NEGOTIATING COLONIAL URBANISM: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco by Samantha Whitney Schwarze

NEGOTIATING COLONIAL URBANISM: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco Samantha Whitney Schwarze Masterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Design Study: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II: Urban Design The University of Texas at Austin | May 2013 Supervising Instructor: Dean Almy Readers: Fernando Lara, Charles di Piazza Keywords: colonial urbanism, other modernisms, medina,tactical urbanism, Casablanca, Tangier

ESPAGNE ALMERIA MALAGA ROTA CADIZ

MOTRIL

PUERTO de SANTA MARIA MARBELLA

GIBRALTAR ALGECIRAS

Ocean Atlantique

TARIFA

TANGER PORT du TANGER-VILLE

MED PORT

Detroit de Gibraltar

Mer Mediterranee

CEUTA

TETOUAN

M'DIQ CAPO NEGRO MELILLA

ASILAH AL HOCEIMA LARACHE

MAROC

‫ﺏﺭﻍﻡﻝﺍ‬

_Overview

RABAT

MOHAMMEDIA

CASABLANCA ‫المغرب‬ ‫المغرب األقصى‬

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

ALGER

Introduction Organized in three parts, this Master’s Design Study [MDS] book summarizes the efforts of a year-long exploration of finding a way to spatialize the lessons to be learned from the urban experiments of Michel Ecochard and members of Team 10 [ATBAT Afrique, GAMMA Group] that took place under the French Protectorate during the mid-twentieth century in Casablanca, Morocco. While a great deal of post-colonial scholarship exists on this topic [Avermaete, Cohen, Eleb, et. al.], missing from this body of work is a rigorous attempt to offer mappings, diagrams, architectural, and urban design strategies that can participate in the negotiation process between colonial modernism and the rich culture of Morocco. More pressing today is the necessity for strategies that can begin to negotiate between this existing culture and globalization. In 2007, shortly after Morocco signed a free trade agreement with the United States, the Jean Nouvel-designed Tangier Med Port (Oued R’mel, Morocco) went into service. Located 40 kilometers from the city center of Tangier at the crossing of international shipping routes on the Strait of Gibraltar, the port is positioned to be the busiest in the Mediterranean region as the commercial gateway between Africa and Europe. The Med Port is one component to a larger regional strategy [SDAU] to stimulate the economic and social infrastructure of the Tingiatnian Peninsula of nothern Morocco. A second phase expansion, Tangier Med II, scheduled to coincide with the 2012 implementation of Morocco’s free trade agreement with the European Union will provide upwards of 145,000 jobs (20,000 within the port itself) calling for an increase in demand for a university-educated work force as well as additional housing in and around the Tangier-Tetouan region. The old port of Tangier [Port de Tanger-Ville] in the heart of the city will be restructured to support the Vision 2020 goal of increasing cruise tourism traffic from 300,000 to 750,000 passengers per year. It is tightly knit to the rapid development of gated golf course communities and luxury resorts popping up along the Atlantic coast just outside the city. The completion of the Med Port, the redevelopment of the old port, the establishment of commercial and industrial free-trade zones funded by foreign investment, the rapid privatization of the coast, along with the proposal for the construction of a high speed rail tunnel connecting Tarifa [Spain] to Tangier have collectively contributed to unprecedented urban, economic, and social growth in Tangier. As Morocco responds to its newfound wealth and stature of the Islamic world in the global economy, there is an immediate threat to the genus loci of this unique part of the world as generic architectures and urbanisms emerge in response to this turn in Tangier’s coastal restructuring. This research project is an attempt to formulate a set of tactical urban interventions that can begin to mediate between these two competing morphologies, scales, and cultural agendas in the city. 1

Colonial Modern, 10. Or an “other” modern...”another modern”

Colonial Modern, 10. This refers to the second half of the twentieth century whereby the architectural culture began to suggest

that “learning from” the everyday and vernacular was what was missing from the modern project. Many of the urban experiments in Casablanca centered on this anthropological shift as explored through Team 10 members. After the Semiramis housing block experiment in Casablanca, Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods went on to design over 10,000 housing blocks in Paris, Marseilles, and Martinique. Their Berlin Free University is also a culmination of their ideas “learned from” Casablanca.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Thank You Dean Almy

Fernando Lara Charles di Piazza Boone Powell Michael Schwarze Stella + Ryan Schwarze

For your invaluable feedback, unwavering support, and encouraging enthusiasm for my research which has motivated me every day for the past two years, and for reminding me to be aware of my Westernness. For teaching me how to begin to negotiate Modernism, and for challenging me to question everything. For your critical design input, for sharing your knowledge of Casablanca, and for introducing me to all things Zevaco. For funding the prize in urban design research that bears your familyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s name; making this research possible. For being perhaps crazier than me in supporting me on this journey. For understanding that Mom goes to school too. I also wish to thank Larry Doll, Simon Atkinson, Mehdi Azizkhani, Naima El Khaledi, Karim Rouissi, Gerald Loftus, William Kutz, Valerie Farber, and Lauren Vogl.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Master of Architecture, Post-Professional, Urban Design School of Architecture, The University of Texas at Austin Supervising Instructor: Dean Almy

Book title typeface: DINOT Bold Italic/ Regular Italic, 16 pt., line spacing 20 pt. Book text typeface: DINOT Regular, 9 pt., line spacing 14 pt. Project title typeface: Acid Bold, 11 pt., line spacing 14 pt. Project text typeface: Acid Regular, 9 pt., line spacing 12 pt. Project captioning typeface: Acid Regular, 9 pt., line spacing 7 pt. Page footer typeface: Acid Regular, 9 pt., line spacing 14 pt.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Contents Introduction Acknowledgements PART I

Tangier is [not] the New Dubai: The loss of meaning in catalytic development

PART II

Learning from Casablanca

PART III

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism : Re-Imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco Six Sites for Intervention: Place-related Infrastructure: A Framework Plan Site Number Three: The Morphology Between Bibliography: Urban History, Post Colonial Theory | Criticism, the Structure of Urban Form Vita

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part I

Tangier is [not] the New Dubai: The loss of meaning in catalytic development This research began as a proposal to travel to Morocco to observe large scale urban changes that the country is experiencing in its’ march towards globalization, with a focus on understanding the resultant loss of culturally grounded urban morphology in the coastal cities of Casablanca and Tangier. As Morocco strategizes the restructuring of its coast to orient economic opportunities towards foreign investment, a new framework of global spatial production is emerging in the form of megaprojects1. These large-scale endeavors, driven by public-private partnerships, are conjoined with the development of the new Tanger Med Port. Supported by a technical substructure of hydroelectric dams, combined with recent extensions to the country’s rail and highway systems, the port serves as a catalyst to regional development in the rural hinterlands of the north. A major component to the emerging development is the program of villes nouvelles, or new towns. Situated within industrial parks and free trade zones tied to the port economy, these residential subdivisions are designed to meet the projected housing demands induced by the economic stimulation of the region, while decongesting the city of Tangier in the interest of preserving the coast as a vital amenity; ensuring the prosperity of the cruise tourism market and allowing Tangier to “become a focus of culture.”2

A return to these planning tactics threatens to perpetuate the condition of a disordered urban landscape of fragments that remains unresolved to this day. As new coastal amenities emerge in Casablanca and Tangier, they are kept separate from the médina. More precisely, the médina is kept locked in its current position - disconnected from the larger urban realm - intensifying the contrast between high and low within meters of one another in these two rapidly changing cities. 1

Barthel and Planel, “Tanger-Med and Casa-Marina, Prestige Projects in Morocco.”

Hassad, “2006 FEMIP Conference: Regional Integration in the Euro-Mediterranean Area Through Transport Systems.”

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

The recent undertaking of these great leaps forward, as it were, is reminiscent of the planning strategies of the colonial urbanism project of Casablanca during the French Protectorate [1912-1956]. Under the direction of Resident-General Hubert Lyautey, the expansion plan of Henri Prost resulted in a demographic leap-frogging of the urban landscape as the native population was pushed from the old city [ancien médina] to the periphery into social housing projects in order to make way for the European city which capitalized on its proximity to the port. This marked the official beginnings of the planned isolation of the médina from the expanding, modernizing city outside of its walls. More importantly, the implications of misinterpreting the spatial extents of the original médina has resulted in an urban landscape of juxtaposing morphological attempts to resolve housing needs for the native population by merely repeating the physical pattern of the médina alone.

TANGIER IS [NOT] THE NEW DUBAI : THE LOSS OF MEANING IN CATALYTIC DEVELOPMENT

A Prost | Rail | Informality

New Development | Proposed Development | New Dam Infrastructure | Windmill Turbines [Charafate]

Wadis | Road + Rail extensions | Tanger Med Port

TANGER MED PORT

BARRAGE OUED R'MEL

KSAR ES SEGHIR

Detroit de Gibraltar

CAP SPARTEL

MERCALA PARC R'MILAT MARSHAN

ANCIEN MEDINA

LE PORT

Baie de Tanger

M'SALLAH

TANGER CITY CENTER Gare D'Autobus

Gare Ferroviaire

CHARF Ocean Atlantique

BNI MAKADA

BARRAGE

FREE TRADE ZONE GUIENAYA [FTZ] IBN BATOUTA INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT

HAY BENKIRANE

MELLOUSA I EXPORT TRADE ZONE [ETZ]

QUARTIER INDUSTRIEL

GARE

TANGER FREE ZONE [FTZ] NOUVELLE VILLE IBN BATOUTA

RENAULT FACTORY

MELLOUSA II EXPORT TRADE ZONE [ETZ]

BARRAGE

NOUVELLE VILLE CHARAFATE JOUAMAA MIXED ACTIVITY ZONE

H 10

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

BARRAGE IBN BATTOUTA

A B C D E F G H

Tanger Med Port: Ateliers Jean Nouvel Port de Tanger-Ville: Foster + Partners Tangier City Center Ville Nouvelle Charafate New [speculative] development Wind turbine infrastructure New rail and highway infrastructure [Ksar Seghir] Hydroelectric dam infrastructure

TANGIER IS [NOT] THE NEW DUBAI : THE LOSS OF MEANING IN CATALYTIC DEVELOPMENT

ANCIEN MEDINA

PARC R'MILAT MARSHAN

Part I

MERCALA

LE PORT

Baie de Tanger

M'SALLAH

TANGER CITY CENTER Gare D'Autobus

Gare Ferroviaire

CHARF

BNI MAKADA

HAY BENKIRANE

QUARTIER INDUSTRIEL

Previous Research on the Topic

G Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part II

Learning from Casablanca With funding support from the Boone Powell Family Prize in Urban Design, I was able to travel to Casablanca during the summer of 2012 to observe vestiges of the colonial planning work of Michel Ecochard [successor to Prost] and document the current condition of the social housing experiments by Team X members Georges Candilis, and Shadrach Woods [Carrières Centrales, Casablanca, 1951]. Witnessing the results of spatial modifications made by the inhabitants to the original dwellings has illuminated the architects’ potential misinterpretations of Moroccan culture in the design of their housing typologies which were imposed on a newly urbanizing population. While this calls into question whether the relationship between culture and typology remains a valid design focus, vestiges of the original urban morphology – which remains intact - though has grown vertically - supports the notion that cultural traditions related to urban dwelling are embedded in the framework of those patterns of housing.

