Settled Nomads by Siddhesh Gautam

SETTLED NOMADS Costumes and traditions of Rabaris from Por

SIDDHESH GAUTAM

Copyright @ NID 2016 Digital Publication of student document For private circulation only PGDPD Apparel Design National Institute of Design, Gandhinagar, India Author | Siddhesh Gautam Student of PG Apparel Design National Institute of Design, Batch 2014 Sources: Mentioned under the photograph Unless otherwise stated All rights reserved under International Copyright ÂŠ 2014 convention. No part of this document may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any other information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission

SETTLED NOMADS Costumes and traditions of Rabaris from Por Siddhesh Gautam Apparel Design 14 Guide: Amit Sinha

A Rabari women in her settled cowshed

An illustration of a decorated camel from Pushkar Mela

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I sincerely thank National Institute of Design, for including Craft Documentation as a part of our curriculum as it is an essential module to rekindle the relationship between our past, present and future in terms of culture. I thank my mentor, Mr. Amit Sinha for his guidance and timely feedback during the course of the project. I extend my thanks to Ramila Behen for making the required arrangements for the field visits. I would also like to thank the community of Rabaris and Banjaras for cooperating with me during my study. I would like to thank everybody from Por village for the chai and intense conversations.

CONTENT INTRODUCTION

ALMOST AFFLUENCE

DEMOGRAPHY

COMMUNITIES

THE RABARIS FROM POR ORIGIN CULTURE SOCIETY RITUALS

LIVESTOCK

ART AND CRAFT FROM POR STITCHED ELOQUENCE: EMBROIDERY TATTOOS

SECOND SKIN

WOMEN’S APPAREL MEN’S APPAREL

23 25 31 33 37 45

49 51 59

67 69 79

CURRENT SCENARIO

MARKET LINKAGES

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INTRODUCTION Gujarat is a state in Western India, sometimes referred to as the “Jewel of Western India”. It has an area of 196,024 km2 (75,685 sq mi) with a coastline of 1,600 km (990 mi), most of which lies on the Kathiawar peninsula, and a population in excess of 60 million. The state is bordered by Rajasthan to the north, Maharashtra to the south, Madhya Pradesh to the east, and the Arabian Sea and the Pakistani province of Sindh to the west. Its capital city is Gandhinagar, while its largest city is Ahmedabad. Gujarat is home to the Gujarati-speaking people of India. The state encompasses some sites of the ancient Indus Valley Civilization, such as Lothal and Dholavira. Lothal is believed to be one of the world’s first seaports. Gujarat’s coastal cities, chiefly Bharuch and Khambhat, served as ports and trading centres in the Maurya and Gupta empires, and during the succession of royal Saka dynasties from the Western Satraps era.

The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1911, defines a tribe as “a collection of families bearing a common name, speaking a common dialect, occupying or professing to occupy a common territory and is not usually endogamous though originally it might have been so”. Another definition of a tribe by D. N. Majumdar is that “a tribe is a collection of families or group of families bearing a common name, members of which occupy the same territory, speak the same language and observe certain taboos regarding marriage, profession or occupation and have developed a well-assessed system of reciprocity and mutuality of obligations”. However when I look at it with my perspective of design, I find it very improper to ignore the simple design solutions and strategies that they develop in common. Though there are restrictions and inability to accept changes like industrialisation, digitized technology and globalisation but there have always been a trade of cultures amongst the tribes which co-existed or shared common interest in art, culture, mythology and quality of life. Gujarat ranks fourth in tribal population among the states of the Indian Union. The first three are Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, and Bihar, respectively. Within Gujarat itself, the scheduled tribe population is 37, 34,422 which constitutes about 14 per cent of the total population of the state. Of the total scheduled tribe population, 94.88 per cent are distributed in the seven districts, viz., Surat, Valsad, Panchmahals, Bharuch, Vadodara, Sabarkantha and Dangs, and they are mainly confined to the eastern belt of South Gujarat. Nearly 94 per cent of tribal population in Gujarat lives in villages, and they are naturally affected by the agrarian change taking place therein. This document is a step to understand and observe the communities, and also emphasises on the clothing practices, textiles and semiotics of the community.

An old Rabari lady

ALMOST AFFLUENCE North of Ahmedabad the cityscape reverts to expanses of land that stretch flat and open to the elements for miles. Spreading eucalyptus trees from wide borders of relief on either side of the road, and monkeys scamper in the shady playground they provide. Villages appear periodically, solid and fully visible on the horizon; laced with delicate gray-green baval, soft as a watercolour wash. Por village which is just about 5 km from National Institute of Design, Gandhinagar, is one of such villages. Por is a Village in GandhinagarTaluka in Gandhinagar District of Gujarat State, India. Elders of the village states that Rabaris have inhabited this village in numbers since 14th century when, responding to population stresses, they migrated from Rajasthan. They came by a route directly south, one that they probably followed in their regular transmigrations, and settled into the land that was certainly less severe than that they had left. They located themselves not just in the Por village, but all over North Gujarat. However, such a major relocation was nonetheless traumatic. The farmland of North Gujarat would not support the large herds of camels that Rabari kept, and the herders had to adapt their subsistence pattern. They added cattle to their herds, learned the requirements of keeping these animals and of their neighbours for cattle products, and began to sell ghee. Along with the Rabaris there was also a settlement of another community of shepherds and cattle herders; Bajaras. The community of Banjaras who reside in Por village have migrated from Pali. Pali is a city in Rajasthan state of western India. Located in the Duthariya region, Pali is the administrative headquarters of Pali District and comes in the Marwar region. It is situated on the bank of the river Bandi and is 70 km south east of Jodhpur. This particular community of Banjaras have been residing in this locality for the past few decades, making a living out of manual labour in farms, cattle rearing, agricultural sites and other places where there is a need for physical work. These two communities have been living or rather sustaining together for decades now. There is a mixed culture in Por which is an example of amalgamation of cultures in various parts of the country. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I love the Banjara ornaments, my mother came from Banjara tribe but my father was a Rabari!â&#x20AC;? , exclaimed a beautiful newly married woman. Por village has been poured with a variety of taste due to this intermixing of two cultures of same occupation.

