re-design
book 1
Wenn wir den urbanistischen Entscheidungsprozess als eine Interaktion zwischen den Fachleuten, den Entscheidungsberechtigten und den Benützern der Stadt betrachten, so ergibt sich daraus die Möglichkeit, im Folgenden einige Bemerkungen zu den verschiedenen Ansatzpunkten einer Betrachtung zu machen. Aus: Lucius Burckhardt, Städtebauliche Utopien - Was hindert ihre Verwirklichung?. In Englisch erschienen in: European Cultural Foundation (Hrsg.), Plan Europe 2000, Amsterdam 1970.
The Social Incubator
Das Ledigenheim
Assemblage of a Street Neighborhood
Assemblage of a Street Neighborhood
construction site shared
supermarkets and female gathering space
Male Coffee Shops
Structure for upcoming wedding party
follow the actors
analytical deconstruction
ANT
architectural and urban analysis
participatory observation
on-site methods
concept development
#recognition to be published in the UD publication Line 2015 #role urban design student at HCU Hamburg consultant and researcher at the GIZ PDP Cairo #location Ezbet El Nasr, Cairo, Egypt #keywords “informal�, incremental housing, housing process, negotiating neighborhoods, ANT #type master thesis #endformat 200 page book #academicadvisor Prof. Bernd Kniess and Prof. Dr. Ingrid Breckner
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Out of Cairo’s 17 million inhabitants, 65% or approximately 11 million people live in informal settlements. Between 2004 and 2009, 75% of newly born Cairenes were registered in informal settlements (Sims, 2010). Yet the basics, the codes and the tools used to house most of Cairo residents have never been understood. Will planners always be re-acting to the “informal” phenomenon with post-building tools of amendment? Is there a way to understand and guide the growth of Cairo’s informal settlements? How can we understand the basics of the process to successfully alter it? By uncovering housing processes and its effect on space in Ezbet El Nasr (EEN), an area that is officially recognized as informal, I made an attempt to comprehend the logic behind the decision-making process, this has led me to uncover of what I have come to term as Street Neighborhood. Through this research, and while using the existing principles that the informal sector has managed to create, an approach that enables guided growth in Cairo was designed and suggested for further implementation.
Cairo, Population ca. 20,000,000 Ezbet El Nasr, Population NA Mazarita, new built up area
#statistics and facts
Cairo, the city, has been the capital of Egypt for at least the last 1000 years. During that time it has always been, until today, the largest city in Africa and the Middle East. In news1 and political analysis Cairo is considered the pivotal cultural and political spot in Egypt and the region. Cairo is positioned where the Nile starts opening into the Nile Delta, located mostly on what once was agricultural land. Greater Cairo Region (GCR) - which includes the cities of Cairo east of the Nile, Giza west of the Nile and Shubra Al-Khayma in the North - has a population of nearly 17 million inhabitants2. As it functions as one urban organism, Greater Cairo Region will from now on just be called Cairo.
84%
90% 1947
0 km
10
25
38%
90%
desert city
1947
formal city
Monarchy
Socialist government
1947
1960 1950
Faruk I.
1936-1952
1954-1970 Monarchy 1952
State politics
Faruk Revolution I.
1936-1952
3
1960
1970-1981
1977
1967
1974Six Day War
Industrialization
1973
Economy
20.000.000 2011
Revolution
State-subsidized housing projects
18.000.000 formal cairo 16.000.000
1996-
2008-
Building without permit punishable by military court; ineffective
1982-
Stop of urban expansion during war-time economy decade, rise of informal construction
1935-1965-
Iran - Iraq war decreases money influx of Egyptian expats from the Gulf countries
Increasing laws against informal housing, no effect, resulting in petty bribe system
1967-1977
1952-67
20.000.000
18.000.000
1981-
1982-
Stop of urban expansion during war-time economy decade, rise of informal construction
State-subsidized housing projects
Increasing laws against informal housing, no effect, resulting in petty bribe system
ISDF Inf. Settlements Development Facility
1996-
2008-
Building without permit punishable by military court; ineffective
ISDF Inf. Settlements Development Facility
16.000.000
14.000.000
12.000.000
In-migration diminishes / almost disappears, now only natural growth 1980-1988
In-migration from Alexandria, Mahalla al-Kubra and Aswan accounts for 35% of population growth
32% of built urban space 31% of urban population
14.000.000
1980-1988
In-migration from Alexandria, Mahalla al-Kubra and Aswan accounts for 35% of population growth 1935-1965-
Immigration
2011
Revolution
Jom Kippur Camp David
1967-1977
1952-67
Immigration
2010
1977
Open-door-policy Economic boom Oil boom in Gulf countries
Industrialization
Housing projects & laws
2000
1981-2011
19741952-
Housing projects & laws
2011
Open-door-policy War peace1981treaty Iran - Iraq war decreases money influx Economic boom of Egyptian expats from the Gulf countries Oil boom in Gulf countries
1952-
Economy
1990
Hosni Mubarak
1970-1981 War peace treaty
Revolution
2010
1981-2011
Liberal politics Anwar Sadat Camp David Jom Kippur
Six Day War
1954-1970
201
2006
Hosni Mubarak
1973
1967
Gamal Abdel Nasser
17% of built urban area 65% of urban population
65% 2000
1990
2006
1996 1980
1970
Anwar Sadat
Socialist government
informal cairo
1996
“Cairo – the logic of a city out of Control”, David Sims 2010
1986
1976
63%
1980
Liberal politics
1952
State politics
60%
1970
Gamal Abdel Nasser
65%
2 Numbers are from the last census of 2006 - reports on the population of Cairo differ greatly. The last census of 2006 will 35%mostly be 37% used in this40% work. However at some points other sources were used to highlight differences.
