to publish

ARCHA6815_001_2024_1

PUBLIC SPACE: RHETORICS & PRACTICES

PRIMER ASSIGNMENT

PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE AND SPACES

Shrey Bindesh Patel Florentina Anastasia

Iwan Baan

Mayor’s Office Of Medellín 2022

01 Introduction

Friends

02

Friends of Highline

Medellin

Ciudad de Medellín

03

Medellin Metrocable Car and PUI

Theoritical Baseline

Right to The City for Informal Community

Urban informality is common in developing cities, described as an adaptive strategy for living. However, its elusive nature, characterized by a perceived lack of structure and form (Finn and Cobbinah, 2022), makes it challenging to comprehend. Informal livelihoods shaping these cities are often seen as existing in unregulated, disorderly or chaotic environment and community. Efforts to address the challenges of informal urbanization often led to simplistic or technocratic solutions, such as advocating for formalization and clearing informal settlements (Finn and Cobbinah, 2022).

However, this push for formalization contradicts the principles of the right to the city as articulated by Lefebvre and Harvey. Lefebvre argues that the right to the city belongs to all inhabitants, earned through residency and shared between urban dwellers and citizens (Fenster, 2005). Harvey contends that the right to the city extends beyond access to urban resources to include reshaping urbanization processes (Harvey, 2003). Therefore, addressing how to improve life in informal settlements while respecting their right to the city is crucial.

Right to Urban Space

Mark Purcell criticizes Lefebvre’s notion of the right to the city by highlighting a different interpretation. Lefebvre’s concept is about the right of inhabitants to have full and complete usage of urban space in their daily lives. Purcell elaborates on the meaning of the right to the city as consisting of two key aspects: (1) The right to appropriate urban space: This implies the right to shape urban space to enhance its value, maximizing its utility for residents; and (2) The right to participate centrally in the production of urban space: This aspect emphasizes the right of inhabitants to play a central role in decision-making processes related to urban development (Purcell, 2003).

Purcell provides a more detailed explanation of the right to the city and its relationship with urban space, including how to utilize urban spaces and participate in decisionmaking processes. These insights shed light on the concept of publicness within the public realm.

Publicness in Shaping and Using Public Space

In the shaping of the public space realm, the term “publicness” carries different meanings. Stavrides emphasizes that public space is primarily established by specific authorities that control the spaces and set the rules for their usage (Stavrides, 2015). Conversely, UNESCO defines public space as “an area or place that is open and accessible to all peoples, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, age, or socioeconomic level” (UNESCO, 2017).

UNESCO’s perspective on public space resonates with the concept of the right to the city, as articulated by both Lefebvre and Harvey. However, this overview only touches upon the right to appropriate urban spaces, as discussed by Purcell. Therefore, these differing viewpoints from Stavrides and UNESCO raise questions about how public spaces created by governmental agencies can be inclusive and equitable, not only in terms of usage and accessibility but also in involving the public in the production of these spaces.

Furthermore, in informal settlement settings, the perception of public spaces as spaces controlled by authorities often leads to authoritarian actions aimed at formalizing these ‘organic’ communities. However, shaping and utilizing public spaces in informal environments is crucial, as these spaces serve underserved communities. This raises the question of how the informal communities residing in challenging, self-built settlements can also access the right to the city and the right to urban spaces. This includes their involvement in both using and producing public spaces, which are often managed by the government. Moreover, how can government actions engage with them in a more humane approach rather than authoritarian measures, considering that they are among the most vulnerable populations in the city?

Medellin, particularly Comuna 1, serves as an example of how publicness can transform life in self-built settlements, despite challenging physical topography and a dark history. The informal community improves through public transport infrastructure and a series of public spaces initiated by the government.