An old Rabari man, returning to his home from work

I entered the village, passing by gray-green fields of Gandhinagar with RamilaBehen who works as house keeper in the design campus. “It is her village”, she said happily. “I got married to this village and not just a man. I still remember there were very few concrete houses then but now the village is growing very fast. Do you know how many people from this village works in your school? Two auto-rickshaw full.”, she said while staring at the huge yellow water tank which is the Clock Tower of Por like many other villages from various parts of the country.The place was much less colorful than what I expected. Accompanied by Ramila ben, I walked along the paths of the village, encountering different communities of people who were peacefully co-existing with each other. I wasa stranger clad in contemporary clothes with a big camera around my neck, and, evidently got many curious looks as I passed by. It was an instant response of halting when I finally came across the cattle rearing Rabari tribes of the village. The main entrance of each of their houses led me to a big courtyard occupied by a big herd of cattle. A family of Rabaris immediately stepped out of their tiny cubical houses, excited and curious to know who I was. Because of their humbleness and hospitality, it was made easier for me to take the pictures of everyone from the family, including the eldest woman, who was still dressed in her traditional black embroidered skirt with her head covered in black dupatta. Dotted patterns were inked on her wrinkled arms and face. I found similarities in the tattoos when I encountered and even older Rabari woman taking care of the cattle in her house. According to my secondary research the village should have had more of splendour and colours, but what I observed was a bit strange for my bookish eyes. The pictures that I have pasted here in the document are not the real them. These communities are not a mere cultural fantasy for me but they reflect my own village around a 1000 kms away from here. They do not wear the same clothes or speak the same language or even eat the same kind of food but still there is something which relates Por to my own village in Western Uttar Pradesh. The cultural heritage that they possess cannot be described by the patterns of their clothes or the script of their language but by the tiny semiotic details that they have unconsciously preserved and mixed through decades and centuries.

An illustration of the street of Por

DEMOGRAPHY Por is a Village in Gandhinagar Taluka in Gandhinagar District of Gujarat State, India. It is located 9 KM towards South from District head quarters Gandhinagar. Por Pin code is 382421 and postal head office is Adalaj . Kudasan ( 1 KM ) , Ambapur ( 2 KM ) , Sargasan ( 2 KM ) , Tarapur ( 3 KM ) , Bhat ( 3 KM ) are the nearby Villages to Por. Por is surrounded by Ahmadabad Taluka towards South , Kalol Taluka towards west , Dehgam Taluka towards East , Daskroi Taluka towards South . Gandhinagar , Kalol , Ahmedabad , Dehgam are the nearby Cities to Por. Gujarati is the Local Language here.

HOW TO REACH POR By Rail Khodiyar Rail Way Station , Khodiyar Rail Way Station are the very nearby railway stations to Por. How ever Ahmadabad Jn Rail Way Station is major railway station 17 KM near to Por By Road Por is only 9 km from Gandhinagar District headquarter. On can take a cab or an auto to reach the destination.

COMMUNITIES Por is filled with small communities who co-exist with each other. Rabaris and Banjaras are in abundance, along with smaller groups of Marwadis. In Por, the Rabaris live with Banjaras and Marwadis as neighbours as well as relatives, which has probably resulted in the toning down of the generally dark dressing of the Rabaris. The clothing and the society plan of Rabaris are not very similar to the banjaras or marwadis but due to the co-existence of these communities, they have adapted modernisation. The women wear much less jewellery compared to the older days. There are more colours added in their wardrobe. The tattoos on face and neck have almost vanished, though tattoos on hand is still practiced. The village of Por greets us like any char-rasta in and around ahmedabad but deep down in this small modern town, in every house there is a coalition of tradition happening, visually bridging no gap but when given a thought it appears to be a very complicated process.

A newly wed Rabari woman who belonged to the Banjara community before her marriage

A Rabari woman displaying her tattoos

THE RABARIS FROM POR The Rabaris are nomadic herders who today live scattered throughout the Kutch, Saurashtra, and northern region of Gujarat, and in western and southern rajasthan. Little has been written to document the history of the Rabaris and the evolution of the community into contemporary subculture. However, elders of each subgroup can recount in detail how Rabaris originated, and describe the migrations that took them from their homeland to their present location. Oral histories are usually based on real events which, as with any account, are recalled from a particular viewpoint. Understood from this perspective, Rabari legends enable viable reconstruction of Rabari history. Interpreted in the context of Rabari culture, an understanding of pastoral nomadism and historianâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s accounts of the subcontinent, they provide a basis for understanding how contemporary subcultures formed.