46%
55%
62%
84% 1960 informal city
desert 37% cities 51% of built urban space 63% 4% of urban population
40%
65%
201
2006
1996
1 Especially in contemporary news, when reporting about the events of the last two years, the importance of the urban space is often 2011 2006 1996 highlighted. 1986 1976 1960
16%
90%1950
65%
32% of built urban space used by 31% of urban population
informal city
1986 1947
38%
desert 37% cities 51% of built urban space 63% 4% of urban population
40% formal cairo
city, encompassing mostly private gated urban proj16% ects built on the east and west desert of Cairo. desert city 35% 37% 38% 40%city, which Th e informal includes newly built informal areas 46% 60% formal Thosecitythree cities are 63% coexisting in one. Th55% is classification gives60% 62%
84%
90%
1976
1960
10%
46%
55%
62%
84%
1986
1976
1960
Greater Cairo Region The desert (Source: 10% Sims, Understanding Cairo 2010)
50
16%
51% of built urban space used by 4% of urban population
David Sims3 classifies Cairo’s urban fabric as three different cities:16% 38% 46%built The formal city, which is the urban space that 55%has been up by governmental master plans 62%as well as degraded historical60% areas (which, as they have grown in a time were no clear urban laws were available, can be considered to always have been formal).
10%
10%
desert cities
informal cairo
In-migration diminishes / almost disappears, now only natural growth
informal cairo
formal cairo
32% of12.000.000 built urban space 31% of urban population 10.000.000
10.000.000
8.000.000 4.0% Annual population growth rate in Cairo
8.000.000 4.0%
informal peri urban
3.3%
Annual population growth rate in Cairo
informal peri urban
3.3%
desert cities
3.0%
6.000.000 6.000.000
desert cities
3.0%
4.000.000
2.1% 2.1%
1.9% 1.9%
formal cairo
formal cairo
4.000.000
2.000.000
2.000.000
informal cairo
17% of built urban area 0 population 65% of urban 0
1950
1950
1960
1960
1970
1970
1980
1980
1990 1990
20002000
2010 2010
informal cairo
17% of built urban area 65% of urban population
#research method Since informality is initially a question of housing, or in other terms, changing forms of the production of space, I established different research methodologies that rotate around following the following two actors: Actor 1. The process of building a house . Actor 2. The space that has been created through and by this housing process. This method of “following the actors” is used to strengthen the understanding of each actor while clearly specifying further other actors who before that were “swarming in all directions like a bee” (Latour 2005, 13).
RESEARCH METHOD Defining two actors to follow: The housing process • The space created by housing •
Perspective 1: -Governmental insider -Working as a Junior Consultant for the GIZ in the PDP Questions: What are the main actors on the "formal" side? How is the "informal" urbanization process affected by "formal" actors?
+ General
academic research about informality in Cairo
Perspective 2: - Neighborhood insider - Renting a work space in a shop in the neighborhood Questions: What are the main actors in the area? How do those actors affect the urban fabric?
Perspective 3: -External researcher -Researching housing biographies Questions: How were individual houses built? What conclusions does this allow for the development of the neighborhood?
#the assembly of the street neighborhood Housing does not stop where the physical house has been built; it forms a “bridging social capital” (Dirksmeier, 2009) creating different levels of negotiations and distinctive spaces for interaction. In EEN the housing process and the needs to live has created the street neighborhood.
