Henry and McKenzie were being made. The 4th Battalion’s Adjutant soon set down his personal impression: I am not in any way connected with the Salvation Army, and am writing entirely without my subject’s knowledge, otherwise I am perfectly certain these words would be forbidden. At the time of the change we were feeling just a little sore at losing ‘Fighting Mac’ though we knew he William McKenzie’s journal, Box R15. Folder 4 (D149220), AST Archives. Photograph courtesy of Lindsay Cox. 14 Later called Brisbane City Temple Corps. 15 The Victory, (Melbourne, 1 February 1918), 35. 12 13
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was sadly in need of relief. The new padre seemed quite a decent sort of chap, and preached a sermon which made one listen whether one wanted to or not …. We soon found that this ‘Mac,” had the same cheery way, the same outspoken denunciation of all that was unmanly or unsoldierly, and was altogether a person with whom to reckon.16
After the Third Battle of Ypres in November 1917, an unnamed lieutenant of the 4th Battalion recorded in his diary: We of the 4th got a good share, and rarely went short. It meant for Padre Henry long walks over muddy tracks and a heavy bicycle journey on icy roads, but he did it, and the battalion took him to heart.17
Chaplain’s Henry’s service was very much ‘Heart to God and hand to man’ as he toiled tirelessly to meet the expectations of the men of McKenzie’s old battalion; not because he wished to emulate McKenzie, but because he himself was a man who naturally gave his all. Commenting on Henry’s efforts during the Great Spring Offensive of March 1918, The War Cry reported: Chaplain Henry established a Hot Soup and Cocoa Joint well within the range of the enemy’s artillery. It was located at a centrally situated and very busy corner where four ways meet, along with a constant stream of khaki-clad men passing. Among these were the utterly tired warriors who had been “up against it” for 60 solid hours… Here, every passerby was warmly welcomed… Chaplain Henry said, ‘Now we can’t give them mugs, so we simply double back the lid of the opened condensed milk tins and hand it piping hot to the man in the queues, then as he finishes the refreshing drink and slowly moves on he passes it back’.18
An entry in the 4th Battalion diary reported: For the whole of summer we were constantly in the forward area, and church parades were forbidden on account of the dangers from enemy observation and bombing; but the Padre was never idle and it will never be possible to show enough gratitude for his efforts.19
Remarkably, the big boots of William McKenzie had been more than adequately filled. Benjamin Orames Benjamin Orames departed Kyneton Corps, Victoria in 1898 to become a Salvation Army officer. He received several headquarters appointments until being appointed to the editorial department in 1910. In 1915 Major Orames received his commission as a military chaplain, serving on a troop ship to Egypt before being attached to the 5th Pioneer Battalion and returning to Egypt with them in April 1916. The following month, Orames’ unit was sent to France and deployed with the 5th Australian Division near Armentieres. Sergeant-Major Sharp of the 5th Pioneers recalled: Chaplain-Major Orames would go out and purchase things, get them up to where we were, and start a little canteen for the boys. He would go out at night, and take them comforts and get covered in mud. The boys appreciated this greatly.20 16
The War Cry, (Melbourne, 3 October 1959), 3. Lt-Colonel J. Bond, The Army that went with the boys, (Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1919), 130. 18 The War Cry, (Melbourne, 15 June 1918), 1 & 5. 19 Photocopy from Diary held in AWM Collection, Canberra. No further details. 20 Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 127. 17
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Chaplain Benjamin Orames, background photograph of pioneers of WWI21