Following my travels, I took on a semester-long independent research study analyzing the patterns of dwelling with a focus on diagramming how each unit connects to an infrastructure of communal open spaces, shops, mosques, and koranic schools. Situated within a framework of the Ecochard Grid [le trame Ecochard], these patterns of mass housing were a typological reiteration of the courtyard dwellings of the medina. Though supported somewhat with the aforementioned programs, these housing developments were built in isolation on the urban periphery – disconnecting a demographic in need of economic opportunities from the commercial center of the city.

Framed as a comparative case study, the research on Casablanca was intended to ultimately reveal the multiplicity of scales in which dwelling is embedded in the urban morphology of the city. With particular emphasis placed on the analysis of the evolution of the urban form, the investigation

cultural relevance that this specific morphology has with regard to urban dwelling in Morocco.

Previous Research on the Topic

focused on understanding the role of dwelling in the conjoined relationships between: médina,

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

port, and city expansion. Through analyzing collective dwelling patterns from médina to the social housing projects of the 1950s, and on to today, I am able to have a better understanding of the

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Prost | Lyautey | Rail

Ecochard | Autoroute

Evolution of urban periphery 1900-2010

MOHAMMEDDIA [FEDALA]

Ocean Atlantique

LE PORT

ANCIENNE MEDINA

CONSUMA CITE SOCICA

CARRIERES CENTRALES

SSEEMIRAMIS & NID DD'ABEI 'ABEI EILLE

QUUARTIER DDE Q DES ES HAB ABBOUS

BEN M'SSIK IK SIDI DI OTHMAN OT

D A B C D E F G 14

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Morocco Mall Anfa Place: Foster + Partners Casa Marina [coastal restructuring] Bidonville [informal settlement] Wall concealing the medina from Casa Marina [recalls Prost's fortif zone] Semiramis, Nid D'Abeille, La Tour, Sidi Othman [Team X and Ecochard] New tram line infrastructure

C-1

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

LE PORT A

ANCIENNE MEDINA

CONSUMA CITE SOCICA

CARRIERES CENTRALES C

SEMIRAMIS & NID D'ABEILLE

QUARTIER DES HABBOUS

SIDI OTHMAN G Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

BEN M'SIK

1930

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

1935 Mohammed V

1940

[Sultan 1894-1908] [Sultan 1908-1912] [Sultan 1912-1927] [Sultan 1927-1953]

1945 1950

1955 Md. V

1960

1965 1970 1975

BenMd. Aarafa Madagascar assumes throne 1953-1955

[King 1955-1961] exile:1953-1954 Corsica |

Hassan II

1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 Mohammed VI

2005

Western Sahara War 1975-1991

2010

[King 1961-1999] [King 1999-present]

2012 Syrian government attack on the city of Homs President of Yemen Ali Abdullah Saleh resigns Former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak sentenced to life in prison Former Tunisian president Zine El Abidine Ben Al sentenced to prison Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi wins Egypt's presidential runoff election International Committee of the Red Cross declares Syrian uprising a civil war U.S. embassies in Cairo, Chennai, Tunis, Khartoum, Sana'a, and U.S. consulate in Benghazi attacked by protestors in response to anti-Islamic You Tube video known as "Innocence of Muslims"

1925

2011 Protests in Lebanon, Oman, Yemen, Egypt, Syria, & Morocco Tunisian government overthrown 20 February "February Youth Movement" in Morocco: youth lobby for reform + role in the kingdom's future President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt ousted following protests in Cairo's Tahrir Square Protests against Muammar Gaddafi's regime in Libya | Libyan civil war begins 9 March King Mohammed VI of Morocco promises reforms in televised speech Failed assassination attempt of President Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen Muammar Gaddafi captured and killed Libya

1920

2010 Protests in Tunisia and Algeria following Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation

Yusef ben Hassan

2009 Casa Tramway begins construction on surface tram lines in the city

1915

Hassan Redoine, PhD Dissertation â&#x20AC;&#x153;An Encompassing Madina: Toward New Definition of City in Moroccoâ&#x20AC;?, 2007 bombing in Casablanca [suicide bombers from Sidi Moumen]

1910

2003 bombings in Casablanca [suicide bombers from Sidi Moumen] 2004 Cities Without Slums Program [Villes Sans Bidonvilles]

Abdelhafid

1991 UN sponsored ceasefire agreement between Polisario and Morocco

Abdelaziz 1917 Henri Prost plan of Casablanca

1967 Paris, FranceTeam 10 meeting: Restatment of Convictions

1966 Urbino, Italy Team 10 meeting

1965 Berlin, Germany Team 10 meeting

1964 Delft, NetherlandsTeam 10 workshop TU Delft

1961 [January], Paris, FranceTeam 10 meeting: Team X statement 1961 [July], London, UK Team 10 meeting : Concept of Team 10 Primer 1962 [January], Drottningholm, SwedenTeam 10 meeting: Team 10 Primer published [December] 1962 [September], Royaumont, FranceTeam 10 meeting 1963 Paris, FranceTeam 10 meeting

1960 Bagnols-sur-Ceze, France First Team 10 meeting

1959 CIAM '59, Otterlo, the Netherlands: organized dissolution of CIAM by Team 10

1956 CIAM X, Dubrovnik, Yugoslavia: Habitat

1953 CIAM IX, Aix-en-Provence, France: Habitat

1951 CIAM VIII, Hoddesdon, England: The Heart of the City

1951 Michel Ecochard expansion plan of Casablanca after Le Corbusier's plan of Algiers

1949 CIAM VII, Bergamo, Italy: Art and Architecture

1947 CIAM VI, Bridgwater, England: Reconstruction of the Cities

1946 Michel Ecochard hired to head Casabtanca's Town Planning Department

1942 Allied landings | Casablanca [102 mins.] Humphrey Bogart, Ingrid Bergman 1943 Le Corbusier publishes The Athens Charter Casablanca Conference: FDR, Winston Churchill, Charles de Gaulle

1937 CIAM V, Paris, France: Dwelling and Recovery

1935 Le Corbusier urban plan of Algiers after the "functional city"| Athens Charter

1933 CIAM IV, Athens, Greece: The Functional City [Athens Charter]

1930 CIAM III, Brussels, Belgium,: Rational Land Development

1929 CIAM II, Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Existenzminimum [The Minimum Dwelling]

1928 CIAM I, La Sarraz, Switzerland: Foundation

C [] Aldo van Eyck assumes leadership of Dutch architectural publication Forum from 195963, and '67 experimenting with a "casbah concept" of collective form in housing and urban design; defining a spatial medium for social content in architecture.

1993 Michel Pinseau-designed Hassan II Mosque completed [3rd largest in the world]

1905 WWII 1939-1945

[ ]

Team 10 1960-1981

2011 "Learning from Casablanca" exhibition

2008 Studio Basel [ETH] surveys of Casablanca

1981 Michel Pinseau [French architect] SDAU of Casablanca

1981 Death of Bakema End of Team 10

1977 Bonnieux, France Team 10 meeting: The Future of Team 10

1976 Spoleto, Italy Team 10 meeting: Participation and the Meaning of the Past

1974 Rotterdam, The Netherlands Team 10 meeting: Architectural Responsibility

1973 Berlin, Germany Team 10 meeting: The Matrix

1971-1972, Ithaca, New York Team 10 visiting critics at Cornell University: organized by O.M. Ungers

1971 Toulouse, FranceTeam 10 meeting

]

1984 Agence Urbaine de Casablanca founded

1900 French Protectorate 1912-1956 Spanish Protectorate 1912-1956 Tangier International Zone 1912-1956

[

1979 Mauritania withdraws from the conflict after signing a peace treaty with the Polisario

WWI 1914-1918 Ecochard Plan 1947-1955

1978 Edward W. Said Orientalism

CIAM 1928 - 1959

1976 Le Monde article: "Architecture, Anne Zero" responsiblity for architectural policy shifts to Ministry for Public Works [deemed crisis amongst architects]

Prost Plan 1917-25 projected growth of Ecochard graph: 1950-1965

1975 Death of Fransisco Franco | Green March: coordinated by the Moroccan government to force Spain to hand over the disputed, autonomous semi-metropolitan Spanish Province of Sahara to Morocco

[Sultan 1873-1894]

1895

1963 Spanish colony of Western Sahara added to the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories

1890

[

1956 Moroccan independence from France

1918 Moroccan population outweighs European population in Casablanca

Hassan I 1906 Act ofConference] Algeciras: France and Spain permitted Swiss [Algeciras International conference of to thepolice great Morocco Europeanunder powers andsupervision the United States 1907 French landings: Resident'General Hubert Lyautey

1900 Weisgerber plan

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA Prost vs. Ecochard

]