1. Shops and Houses
2. Street
Housing and shops were analysed in their building and creation process, later in combination with their incremental growth. Shops were specifically researched as they were found to be an important contributor to the urban space. With it Housing biographies were recorded and compared.
The street showed the connection between the housing process and the urban space. It also highlighted different usages of the street and different levels of open space where shops played an important role.
3. Settlement
4. Institutes
The settlement holds a community together due to the “informal” institutes that the community creates owing to its need to house. I was able to study that more in detail through Mazzarita that was squatted and built in the period of my research.
The Institutes created by the community is connected to the formal sector thus questioning the claim of informality all together.
mazzarita
the settlement 0 km
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#1. shops: opener to the community Shops were used as alternative housing space. They were also a direct expansion of the street and public space. Friends hang around the shop, social life and money matters are discussed and arranged there. 80
81
Shops in the neighborhood
The shop, the neighborhood and the production of a family
Shops in October 2012
The Shop and gender division My being there attracted a lot of women living in the neighborhood but even when I wasn’t there and came unannounced there were always the ladies sitting together and exchanging stories, making me label the shop as the women’s meeting point. The space represented some kind of 3rd place for the women. After cooking, or after coming back from work, they would always pass by to see who is there and to sit together. Two blocks further was the men’s meeting point - the coffee shop. The Shop and the Family a new family = a new housing unit.
Shops in January 2013
Marriage is one of the important factors that affect housing (if not at times the only one). In the Shaabi culture young people (irrespective of gender) won’t move out of their parents’ house except if going to their marital house (Singerman, Avenues of Participation: Family, Politics, and Networks in Urban Quarters of Cairo 1996). But marriage and housing is not where the housing process starts. Parents start saving for their kids from early on for this particular moment. Marriage cloth is bought incrementally, furniture is bought incrementally, and housing equipment is bought incrementally. Without a person’s full marriage equipment that is always expected from both groom and bride – different, clearly specified items from each of them) the wedding would not take place, therefore a new housing structure would not form. By offering women’s marriage cloth in the form of lingerie, Samah’s shop, other than offering a meeting place in the area, affects (while capitalizing on) this marriage and housing cycle.
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Shop profile
ACTOR PROFILE
Samah, a female shop owner Samah provides the women through her shop with “bridal” lingerie and other basic amenities. Most of the days she sells a daily freshly cooked chickpeas dish for the children coming back from school. On the side she offers retail drugstore products for everyday use (products like hair gel, shampoo… etc.). She gets access to her products through two means:
Samah 19 years single Sohag, village south of Cairo
Employment: Sources of income:
self-employed cloth shop (rented space)
NGO
NGO v sa
l
ht rig
Samah family
effort, time
El Attaba: El Attaba is the main market selling whole sale products among other things in Cairo. Samah’s mother goes there weekly to buy the new neighborhood orders. Samah goes with her every now and then when they have large orders. They are well acquainted to the shopkeepers and have the advantage of the possibility of returning goods that do not come to the liking of the customers in EEN. 2.
e od
money
m
’s en s m rse wcoou
Work
g in
The Chinese women: She buys from a particular Chinese woman who passes by every two weeks in the area. There is a large network of Chinese women in Cairo who have been selling Chinese products for some time. No one knows how they come to Cairo and why are they only women. But it does appear that they are well organized and work in all of Cairo (Sims, Housing in Cairo 2013). Although Samah wasn’t able to speak English, she was able to choose products from a catalogue-like file. The Chinese women offer Chinese products that are cheaper than what Samah would usually pay for in El Attaba (see below), even though the products sold there are Chinese as well.
Name: Age: Marital status: Origin:
marriage money
Products
respect, loyalty
1.
Chinese Woman
Competition
At the start of my research there was no one in the neighborhood offering the same products like Samah. However a shop opposite of hers that was situated in a newly built building opened while I was there. The whole building was new and belonged to an “outsider” who comes from another city quarter (also an informal quarter with the name of Manshiyit Nasser). It caused a lot of rumors and worries in the neighborhood about who this man was and where he got his money from, and how it would affect the life of the locals. The whole structure was not built incrementally but in one step, and had two huge shops in it selling everything Samah was selling and more. (see diagram of the neighborhood with available shops).
Attaba
money
3.
Regular Customers
Her main clients are women on the brink of marriage. The shop depends on Samah’s personal network in the neighborhood. She doesn’t have any customers outside of EEN.
power information
China construction / material money
#1. houses: collecting and analysing housing biographies By investigating the housing biography of each family in the street, the negotiation of space was understood and the different and new spaces the housing process enabled was made visible.