Standing six-foot tall, “Big Ben” was a country boy who lived by the proverb, “He that would have friends must be friendly.”22 His honest openness and earnest desire to attend to their spiritual and temporal matters quickly afforded him acceptance by the troops of the 5th Pioneer Battalion. The War Cry reported: At seven o’clock every evening he is ‘at home’ in his dugout to any man who desires any help the chaplain can give. The enquiries he receives are many and varied; from requests for a pair of socks to legal advice… such requests are often but an excuse to open up conversation on spiritual things.23
The commanding officer of the 5th Pioneer Battalion, Lieutenant-Colonel H. G. Carter, reported to the 5th Division Headquarters: In particular I would mention Chaplain-Major Orames’ great influence while the battalion was engaged in operations at Fromelles. The conditions we were faced with in the earlier stages of this battle were extremely severe, as we had not only the worst weather conditions, but in addition enemy fire. He worked throughout these conditions, quietly going amongst the men, and I am certain, enabled a great number, who would otherwise have given in, to stick it out.24
Lieutenant-Colonel J. Bond wrote in his history of The Salvation Army’s involvement in WW1: The mourning party, which was in imminent risk of being shot, reached the grave at about 2 on a Sunday morning. A few hundred yards away the big guns were booming, and shrapnel shells were shrieking over the trenches. Star Shells turned the night into day, and while machine-gun bullets chipped the leaves off the trees over their heads, the men stood around the open grave – one of the many, very many new graves in that cemetery – and Chaplain Orames reverently read the service for the burial of the dead.25
21
Photograph courtesy of Lindsay Cox. Lt-Colonel Walter Hull, “Biographical notes written in 2006”, (AST Database Reference D158174). 23 The War Cry, (Melbourne, 29 December 1917), 8. 24 Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 125. 25 Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 126. 22
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At the end of the war, Lieutenant-Colonel Carter wrote to Commissioner James Hay in Melbourne: In particular I would mention his great influence during the severe winter of 1916-17, while the battalion was engaged in operations on the Somme. the conditions we were faced with in the earlier stages of this battle were extremely severe, as we had not only the worst of of weather conditions in the shape of cold, rain and mud, but, in addition, enemy shell fire. He worked throughout these conditions, quietly going amongst the men, and I am certain enabled a great number, who otherwise would have given in, to stick it out till better conditions prevailed.26
After two years in France, in June 1918, Chaplain-Major Orames was recalled to Australia. Ernest Harewood
Chaplain Ernest Harewood, background photograph of soldiers in the trenches of WWI27
The 5th Pioneer’s chaplaincy was succeeded by Chaplain-Captain Ernest Harewood. Harewood became an officer from the Leederville Corps, Western Australia in 1908. He was appointed to corps work in Tasmania and Victoria. The War prompted Harewood to apply to territorial headquarters for war service and he subsequently left for England as a military secretary in 1916 to take charge of The Salvation Army hutment at the Weymouth Camp. Harewood’s subsequent appointment to the 5th Pioneer Battalion, meant a commission as military chaplain. Soon Chaplain-Captain Harewood’s zeal for the well-being of the men of his battalion, and his labours on their behalf, won for him their respect and solicited commendation from the battalion’s officers. In a similar vein as an earlier letter commending Chaplain Orames to Commissioner Hay, Lieutenant-Colonel Carter wrote: Captain Harewood’s services at Chaplain have been of the greatest possible value. His energy and devotion to duty, often under quite heavy shell fire, have been truly praiseworthy. I would specially bring to your notice his courage during the operations before Morlancourt on the Somme in July, when, with the help of a few men, he recovered the bodies of three of our men 26 27
Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 125. Photograph courtesy of Lindsay Cox.