Metrocable Car

The Dark Past of Comuna 1’s Image

Comuna 1, located in hilly terrain, began as an informal settlement named Santo Domingo Savio in the early 1960s. It attracted displaced rural populations seeking refuge. At that time, the area was largely rural and disconnected from the city center (Escobar & José, 2014). Moreover, political turmoil in rural Colombia during the 1950s and 1960s prompted further urban migration (Oxfam, 2021). Migration into the region varied, with some seeking jobs in the industrialized Medellin and others moving from unaffordable neighborhoods within the city. The resulting informal construction and population growth gave rise to what were termed “pirate” settlements (Neto & Shugars, n.d.).

Consequently, informal settlements began to spread across the hillsides surrounding Medellín. Simultaneously, Medellín gained notoriety as a hub for the global drug trade, contributing to heightened levels of violence. By the 1990s, it was considered the world’s most violent city, peaking in 1992 with 381 murders per 100,000 people. As a result, residents in the comuna faced isolation from the city and limited employment prospects. Housing was predominantly self-built and road infrastructure was inadequate. While taxi and bus services were available, travel to the city center was

Santo Domingo Savio 1960

Album Padre Gabriel Diaz, Courtesy of The Sala Mi Bario

often lengthy (Oxfam, 2021). The comuna, exacerbated by their remote geography, faced the full force of these multi challenges. Comuna 1 became synonymous with the drug trade, violence, and poverty. These enduring perceptions also highlighted the perceived lack of government presence in this essential community.

Integration through Public Transport Infrastructure

“It was impossible to reach the centre of town; we were stuck here. All our elder brothers were on drugs or dealing drugs. I just lived in the house, and the bullets came flying in, during dinner…” – Sebastian, 16 (Vulliamy, 2020).

In Comuna 1, the challenges extend beyond physical structures to the social and economic layers, worsen by the isolated hilly topography. The hillside comuna above the city suffered from social exclusion due to poor public transport services. This lack of accessibility highlighted the need for urban integration efforts to bridge the gap between these hillside communities and the city center in the valley below. By improving transportation links, particularly for low-income residents, efforts focused on promoting equity in urban mobility and enhancing socio-economic integration.

Political and Financial Commitments

Rather than demolishing troubled areas, the city government chose to actively prioritize upgrading transportation infrastructure and addressing the needs of the communities. This proactive approach reflected a commitment to improving the quality of life for comuna community and fostering inclusive urban spaces. By investing in transportation infrastructure, the government aimed to create more accessible and connected comunas while tackling underlying socio-economic challenges. This intentional strategy also aimed to address a historical debt to these overlooked areas of the city.

Constitutional reforms in the 1990s empowered the Municipality of Medellín to address

Metrocable Car

the rapid expansion of informal areas lacking basic infrastructure (Galvin, n.d.). The Metrocable project was initially proposed by the publicly owned Metro Company (Empresa de Transporte Masivo del Valle de Aburrá – Metro de Medellín Ltda.) in 1999, based on a Metropolitan Road Plan from 1985 which emphasized the necessity of connecting low-income and inaccessible areas to the rest of the city (Oxfam, 2021). In 2000, during an electoral period, Metro de Medellín presented the cable car project to mayoral candidates. While most candidates rejected the proposal, the successful candidate, Luis Pérez, who served as mayor from 2001 to 2003, shared a fervent enthusiasm for cable cars, coinciding with the newly-appointed head of Metro de Medellín. Pérez promptly committed the city authorities, and three years later, the project was operational (The Metrocable: Transport by Urban Cable Car in Medellín, n.d.)

The Medellín municipality funded 55%of the US$24 million design and building costs, with the Metro Company covering 45% (Oxfam, 2021). No other city government had previously invested public funds in a cable-car line to connect a densely populated, chaotically planned, impoverished, and violence-ridden barrio with the rest of the city. Due to the lack of insurance coverage, Pérez allocated municipal funds to address potential claims (Davila, n.d.). Perez had to establish a trust using public funds as a guarantee for the insurance policy, holding approximately $10 million until the completion of the first Metrocable line (Oxfam, 2021).

Focusing on the Comuna 1, the metrocable line was built in this comuna named Line K.