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Biography #1 Om Mohamed´s house
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Biography #2 Om Hany´s house
Location in the neighborhood
Location in the neighborhood
Data collected: Interviewee:
Oct 2012 - Jan. 2013 Mother (Om Mohamed) and eldest son
Om Mohamed (Laila) moved to EEN after a failed marriage in Qena which is a city in Southern Egypt. She came to EEN because her brother lived here and he took her in. After some time her brother insisted that she gets married and he eventually found someone whom she would be ok to live with. The man – Mohamed – is 8 years her senior and has always treated her well. They bought the plot in the neighborhood once they heard about its availability through a relative. Their eldest son, also called Mohamed, is engaged and is supposed to move into the first floor, which is under construction.
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Om Hany moved to EEN because of her relation to the leader of the AZ Group. Although they are not related by blood they come from the same village. Hence the familiar relation. Due to that relation the AZ Group gave her a big piece of land which she gradually sold and used its money to build the house. Data collected: Interviewee:
Nov. 2012 - Jan. 20 Mother and two daughters
151
Family Facts: Origin: Qena (village) Moved to EEN: approx. 25 years ago Moved to current house: approx. 22 years ago Father: Works in Brick Factory Mother: Works in Several NGOs
Son 2
Son 1
Son 1 (Mohamed): Works with father and is engaged to cousin Son 2 (Mostafa): Studies Shop rented out to a relative
ground floor plan 1:200
first floor plan 1:200
parents’ bedroom fridge bathroom cooking stove
u/c eating area (on floor)
boys’ bed at night wash basin
shop rented out
This house resembles a kind of prototype when it comes to single family housing. Laila’s family came to the area after the plots had already been “passed” to relatives of the AZ group. Here three newlywed couples acquire the land together and the subdivision of the land is done by negotiating the state of the land. There are no contracts between them and the buyers or between each other. Together with the rest of the neighbors in the area they manage to get bricks to build their boundaries. Brick-“borrowing” from the neighboring governmental building site has been organized by the AZ Group showing how the AZ group starts having a hand in the construction of their houses even if they had not acquired the land from them directly.
#1.shops and houses: housing biographies Detailed house biography foldout. Each stage showing: 1. the family size, 2. the economical value and 3. the means of building and integrating infrastructure. The study also showed how the formation of the street in relationship to the housing process has taken place in addition to the actors involved in each decison making process and their in/direct relationship to the space.
ca. 1987 Social Description
Infrastructure Construction Costs Residents
Building
Urban Space
Actors involved Actors and Players
- Together with two other newly married couples O.M. buys a plot that they have heard about from acquaintances. - The money used to buy the plot is sent to them from their family in the village who sold their land to finance them. - The division of the plot proved to be tricky because of electric cables passing above it, thus hindering in the future the chance of going higher with the house. The three families have decided those who take the plot in the middle would take a bigger part of the land to compensate for that. (The cables are removed later)
1987 - Neighbors “borrow” bricks from construction sites nearby and each family marked its territory by building a wall around it. - Brick borrowing was organized by the AZ group.
- “Borrowed” red bricks are used to build one room and a bathroom with its septic tank.- Roof is from wood and metal sheets. - Each family that has its red brick builds its structure alone. For infrastructure: - For sewage Septic tanks are installed. - Water is bought in canisters - There is no access to electricity
INFRASTRUCTURE ACTION: - EEN as a whole collects money together so as to “borrow” water and electricity from the lines going to Maadi (an elite district). - The water is controlled with “tabana” points which is handled by the AZ group. The AZ group receives a monthly fee for taking care of the water. - At times the water was turned off when the AZ group thought it deserves more money. - AZ Group also takes care of the electricity but does not charge monthly fees for it. - If caught a family pays 80LE per light bulb per month for having “illegal” electricity.
2005 - OM working for the first NGO: Plan international which proves lucrative in money. OM was “lucky” to have two sons 11 months apart. The building of the front room is constructed for them. While building, OM having no money to pay inspectors, has always hidden at neighbors when the construction was working so as not to be found by inspectors.
- Short after the front shop was constructed and rent out for Om Ali who is using it till today to sell cleaning material. - The shop gives OM 200 LE per month. - At this same time the roof is slowly collapsing. In rainy season “it gets so wet that the children were always sick”
Political Status: 2005 elections Water and electric Money has to be pa dents to have mete
city legalized aid by resiers installed.