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who had been killed while digging at night, and gave them a Christian burial, the whole of this being performed under shell-fire.28
Chaplain-Captain Harewood wrote of his efforts to provide for the troops: As we were likely to be in the locality for the winter months, I conceived of the idea of fitting up two soldier’s clubs – one in Solre-le-Chateau, the centre of the 5th Divisional area, where there is always a large number of men, and another at the village of Beaurieux, where the 5 th Pioneer Battalion is billeted.29
In order to provide a suitable recreation facility, Harewood arranged for a captured German field-hospital at Solre to be dismantled and re-erected in new locations as soldier’s clubs. The importance of such facilities to troops isolated from any form of comfort, entertainment or recreation cannot be overestimated. Chaplain-Captain Harewood reported: These places are thoroughly warmed, and are immensely popular during these days of bitterly cold weather. The men stream in during the afternoons and evenings to read the current periodicals; they play games, write letters or yarn. The entertainment consists of the following:Every alternate day our excellent battalion band plays in the club from 2pm to 4pm. Once a week a concert is held to which the local French civilians are invited. Twice a week the furniture is packed up and the boys have a dance for three hours. The boys dance with their mates, and all wear military boots.30
Chaplain-Captain Harewood advanced with the 5th Pioneer Battalion on the 18 September 1918, in a ferocious attack by the AIF against the Hindenburg Line – the last and strongest of the German Army's defences. Major K. Wilkinson, an officer of the 5th Pioneer Battalion, submitted a report on the battle, in part mentioning Chaplain-Captain Harewood: Chaplain Harewood rendered valuable assistance in evacuating wounded under very heavy shell-fire, and by his courage, cheerfulness and disregard of danger was a splendid example to all ranks. Throughout a very trying day he refused to leave until the last of the wounded had been evacuated. During the whole time Chaplain Harewood has been with this Battalion he has worked hard, never sparing himself. He is always among the men, giving advice, and getting comforts of all description, and the men are always sure of sympathy and help from him. When members of the Battalion have been killed he has invariably seen to their burial, often under heavy shellfire.31
Sergeant Thomas Briggs was in charge of a section of 8th Field Ambulance men receiving casualties retrieved from the field by the various battalion stretcher-bearers. He recalled: The 5th Division took a lot of casualties clearing the Hun from their precious Hindenberg Line. Part of the 8th Field Ambulance was at a Casualty Clearing Station near Bullincourt and some wounded pioneers were stretchered in, fussed over by their padre, who I happily recognized as Ensign Harewood, who I had served with as assistant-corps officer before the war.32
The ‘war to end all wars’ came to an end on 11 November 1918 and Chaplain-Captain Harwood, his colleagues and the war-damaged men they had ministered to returned to Australia. 28
Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 143. Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 141. 30 The War Cry, (Melbourne, 12 May 1917), 9. 31 Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 143. 32 Photo copy of notes in file f/c-B (D161533), AST Archives. 29
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Comparisons of the war work of McKenzie and his peers, Henry, Orames and Harewood, will inevitably award the accolades to the legendary McKenzie. But they were all remarkable men of God who ministered courageously and selflessly, who after surviving their military service during World War I, and in spite of the terrible emotional scars thereof, each returned to Salvation Army service and worked dedicatedly serving God, and achieving influential leadership roles.
Commissioner William McKenzie
Commissioner Benjamin Ormes
Commissioner Robert Henry
Commissioner Ernest Harewood
For his war service McKenzie gained the Military Cross, the Order of the British Empire, and The Salvation Army’s Order of the Founder. Harewood, for his service was recommended for the Military Cross and received a Mention in Despatches and an Order of the British Empire. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 205
In 1927 Lieutenant-Commissioner McKenzie assumed command of The Salvation Army’s work in North China; followed in 1930 by his appointment as territorial commander for the Australia Southern Territory, then as Australia Eastern Territory commander in 1932 as Commissioner. Commissioner Henry was appointed territorial commander for the Australia Southern Territory in 1937. Commissioner Orames, as the first Australian-born officer to reach that rank, was appointed territorial commander for Canada in 1939. Lieutenant-Commissioner Harewood was appointed territorial commander for the Australia Eastern Territory in 1940. McKenzie was promoted-to-glory in 1947; Henry in 1959; Orames in 1954; and Harewood in 1946. It was the mark of these men that the four Salvation Army’s front-line chaplains in France rose to the highest levels of command in The Salvation Army.