An illustration of Lord Shiva

ORIGIN The first Rabaris were descended directly from the Hindu god Shiva. There are several versions of the story. A typical one begins with Lord Shiva deep in meditation in Himalaya. His consort Parvati, meanwhile, went for her bath. Bord with the long wait, Parvati made three dolls from the dirt of her body: a camel and two bots. When Shiva awoke, finally, he asked, “What is this?” Parvati asked him to give them life. The two boys were named Sambad and Jumbad. Shiva told them to look after the camel in the jungle and to take it’s milk. He gave the boys blessing: honour your parents, and may you get 1000 camels (but never ride on the females). The boy’s herd did increase, and soon they were collecting too much milk. Sambad didn’t want to waste it, so he told Shiva, who made a great tank for the milk. (it was near Mansarovar, which is near Mt. Everest and now in China.) the milk in this tank was to be given to meditating ascetics and travellers, freely. Now, Lord Indra had some apsaras or celestial dancers, and everyday they would fly to Mansarovar to take their baths there. Right away, they found the tank, and they were jealous that such milk should be given to humans, so they threw sand and earth into it. When the brothers complained to Shiva, he answered that it is all right to punish someone who is doing wrong. Shiva instructed them to retaliate by stealing the clothes of the apsaras while they were bathing, which the brothers did. The apsaras were in a fix. But, as they could take the shape of anything, they became hawks, and hovered all over looking for their clothes. Finally, they learned that Shiva’s sons Sambad and Jumbad had them and, since they couldn’ygo naked before Indra, they asked Shiva to get them back. Shiva agreed, but with a condition: two of them must marry his sons. The terms were more than fair. That would indeed be lucky to marry Shiva’s son, so all the hawks, 18 of them, became apsaras again, and presented themselves to be chosen. Sambad, the elder of the Shiva’s son, chose Rai. Jumbad selected Renuka, and the couple went off to begin the line of Ahirs. Time passed, Sambad and Rai had a son and a daughter, and soon the daughter was of marriageable age. Shiva went out to look for a suitable boy among the Rajput sons of various kingdoms and, being a simple man, wherever he received good hospitality, he agreed to give his granddaughter in marriage.

An illustration of a Rabari man in turban

When he returned to Kailash, Parvati asked if he had chosen. Well, unfortunately, he said, he had agreed seven times in seven kingdoms! He asked Parvati please to remedy the situation. So she made a great circle, and from it produced six more granddaughters, each a match for one of the seven princes. All the boys felt lucky, so they renounced their kingdoms to their younger brothers and went to stay in Shiva’s ashram. After a while, they asked Shiva for some work. So he blessed them, saying, “Your surname will be Sambad, and I will give you what I have: all my camels. Take them, milk them, and run your lives.” Some time later, a vicious familial war broke out between the Rajputs and Brahmins. Parshuram, an incensed Brahmin, ravaged the Rajputs, determined to kill them all till there were no generations left. Whoever tried to face him in battle was killed; whoever left their weapons though, was spared. He made 21 attacks. By then, all the living Rajputs were wondering, how could they be saved? Then they thought of the seven princes who had been married to the seven granddaughters of Shiva. The Rajputs went to Shiva, asking for mercy. Shiva sheltered them, and when Parshuram eventually tracked them down, he told him these weren’t Rajputs at all, but “Raika” (related to Rai) or, alternatively, “Raha Bari” (outsiders), and they were his sons-in-law. After that these former Rajputs took the new name, Raika or RahBari, and new surnames and started a new life. They led a wandering existence, going wherever they found water and grass and, if the land was good to settle, they stayed.

A Rabari women and her cattles

A picture of idols inside a Rabari temple. This is the temple of Amba

CULTURE The Rabaris are a semi-nomadic tribe—pursuing a pre-agrarian, pastoral lifestyle—found mainly in the Kutch and Saurashtra regions of Gujarat. Though living today in permanent settlements, they are believed to have originally migrated from Baluchistan more than a millennium ago. But over these thousand and more years, the Rabaris have undergone many changes and have been widely influenced by the local cultures with which they came in contact. Not only are they divided into distinct clans, they also prefer to trace their origin to Hindu Gods and even the Rajputs. Without delving into the garbled clues provided by folk lore about their origin, a closer look at the Rabari today leads one into his quaint, colourful and rugged lifestyle. By no means are the Rabaris an isolated people. The men are on the move—almost 10 out of the 12 months—in search of grazing pastures for their livestock; while the women and children remain in their villages. These villages are normally small, devoid of more than superficial amenities and, almost always, set in bleak, barren surroundings. In a typical village like Por, their rectangular houses, called vandhas, are built in rows. The white-washed mud walls and tiled roofs may have an appearance of starkness when viewed from outside. But within each house, the Rabari’s fondness for patterns is easily visible from the many geometric patterns that adorn its interiors. The tiny mirrors embedded into these mud-plaster patterns only enhance their beauty as they catch the faint glimmer of light streaming in from a small window or a low doorway. A home usually consists of two rooms, and an extended enclosure in the verandah which forms the kitchen. The room at the back is normally used as a storehouse—a virtual treasure house of embroidered clothes and quilts kept in carved wooden pataras (chests); and the kothis and kothlas (granaries) made of mud and cowdung. The other room is mainly a living room decorated with embroidered torans or decorated doorways, while the doors are covered with brass foil etched in a myriad patterns. Often, the only piece of furniture that one might find is a carved, wooden cradle. The community’s main stay is milk and milk produce from their livestock which they trade in Besides, they also trade wool and leather in order to purchase commodities that they trade in various forms at the local village or town markets. Besides, they also trade wool and leather in order to purchase commodities that they do not produce themselves. as beautiful quilts or derkee.