Pinseau Plan [Schema Directeur d'Amenagement et d'Urbanisme, SDAU 1981 -

Cold War 1947-1991

2015

Arab Spring 2010-

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Plan d'Aménagement de Casablanca [1989], Source: Agence Urbaine du Casablanca

Negotiating vestiges of the French colonial urbanism project of Casablanca

Morocco is now seen, through the effective collaboration of Marshal Lyautey and M Prost, as a masterly lesson, listened to and respected by all major nations…Of the entire North Africa and perhaps of all colonies it is Morocco, which took the lead in the urbanism movement…It is through colonial urbanism that urbanism has penetrated into France.1

Avermaete, “Nomadic Experts and Travelling Perspectives: Colonial Modernity and the Epistemological Shift in Modern Architecture Culture,” 131. Minutes of the first International Congress on Urbanism in the Colonies, 1931. Avermaete’s essay attributes modern urban approaches to solving social, technological, and hygiene problems of Europe and North America to the colonial urban experiments in Morocco [and Algeria] 2 Ibid., 132.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

One hundred years after the dawn of the French Protectorate in Morocco [1912-1956], the city of Casablanca still grapples with a disordered urban landscape of fragments. The city is a patchwork of urban morphologies that emerged as European urban planners and architects sought to experiment with planning the territory of the colony as a way to test the challenges faced in France brought about by modernization.2 Beginning with the expansion plans of Henri Prost under the direction of French Resident-General Hubert [Marshal] Lyautey, the city saw the transformation of its existing urban spaces to suit the advancement of the colonial power. Swaths of the urban fabric were removed in order to accommodate for “improvements” to the city’s circulation system with the installation of new boulevards. This was carefully done partly to orient the city towards its rapidly growing port as the economy shifted towards becoming a newly industrialized city. Most significantly, these divisive urban moves intentionally segregated the

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Moroccan population from the Europeans – setting the modernizing, European man apart from the “other” to begin to justify the agency required for them to control the native population - as a sort of spatial apartheid. This marked the official beginnings of a planned isolation of the old city [madīna] from the expanding colonial city outside of its walls and continued as a demographic leap-frogging of the urban landscape as the native population was pushed to the periphery into social housing experiments designed by Team X members to house the newly urbanizing population. Lyautey’s infrastructural shift from a former agrarian trade-based economy tied to the rural hinterlands by way of rail to a new, vehicular-based infrastructure was catalyzed by the expanding ports on the coast: Casablanca on the Atlantic and Tangier on the Mediterranean. This coastal restructuring – timed with the advent of the steamship - oriented Casablanca as the major seafaring hub of North Africa, bypassing Rabat and Tangier. At the same time it weakened Casablanca’s connection to the rural inlands which would have lasting implications on the whole of Morocco that remain unresolved to this day. It destabilized the interconnectivity of the inland cities such as Fes, Marrakech, and Meknes which relied on agricultural trade with Casablanca by rail for their economic sustainability. More importantly, the port cities of Casablanca and Tangier became urban islands in their own territories,3 created by the colonial agenda to orient Moroccan economic and diplomatic opportunities towards Europe; maximizing their presence in the colony without having to penetrate too far inland while advancing the kingdom towards modernization and industrialization.4 These strategies are being repeated today most notably in Casablanca and Tangier. The kingdom is returning to coastal restructuring as a tactic to catalyze social and economic development to the detriment of the ecology of the hinterlands and the cohesion of its urban boundaries. Migration = Crisis Below left: Gaston Bardet, “Casablanca: an excellent example in connecting sea, rail and industrial facilities.” Source: Cohen and Eleb Below right: Migration to Casablanca, Source: Tangier American Legation Institute for Moroccan Studies Library

With the expansion of the port came with it the phenomenon of the “urban mirage”, or the illusion that the city is the source of economic opportunity, of a better life. What followed was rapid urbanization and industrialization. This urban growth brought with it a ruralization of the city with people from the rural hinterlands migrating into Casablanca in search for 3 4

Radoine, “An Encompassing Madina,” 171. Radoine, “An Encompassing Madina.”

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

employment. This migration directly affected the médina with its density toppling 1200 inhabitants per hectare [in contrast to the colonial city whose density was around 40 inhabitants per hectare]. In addition to the médina bursting at the seams, the city’s landscape became informally settled by the migrants in bidonvilles, or shantytowns. This phenomenon remains today with Casablanca consisting of approximately 60,000 bidonvilles. What would follow in Prost’s 1917 expansion plan of the city were experiments in zoning per the Athens Charter, channeling Le Corbusier’s designs for La Ville Radieuse and for his plan of Algeirs. This is important to note not only because these urban theories had not yet been implemented anywhere, but also because as the port and city were rapidly expanding and experiencing an unprecedented influx of Moroccans migrating from the rural hinterlands into the city, Casablanca was becoming increasingly compartmentalized by function. The port and industrial zones expanded eastward up the Atlantic coast towards Fedala [now Mohammedia] while reserving the center of the city for office buildings and housing for the European population. The rapidly growing native population was displaced from the médina to the outskirts of the city and placed in mass-housing areas so as to control the behavior of the colonized5. The population of the médina had reached a boiling point density, sparking a program to design housing for the “indigenous” population. Schemes for workers’ housing such as SOCICA and Consuma repeated the pattern of the medina with courtyard houses clustered together and organized off of narrow winding streets. They were built adjacent to industrial factories near the port and the rail line so that workers could maximize their hours of labor by working in close proximity to where they lived. These districts were built on tracts of land which the city had zoned as industrial, in other words, not fit for living by European standards. The “Other” becomes Self: Colonial Knowledge Production and the Antithetical Images of Casablanca

From the arrival of the French and through the years of the Protectorate, illuminating the “crisis” of rural to urban migration of the population was the most effective device used to enhance the image clarity of the difference between colonizer/colonized, civilized/uncivilized, and ruler/powerless. In the years leading up to independence, modern architectural experiments in social housing by Team X members to house the newly urbanizing population concretized that tension between the symbiotic images. However, that tension - and modernism’s role in it - would not be revealed to the West until half a century later. The writings of Michel Foucault and Edward Said have played a seminal role in the efforts of the last few decades by scholars to deconstruct the colonial knowledge production that has led to these conjoined images of Casablanca. The

Avermaete, “Nomadic Experts and Travelling Perspectives: Colonial Modernity and the Epistemological Shift in Modern Architecture Culture,” 138. These mass housing areas were designed with the destruction of the bidonvilles in mind: security and hygiene were of the highest priority

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

Left: typical tourism poster from the Colonial Era, Source: Cohen and Eleb

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

constructing of a new theoretical framework known as Colonial Modern6 has emerged which positions Modernism in the context of these colonial experimentations – as a sort of new longue durée7 – which posits that not only did Europe “learn from”8 what was tested in the urban laboratory that was Casablanca, but that the canon of Modern architecture – and more importantly, that Europe’s perception of modernity that it claimed as its own has been transformed, “negotiated”9, as a result of decolonization, from how it was once understood10. These images of the city are more revealing of the Protectorate’s agenda to produce a knowledge of the city and of the “other” in order to stabilize colonial domination than they are about the description of the city itself as actual fact.11 This construction of the knowledge of the“other” – the inhabitants of the city as barbaric – reveals the double pronged colonial agenda in place to not only to justify colonization and the need for modernization but the image of the “other” was also used to exaggerate the exotic quality of the place so that they could employ it as a marketing tool to attract more European “colons” and tourists. Sadly, vestiges of this colonial tactic remain in practice today, long after independence from France. Since the end of the French and Spanish protectorates in the 1960s, we’ve inherited a scorn for “the population”. Women, Arabs, Berbers, children are all treated the same: they all need to be brusquely guided in the right direction. We’re so late in our development that we’ve hired experts to think for us. Nonpartisan executors, specialists – “protectors” – who decide our future. There is an echo of the colonial era in this. We’re transformed into children. We can’t make decisions; we’re frivolous and irresponsible. Under the stern eyes of a paternalist society there is no irreverence, there is no subversion; and without that I’m not sure real thought is possible. We’re walking on eggshells. When I see palm trees planted along the roadside, part of civic planning campaigns and a symbol of the “renaissance”, it evokes something of that old protective paternalism. Our elite is disgusted by the fact that they have to share power with a majority. Fifty years after independence, our elite is still educated in schools run by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Meanwhile our record for primary education is terrible. This isn’t the case in former colonies like Lebanon and Tunisia.12

Colonial Modern, 10. Or an “other” modern…”another modern” Braudel, On History, 25. 8 Colonial Modern, 10. This refers to the second half of the twentieth century whereby the architectural culture began to suggest that “learning from” the everyday and vernacular was what was missing from the modern project. Many of the urban experiments in Casablanca centered on this anthropological shift as explored through Team X members. 9 Ibid., 12. 10 Ibid., 10–13. 11 Said, Orientalism, 6. That the description of what Casablanca is not is more a sign of the underlying intent to have power over the “other” 12 Friedhelm Hütte et al., Yto Barrada, Riffs 125. Tangerine Dreams and Magic in the City: A conversation between Negar Azimi and Yto Barrada. Yto Barrada is a French‐born Moroccan artist who lives and works in Tangier. The subtext of her work is often her preoccupation [obsession] with the representation of the city of Tangier and often depicts it as a sad, emptiness‐ which seems to echo the vestiges of colonialism. This stands in stark contrast to the image of the city projected to the world to generate revenue through tourism. 7

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

This image of the “other” has penetrated - at the very least, contemporary planning policy as evidenced in perpetuating the idea that the medina should remain a separate district from the whole of the urban agglomeration. From madīna to médina: the morphological implications of misinterpreting the meaning of “city” in the case of Casablanca The contemporary urban chaos in Morocco and the eclecticism of its cities have resulted from overlapping urban issues that have never been addressed in a comprehensive fashion. Why is the Moroccan city currently considered a collision city of antagonistic urban entities? The entities are médinas, colonial centers, contemporary urban areas, bidonvilles [shantytowns] and peripheral suburbs. Urban planners and developers have never resolved the issue of these factions.13

The origin of the word madīna comes from Arabic and refers to the process of making a settlement or “city” with an accompanying social network that comprises the urban agglomeration. However, since the 19th century in Morocco, the French transliteration of the word medina has replaced the Arabic use of the word – thus permanently altering its meaning, and subsequent understanding of the Moroccan city. The French meaning of the word refers instead to the historic walled city; a small portion of the larger city’s urban fabric bounded by walls. This etymological shift removes the notion of the making of a settlement along with its conjoined social structure from its original definition and replaces it with its physical definition [only]. The impact of this seemingly subtle, perhaps even unintentional, shift in meaning made it possible in the 20 th century for the expansion of the colonial city in Casablanca [and Tangier] to encircle the original madīna up to its [mis]understood physical boundary, thus severing it from its productive landscape - its source of livelihood - outside of its walls. These agricultural lands outside the walled city were the first plots of land to be settled by the French when they arrived in Casablanca in 1907 – therefore permanently disturbing the spatial definition of the city and forcing it to retreat within its own walls. The implications of misinterpreting the meaning of city and its implied spatial boundaries has resulted in an urban landscape of juxtaposing morphological attempts to resolve housing needs for the “native population” by merely repeating the physical pattern of the medina alone.