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INVENTING SALVATION ARMY HISTORY: EXAMINING HISTORICAL METHOD IN THE LIGHT OF EXPERIENCE1 Norman H. Murdoch2 Many people see history as an immovable story unable to be questioned, challenged or changed. This perception comes from a misunderstanding of how history becomes published. This paper is my attempt to inform people who are interested in understanding the development of history and is how I see this process. For structural reasons the paper is divided into two sections. The first section is framed by the question: What is history and by what process did it find its way into print? To explore such a question, I have highlighted what I believe to be three main processes; the idea, investigation and invention. Each of these processes will be unpacked and explained with examples from my own experience. The second section of the paper gives a discussion which answers the questions: Why is the study of Salvation Army history important? This is answered by giving an overview of my intention or motivation to conduct research into history of the international Salvation Army. The idea of history The first process for history to move towards being printed is the formation of an idea. Without an idea, there is no published history. The invention of history of all kinds, including Salvation Army history begins with an idea. By way of example there are four occurrences when ideas have been bought to my mind and became the foundation of an historical work. First, in 1990 I had an idea that I wanted to write an international history of The Salvation Army, and that’s why Grace, my wife and I travelled to Australia and New Zealand to continue an investigation that I began with a trip to Zimbabwe in 1991. Second, in 2003 Commissioner Harry Williams told me that someone ought to write a biography of Commissioner David C. Lamb, The Salvation Army’s third international social commissioner.3 I had just published a biography of Frank Smith,4 the first social commissioner and decided that social officers had not received their due, that is they had not received research and biographies like that of officers engaged in evangelism. I took Williams’ idea and began an investigation. Third, I had an idea of a story about Susie F. Swift, Commissioner Samuel Logan Brengle’s sister-in-law. In 1988 I went to the Dominican Convent where she had died and started an
Reference citation of this paper Norman H. Murdoch and Garth R. Hentzschel (ed), “Inventing Salvation Army History: Examining historical method in the light of experience”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 3, 2, 2018, 207 – 210. 1 This paper is developed from the previously unpublished notes Norman Murdoch used at a meeting in New Zealand during the Autumn of 2005. At the time the notes were presented Murdoch was Professor of History Emeritus, University of Cincinnati. Thanks to Major Dr. Harold Hill of New Zealand for bringing these notes to light. 2 This paper has been edited, footnoted and slightly expanded from the notes of the late Norman H. Murdoch, PhD, Professor of History Emeritus, University of Cincinnati, by Garth R. Hentzschel. Permission has been given by Dr. Grace Murdoch, widow of Norman. 3 See footnote 5. 4 Norman H. Murdoch, Frank Smith: Salvationist socialist (1854 – 1940), Principal ideologue of the Darkest England Scheme that created Salvation Army Social Services, (Orlando, USA: National Salvation Army Social Services Conference, Sunday 16 March 2003).
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investigation. Later The Salvation Army agreed to combine the information on Lamb and Swift as a one volume biography as a part of their Crest series.5 Fourth, I had an idea in the mid-1970s that Frank Smith was an interesting former Salvation Army officer who had become a member of the British Independent Labour Party and an M. P. in 1929. When The Salvation Army’s Social Secretary called to ask me to be keynote speaker at the Army’s North American Social Conference in Orlando on the topic of “Bread for my Neighbour”, the title of Frederick Coutts’ book on William Booth’s social philosophy,6 I decided that it was time to write a biography of Frank Smith. So it goes, idea to investigation to invention.7 The investigation of history History in Greek is istoria which means ‘learning through research’ and research begins with an investigation guided by questions that frame the information being built on an idea. For this reason, the second stage of producing a history towards publication is investigation. History results from investigation of the idea by asking: Why did they do what they did? Why did they do this at this time in history? Where did this occur and what is its significance? and How did this occur? How were the events recorded? By way of example I will discuss four of my own ideas that moved into the investigation process. First, in 1991 I travelled to Zimbabwe, held interviews and looked at Army and non-Army documents to investigate The Salvation Army’s history in that country.8 Second, in 1988 I went to the Dominican Convent where Swift died to investigate her life in the Convent. After 2003 the investigation commenced on the life of Lamb. Third, in the mid-1970s I investigated Smith by looking at a variety of sources. Fourth, I became intrigued with Salvation Army riots in 1885 in Cincinnati, Ohio, when the Salvationists “invaded” an Irish neighbourhood and were beaten up by what the newspapers described as “roughs”, “mobs”, and other uncomplimentary terms.9 I later found that the same thing happened earlier in Liverpool, England, and in the same year in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. The invention of history The final stage of history to be published is invention. That means that the final story is dictated by the idea, the investigation, and particularly by an individual historian’s reading of the life, the event, 5
Norman H. Murdoch, Soldiers of the cross, Susie Swift and David Lamb, Pioneers of social change, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, The Salvation Army National Publications, 2006). 6 Frederick Coutts, Bread for my neighbour, An appreciation of the social action influences of William Booth, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1978). 7 Murdoch, Frank Smith. 8 This investigation became notes and later published as Norman H. Murdoch, Christian warfare in Rodesia-Zimbabwe. The Salvation Army and Africa liberation, 1891 – 1991, (Eugene, USA: Pickwick Publications, 2015).; Norman H. Murdoch, “‘Darkest Africa’: Martyrdom and Resistance to Colonialism in Rhodesia,” Journal of Third World Studies, (Spring, 2005).; Norman H. Murdoch, “The World Council of Churches & the Salvation Army: 1978 – 85 Debate over Zimbabwe’s Liberation Movement,” 13th Annual Meeting, Assn. of Third World Studies, (Jacksonville, FL: University of Northern Florida, 1996), 68 – 78. 9 This was published as a chapter in a book: Norman H. Murdoch, “From Militancy to Social Mission: The Salvation Army & Street Disturbances in Liverpool, 1879-1887,” 160 – 72, in John Belcham, Popular Politics, Riot & Labour: Essays in Liverpool History, 1790 – 1940, (Liverpool, UK: UP, 1992).; Norman H. Murdoch, “Salvation Army Disturbances in Liverpool, England, 1879 – 1887,” Journal of Social History, (Vol. 25, Spring 1992) 575 – 3.; Norman H. Murdoch and H. F. McMains, “The Salvation Army Disturbances of 1885,” Queen City Heritage, 45 (Summer 1987): 31 – 39.