A picture of idols inside a Rabari temple. This is the temple of Amba

SOCIETY They have a caste council called Nyat that controls matters related to their community. The Rabari social organization is characterized by the clan system, locally called Ataks. Most of the Rabari are vegetarian while some are non-vegetarian; their everyday diet consists of homemade bread of millet or wheat and jowar. Child marriage is common, however adult marriages are also performed through negotiation. Remarriage is permitted for both the widow and widower. They maintain only putative kinship with others. The Rabari live in joint families. Children are also engaged in their primary occupation. The dead are cremated. The Rabari regard Durga and Shiva as their supreme deities. Shiva, Krishna, Durga and Amba are their clan deities. Rama, Ganesh, Shiva, Durgadevi and Hanuman are also worshipped as village deities. Every year a festival is held at Asthal Bohar for three days.

A Rabari man in his daily clothes.

A Rabari women and her cattles. She has adopted new clothes made from plyester with floral prints. “I love colours“, she exclaimed, “but i still wear black, because whatever I do, I will always be a Rabari”

A gathering of Rabari community before marriage. People are served food and women in black veils sing folk songs

RITUALS Kokulashtami, after the rains, is marriage time. The men are back from their wanderings for this al important occasion. All marriages take place on this one day. Since child marriage is still very much in vogue within this tribe, outsiders are distrusted. Again, the Rabari marries only within the tribe and often into families which are closely located. Marrying outside the fold leads to social castigation and is very rare. While Rabari couples are probably the most exotically dressed, the marriage is a simple ritual performed by a Brahmin priest. Rabaris, by and large, and ardent followers and worshippers of the Mother Goddess. Each clan has its own tribal goddess as the patron deity, though their homes often have pictures of other gods and goddesses as well. Strong tendencies of deifying and invoking the dead are still prevalent—a pointer to the community’s old world origin. In a rapidly changing world, the Rabaris cling to their customs and way of life with understandable defensiveness. With the family as a unit being understood to be the basis of society, the institution of marriage is considered most sacred. Divorces are therefore unheard of, engagements never broken, and dowry never becomes a bone of contention. Consequently, matches are arranged for children even in their infancy, and the betrothal is a matter of honour. This rigidly-held belief is coupled with contempt for the lax values of the city dwellers. Says an elderly villager: “City dwellers are so vulgar. Some of them move around with girls for a few months and then get married to someone else. We have morals. You’ll never find a man here sitting and even talking to another man’s wife.” For couples who find the going tough, the first way out is the people’s court. Marital problems are given a patient hearing, and almost always a reconciliation is affected. Strict social codes regulate their lifestyle. Adultery is punished with severity. The people’s court excommunicates an adulterer, but a similar unenviable fate awaits anyone who dares to marry outside the community. Social boycott is one of the greatest fears of the Rabari, and few would try to break the taboo. Buru Dhana, 40, explains why the code is so hard: “We do not want to marry into other communities as we do not want any alien influence to affect the fabric of our community. We are only trying to keep our culture alive and intact.” Predictably, education, as a source of unwanted external influence, is almost anathema to the tribe. Most of them believe that education is the only way to economic betterment.

Food being prepared for marriage by the women of the family

From the point of view of aesthetics, amongst the black, blue and white in the crowd of wedding travelers, a couple of men clad in loud Tee shirts and trousers stick out like sore thumbs. Some newlywed Rabari women are normally a picturesque sight in their brightly embroidered costumes, while men provide a counterpoint in their pure whites, with coloured borders. The elder women of the family are generally seen in black and blue combinations with red and yellow embroidery. But this part of their lives might soon pass: Karana Rabari, 25, a driver by profession and one of those dressed in western clothes, points out: “We have to learn to change with the times. I did not want to be a shepherd all my life; there is no money in it.” There is still a feeling of regret behind that practical thinking: Laljibhai Rabari, another driver, says sadly that though he has had to give up his culture to eke out a living in the city, “we and generations after us are going to lose out on a grand tradition”. Says Ramsinhji Rathod, an art historian who has won the Sahitya Akademi Award for his works on the culture of the Kutch: “The Rabaris are a colourful community who value tradition and culture. While they should be gradually exposed to the fruits of civilisation, they should be allowed to keep their art and culture alive.” But in an increasingly “progressive” age, this is a difficult task.