Launch Date August 2004

Number of Stations 4 (including Metro Station)

(capacity

Metrocable Car

Community Engagement and Relocation Existing Settlements

The Metro Company played a central role in proposing, designing, funding, and operating the Metrocable network (Oxfam, 2021). Its technical expertise in affordable technology significantly contributed to advancing the project. However, the engagement of governmental agencies with the community is crucial. Colombia’s 1991 Constitution incorporated participatory planning to ensure community involvement in all developments. Legislation, such as the programmatic vote (Law 131 in 1994), participation mechanisms (Law 134 of 1994), and the establishment of Local Administrative Councils (Law 136 of 1994), was enacted to enforce this provision (Oxfam, 2021). Medellín capitalized on this national framework, fostering trust between the municipality and the comunas during the planning process. Therefore, in the planning process of Metrocable, Metro de Medellín deployed social workers to conduct workshops and gather data on living conditions, engaging over 40,000 people (Galvin, n.d.).

Moreover, the construction of Metrocable is characterized by its minimal need for expropriations and property demolitions, thus preserving the existing urban landscape and minimizing disruptions to communities. This approach prioritizes the safeguarding of the social fabric by avoiding evictions or relocations wherever possible. Furthermore, Metrocable offers a clean, cost-effective, and rapidly deployed transport solution that significantly enhances accessibility in underserved areas (Davila, n.d.).

Bryony Wallace, Oxfam 2021

From Public Transport Infrastructure to Social Urbanism

The Proyecto Urbano Integral (PUI), initiated in 2004 and championed by mayors Sergio Fajardo and Alonso Salazar, complemented the Metrocable in improving livelihoods in Comuna 1. It aimed for a more comprehensive approach to urban development, focusing on public spaces and community institutions like banks, libraries, and schools (Davila, n.d.). Fajardo’s platform of social urbanism emphasized large-scale improvements through targeted public projects, fostering greater trust between communities and the municipality.

Collaborative Stakeholders

PUI was carried out by the Urban Development Company (EDU), with support from the Municipal Private Secretary and various municipal and national public institutions. The project was aligned with the Municipal Development Plan 2004-2007, the Land Use Plan for Medellín (POT), and administrative agreements. Key municipal entities involved included the Learning National Service (SENA) and the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare (ICBF), among others, along with public institutions (Gaviria, 2016). The intervention strategy emphasized collective community involvement, with the master plan focusing on three main areas around Metro Cable stations: Andalucía, Popular, and Santo Domingo.

Funding PUI

The financing of the PUI was achieved through three main strategies: effective management of municipal resources, targeted sectorial investment, and collaboration with various entities involved in the project. In 2009, approximately US $14,000,000 was invested across all PUIs, with around US $6,000,000 allocated specifically to the Northeastern Area PUI. Public investment funds were supplemented by partnerships with the private sector, NGOs, national and international organizations, and community groups. Notably, the French Development Agency (AFD) provided significant economic support through collaboration (Gaviria, 2016).

PUI’s Phasing Plan Gaviria, 2016

Image Caption

Source

Design and Development

In Andalucía, the emphasis was on transforming it into a commercial boulevard and improving inter-neighborhood connectivity through projects like the Bridge-Balcony Andalucía and the requalification of local streams as public recreational spaces.

Image Caption Source

Popular, characterized by challenging topographical conditions, prioritized pedestrian mobility and integrated natural elements like streams into public spaces such as the Linear Park Stream La Herrera.

Santo Domingo’s intervention involved enhancing mobility systems, connecting neighborhoods, and establishing parks and squares, with notable features including the Urban Boulevard Street 106, España Library Park, and the Sports and Recreational Unit Granizal, fostering local economic development and creating vibrant public spaces.

Image Caption Source

Image Caption Source

IMPROVEMENTS

The Improvement Metrocables in Comuna 1 has significantly improved the lives of residents in hillside neighborhoods. Initially viewed skeptically, the metrocables have proven essential in providing access to important opportunities such as jobs, education, and healthcare, where a trip into the city center might have taken two hours and multiple fares, residents can now get there in just 30 minutes and pay only once (Galvin, n.d.).