Previous Research on the Topic

The lack of correspondence between the state of historic urban environments and the contemporary planning related to it has produced a postcolonial perception that considers the madīna as an analogue of the isolated “Historic City,” following the precepts of the l9th-century European Urbanism. Thus, the inherent urban development has lost its momentum, and the Moroccan city has become an agglomeration of antagonistic urban fragments.14

13 14

Radoine, “An Encompassing Madina,” 23. Radoine, “An Encompassing Madina.”

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Left: Urban U structure of madīna Source: Radoinne Right: t: social network of qrâ râba [“closeness”], Soource: Eickelman

S Spatial and Social Extents of th he madīna The diag gram on the left [above], from Hassan H Radoine’s dissertation An A Encompassinng Madīna: Towaard New Definitioon of City in M Morocco, situate es the Moroccan n madīna in a larg ger context, one e that includes adjacent a plots oof land outside the walled city th hat support tthe urban functiion of that portio on of the medina immediately inside its walls. The diagram exxplicitly illustrates passagewayys that m move past the gates g of the madīīna walls which link various neig ghborhoods while extending th hrough the walle ed city out into tthe a agricultural hintterlands. Radione’s extensive research r of Morroccan medinas illuminates thee critical role that the lands imm mediately a adjacent to the city c walls played d in forming its political, economic, ethnic, reliigious, and milittary patterns off urban order. That is to ssay that there is s an underlying morphological structure s within n the medina tha at is inherently related to the la and outside of itts walls. T This definition of o city is one that extends beyon nd its perceived physical boundary. In his essay, Is There An n Islamic City? Th he Making of a Qu uarter in a Moroccan Town, Dalee Eikelman inve estigates the soccial fframework of a darb, or neighb borhood of the medina m of Boujad, a town 200 km m southeast of C Casablanca. He e offers a mapping of the rrelationships of the darb and underlines that their “closeness s” to one anothe er is not merely a result of one’s status in socie ety. That tthe closeness or interconnectedness of people e in the darb ste ems from: …ties of ob bligation inherent in i the system of rela lations as a whole, which w govern the actual a patterns of soocial relations in su uch specific domain ns as kinship, rreligion, politics, an nd economics.15

The diag gram on the righ ht [above], illusttrates the relatio onships betwee en people of the madīna who form m a qrâba which h means ““closeness”. This is a small soc cial unit whose hierarchy is org ganized by the in nterrelationshipps of individualss based on how o often one 115

Eickelman, “Is Th here an Islamic Cityy?,” 277.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

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LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

may visits another during feast days, holy days, family gatherings, etc. This would suggest that perhaps the “closeness” between people exists prior to the organization of collective dwelling that exists within the madīna. This underlying order exists at a multiplicity of scales: from qrâba to neighborhood, district, and madīna. Similar to the diagram on the left indicating that the definition of city is beyond its walls, here the qrâba diagram expands the definition of the city’s smaller units which includes an intricate web of social networks that are entwined in the urban agglomerations of its collective dwellings. This diagram captures an order which is not commonly attributed to the urban form of the medina. Combined with the spatial planning diagram of the medina, we begin to see a holistic urban structure. Together these diagrams expand the understanding of the Moroccan city and imply that its spatial and social extents exceed far beyond the perceived boundary of its walls. Isolation of the médina and Fragmentation of the City

Previous Research on the Topic

The madīna came under European scrutiny at its weakest moment – during the 19th century, just before the Protectorate. The high point of urban relevance of the Moroccan city had already reached its peak before the arrival of the French.16 The territory of the city had already begun to split and fall prey to land speculation. The form of the madīna itself had already been modified, thus diluting its inherent urban order. The land outside of the madīna walls had already begun to be developed by the French and by the emerging Moroccan bourgeoisie, forcing it to become a slum. On the eve of the Protectorate, Morocco was in a state of political and spatial conflict. It was the ideal “found” condition for the French to describe as one of urban disorder in order to justify the modernization and urban modifications that would follow. The médina was proof of the concept that spatial order was required for the progress of the city. The médina became suffocated by new development and urban boulevards just outside of its walls. In some cases, swathes of urban fabric were removed so as to make way for new colonial urban spaces and roadway connections to the port. There was rampant land speculation both by Europeans and by the emerging Moroccan bourgeoisie who were benefiting from their newfound wealth as agents for their European masters, grabbing all land adjacent to the medina walls. The medina was condemned to be a reservation – separate from the modern urbanized areas that surrounded it. What emerged was the European creation of an extraterritoriality , free from Makhzan [Sultan’s administration] control which resulted in the building of the colonial city which began to choke the medina as it maximized its proximity to the port.

Radoine, “An Encompassing Madina,” 165.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Urban Expansion Henri Prost expansion plan 1917, Source: Cohen and Eleb

Henri Prost’s expansion plan for Casablanca was clearly influenced by Cerdà’s expansion plan for Barcelona. It preserved the medieval city within its walls which mirrored the attitude of that time that the old city was the source of all urban maladies. What differentiates Prost from Cerdà though is the Orientalist view of Casablanca as a city that was not his own and attempts to resolve urban issues were very often dealt with in a racist manner. This concept of “Islamic city” as forged by Orientalists, implemented by colonialists, 17 and embraced by postcolonialists …

is evidenced in divisive urban moves by Prost to clearly maintain a separation between the médina and the villes nouvelle, or the colonial city. A clear example of this is the fortif zone. In describing Prost’s fortif zone, Gwendolyn Wright states: …marking the distinction between the two parts of the city, setting off two scales of construction, two cultures, and two periods of history- at least in the eyes of the French. The term “cordon sanitaire” suggests the health precautions inherent in this familiar colonial policy of separation. In an off-guard moment Prost once acknowledged that the no-man’s-land existed as well “for military reasons,” allowing the rapid mobilization of French troops in the event of violence. 18 Prost had absorbed all the implications of Hausmann’s boulevards. The reference to Hausmann fits several urban moves that Prost made during his tenure in Casablanca. He had removed a swath of the Mellah, or Jewish quarter of the medina on the east side so as to create the Place de France. As part of that project, the entire southern tip of the medina’s urban fabric was removed in order to widen the Avenue IV Zouaves – which was conceived by Prost to resemble La Canebière, or main avenue in Marseilles which links the city to the port. Look at that street- it’s the main road in my city. It will lead straight to the sea. I want passengers to step off the boat right into the hub of life. The city walls? They’re going. They’re ugly. I’ll just keep this little marabout, which is sacred. Someone said to me, “But you’ve got low houses on one side and tall ones on

17 18

Ibid., 18. Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism, 145–146.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

the other.” And I replied, “That’s right. On the left there’s the native Moroccan façade – an Arab fondouk – and on the right side there’s the European façade 19 composed of large, French-style buildings. It’s perfect.

As a cross axis road to the Avenue IV Zouaves, Prost carved the Boulevard de la Gare [now Boulevard Mohammed V] from the urban fabric in order to connect to the new train station, Gare de Casa Voyageurs. This was achieved by consolidating plots of land along the projected right of way and proposing to reorder the city so that the road system would extend to the east, thus orienting the city towards its industrial zone. This underlined the Protectorate’s agenda to the orient the city towards becoming a major port and industrial city. Left: Aerial view of Avenue IV Zouaves [to the port] and the Place de France, 1953 Source: Cohen and Eleb

Left: “Bidonvilles”, Source: “Colonial Modern”

Agency

The establishment of the Service D’Urbanisme by the functionalist architect and planner Michel Ecochard in the 1940s brought with it a new reinforcement in the colonial image of the “other” in Casablanca. Using the device of the survey of the

19 20

Cohen, Casablanca, 113. Hubert Lyautey, April 1925 Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism, 7.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

Colonial urbanism in Casablanca brought with it a shift in the direction of urban policy. Urban designers in the colonies under the direction of colonial administrators asserted a new agency in the city – they acted with greater control over family life and working conditions, industrial growth, and cultural memory.20 This shift was made possible by establishing the image of the other thereby comparatively illuminating the success of the Protectorate innovation in contrast to the found state of the pre-colonial city, its “premodern” condition.