2008 - NGO visits OM for the first time in her house and is shocked from the roof. - NGO finances the building of a reinforced roof. - Husband has accident at work. Stays at home. All money goes to his health as they have no health insurance.
2008 rockslide - Government starting to build sewage system in EEN. - OM starts collecting people and specially children to go to district building and protest that although they have paid for the water the water has been installed by them and the government hasn’t improved the connections which results in still brown water from the faucet.
2011 - OM starts her most lucrative job were she works for an Islamic NGO. - The iNGO makes her look for girls and boys with low family income and they offer them everything they need to get married. Through that a lot in EEN were married and housed and OM has made a lot of money. - Another NGO introduces community saving system done through OM in her neighborhood. - Son gets engaged to cousin from village.
2011 Egyptian up-rise - Inspectors seize to come after end of 18 day protests. - Youth coalitions are created. - GIZ starts work in area
2013 - Son engagement gets cancelled. - Building goes on anyway because people on street are building at the same time.
- Son finds a better job and finances roof. - Son gets engaged to another girl.
Housing Biography 1 OM
Data collected: Oct. 2012 - Jan. 2013 Interviewee: Mother Eldest Son
#2. the street and the spaces created The street can develop into a construction site for the families extending or rebuilding their houses. It is where wedding parties take place, and where people socialise and create economical benefits.
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Physical characteristics
How and why the street was created where it is now is a question that no resident managed to answer; however, an analysis of the plan made it possible to create some assumptions. Entrances Public entrances, as for shops or the mosque (to the upper right of the plan), are oriented towards the main streets. Private entrances can be oriented towards the main street (especially for staircase entrances), but quite often they are in a smaller side street (especially ground floor apartments). Street types Al Saayda street represents a main street in the neighborhood. It is approximately 6-7m wide. The street has a fluctuating width that nevertheless accommodates a car or a truck in one direction. The street is never used for heavy traffic and the cases when cars had to pass through were rare (and only to reach a one off destination). Al Saayda Street is not paved, but residents expect it to be paved in the future by the government. Further there is a wide alley type of 3-4m that can still accommodate a car, and the narrow alley type of 1-2m that is purely pedestrian.
Street 1:500 private entrances public entrances
99 Negotiating different levels of action on the street
The street in itself is modified and appropriated at certain times. It can develop into a construction site for the families extending their houses or rebuilding them, where the action of construction takes place and material is temporarily stored in the street. Other actions and events can happen at different times of the day or the week.
F
M M
F
M
M M F
ACTION: Building House
M
F
F
ACTION: Selling M
M
F F
M M M M
M
M
M
M
M
M
M M M M M
M
F F F
M
F F
F
M
F
ACTION: Socialising
M M
M
M
M F F
M
F F
F F F F
ACTION: A Wedding
M M M
M
M M
M M M
M
M
M
M
MM
M M
M
M
M
M
M
M F F F
M
M M
M M
M
M M F
M
F F F F F F
# 2. the street and the other level of the house The space on the rooftop offers another level of open space that is accessible only to the neighbourhood. In the case of high-rise buildings that do exist in informal areas such space is nonexistent. Until 4 stories high the roof tops were used.
105
#3. settlement and mazaritta The Study of Mazzarita showed how the distribution of building plots was decided upon depending on a preexisting street – Here it is the street that starts. In addition to that the initiators of the occupation had already started building small houses to “mark” the occupied space. Here the system has been reversed. The street started first. The street was a catalyst for further development 120
120
1 July 2011 Industrial waste land
1 July 2011 Industrial waste land
121
121
121
2 November 2011
2 November 2011
2 November 2011
Occupation
Occupation
Occupation
e Mazaritta Shortly after area the is January 25 revolution Shortly after occurred, the January the Mazaritta 25 revolution area is occurred, the Mazaritta area isThe Abu Zeid Group take control of the land. They enclose The Abu The Abu of the Zeid land. Group Theytake enclose control the area of the land. They enclose the area theZeid area Group take control treatment still wasteplant. land with the remains stillof waste a former land with sewage thetreatment remains ofplant. a former sewage treatment plant. completely with a wall and subdivide the land into small completely completely thewith land ainto wallsmall and subdivide parcels, which the land into small parcels, which parcels, with whicha wall and subdivide n claims The property that it issituation is unclear, The property the administration situation isclaims unclear, thatthe it is administration claims that it is are then sold to inhabitants of EEN or their relatives. are then soldwith to inhabitants ofare EEN then orsold theirtorelatives. inhabitants Walls, of EEN oftenor with their relatives. Walls, often with Walls, often private land. However it has no private proofland. of that. However it has no proof of that. blocked window and door openings blockedalready window inand place, door areopenings erected around already in place, are erected around blocked window and door openings already in place, are erected around the parcels to secure the plots. the Thparcels is process to secure happens thevery plots. fast, Thwithin is process happens very fast, within the parcels to secure the plots. This process happens very fast, within state/inspector stillweeks, absentthe in state/inspector the aftermath ofstill theabsent revolution, in the aftermath of the revolution, weeks, the state/inspector still absent in the aftermathweeks, of thethe revolution, making new houses a cheap making investment the new ashouses no bribes a cheap needinvestment to be paid. as no bribes need to be paid. making the new houses a cheap investment as no bribes needthe to be paid.