This development has led to the emergence of new businesses, public spaces, and amenities, fostering stronger community bonds. Moreover, the metrocables have drastically reduced commute times and costs for residents, allowing them to access the city center more conveniently.

A study conducted by Matsuyuki found that the metrocable system primarily benefits residents who are female, from low socio-economic backgrounds, and live in close proximity to metrocable stations. The implementation of metrocables has resulted in vocational changes and increased income, particularly among residents with children, earning lower-to-middle incomes, and previously employed as non-skilled workers. However, it’s important to note that the lowest income and education groups are still considered marginalized and have not experienced significant benefits from the metrocable system (Matsuyuki et al., 2020).

“I have to start work at 5 am. I am happy because I can arrive to work early.”

– Johana Gonzalez Gallego

“I sell more soda, more merchandise.” – Marina Mejia

“The metrocable brought us security, it brought us the police, it brought us employment, it brought us together. The metrocable was a blessing from God for this neighborhood.”

– Rosalba Cardona

Additionally, public spaces serve as social hubs for the community. Matsuyuki’s study also indicates that PUI projects are predominantly utilized by women with higher levels of education, especially within library spaces (Matsuyuki et al., 2020). Despite this, PUI is recognized as a crucial initiative for integrating the community from the comuna into the city. These interventions, encompassing physical, social, and institutional efforts, have transformed existing areas and their surroundings.

REFLECTION

In Comuna 1, the implementation of Metrocable car and PUI highlight the importance of governmental commitment and collaboration with the local community. These initiatives have highlighted the necessity of breaking away from siloed infrastructure systems, prompting the need for holistic placemaking actions, as Metrocable car could have a tendency became a solely grey infrastructure but the PUI = bring value and placemaking to Comuna 1.

Moreover, the introduction of Metrocable car and PUI in Comuna 1 reflects a dedication of the government to serving the underserved populations. By embracing the concept of the right to the city, comuna community are empowered to utilize and participate in the production of public spaces, thus promoting a sense of ownership and belonging. Additionally, these initiatives prioritize the equitable distribution of resources, ensuring that citizen in Medellin have access to essential services and opportunities for growth and development, particularly for the marginalized community in the city. Through a concerted effort to address these foundational elements, Comuna 1 is working towards creating a lively urban environment.

While these projects in marginalized settlements are primarily initiated by the government, they adopt a more socially-oriented approach rather than an autocratic one, advocating against the formalization of the area. They demonstrate a commitment to publicness both in terms of infrastructure and space from government initiatives. Additionally, publicness extends to the active involvement of everyone in the production and utilization of infrastructure and space, particularly within informal community settings.

“Do not take the people out of the slum, take the slum out of the people.”

- Yvonne Aki-Sawyerr OBE

Comparison

04 Comparison and Conclusion

REFERENCES

Medellin Metrocable Car and PUI

Fenster, Tovi. 2005. “The Right to the Gendered City: Different Formations of Belonging in Everyday Life.” Journal of Gender Studies 14.3: 217-231

Finn, B. M., & Cobbinah, P. B. (2022). African urbanisation at the confluence of informality and climate change. Urban Studies, 60(3), 405–424. https://doi. org/10.1177/00420980221098946

Harvey, D. (2003). The right to the city. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(4), 939–941. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0309-1317.2003.00492.x

Purcell, M. (2003) Citizenship and the right to the global city: reimagining the capitalist world order, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(3), pp. 564–590

Stavros Stavrides. (2015) “Common Space as Threshold Space: Urban Commoning in Struggles to Reappropriate Public Space,” Footprint (Spring 2015) 9-20.

UNESCO. (2017). Inclusion Through Access to Public Space. Paris: UNESCO. http:// www . unesco . org / new / en / social - and - human - sciences / themes / urbandevelopment / migrants - inclusion - in - cities / good - practices / inclusion - through - access - to - public - space / .