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

b bidonvilles, or sh hantytowns, Eco ochard employed the use of aerrial photographyy as a tool to ex pose– from a ne ew vantage poin nt above 21 tthe ground – the e impact that the rural to urban n migration had on the city. Coupled C with phootography “on the ground” of th hese informal neighb borhoods rounde ed out the facts and figures of his h data. This vissual tactic was instrumental in n conveying the planning d decisions that would w follow to a new larger aud dience whom he e is presenting this t data to – pooliticians, planners, and archite ects. M Missing from the data of the su urvey was the fact that bidonville es first emerged d in 1907, the saame year as the arrival of the F French22. A Also missing fro om the surveys is the fact that the t informal setttlements were a consequence of the European land ownersh hip o outweighing the e land owned by Moroccans- at the same time that the population of Moroccaans quadrupled in the space of twenty yyears. What rem mained from the e survey until the beginnings of the negotiation ns of modernity is the notion tha at migration itse elf was the ““crisis” – thereb by creating or underlining an exxisting cultural identity – rather than evaluatin ng the cause of tthe “crisis”, which would involve severe self-doubt s and would w most likelly have rattled the iron cage of modernity. T The Urban Lab: Transculturation and the Diss solution of CIAM M Left: From author’s a timeline: In ye yellow: CIAM 9, 1953 A Aix-en-Provence [Hab bitat]

AMMA Group, A ATBAT The social housingg projects by GA with Team X mem mbers Georges Candilis and Sh handrach Afrique [w Woods] an nd the urban ex periments of Michel Ecochard in the early 1950 0s in the slums of Casablanca b brought about a an epistemollogical shift thatt rattled the iron n cage of Moderrnity. These architectural ventu ures were prese ented at CIAM 9 in 1953 at he topic of “Hab bitat”. The bidon nvilles of Aix-en-Prrovence under th h aerial Casablancca had been meeticulously documented through photograp phy and photogrraphs of the dwe ellings from the e ground and prese ented in a new “ggrille” or grid similar to the Co orbusianinvented CIAM C grid. This new grid, or GA AMMA grid, while not rradically different from Le Corb busier’s orginal grid was disturrbingly differentt in content. Elevvating the living g environment o of the sshantytown to th he status of avant-garde work that t typically occcupied the spacce of the grid prresented at CIAM M conferences sshook M Modernism’s ve ery core.23 221

Avermaete, Anotther Modern. Wright, The Polittics of Design in Freench Colonial Urbanism. 223 Avermaete, “Nom madic Experts and Travelling Perspecctives: Colonial Modernity and the Ep pistemological Shiftt in Modern Architeecture Culture,” 14 41. 222

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LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Left: Smithson’s Urban Re-Identification Grid | GAMMA Grid, Source: “Another Modern”

Presenting the ordinary and often despised reality of the bidonville as if it were a valuable urban environment was perceived by modern masters such as Le Corbusier and Gropius as crossing an important boundary. For a whole group of other architects, such as Alison and Peter Smithson, Aldo van Eyck and Jaap Bakema, Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods this represented the beginning of a new path for the modern movement…They introduced within international architectural discourse an understanding of the built environment as a sociospatial construct…24

This form of transculturation is often glossed over in the historiography of these modern experiments in the periphery of Casablanca. What is important to note is that while the housing projects themselves were intended to position the dwelling unit as the rectifier of the urban crisis [habitat adapte, habitat evolutif] the GAMMA Grid remains as a useful device in negotiating the space between the emerging global spatial production and the realities that the cities of Morocco still face – there are 60,000 bidonvilles in Casablanca today. The GAMMA Grid played a critical role in the dissolution of CIAM and the emergence of Team X, differentiated by altering the ways that modern architects looked upon the built environment.25 Not only is there transculturation at the architectural level regarding the unit of dwelling, but after the Semiramis, Nid D’Abeille, and La Tour housing experiments in Casablanca, Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods went on to design over 10,000 housing blocks in Paris, Marseilles, and Martinique. Their Berlin Free University is also a culmination of their ideas “learned from” Casablanca.

Ecochard’s project Habitat Pour les Plus Grandes Nombres was designed as a framework to resolve the" crisis” of the rural to urban migration. It was a rationalized approach to distributing low rise, medium density social housing over the landscape; to maximize the distribution of infrastructure while providing a framework for his architecture-as-rectifier. His habitat evolutif was a three dimensional demonstration of how to urbanize a rural population. The work of Team X members Candilis + Woods at Carriers Centrales would be an exhibition of how the dwellers of the bidonvilles would adapt to the urban environment. Evolving from the 24 25

Ibid., 140. Ibid., 141.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

Typologies of Hegemony: Housing The Other and Le Trame Ecochard [the Ecochard Grid]

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Left: Courtyard house in “Encyclopédie de l'urbanisme” as cited in Cohen and Eleb

bidonvilles into the horizontal city and gradually the vertical city, these architectural experiments would demonstrate how to modernize a civilization- a clear example of the cultural hegemony of the colonizer held over the colonized. The eight x meter grid [huit x huit] that Ecochard used to employ a rationalized approach to distributing services to the new courtyard type dwellings has had a lasting effect on the morphology of the city [and has been appropriated in other cities in Morocco]. Spatial Agency and Habitat Adapte

Below: Current condition of ourtyard houses, Source: Cohen and Eleb

The original courtyard houses are unrecognizable and have been modified to accommodate for inhabitants’ needs – raising the question of whether the typology was a cultural imposition from the very beginning or if the spatial agency speaks more to the small unit size [among other drawbacks such as lack of indoor plumbing facilities] not suiting the inhabitants’ needs. Or said differently, perhaps the misinterpretation of the original dwelling needs lies in mistaking the medina as a precedent for pattern of courtyard house types only, as opposed to understanding the social framework of collective dwelling. Villes Sans Bidonvilles + Megaprojects: Is “Bigness” the solution to urban disorder? As Morocco strategizes once again to push industry as the social and economic catalyst of the government in the cases of Casa Marina and the Tanger Med Port with accompanying Free Trade Zones, the pressing issues faced by the Protectorate in the early 20th century still remain: lack of adequate social housing and an appropriate social infrastructure to sustain it. As the 2012 deadline of Villes Sans Bidonvilles [ King Mohammed VI’s program of Cities without Slums] is fast approaching, a new form of global

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

spatial production driven by capital is emerging in the kingdom.26 The business model of a public-private partnership is perpetuating the colonial dual tactic of utilizing development of the coast for the benefit of industry and as a great draw for tourism oriented to the European market. Long after independence, the colonial project of villes nouvelles, first introduced by Prost, are planned for areas of the country where the lack of social housing and a weak economy are still relevant urban issues. The current program of Villes Nouvelles is a strategy to decentralize cities that still see a great amount of pressure from the “urban mirage” effect. They are meant to house a workforce employed in the nearby factories of Free Trade Zones much like the early schemes for workers’ housing. Typically situated inland, these new towns are meant to strengthen the hinterlands that saw neglect under the reign of Lyautey during the Protectorate by offering housing and industry. In the case of Charafate [Mellousa], the Nouvelle Ville planned inland between the city of Tangier and the Tanger Med Port, the entire Tangier-Tetouan region in intended to be unified.

These large scale solutions tend to be in the form of megaprojects led by private development that threaten to perpetuate the condition of the patchwork urbanism; new coastal amenities are clearly kept separate from the existing médina, or more precisely, the médina is kept locked in its current position – disconnected from new development opportunities in the city that claim to provide new public space. The latent potential exists: to unlock the original madīna from its physical and social containment and stitch together the disparate urban entities. The challenge as the country marches towards orienting its coastline towards globalization is to offer an appropriate morphological intervention that would mediate between the two differing parts of the city: between the madīna and the newly emerging form of global spatial production. 26

Barthel and Planel, “Tanger‐Med and Casa‐Marina, Prestige Projects in Morocco,” 176.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

Left: Casablanca Marina rendering, Source: SkyscraperCityMorocco.com Right: Reconversion of Port du Tanger-Ville rendering, Source: SkyscraperCityMorocco.com Note the wide palm tree-lined boulevards that separate the medina from the new development

Movements in and out of the medina alter the "urbanness". Rural migration + expansion of bazaar streets= "tourist-induced" redistribution of commercial activities Source: Troin as cited in Urban Development in the Muslim World cohesion hub

cohesion hub

District circulation | territory [Fez medina]

Sba' Luyat Alley, Fez Medina: [district] Jama El Souk, Casablanca Medina: [district, neighborhood, dwelling] Cite SOCICA workers housing, Edmund Brion: [neighborhood, dwelling] CONSUMA workers housing, Edmund Brion: [district, neighborhood, dwelling] Habitat evolutif, Carrieres Centrales, Michel Ecochard: [district, neighborhood, dwelling] Le Trame Ecochard [8x8 Grid] Carrieres Centrales, Michel Ecochard: [neighborhood, dwelling] Semiramis, Nid d'Abeille, La Tour, Georges Candilis and Shadrach Woods: [block, dwelling]

Street infrastructure

Borrowing from Alexander and Chermayeff's domains of urbanity as described in the "Anatomy of Urbanism" chapter of Community and Privacy; Toward a New Architecture of Humanism, I diagrammed the gradient of public to private spaces in the circulation and territory of several housing projects in order to illuminate the relationship between the individual housing unit to the overall pattern of collective dwelling. The following case studies were analyzed utilizing this method:

Interior courtyard connected to street infrastructure

Social structure of madina Source: Eicklemann

Urban structure of madina with productive landscape extra muros, Source: Radoine

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Casablanca medina: district | neighborhood

cohesion hub

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Group Public

Group Private

Family Public

Family Private

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Previous Research on the Topic

Territory

SOCICA workers housing: Edmund Brion, Roches Noires, Casablanca [1942]

CONSUMA workers housing: Edmund Brion, Roches Noires, Casablanca [1932]

Circulation

Part II

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Circulation

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

Circulation | Territory

Street infrastructure

community open space

Habitat Evolutif: Semiramis | Nid D'abeille | La Tour

Interior courtyards | open spaces connected to street infrastructure

Carriers Centrales 32

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

District circulation | territory [Carriers Centrales]

16 x24 open space [shared]

16x16 [4]

placette

Part II

Territory

Group Public

Group Private

Family Public

Family Private

Previous Research on the Topic

5x5 courtyard

Circulation

Partial Plan of Carriers Centrales

8x8 unit

Circulation | Territory

cluster of 4 units [16x16]

Underlying Structure | Circulation

Clusters connected to street infrastructure

LEARNING FROM CASABLANCA

16x16 [4]

Huit x Huit: Le Trame Ecochard [8x8 Ecochard Grid] Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part III

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-Imagining the role of madina in Tangier Madina, from Arabic, refers to the process of making a settlement or city, with its accompanying social network and productive spaces that comprise the whole of the urban agglomeration [Radoine, 2006]. Since the 20th century in Morocco, this definition of city; inclusive of the adjacent landscape just outside of the city’s walls was altered as the French transliteration of the word médina superseded the Arabic one; limiting the description of the walled city to its physical boundary [only]. This etymological shift allowed for the subsequent isolation of the médina as the colonial expansion plans of Henri Prost in many Moroccan cities encircled the walls of the old quarter, severing it from its livelihood and in the case of Tangier, forcing it to orient its internal economy to depend predominantly on tourism in order to survive. These expansion plans featured a grand boulevard, or fortif zone [Wright, 1991], separating the médina from the ville moderne, or colonial city; a divisive urban move intended to set the modernizing, European man apart from the “other” to begin to justify the agency required to control the native population - as a sort of spatial apartheid.