122
122
3 July 2011 Industrial waste land
123 123with the wider, original ‘main 123 Thoriginal e structure of the site remains The visible structure with ofthe thewider, site remains originalvisible ‘main The structure of the site remains visible with the wider, ‘main street’ center and a fewstreet’ of the at industrial the center elements and a few stillofinthe place. industrial elements still in place. street’ at the center and a few of the industrial elements still at in the place. e site the is connected through e site isa small connected footpath to EEN across through the gravea small footpath across the graveThe site is connected to EEN through a small footpathThacross grave- to EEN Th yard. yard. yard.
3 July 2011 Industrial waste land
4 February 2013
4 February 2013
4 February 2013
First buildings
First buildings
First buildings
July 2012 July J Subdivision Subdivisio iio on
July 2012 July J Subdivision Subdivisio iio on
July 2012 July J Subdivision Subdivisio iio on
uiltThup e selling structures of plots still continues; The selling all oldofexisting plots still built continues; up structures all old existing built up structures The first fully enclosed buildings start to appear. Those Thmainly e first fully belong enclosed buildings The start first fully to appear. enclosed Those buildings mainly start belong to appear. Those mainly belong ht have a plotbeen subdivide removed by now. People have been whoremoved have bought by now. a plot People subdivide who have bought a plot subdivideto poor people who were given the land for free; it is possible to poor people that thewho were given to the poor land people for free; whoitwere is possible given the thatland thefor free; it is possible that the it further and sell parts of their it further land. and sell parts of their land. Abu Zeid group claims the land back later, but for now Abu people Zeidlivgroup claims the land Abuback Zeidlater, group butclaims for now thepeople land back liv- later, but for now people livven Smaller to poor plots people - mainly along the Smaller mainplots street- mainly - are given along to the poor main people street - are given to poor peopleing on the site protect the development. The main street ing becomes on the sitea protect the development. ing on the site Theprotect main street the development. becomes a The main street becomes a des without legitimation property by the Abu without Zeid Group; property this provides by the Abu legitimation Zeid Group; this provides legitimation nucleus for the development. nucleus for the development.nucleus for the development. ntfor of the the group state inand helps to create for the critical group mass andinhelps fronttoofcreate the state critical in mass in front of the state in order for them not to clear the order site.for them not to clear the site. This is important as, like often in Cairo, most plots are Thbought is is important for as, like often Thinis Cairo, is important most plots as, like areoften bought in Cairo, for most plots are bought for sons and daughters and will not be inhabited until those sonsget and married. daughters and will not sons beand inhabited daughters untiland those willget notmarried. be inhabited until those get married. ghPower overground is (illegally) provided for Power the new is (illegally) area through provided overground for the new area through overground It can be assumed that the ground floor walls will therefore It can be remain assumed that the ground It canflbe oor assumed walls will that therefore the ground remain floor walls will therefore remain ught linesinconnecting canisters. to EEN. Water lines still connecting needs to be to brought EEN. Water in canisters. still needs to be brought in canisters. empty for some time to come, growing incrementallyempty depending for some on time to come,empty growing for incrementally some time to come, depending growing on incrementally depending on the family size as well as the financial situation of the the family. family size as well as the fithe nancial family situation size as well of the as family. the financial situation of the family.
#4. institutes Although assumed to be cut out from the rest of the city, institutes formed in EEN are directly connected to the government while at the same time, using indirect means, the government is involved in the people’s day to day decision. 124
125
Thugs or Entrepreneurs?