A picture of bride and groom from one of their family albums

Up: Guests enjoying their tea Down: Elder women of the family supervising the event

A picture of the cousin brothers of the groom

A picture of the uncle of the groom

A closed clinic of a Rabari doctor

LIVESTOCK Rabaris are known to their neighbours as an extremely tight-knit, traditionalist community. Linguistically, residentially and politically, they remain distinct from other communities. Their language has strng Marwari and Punjabi elements mixed into the local language of the region they inhabit. They generally live apart in exclusively Rabari villages, called ness or nessado, or in Rabari sections of multi-caste villages, called ness, nessado or vas; often, these consist of houses that are constructed distinctly differently from those of their neighbours. Rabaris adhere to a community-based code of ethics, rules and enforcements, and only seek outside intervention if this fails. Notetheless, Rabaris, a Hindu caste are integrated into the Indian social system, which establishes ritual status and relationships between them and their neighbours. Historically, contact has exposed Rabaris to new cultural repertoires and participation in a market economy has increasingly, given them financial means to purchase what is locally available. Over centuries, Rabaris in different regions have sustained varying degrees of contact and mutual influence with neighbouring people who have different customs, dress, languages and religions. Rabari subgroups have borrowed cultural features from their neighbours in order to make themselves comfortable. Simultaneously, Rabaris have strived to maintain their distinct cultural identity. The tension between these two forces is fundamental to Rabari culture. In the unique historical-cultural circumstances of each subgroup, forces encouraging Rabaris to adapt have played against their need to preserve their identity. Ultimately, the circumstances and the play of these seemingly conflicting forces have shaped each subgoupâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s identity.

A lively motif depicting a ceremonial scene. A chaklo, a square embroided hanging, canopies a tree of life. To the left of that, a woman carries pot on her head, welcoming the guests.

ART AND CRAFT FROM POR INTRODUCTION The embellishment of the Rabaris of Por shows the most radical departure from the tradition and perhaps the clearest influence of regonal styles. Women’s festival blouses and veil borders are made from kinkhab (metallic brocade), adopted because of its local availability and popularity. Ahmedabad and Surat, cities within reach, have been major producers of kinkhab since the 15th century.Women’s skirts, veils, and sometimes blouses are all heavily embroidered, for everyday as well as festival wear. For weddings a groom also wears an embroidered red dhoti. The Rabaris adopted the traditions of embroidering clothing after settling in North Gujarat, though it is difficultto pinpoint the time when this occurred. What we do know is that North Gujarat, was a flourishing centre for commercially produced trade embroidery from at least the 17th century. It is likely that folk traditions grew along with the professional work, as we see in Kutch and Saurashtra. As over the centuries embroidering became widespread in North Gujarat, Rabaris no longer regarded as the “Muslim and Harijan custom“ that upper caste perceived. Embroidery lost its negative association and, as Rabari contact with non-Rabari societies increased, these Rabaris adopted the custom from neighbours.

Ambo (Mango tree)

A floral embroidery on a ghagharo, womanâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s festival skirt

STITCHED ELOQUENCE: EMBROIDERY So integral a part of Rabari life is embroidery, that every aspect of production, use and style specifically relates to those who uses it. In all aspects, embroidery describes and supports elements of social structure and ideology that are important to the functioning of the Rabari society. Historical motifs provides the first intimation that traditional embroideries chronicle a wealth of information about Rabaris, some of which is otherwise not recorded. The motifs together with the stitches, colours and fibres with which the pieces are embroidered, form a fine tuned style and the embroidered pieces themselves yield deep insight into the identity of a Rabari. Styles follow rules recognized and strictly observed throughout a given group. For the embroiderer, the style that she uses is understood as a community-shared medium of communication, a language. The strongest commonality among Rabari embroideries lies with the types of objects that are embroidered. The objects and the ways in which they are embellished illuminate some cultural concepts shared by the whole community. All Rabaris who embroider stitch festival household decorations, minimally a toran. The women at one time used some kind of decorative sack, for the most part embroidered, in which to carry their dowries to their husbandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home. The women also embroider some clothing, minimally womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s festival veils. The relative cultural importance of these basic types of embroidered objects differentially affects the balance between the traditional elements and adaptations in embroidery style. Clothing, more emblematic and critical to the expression of Rabari identity than are household decorations and dowry sacks, tends to most retain traditional stylistic elements of embroidery. This is very clearly reflected in Rabari veils.

Small Toran

Chaklo

Goliyo

Toran

Latkaniyo

Sakhiyo

For special occasions Rabaris arrange embellished hangings symmetrically around doorways

Fan Upper arm band

Temple

Elephant

Shravan

In Por, Rabaris first adopted the custom of embroidering from neighbouring people, and later adapted their embroidery style to contemporary regional influences. This illustrates long-term close contact with and itegration into surrounding societies. The Rabaris of por use two distict embroidery styles, one for household decorations and one for clothing. Both styles are regional to Northern Gujarat. The household decoration style shows a confluence of influences of embroideries of the Kutch and Saurashtra. Combining geometric motifs with chain stitch and herringbone stitches common in the embroideries of Por. Sindhi-influenced square chain, interlaced and buttonhole stitches gives an experience of diffusion of styles from other cultures. The resultant style is nonetheless unique. The particular motifs, th predominance of plied pink cotton/silk thread, and the large, coarse stitches, distinguishes these embroideries from their pre-migration ones. The border is kept as a pink cloth with geometric running stitch.