This research project explores how vestiges of colonial urbanism can be negotiated in order to mediate the social divide that exists within specific unclaimed territories in the city that are affected by the rapidly-emerging, globally-oriented infrastructure and development. A series of six sites were selected based on their uncertain status of ownership and their explicit relationship to colonial or globally-oriented urban intervention. With a particular focus on the space between the medina and the port, each site is considered an opportunity to expand upon the original concept of madina. The latent potential exists for these places to be claimed as informally belonging to the médina. By introducing specialized social, cultural, ecological, and infrastructural programs into these urban landscapes, a framework plan of productive spaces is proposed with the intent to allow the médina to push back against the pressures of a re-oriented economy in order to build an empowered role within the larger urban realm.

The Research Question

As the recent pressures of globalization motivate the kingdom of Morocco to strategize the restructuring of its coastal cities to orient economic opportunities towards foreign investment and free trade with the European Union, while strengthening its dependency on tourism, the city of Tangier in experiencing an exacerbated divide between high and low as emergent development ignores the very demographic that contributes to the original culture of the place. Master planned by Foster + Partners with construction currently underway, the Port du Tanger-Ville will offer amenities which promote an economy of high-end leisure and cruise tourism, while displacing a community of local fishermen to the outer portion of the port’s breakwater. This imbalance of accessibility to the port will be magnified by the implementation of a wide, palm-tree lined boulevard of unprogrammed terrain, recalling Prost’s fortif zone, with a lack of direct linkages between the médina and the port development, this gap will reinforce the social, spatial, and morphological differences between these disparate parts of the urban realm which equally depend on the port for economic sustainability.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

Medinas 2030: As a component of Morocco 2030, Medinas 2030 is a calls for an intervention strategy to integrate social, spatial and historic components in the interest of protecting the heritage potential of the Medina - improving the quality of life of its people while promoting tourism and trade. Goals for the medinas of Morocco from the Ministry of Housing, Urban and Spatial Planning: Integrate social, educational, health, and cultural issues through adaptive reuse of historic buildings; Improve extramural accessibility Restructure the street network Reorganize economic activity Regulate height of development

Area of Tangier Medina: 26 hectares Density of Medina: 224.2 inhabitants / hectare [5,829 inhabitants] Typical dwelling size: 30m2 for 47% of homes 50m2 72% of homes 80m2 88% of homes Renters: 60% Owners: 40% [of which 80% are privately owned, 20% split between ownership | endowments of the state [Habous] Source: Agence Urbaine du Tanger

26 HA 26 HA Palimpsestuous Beginnings :: Carthaginian - British Evolution of ramparts | Adjacent landscape

Structure of Urban Form :: Cardo + Decumanus

Connectivity :: Circulation Network

Collage City: Vestiges of imperial + colonial urbanism 1 HA

500

400

300

200

100

1BC/AD

100

Carthaginians 5th century B.C.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

200 Romans 1st century B.C.

300

400

500 Vandals 5th century A.D.

600 Roman Empire 534-682

700

800

100

900

250

500

1000

1000m

1100 Arab [Umayyad] 702-1471

1200

6 5

MARSHAN

+90m

Arret : Place Kasbah

ANCIEN MEDINA oud

ih Oued L

Arret : Port du Peche

Part III

Tan ge rM ed ,M A

Barc elon a, E S Barc elon a, E S Gen oa, IT Sete , FR

|A lge cir as, E

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION S

E fa,

i Tar

PORT DE TANGER-VILLE

Baie de Tanger

Grand Socco

Arret : Ancienne Gare Ferroviare

+75m

1 HA

Arret : Place Faro

100

250

500

1000m

M'SALLAH

TANGER CITY CENTER ghough Oued M

+40m

oua

S ued

CHARF

BNI MAKADA 1300

1400

1500

1600

1700

Portuguese 1471-1662

1800

1900 Moroccan [Sultan Moulay Ismail] 1684-1923

British Empire 1662-1684

1910

1920

1930

1940

HAY BENIKRANE 1950

Tangier International Zone 1923-1945

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

Moroccan Independence 1956

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design Pre-WW II Status 1662-1684

2010

The Research Question

+100m

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

6 5

3 2

Site 1: Oued Mghougha | Tangier City Center

Site 2: Avenue Mohammed VI

Site 3: Douane | Former Customs House

1 Site 4: York Castle

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Site 5: Bab Kasbah | Place du Tabor

Site 6: Plage Mercala

Part III

Situated between informal access to water + engineered infrastructure

5. Extra-mural Obstruction

Situated between imperial urbanism + culturally-grounded urban morphology

York castle: Inversion of the role of battlement: from inward-oriented to outward-oriented. Situated between imperial urbanism + global urbanism

[

] 3. Pressure of Globalization

Fishing port | Medina connection: Erasure of place-related infrastructure to make way for Eurocentric, tourism-oriented activity. Situated between culturally-grounded urban morphology + global urbanism

]

[

2. Vulnerable Territory

Unclaimed land: Gap in urban fabric; excluded from Prostâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s expansion plan. Situated between colonial urbanism + global urbanism

1. Adulterated Landscape

Wadi confluence: Wadis buried | channelized under French control. Floodplain used for industrial functions | rail right of way. Downstream of effluent from informal settlements which contributes to the pollution of the three wadis and the bay. Situated between informal settlement + global urbanism

The Research Question

Bab Kasbah: Augmentation of the role of ramparts: from keeping out people to keeping out cars

4. Vacant Prospect

]

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

Wadi delta: Restructuring of the coast to accomodate for latent demand catalyzed by the success of both ports.

[

6. Severed ground

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

TANGER CITY CENTER

Oued Souani

Place De La Ligue Arabe

Oue

CHARF

SITE 1 :: OUED MGHOUGHA | TANGER CITY CENTER SITE AREA 5.8 Hectares PROGRAM Tree nursery [expand existing], public open spaces, landscape remediation | biofiltration of existing wadis, parking infrastructure STRATEGY Link rail and bus station with a network of pedestrian pathways and park spaces :: Consolidate parking to reduce automobile dependency within the city

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco 06

gho

ugh

Part III

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

Oued Mghougha

CHARF

Oued Souani

4 GARE FERROVIAIRE [RAIL] + TAXI Link to high speed rail station at Cap Malbata [6 km east]

PLACE DE LA LIGUE ARABE

1 GARE ROUTIERE [BUS] + TAXI

TANGER CITY CENTER

Bioswale | Landscape remediation Existing landscape New Performative landscape

1 2 3 4

Tangerine trees Underground multi-parking system Grass pavers Crosswalk pattern

The Research Question

Pedestrian path Local bus route Tram [proposed] Shuttle bus [train station to port] Arterial roads Gondola and stop [proposed] Rail

Allee of trees Parking infrastructure Programmatic infrastructure

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

41 07

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

Grand Socco

2 SITE 2 :: AVENUE MOHAMMED VI SITE AREA 0.6 Hectares PROGRAM Middle-class courtyard units, restaurant [with terrace] public open Space, parking infrastructure STRATEGY Link Place Faro to the beach with a network of pedestrian pathways :: Provide beachfront dwellings for a growing lower-to-middle-class demographic in an otherwise exclusive stretch of real estate in the city

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part III

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

TANGER BOULEVARD

Arret : Ancienne Gare Ferroviare

Arret : Place Faro Bo

TEATRO CERVANTES

CIMITERIE

HOTEL EL MINZAH

FENDAK CHEJRA

Pedestrian path Gondola and stop [proposed] Existing landscape New Performative landscape

1 Tangerine trees 2 Vertical parking structure 3 Grass pavers

Allee of trees Parking infrastructure Programmatic infrastructure

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

The Research Question

FONDOUK [TEXTILES]

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

4 ANCIEN MEDINA

SITE 5 :: BAB KASBAH | PLACE DU TABOR SITE AREA 0.27 Hectares PROGRAM Moorish Garden [Place du Tabor], public open Space, parking infrastructure STRATEGY Link Kasbah to Mendoubia Gardens with pedestrian pathways :: Prohibit automobile access from penetrating beyond the outside walls of the Medina

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part III

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

GRAND SOCCO

Arret : Place Kasbah

PLACE MECHOIR

KASBAH

LES JARDINS DE LA MENDOUBIA

It Ru

1, 2, 3

PLACE DU TABOR

Pedestrian path Gondola and stop [proposed] Existing landscape New Performative landscape Allee of trees Parking infrastructure

1 2 3 4 5 6

rha

Pal

ace

Tangerine trees Vertical parking structure Grass pavers Water feature Crosswalk pattern Landscape by others

Programmatic infrastructure

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

The Research Question

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

6 SITE 6 :: PLAGE MERCALA SITE AREA PROGRAM STRATEGY

3.6 Hectares Public Open Spaces, Swimming Pools, Landscape Remediation | Biofiltration of existing Wadi, Parking Infrastructure Reconnect to the Beach [Plage Mercala] with Pedestrian Pathways and Park Spaces :: Provide Public Pools and Recreational Programs

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Arret : Ancienne Gare Ferroviare

LE PORT

Part III

SIX SITES FOR INTERVENTION

Arret : Place Faro GRAND SOCCO

Arret : Port du Peche Arret : Place Kasbah BAB KASBAH

TOMBEAUX PHENICIENNES + CAFE HAFA

MARSHAN

CIMITERIE

4 1

5 2

Pedestrian path Gondola and stop [proposed] Bioswale | Landscape remediation Existing landscape New Performative landscape Allee of trees

1 2 3 4 5 6

Tangerine [citrus tangerina] trees Maritime Pine [pinus pinaster] trees Grass pavers Crosswalk pattern Pedestrian bridge Public swimming pools

Programmatic infrastructure Tangierine trees

Maritime pine trees

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

The Research Question

PLACE RELATED INFRASTRUCTURE: A FRAMEWORK PLAN Study the field: It will be there without you; you can contribute to it. Study the field as a living organism. It has no form, but it has structure. Find its structure and form will come

The field has continuity: Merge with it and others will join you. Because the field has continuity no job is large or small; all that you do adds to the field.