ACTOR PROFILE
The Abo Zeid Group
The AZ group consists of Ahmed Abo Zeid, the head of the group, and his family and close acquaintances. They come from Sohag, a village in the south of Egypt and they own several bread and gas outlets in EEN as well as having shares with the construction tycoon. Coding: Urban “Thugs” or Urban “Entrepreneurs“? The Neighborhood Commenting about the AZ Group: The opinions about Abu Zeid are highly controversial. Some people mainly see him and the AZ group as a thug. “Abo Zeid made us see “black days” when we had to pay him monthly fees for the water.” “They talk about her bad because she likes being related to the ‘thugs’” “Samah’s father was an important representative of the thugs in our area” Others point out that he has done good things for the neighborhood: “Without Abo Zeid we wouldn’t have had electricity.” “Abo Zeid is “balidiyaty” (Arabic for: We are from the same village). This is why he has always preferred us, he is a very good man at heart.” Everyone is aware of the powerful position Abo Zeid has: “He was jailed, they got him out because they wanted Bakry to win in the last parliamentary elections [which he won] and they knew they wouldn’t win without his support.” The Governmental official comments about the AZ Group: “The works of thugs and gangsters will not be tolerated.” “Those who illegally squat have to be removed, would you not agree on that had the land of Mazaritta belonged to you?” Here they were not talking about the group directly.
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AZ Basateen District
The leader of the Group, a man named Ahmed Abo Zeid is the same man who sold the plots to three of the families I did the housing biographies on. (Please see end catalogue.) His influence in the area of my research was apparent with his sons coming several times and inquiring about my research. His brother is a man who is involved in scrap metal recycling in EEN and he is a member of the NDP. The two brothers are supposedly not talking with each other. The control method The AZ group controlled the water system and got monthly payments for it until the government ‘legalized’ the water. They connected all houses with electricity and they offered help to those in need and to those who couldn’t afford to buy homes. When they needed extra money they shut down the water and demanded extra payment for “repairs”. Since they also helped in the acquisition of land they were seen as a
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money power information construction / material money
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Physical Characteristics
This chapter shows the set of laws and methods that the UUU and the district and the international development agencies (GIZ) use when dealing with EEN. Land tenure and the Law How does “official” Cairo deal with informality? EEN is deemed as an unplanned area there has been no one who has officially drawn plans for it. This is however questionable because the sewage system that has been installed in EEN has required an official plan for it. Implementing facilities for EEN The cycle of deciding on space for an intervention happens like this:
#the different levels of the street neighborhood: The founding of the space on another level on the rooftop, creates another connection to the area. The process between the street and housing also connects the whole neighborhood to the rest of Egypt. In no way is this Neighborhood caught up in its “social bonds” (Dirksmeier, 2009, 104) and was unable to create a bridging effect to the outside. On the contrary through this unique formation they have managed to create institutes that bridges them to the outside. They are at the end of the day the most active of the city dwellers. For they build there own houses and community from scratch.
The pathway Usage: - weddings - construction site - passage way - economical sale - political control - institutional control
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The space up above Usage: - meeting friends - raising poultry and hobby animals - resting - storage (building material and personal items) - planting - installing bio gas units
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The social and economical level Usage: - raising money for people in need - creating sleeping spaces for those who can’t afford housing - created income - space for small workshops - used as elongation of street in weddings and neighborhood celebrations (new baby, or bairam) - meeting point.
Example of the different actors involved in the formation of the street neighborhood: 79
The ACTOR PROFILE Construction Group Samah, a female shop owner Name: Age: Marital status: Origin:
Samah 19 years single Sohag, village south of Cairo
Employment: Sources of income:
self-employed cloth shop (rented space)
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Governmental ACTOR PROFILE control: The Owner of the construction group The inspectors
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Introduction – ACTOR PROFILE My position The District Building Inspector
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ACTOR PROFILE
The GIZ
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Samah family
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The owner of the construction company responsible for almost all construction in EEN is related to the AZ Group (The AZ Group has sold land to many families in the neighborhood). According to inhabitants of EEN, the constructor tycoon is a “rich” “womanizer” who has three wives. He also has “connections” to the district and the building inspectors. With an extra amount of money he would make sure that the district and the inspector won’t bother those expanding their buildings. He buys the material from the steel and red brick providers outside of the Attaba area. Although he can buy from them whenever he wants his house (where the three wives and his children live) is also used to store building material and building equipment , like a concrete mixer. In 2005 he joined the National Democratic Party (NDP) , obviously to facilitate the acquisition of material. In an interview I did with him I was told that he thinks only through the NDP can this city function again normally. The people who work with himChina are usually young men from relatives and acquaintances (The son in Housing Biography 3 works at the Construction Group).