Banjara inspired motifs for ghagharo and veils

A woman displaying her embroidered skirt. The women use bright pink and red against dark blue and black ghagharo. The embroidery is done only near the hem

A Rabari woman who has given up wearing black, but she still prefers darker shades. She has also given up the old clothing system of Rabari and now wears only saris

Toran, doorway hanging, an ancestral assert of Ramila Behen, given by her grandmother (Cotton and silk cloth, cotton thread, metallic trim; applique, embroided: pattern darning, square chain. herringbone, running stitches)

Toran, from Kutch

Toran, from Bhavnagar

A woman displaying her tattoos aginst the colourful door

TATTOOS The Rabaris also tattoo and continue to do so like many other wandering tribes to this day, although younger women who live in urban areas (like Por) are receiving fewer tattoos because “We are now city people, and tattoos are old-fashioned.” Notwithstanding, for hundreds of years the tribal women living in this region have practiced tattooing for decorative, religious, and therapeutic purposes. Traditional patterns (trajuva) were passed down and elder women worked as the tattoo artists at fairs, festivals, and markets when Rabari from the hinterlands gathered to trade their goods and catch-up with dispersed family members. Tattoos are not just to adore themselves, but it has become their identity; their culture. Tattoos are a sure wayto identify Rabaris, according to them; the women and men have crosses tattooed their left cheeks. In addition, women have elaborate tattoos around their eyes and covering their arms, hands, legs and feet. Particular to Rabaris of Por women is a pair of peacocks tattooed across the chest. Riches come and go, they say. But your tattoos are beauty that stays with you until you die. A paper titled ‘Ethnoarchaeological study at the Harappan site of Kanmer, Kachchh, Gujarat’ by Shahida Ansari, an assistant professor in Department of Archaeology at Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune encompasses her research over a period of three years from 2006 to 2009 with the agro-pastoral communities (Rabari and Bharwad) of Kanmer and nearby villages. Ansari mentions that the frequent practice of tattooing, locally known as trazva, is now fast dying out. Till recently, examples of tattooing were to be found among women of all age groups. The names of gods and goddesses, personal names and traditional symbols were tattooed on cheeks, chins, foreheads, between eyebrows, necks, chests, arms, wrist, legs and calves. The tattoo marks reveal colour preferences of green and black. “The tattooing symbols have variations and represent things like fertility or even acquired skill-sets. The older women have retained the knowledge of these varied symbols and can identify its significance by mentioning it as ‘the highest form of adornment, which can be carried even after death’. The tattooing also presents a mark of endurance. Only married women are allowed to tattoo their legs. Among the elderly Rabari women, a variety of symbols are seen which they easily recognize but the younger girls can rarely identify symbols they tattoo,” said Ansari. She states that often, surroundings get reflected in tattoos such as stepwells, trees, animals and insects. But, the next generation of these women will probably not die with tattoos; these are no longer marks of beauty in the medernizing world of which they are part. And, we will loose another thread with our ancient history.

A woman displaying her tattoos and bangles. She was quite assured that the bangles goes very well with the tattoos but she donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t get to wear them everyday

A group of women displaying their tattoos, they donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t know what it means, but they have have being seeing them since their childhood

Illustrations of commonly found tattoo designs on Rabaris. Some of the tattoos seems very direct and some are very abstract.

A R a b a r i w o m a n f r o m K u t c h

A n i l l u s t r a t e d R a b a r i w o m a n f r o m K u t c h

A picture of Rabari bride by Jimmy Nelson

SECOND SKIN The Rabari women are dressed uniformly, cloacked in black or dark blue, from which masses of silver jewellery glint. The men, alsouniform, wear dusty white tightly gathered kediyun (jackets) and long dhoti-like draped lower garments. Their dress proclaims immediatelyto the rest of the people, “We are Rabari.“ For each subgroup, the combination of elements recognized locally as Rabari is unique. As Rabaris of each subgroup migrated into new environments, they retained some elements of the dress of the group from which they separated, thus maintaining and expressing community identity, and they adopted others. However, today there are few elements of dress common to all Rabaris. What was maintained by each subgroup from from previous style depended upon its appropriateness to the specific web of local climatic, economic and social factors. The only elements understood by Rabaris as immutable, and thus maintained by all subgroups throughout cultural adaptations to varying situations over centuries, are those that relate to aspects of culture critical to Rabaris. The common elements of dress express fundamental tenets of Rabari identity. One commonality is the basic style of dress. In all subgroups Rabari women wear a three part costume: an open-backed kapadu (blouse), a skirt, and a veil one version of which is bandhani (tie-dyed) and the other is dark blue and jet black veil with red and white embroidery. Men of all subgroups wear a turban, a shoulder cloth and, until very recently, they all wear a kediyun (jacket). These styles, while not unique to Rabaris but but regional to northwest India, are the old traditional dress of Rajputs, as we clearly see depicted in Rajput miniature paintings. bandhani embellishment is also typical to Rajasthani. Since Rabaris recognise these styles of dress as “like a Rajput,” retaining them expresses more than regional affliation. It maintains a link to royality important to Rabari sense of heritage and ritual status. It is not certain when these Rabaris began wearing black. However, since worshippers of pir (saints honoured by both Hindus and Muslims) such as adherents of Pirana Panth often wear blak as an emblem, having reinforced if not initiated the custom. In any case, today these Rabaris who are now strictly Hindu as well as those who follow Pirana Panth continue to wear black and dark blue.