Be hospitable to those after you: Give structure as well as form. The more you seek to continue what was done by others, the more you will be recognized for it: The more others will continue what you did. Cooperate: When you can borrow from others borrow, praise them for it. When you can steal from others steal, and admit it freely. No matter what you do, your work will be your own. Avoid style: Leave it to the critics and historians. Choose method: It is what you share with your peers. Forget self expression: It is a delusion. Whatever you do will be recognized by others as your expression; donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t give it a second thought Do what the field needs. - N. John Habraken Towards an Architecture of the Field 48

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

ihoud

+90m

Oued L

No one builds alone: When you do something large, leave the small to others. When you do something small, enhance the large. Respond to those before you: When you find structure, inhabit it; When you find type, play with it; When you find patterns, seek to continue them.

Marshan

+75m

Part III

PLACE RELATED INFRASTRUCTURE: A FRAMEWORK PLAN

Detroit de Gibraltar

PORT DE TANGER-VILLE

Port du Peche [existing]

Grand Socco

Baie de Tanger

1 HA

100

250

500

1000m

Oued el

Halk

6 1 2 3 4 5 6

TANGER CITY CENTER

Oued Souani

Place De La Ligue Arabe

Oue

gho

ugh

Oued Mgougha Boulevard Mohammed VI Douaune York Castle Plaza Toro Page Mercala

The Research Question

ANCIEN MEDINA

+40m

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design CHARF

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN Site number three is an extension of the cultural axis of the city: the former Decumaus. Bracketed by the Mohammed V mosque and the Port du Peche, the line is extended to include sociallyoriented programs supported by Habous such as a koranic school, Arabic calligraphy school, a fondouk [souk] with productive spaces to allow for the making and selling of local handicrafts. The Port du Peche - unlike the Foster scheme - is kept in place. Connecting the medina and the fish port by way of ramping down to the piers allows the current microeconomy of the fishermen to not only remain, but to be strengthened. The topographic difference between the medina and the port is mediated by a thickened ground of ramps and stairs. The space above the former customs house [Douane] is given over to the public: a prospect over the bay as well as allowing for views of the productive space below. The network of movement was considered as originating from the medina and pushing out to engage the public space of the redeveloped Port de Tanger-Ville. The forms of the new morphology between were considered from the vantage point of the fish port looking towards the medina - reestablishing the entry point into the medina from the port.

Medinas 2030 We must prevent city centres from deteriorating further and from becoming transformed into theme parks for tourists; We must bring the integrated rehabilitation of the medinas to a successful conclusion that will preserve their cultural character and encourage a high quality of economic and social life; Good conditions must be guaranteed for access to public services in order to facilitate the right conditions for health and safety; The rehabilitation must target a mixture of urban functions and make it possible to support the existing local population or offer them appropriate conditions for relocation; The rehabilitation process must be based on close consultation with those affected, using, for instance, appropriate tools for participation; Pilot schemes can provide a particularly useful frame of reference for instilling confidence among those affected; To ensure adequate funding, it is essential that the private sector be involved in an appropriate manner; A crucial aspect of the successful rehabilitation of the medinas is that experience be shared among Mediterranean cities. Best practice and pilot schemes will enable national and local capacity to be strengthened; International institutions and local organizations should be more involved in the rehabilitation of the medinas by providing the funding and technical assistance needed to develop integrated rehabilitation programmes. Source: Facility for Euro-Mediterranean Investment and Partnership [FEMIP]

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part III

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN cafe

middle deck

-3m

fishermen's deck

-4m

exterior wor market spks acho ep / fondouk

-1.6m

-.8m

-4m

sorting deck [nets]

fondouk

fishing equipment below

char-souk

former line of water

rip rap

char-souk

tea room

fishermen's deck

-4m

The Research Question

promenade

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN

...Tangier is a place where the past and the present exist simultaneously in proportionate degree, where a very much alive today is given an added depth of reality by the presence of an equally alive yesterday. In Europe, it seems to me, the past is largely fictitious; to be aware of it one must have previous knowledge of it. In Tangier the past is a physical reality as perceptible as the sunlight. - Paul Bowles The Worlds of Tangier, 1958 Medina

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

ramped transition

Douane [existing customs house]

workshop | fondouk [bazaar]

road r.o.w.

promenade / storage bays

sorting deck

The Research Question

pinus pinaster trees

Part III

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN

There are few level stretches in town; at the end of each street there is almost always a natural view, so that the eye automatically skims over that which is near at hand to dwell on a vignette of harbor with ships, or mountain ranges, or sea with distant coastline. Then, the intensity of the sky, even when cloudy, is such that wherever one happens to be, the buildings serve only as an unnoticed frame for the natural beauty beyond. You donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t look at the city; you look out of it. - Paul Bowles The Worlds of Tangier, 1958 54

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Part III The Research Question

THE MORPHOLOGY BETWEEN

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Urban History of Casablanca | Tangier Bounhar, Abdeljalil. 2009. Anfa, Dar-el-Beïda, Casablanca, Trois Noms. Une Seule Ville. La Croisee des Chemins. Cohen, Jean-Louis. 2002. Casablanca: Colonial Myths and Architectural Ventures. New York: Monacelli Press. Eleb, Monique.

Cohen and Eleb cataloged the various scales of plan layouts from dwelling to district in order to reveal adaptations to traditions and customs as a

way to inform the social spaces and lifestyles that are embedded within the DNA of the dwelling.

Ecochard, Michel. 1955. Casablanca; Le Roman D’une Ville. Paris: Éditions de Paris.

This book consists of urban studies and data gathering to give measure to the unprecedented migration of the rural population into the urban

environment during the Protectorate. The focus of the book is on the phenomenon of the bidonvilles, or informal shantytowns and the urban

response required in order to mitigate the migration. What is always missing from this data that is cited even in anti-colonial texts is that the first

bidonvilles in Casablanca emerged in 1907- when the French arrived and increased the pressure on space. See: Wright, The Politics of Design in

French Colonial Urbanism, 153.

Routh, E. M. G. 1912. Tangier, England’s Lost Atlantic Outpost, 1661-1684. London: J. Murray. Royer, Jean, Louis Hubert Gonzalve Lyautey, Edmond Du Vivier de Streel, and Henri Prost. 1932. L’urbanisme aux Colonies et dans les Pays Tropicaux. Vol. 1 :

Communications & Rapports du Congès International de L’urbanisme aux Colonies et dans les Pays de Latitude Intertropicale /. La Charité-sur-Loire:

Nevers. Thomson, Joseph. 1889. Travels in the Atlas and Southern Morocco: a Narrative of Exploration. London: George Philip & son. Post-Colonial History | Theory | Criticsm AlSayyad, Nezar. 2010. “Culture, Identity and Urbanism: A Historical Perspective from Colonialism and Globalisation.” In Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity, 76–87. Black Dog. Avermaete, Tom. 2005. Another Modern: The Post-war Architecture and Urbanism of Candilis-Josic-Woods. Rotterdam: NAi. Avermaete, Tom. 2010. Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future. Black Dog.

Re: “Colonial Modern”: A theoretical framework positioning Modernism in the context of the colonial experiments in the colonies, positing that

not only did Europe “learn from” what was tested in the urban laboratory that was Casablanca, but that the canon of Modern architecture – and

more importantly, that Europe’s perception of modernity that it claimed as its own has been transformed, negotiated, as a result of

decolonization, from how it was once understood.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Avermaete, Tom. 2010. “Nomadic Experts and Travelling Perspectives: Colonial Modernity and the Epistemological Shift in Modern Architecture Culture.” In Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future, 131–151. Black Dog.

Avermaete’s essay attributes modern urban approaches to solving social, technological, and hygiene problems of Europe and North America to

the colonial urban experiments in Morocco [and Algeria]. Mass housing areas were designed with the destruction of the bidonvilles in mind:

security and hygiene were of the highest priority.

Avermaete, Tom. 2011. “Framing the Afropolis: Michel Ecochard and the African City for the Greatest Number.” OASE 82. L’Afrique, C’est Chic. Architecture

and Planning in Africa 1950-1970.

Re: “Agency”: Avermaete illuminates the idea that the colonial urbanism of Ecochard brought with it the creation of a new “toolbox” to aid in

asserting a new agency over the actors involved. Using the device of the survey of the bidonvilles, or shantytowns, Ecochard employed the

use of aerial photography as a tool to expose– from a new vantage point above the ground – the impact that the rural to urban migration had on

the city. Coupled with photography “on the ground” of these informal neighborhoods rounded out the facts and figures of his data. This

visual tactic was instrumental in conveying the planning decisions that would follow to a new larger audience whom he is presenting this data to:

politicians, planners, and architects.