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and the organisation as well as the documents and their own understanding of the time in which the events took place. The product of the idea and the investigation of the historian – it is the history invented by the person whose name is on the cover – or at least it should be in the best of all possible worlds. Increasingly we have no idea who actually wrote the history, in fact we never have known for sure who had the idea, did the investigation, and wrote the final text. Lacking any of the three ingredients; idea, investigation and invention, there is no history. History is much more than a collection of facts. If I were to recite a collection of facts about Smith, Lamb, Swift, or the origins of The Salvation Army,10 unless you are a close relation of the Count on Sesame Street, you’d say: “Who cares.” Right? Let’s see. William Booth was born in 1829 and died in 1912. Who cares! The colours of The Salvation Army flag are yellow, red, and blue. Who cares! If you like memorisation for the sake of working the mind, that’s fine. But a catalogue of facts is boring. There has to be a “why question” involved in the process that supports the study of the who, when, and where. It is in these questions that historians can speculate with the use of their investigation to come to conclusions. In this way they invent history. The intension or motivation to investigate Salvation Army history So why is my present passion a history of the international Salvation Army? Where did the idea come from and who cares? 1) It occurred to me that there is no international history of the Army by a professional historian. The volumes produced by the Army are written by senior officers and are an “insider’s” view of the organisation. Historians are by profession “outsiders”. 2) It occurred to me that the Army is too important to be ignored by historians – something Frederick Coutts lamented in a series of essays in the Officer in the 1980s: “As Other See Us.”11 These first two points helped for the idea or writing an international history on the movement. 3) I decided that to do such a history I would have to travel, on a selective basis, to as many Salvation Army centres as I could reasonably visit to do my investigation. I narrowed my visits to a representative country in Africa (Zimbabwe), in Asia (India), in South America (Chile) and in the Antipodes (Australia and New Zealand). I had already written about the Army in the United States of America, Canada, and England. I’ll have to decide about the importance of Scandinavia and Eastern Europe to my quest. Arnold Toynbee, the English historian, said that the first thing any student of human affairs should do is travel and “[w]henever he could, he travelled, for like to see for himself actual sites of historical events.”12 I began with Zimbabwe in 1991 and became so fascinated with the Army there that I’ve written a book on it, and published an article on Captain Cass, the Army’s “Martyr” there in 1896. I’ve also studied the two women Salvationists “martyred” at Usher institute in 1978.13
This is a title of another of Murdoch’s books, Norman H. Murdoch, Origins of The Salvation Army, (Knoxville, USA: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994). 11 These were not referenced in the notes and with limited time available have not be located. 12 Alden Whitman, “Arnold Toynbee, Who charted civilizations” The New York Times, (USA: 23 October 1975), ¶ 26, https://www.nytimes.com/1975/10/23/archives/arnold-toynbee-who-charted-civilizationsrise-and-fall-dies-arnold.html accessed 1 August 2018. 13 Murdoch, Christian warfare in Rodesia-Zimbabwe; Murdoch, “‘Darkest Africa’: Martyrdom and Resistance to Colonialism in Rhodesia”; Murdoch, “The World Council of Churches & the Salvation Army: 1978-85 Debate over Zimbabwe’s Liberation Movement”. 10
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I’ve not done so well with India and Chile, an idea hasn’t yet lodged in my head that I want to pursue in those cases. I’m here in New Zealand because it seems to me that the Antipodes cannot be passed over. I’m intrigued by your “larrikins,” since I love to study riots.14 They are defining moments. My sense is that we don’t know who the larrikins were. Were they Irish Roman Catholics, as they were in Cincinnati, Liverpool, and Montreal? Were they defending their turf against what they perceived to be an anti-Catholic, anti-pub, anti-Irish, English army who were “assaulting” their church and customs? I don’t know. And why is the Army here the most popular, most trusted charity according to opinion polls? And what other questions should I ask in my investigation? Please help me find the soul of the Army here.