An old women wearing her daily clothing. “I still prefer cotton“, she said and added, “but, it is very expensive now“

WOMEN’S APPAREL Por women’s apparels, characterized by a very short kapadu (blouse), tailored ghagharo (skirt) and exclusive use of cotton shows a direct link to Rajasthani Raikas. It also Illustrates adaptations that Rabaris have made since resettling. Women have stopped the origional style of veil, called a sadlo, which is larger than the origional Rabari veil and worn pleated and tucked into the ghagharo (like common Gujarati tradition from around Ahmedabad and Gandhinagar). Younger women wear a red bandhani and printed veil for festivals and weddings and a black one for everyday use. Elder, too wear black and sometimes dark blue. The explaination that these Rabaris give for their use of black derives from the story of the death of their king. There are many legends in which their king was killed and they remained true to his memory and still mourns on their king’s death. History suggests that the change to black colour probably took place after 17th century, since the Vadhiyara subgroup, who migrated from North Gujarat to eastern Saurashtra in the 17th century, were still wearing red until that time. The adoption of black was further reinforced by the association in the 17th and 18th centuries between Patanvadis and a religious group who worshipped pir; wearing black is emblematic of pir devotees.

Rabari women wearing traditional blouses. The identity of these blouses lies on their raglan sleeves and gathers at the bust area

THE BLOUSES The blouses of women of the community are quite diverse and have evolved a lot from the original blouses. Gathers on the bust area of blouses are a common sight to see. Narrow necks which were prominent earlier have now dissolved to result in blouses which are usually worn by every woman along with a saree. Puffed sleeves have become a more common site and is derived from the Banjara culture around them.

Flat drawing of the most used blouse patterns by the community

Rabari woman, a picture by Peter Bos

The black ghagharo with embroidery

THE SKIRTS The skirts are full length and are constructed with many pleats for movement and protection from harsh climatic conditions. At least three meters of fabric is consumed in making a skirt. Originally, the skirts were made from black dyed cotton fabrics. However, these days because of financial constraints, the skirts are being made from polyester and cheaper fabrics. Also the skirts have become printed and colorful which is very popular amongst new generation girls and newlyweds. Also, skirts are now slowly being replaced by saris.

Flat drawing of a Rabari skirt

Rabari woman

THE DUPATTA The dupatta or veil of the Rabari women is draped in a simple way so as to serve the purpose of covering their bust and head. The black veil is also the strongest identity of a Rabari woman. It would take some time to decipher her tattoos in order to identify a woman as a Rabari, but black veil instantly reveals whether the woman is Rabari.

Whole outfir of a Rabari woman. It includes three pieces; blouse, skirt and veil

An old man wearing his daily clothing. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I work as a labourer, these are the most comfortable clothes for my kind of workâ&#x20AC;&#x153;, he said.

MENâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;S APPAREL Men wear cotton. For the most part they wear white, although younger men wear trendy clothes with red turbans (for special occaisions). Living as a major and a relatively successful group among those whose dress is similar to that of old Rajasthan, Rabari men have adapted their clothes very little. Elder recall that they previously wore angadi (jacket) and a plain shoulder cloth, but within their lifetimes they have adopted a Western style shirt called a kamiz, to wear with the traditional wrapped dhoti and a turban. The kamiz was probably adopted as a status symbol associated with wealthy traders. But many still wear kediyu. All these are accommodated with a lower garment which is called dhoti. This dhoti is knotted around menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s waist while the complete length is then drawn amid the legs while is tucked at the back. Men of this tribe even keep a shawl to make a pagadi from it when needed. The costume of men thus includes kamiz , pagadi and dhoti. Few people even wear ornaments, specially ear ornaments and neckpieces. These ornaments are vital part of their tribal costume. This attire is observer to only be worn by the elder people, while the younger generation has moved to trousers and shirts.

A man wearing his daily clothing. â&#x20AC;&#x153;I worked hard when I was young, now I have build enough for my sons and family, but I am still a Rabari. Why should I give up my tradition? My clothes are my traditionâ&#x20AC;&#x153;, he said

THE KEDIYU Kediyu worn with the dhotis are generally white and have a uniform style for them. The kediyu generally have a gusset in the armhole and is asymmetrical in construction for better protection from warm weather. The sleeves are full length and the length of the kediyu are till mid thigh mostly. The fabric used is cotton.

Subtle details in kediyu construction can identify the wearer. The kediyu from Por is gathered at the centre back and front. It is more gathered at the front rather than the side and back.

A man wearing his dhoti

THE DHOTI The dhoti is draped in a particular way with the cloth having a comfort fit around the legs and the drape by itself providing a lot of movement.

A step by step illustrated process of tying dhoti

A rabari man wearing his turban

THE HEADGEAR The men drape their turban in a particular way and an attempt has been made to capture the draping of the three meter long cloth on the head to achieve the typical Rajput style pagdi.