Culley, B. P. 2011. “Claiming Space in Casablanca: Modernist Experiments and User-initiated Dwelling Transformations in Hay Mohammadi.” (August 31). http://igitur-archive.library.uu.nl/student-theses/2011-0831-200659/UUindex.html. Eleb, Monique. 2010. “The Concept of Habitat: Ecochard in Morocco.” In Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future, 153–161. Black Dog. Eva, Andersson, and Stockholms universitet Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten Kulturgeografiska institutionen. 2011. “The Inhabitants’ Reinterpretation of

Spatial Structures in Hay Hassani, Casablanca”. StudentThesis. Europeana. http://www.europeana.eu/portal/record/9200111/

C5D70B577B6722F767A5271AED4B3A45163EBF69.html. Foucault, Michel. 1972. The Archaeology of Knowledge. World of Man. London: Tavistock Publications. Friedhelm Hütte, Yto Barrada, Nora Klumpp, Christina Marz, and Marie Muracciole, ed. 2011. “Tangerine Dreams and Magic in the City: A conversation

between Negar Azimi and Yto Barrada.” in Yto Barrada: Riffs. Hatje Cantz.

Yto Barrada is a French-born Moroccan artist who lives and works in Tangier. The subtext of her work is often her preoccupation [obsession] with

the representation of the city of Tangier and often depicts it as a sad, emptiness- which seems to echo the vestiges of colonialism. This

stands in stark contrast to the image of the city projected to the world to generate revenue through tourism.

Goldhagen, Sarah Williams, and Réjean Legault, ed. 2000. Anxious Modernisms: Experimentation in Postwar Architectural Culture. Montréal :

Cambridge,Mass: Canadian Centre for Architecture; MIT Press.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Hernández, Felipe, Mark Millington, and Iain Borden. 2005. Transculturation: Cities, Space and Architecture in Latin America. Rodopi. Karakayali, Serhat. 2010. “Colonialism and the Critique of Modernity.”in Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future, 39–49. Black Dog. Von Osten, Marion. 2010. “In Colonial Modern Worlds.” in Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future, 19–37. Black Dog. Rabinow, Paul. 1995. French Modern: Norms and Forms of the Social Environment. University of Chicago Press ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Said, Edward W. 1978. Orientalism. 1st ed. New York: Pantheon Books.

Re: “The Other”: Carefully constructed images of the city reveal the Protectorate’s agenda to produce a knowledge of the city, and of the “other”,

in order to stabilize colonial domination than they are about the description of the city itself as actual fact. That the description of what

Casablanca is not is more a sign of the underlying intent to have power over the “other”.

Weiss, Daniel. 2010. “A Moroccan Habitat.” In Colonial Modern: Aesthetics of the Past--rebellions for the Future, 162–169. Black Dog. Wright, Gwendolyn. 1991. The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Wright illuminates that the found state of Casablanca was a result of the intervention of the French. Corruption over the ownership of land and

rampant land speculation was effectively encouraged by the French in order to tout the success of the urban planning and expansion efforts of

Lyautey and Prost that would follow.

Structure of Urban Form Abdelkafi, Jellal. 1989. La Médina De Tunis: Espace Historique. Paris: Presses du CNRS. Chermayeff, Serge. 1965. Community and Privacy; Toward a New Architecture of Humanism. Anchor books ed. Doubleday Anchor Book, A 474. Garden City,

N.Y: Anchor Books.

Le Corbusier, and International Congresses for Modern Architecture. 1973. The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers. Eickelman, Dale F. 1974. “Is There an Islamic City? The Making of a Quarter in a Moroccan Town.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 5 (03):

274–294. doi:10.1017/S0020743800034942.

Fondation Le Corbusier. 2012. Le Corbusier, Visions d’Alger. 1. ed. Paris: Editions de la Villette : Fondation Le Corbusier. Gehl, Jan. 1996. “To Assemble or Disperse: City and Site Planning” in Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space. 3rd ed. Copenhagen: Arkitektens Forlag.

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Habraken, N. J. 2009. Soportes: Vivienda y Ciudad = Supports: Housing and City. Experiencias / Máster Laboratorio De La Vivienda Del sigloXXI 1. Barcelona:

Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya.

Harvard University. 2006. “Core Retrofitting: The updating of Historic Cores” in Cities X Lines: a New Lens for the Urbanistic Project = Ciudades X Formas: Una

Nueva Mirada Hacia Proyecto Urbanistico. Rovereto, Italy : Cambridge, MA: Nicolodi Editore; Harvard University, Graduate School of Design.

Hurtt, Steven. 1983 “Conjectures on Urban Form: The Cornell Urban Design Studio 1963-1982” in The Cornell Journal of Architecture 2. [Ithaca, N.Y.] : New

York: Cornell University, Dept. of Architecture ; Distributed by Rizzoli.

Jacobs, Jane. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage Books. Leatherbarrow, David. 2009. Architecture Oriented Otherwise. 1st ed. Writing Matters. New York: Princeton Architectural Press. Lebesque, Sabine, and Praemium Erasmianum Foundation. 2011. Joan Busquets: De Stad in Lagen = the City in Layers: Joan Busquets, Erasmusprijs 2011.

Amsterdam: Architectura & Natura.

Moneo, Rafael, “On Typology” Oppositions, 13: 23-45, (1978). Rizzoli Oxman, Robert, Hadas Shadar, and Ehud Belferman. 2002. “Casbah: a Brief History of a Design Concept.” Architecture Research Quarterly 6 (Urbanism): 321–329. Radoine, Hassan. 2006. “An Encompassing Madina: Toward New Definition of City in Morocco”. Dissertations available from ProQuest. Paper AAI3225523. http://repository.upenn.edu/dissertations/AAI3225523. Rossi, Aldo. 1982. “Primary Elements and the Concept of Area” in The Architecture of the City. Oppositions Books. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Rowe, Colin, and Fred Koetter. 1978. “Crisis of the Object: Predicament of Texture.” In Collage City. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Urban Change in Morocco Amirahmadi, Hooshang, and Salah El-Shakhs, eds.”Urbanization and Development: The Role of the Medina in the Magreb” in Urban Development in the

Muslim World. New Brunswick [N.J.]: Transaction Publishers, 2012.

Barthel, Pierre-Arnaud, and Sabine Planel. 2010. “Tanger-Med and Casa-Marina, Prestige Projects in Morocco: New Capitalist Frameworks and Local Context.” Built Environment 36 (2): 176–191. doi:10.2148/benv.36.2.176. Ducruet, César, Fatima Z. Mohamed-Chérif, and Najib Cherfaoui. 2011. “Maghreb Port Cities in Transition: The Case of Tangier.” Portus Plus 1 (1). http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00553040.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Hassad. 2006. “2006 FEMIP Conference: Regional Integration in the Euro-Mediterranean Area Through Transport Systems”.

Facility for EuroMediterranean Investment and Partnership [FEMIP].

Kutz, William, “State and Territorial Restructuring in the Globalizing City-Region of Tangier, Morocco” (2010). Open Access Theses. Paper 39. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/39 Michel-Guilluy, Florence. 2011. “Avenir meilleur pour l’ancienne medina de Casablanca.” Architecture du Maroc (49) (January): 60. Oswald, Franz. 2003. Netzstadt: Designing the Urban. Basel ; Boston: Birkhäuser. Tretiack, Philippe. 2012. “Retour De Tanger [A Journey in Tangier].” L’Architecture D’Aujourd’Hui (388) (April): 143–151. RESOURCES Research ETH Studio Basel Contemporary City Institute: Research on Casablanca, 2008 http://www.studio-basel.com/projects/casablanca-05/student-work/ La Reconciliation des Territoires Ville Port: La Reconversion du Port de Tanger Khaoula Glaoui, Architecture Thesis 2011, Ecole d’Architecture de Casablanca Exhibitions Learning from Casablanca Church of the Sacré Cour, Casablanca, 2011 Architectural comparative research in the field of housing and urbanism In collaboration with Casamémoire In the Desert of Modernity - Colonial Planning and After Exhibition, Film, Performance, Talks, International Conference House of World Cultures (Haus der Kulturen der Welt], Berlin, 2008 Curated by: Tom Avermaete, Serhat Karakayali, Marion von Osten Institutional Partners: Akademie der bildenden Künste Wien, Architekturfakultät der Delft University of Technology, Casamémoire / Casablanca, CPKC (Center for Post-Colonial Knowledge and Culture Berlin), École Supérieure d’Architecture de Casablanca

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Online Resoures: Data | Plans l’ Agence Urbaine de Casablana http://www.auc.ma/ l’ Agence Urbaine de Tanger http://www.aut.gov.ma/ Ministère de l’Habitat, de l’Urbanisme et de la Politique de la Ville http://www.marocurba.gov.ma/site2012/marocurbanisme/Accueil.aspx Tangier American Legation Institute for Moroccan Studies http://www.talimblog.org/ Cité de l’Architecture & du Patrimoine http://archiwebture.citechaillot.fr/fonds/FRAPN02_PROST/ Tanger Free Zone [TFZ] http://www.tangerfreezone.com/ Tanger Med Port http://www.tmsa.ma/ Skyscraper City Morocco https://www.facebook.com/pages/Skyscrapercity-Morocco/ CIA World Factbook https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/mo.html CDG Développement http://www. cdgdev.ma Bibliothèque Nationale de France http://www.bnf.fr/ Plan Information | Historic Documents Casamémoire, Casablanca http://www.casamemoire.org Tangier American Legation Institute for Moroccan Studies Library, Tangier http://www.talimblog.org/

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco

Vita Samantha Whitney Schwarze is a Post-Professional Master of Architecture candidate in Urban Design from The University of Texas at Austin. Her masters research has been funded by the Boone Powell Family Prize in Urban Design and by the Dallas Urban Lab at The University of Texas at Austin for her proposal to travel to Morocco to observe recent large scale urban changes that the country is experiencing, with a focus on understanding the resultant loss of culturally grounded urban morphology in the coastal cities of Casablanca and Tangier. She is a registered architect in Texas and holds a Bachelor of Architecture from Syracuse University.

Samantha Whitney Schwarze :: Master's Design Study :: In fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture II :: Urban Design

Samantha Whitney Schwarze | Master's Design Study | Negotiating Colonial Urbanism: Re-imagining the role of madina in Tangier, Morocco May 2013