Murdoch, “From Militancy to Social Mission” The Salvation Army & Street Disturbances in Liverpool, 1879 – 1887”; Murdoch, “Salvation Army Disturbances in Liverpool, England, 1879-1887”; Murdoch and McMains, “The Salvation Army Disturbances of 1885”. 14
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REQUEST FOR INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH RESEARCH The following researchers have asked for assistance from our readers. If you know of any information or articles, have photographs, stories or artefacts, please contact them via their email address as outlined below.
Major Glenda Hentzschel – History of SAGALA (Life-Saving Guards and Scouts) with focus on Australia. Research and preparations are well underway developing a book that presents a more complete story of the Life-Saving and SAGALA movements. If you have any information pertaining to the Life-Saving or SAGALA movements or are a former SAGALA member, please contact Hentzschel at ctp.nanna@hotmail.com
Dr Glenn Horridge – Orders and medals of The Salvation Army. Horridge would like to hear of any variations or additions to the list presented in his articles (in this and other issues of AJSAH). He is looking to write a book on the orders and medals given out by The Salvation Army (or any clubs or groups run by the Army, e.g. SAGALA, Scouts, Guards, young peoples’ work or services, welfare work, emergency services etc.), as well as medals received by Salvationists. Please contact him at gk.horridge@gmail.com
Graeme Inglis - Family History of the Inglis family. Inglis would like to hear of any information on his grandfather, Gilbert Joseph Inglis (1887 - 1955). He was a Salvation Army officer commissioned in NZ and later moved to Australia. Some information has already been provided from his early life in Gisborne, NZ from As for Me and My House: A Salute to Early Gisborne Salvation Army Families, 1886 to 1952 by Joan Hutson. Any additional information would be gratefully received. Please contact him at ginglis@bigpond.net.au
Garth Hentzschel – History The Salvation Army in Brisbane pre-1885. Research has commenced on the history of The Salvation Army activities in Queensland and specifically Brisbane prior to 1885. Any information on this time period, please contact Hentzschel at ajsahistory@gmail.com
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REVIEWS, COMMENTS, FEEDBACK AND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR ON THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY ~ VOLUME 3, ISSUE 1.
Major Dr. Harold Hill, Retired Salvation Army officer, New Zealand; lecturer for Eva Burrows College, Australia and Booth University College, Canada; Great issue, .... Such a variety of fascinating material. That it is the FIFTH issue really emphasises that the journal has arrived and become established. May its circulation increase exponentially and long may it flourish!
Douglas Nowell, Salvationist, Queensland, Australia; … some interesting reading contained here. …
Pastor Glen Cochrane, End Church, West End, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia; Well done on another great publication. You can never have too much church history, that’s what I say.
Major Cecil Woodward, Retired Salvation Army officer, Queensland, Australia; A good read. Some interesting insights.
Merrelyn Bates, new reader of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History I have just discovered your Journal and am most impressed with its quality, breadth and depth of topics.
Malcolm & Hazel Ford, Salvationists, historians and writers, New South Wales, Australia; Thanks so much....have read it all... a great read!
Dr. Glenn Horridge, Teacher, historian and writer, UK; Thank you for the publications and well done on another great edition of the Journal. Wonderful reading. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 3, Issue 2, 2018. Page 212