A step by step illustration of the process of tying a turban

A Rabari man waiting for his community for the daily prayers

CURRENT SCENARIO Today, few Rabaris are able to subsist by herding only camels, although families always keep atleast a few for riding and ceremonial use. Now, most Rabaris subsist by herding sheep, goats, cows or water buffaloes. The type of animal they keep, size of herd and extent of movement all depend on the environment of the region. Each Rabari subgroup has developed a specific subsistence pattern; as each migrated into a new environment, its survival depended on making cultural adaptations to the climate and terrain of its territory and to the needs of its neighbours. In many cases, one culturalnadaptation was the catalyst for other changes. For example, when Rabari subgroups migrated to Kutch, North Gujarat and Saurashtra and found that the climatic conditions and the needs of their neighbours did not favour camel herding, they opted for more viable alternatives. Their neighbours would purchase wool and sometimes milk products, such as mava and ghee. Rabaris responded by relying increasingly on herds of sheep and sometimes cattle. Since herding sheep made wool readily available, wool clothing became economically practical. In addition, the change to sheep made closer contact with local communities and market economies necessary. With the advent of technological change and urbanisation in the 19th and 20th centuries, many townspeople stopped keeping their own milk animals. At the same time, the institution of social tea drinking and tea stalls became firmly established. There was a need for milk, and Rabaris responded to it, for the most part by keeping herds of goats. selling milk required even closer contact with neighbours, since there was no refrigeration. Within the last few generations, many Rabaris have had to take on supplementary occupations such as gathering or acting as watchmen in towns. Some have begun part-time farming and business. However, Rabaris still hold a strong traditional disdain for settled occupations, but today with the increase of eductation in India, the new generation is giving up herding altogether or their identity as herding people.

MARKET LINKAGES After the earthquake of 2001 in Kutch, communities’ lifestyles and relationships with the environment saw a drastic shift, at a faster pace than ever before. Industries were introduced in the rural region with the dream of economic growth, often ignoring the local culture. According to Lakhabhai Rabari (a citizen of Por), “men from our village used to leave for work wearing a kediyun. On reaching the gate of the factory, they would change to pants and shirt as they were told that traditional clothes were not practical. This continued for a few months, after which the most of the men stopped wearing the kediyun altogether.” Traditional clothing for special purposes such as weddings were adorned with embroidery in traditional styles that were distinctive of communities, as were the specific cuts of the garment. Among the young generation, the kediyun is now reduced to ritual wear. One Rabari women complained that she used to stitch all her family’s clothes—juldi, kediyun, ghaghari. But her daughter in-law does not even know how to stitch a basic ghaghari (skirt); she purchases a readymade version. Machine made ready to wear kediya manufactured in Ahmedabad are available at selected local shops. A few tailors too make copies of the kediyun. However, the approach does not combine the traditional wisdom of the material culture. Jamanben, one of the last makers of the kediyun who still continues making and even repairing, was proud to have me as an observer. Although Jamanaben’s husband wears a kediyun, her son has never worn one. Her daughter, who uses a sewing machine, had previously never recognised her mother’s knowledge. She became curious and started to observe her mother telling me stories.

A illustration of a Rabari woman wearing Banjara bangles

CONCLUSION As a part of craft documentation, an attempt to cover maximum aspects of the community has been made. As nomads, the Rabaris have migrated across India, some are still migrating but some have finally settled. The roots of a plant are strong, itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s only the tender leaves on the tips of branches which wander in search of sunlight and bend towards the brighter side. The community of Rabaris could be compared to these plants, their godly blood still intact, while they adapt to various cultures in search of a better living. The culture and clothing have gone through various phases of adaptation and simplification due to many reasons varying from financial to adapting to current trends. This could indicate the decline of the importance of their history and their traditions. As they do move over to enjoying better lifestyles, they should always have one hand clinging to their tradition. It is because of social imbalance and a communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s carelessness that a culture or a tradition fades away. We are who we are because of what our elders believed in who they were. India being a country of so much diversity and so many beliefs should sustain it and carry every tradition forward to our next generations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Frater, J. “Threads of identity : embroidery and adornment of the nomadic Rabaris”, Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd., (2003). ISBN: 81-8582208-5 Edwards, E. “Textiles and Dress of Gujarat”, Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing Pvt. Ltd., (2011). ISBN: 978-81-8995-52-2 Treloar, L. “Beautiful Rabari”, London: Blurb, (2014). ISBN: 978-1320128582 Joshi, O P. “Art and Aesthetics in Tribes of Gujarat”, New Delhi: RBSA Publishers, (2006). ISBN: 978-8176113335 Ratnagar, S. “Being Tribal”, New Delhi: Primus Books, (2010). ISBN: 9789380607023

WEBSITES http://ignca.nic.in (2016). RABARIS - THE PASTORAL COMMUNITY. [online] Available at: http://ignca.nic.in/nl002707.htm [Accessed 26 May. 2016]. joshuaproject.net (2016). Rabari (Hindu traditions) in India. [online] Available at: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/17921/IN [Accessed 26 May. 2016].

IMAGES A picture of Rabari bride by Jimmy Nelson, p.68 : SECOND SKIN. (2016). Rabari. [online] Available at: http://www.beforethey.com/culture/rabari [Accessed 25 May. 2016]. Rabari woman, picture by peter Bos, p.78: subexposure.com (2016). [online] Available at: http://www.subexposure.com/portfolio/desert-nomads/ [Accessed 25 May. 2016].