The bribe is either calculated into the construction cost directly paid to the constructor who has a “relationship” with the inspector and pays him off. Or some families choose building without paying the constructor and risk the chance of the inspector maybe not passing by. money
money
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power
information
information
construction / material money
construction / material money
court.
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family honors
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I went to the District building to meet Mr. Adel Ahmed who is the money from bribe chief of District since 2010 – before the Egyptian uprise. offersEl-Basateen inspector an hour I was finally sitting with him in his room.
’s inspector livelihood for After family waiting family
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In reality, he is not able to do so - mainly as, after years of illegal construction and pseudo-legalization, there is no functioning land register and therefore no way to say what is illegal or not. The only way for the inspector to intervene is when he catches someone in the act Basateen of physically building. He can then demand bribes in order not to tell District the police. If the builder is not able or willing to pay, the inspector will inform his superiors at the district who will inform the police. Those will then either arrest the builder or put a fine; the most likely solution of the situation is that a bribe isNDP paid to the police and the proceedings are closed, in some cases in EEN the residents gave the inspector a false name and hid at their neighbors when the polive arrived.
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The District Building Inspector is responsible to control illegal building activities in the district and see that, in theory, no construction happens without permit or on land not owned by the builder.
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“Self-built” initiatives in informal quarters don’t really exist in Cairo’s 65% housing and are limited to the most basic and poorest areas. Had the construction of informal housing in Cairo halted at self-built initiatives, the settlements wouldn’t have developed as they have today. Through my work it was constantly apparent how the community has managed to create parallel institutions that achieve and realize its own housing needs. This is not only apparent in my research but has been mentioned in several case studies before (El kadi 2009, Chinese 376).
respects the man He knew about me because Eng. Ashraf from the UUU had already es brib informed him that I was coming and he was the one whosharmade e the in case appointment for me. inspecto get r doesto EEN bribe At some point of our conversation he said: “Every timehis you go he infor n’t Basateen ms you have to call us and tell us, by no means do we want you going District there alone.” I cut him and said: “This is nice of you but I have already been there several times and I never faced any problems.” “No”, he says, “when someone from us” (he means the district) “is with you we would be sure that you receive the best of information.” “Thank you, but I am fine with what I am hearing until now.” Then he shocked me: “Eng. Sarah, if you go to someone’s house don’t you knock on the door first? And when you are already in the house do you walk around it freely or do you ask for someone of the residents to lead you in the house?” bribe paid direct or indriec t
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Work
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At this point I didn’t want to discuss further. I was already going to EEN with an official GIZ cover and the UUU knew that I am alsomoney a student doing my own research. I thought however that it would be power smarter not to get on his nerves especially when he started talking about how a lot of “foreigners” are filling the country after the revolution and that they ask a lot of questions, and that we have to takeinformation care money who asks what in order to take care of our country. construction / material
GIZ
money power information construction / material money
#from self organization to coordination with the system The housing process, which is always being adapted, has effected the formation of the street. Through it a strong social network was developed between the community. This is the same strong network that offered housing to three homeless men who were looking for a job in Cairo, and the same connection enables the street usage in different possibilities. – First comes the house – Then comes the street – Then both are developed together
the housing process
enables
Creating a Street Neighborhood
the street
creates
#a strategy “…tools only exist in relation to the intermingling they make possible or that make them possible” (Easterling 2010) Can there be a reactivation of the network of actors? Can this reactivation be “effective to design a real estate protocol that is contagious within [the urban field]” (Easterling 2010)? Through redefining the actors and the process while adding tools to redirect it, the complex building process could be used to further develop new neighborhoods in Cairo. Initiating actors: International donors GIZ, US AID and similar donors Physical Connections Establishing connection to new area Infrastructure Streets, electricity, sewage systems. Housing Models Different methods of housing tools would be used at different stages using developments that are similar to those found in EEN. Those methods would be used as activators.
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ACTOR PROFILE
The Owner of the construction group Name: Age: Marital status: Origin:
-
Employment: Sources of income:
self-employed construction
AZ
money power information
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ACTOR PROFILE
ACTOR PROFILE
ACTOR PROFILE
The Owner of the construction group
The Abo Zeid Group
The inspector
Name: Age: Marital status: Origin:
-
Name: Age: Marital status: Origin:
between 20 and 40 years old married -
Employment: Sources of income:
self-employed construction
The Abo Zeid group is integrated in the planning process from the start. They are considered as an enterpreneur group. However total monopoly over the area won’t exist.
Employment: Sources of income:
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Basateen District
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construction / material money
construction / material money
money construction / material
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