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GAZETTE Vol. 2 Nos. 13
New Deihl, 5 July-19 July 1987
Fortnightly
Rupees Two
The President Sage or Saboteur? fter a gap of about eighteen years and four Presidential terms , the office of the President of the Indian Republic is being contested seriously once again . The last serious contest for the office took place in 1969 wlien Neelam Sanjiva Reddy the official Congress candidate, was opposed by a faction of the Congress Party itself. This faction was led by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi who supported V.V . Giri , technically an independent, and helped him win . The contest in 1969 was important in view of the speculations regarding the powers of the President to dismiss the Prime Minister and the alleged plans to use those powers by the Congress faction known as the "Syndicate "
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against the leadership of Mrs . Gandhi. This faction in the majority in the then Congress Working Committee , had forced the candidature of Neelam Sanjiva Reddy against Mrs. Gandhi 's choice of Jagjiwan Ram . A somewhat similar situation prevails once again . In view of the recent developments with regard to the relationship between the President and the Prime Minister, claims and attempts by various groups and parties for the Prime Minister's dismissal by the President, asse rtion by President Zail Singh of his rightto be informed and claims of complete ministerial superiority by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and his supporters , the question of President's powers and their use have become significant
V.R . Kri shna Iyer. A Mission not Contest
In This Issue • • • • • •
Page States Dependence 3 on Centre Restructuring 4 Punjab Economy Policy Towards 8 Punjab Communalism and Secularism in India 9 Short Story 12 Long Trek to 16 Jodhpur
issues. This time not only is it ar academic issue it is also a matter of real political concern. More important is the observation of Giani Zail Singh that he is leaving it to his successor 'to take up the issue. How far and in what direction the successor takes' this issue depends upor who wins the election?
The choice
n all likelihood the Congress nominee Sh . R Venkataraman will be elected. Given the com position of the electoral college which includes the members of Parliament and State assemblies and the
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A.S. Narang
relative value of votes the Opposition candidate Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer (retd .) can win only if there is a significant cross voting by the Congressmen . Such a possiblity, though not impossible, does not appear to be on the cards, at least for the time being . It is not because there are no dissensions or conflicts in the party. Dissensions are there but presumably these will not come In the open . The reason is simple the character of Congress legislators . The type of M. Ps and M.L.As the Congress (I) has at present are more concerned with their personal gains rather than commitment to any ideology or programme. They, therefore, have their eyes on their unfinished term, their perks and pensions and all that goes with being a legislator and a member of the ruling party. They know that the most probable out come of their revolt would be the dissolution of the Lok Sabha and new elections. In that situation most of them will be neither here nor there . So why take any risk? For the time being , the Opposition too is .not completely united . Apart from parties like the AIADMK and the National Conference and some smaller parties of the North East expressing their support for the Congress nominee, the BJP, so far, is keeping itself at a distance from both the Congress and the vppositinn candidates .
Emerging Issues Will Mr. Venkatraman, if elected , continue the controversy or debate raised by Giani Zail Singh. At least the element of personal antagonism will disappear for Rajiv Gahdhi has some what softer feelings for Mr. Venkataraman than he had for Giani Zail Singh. In all likelihood he will be given due respect and recognition by the Prime Minister and his men . However this does . not settle the issue which got posed so sharply. This is for two reasons ; Firstly, Contiuned
on page 10
R. Venkataraman. Will he continue the debate?
The Muslim H.G. Mind Deshpande The Meerut riots and its spill over Delhi both started over non - issues. In Meerut after a fight between a landlord and a tenant and in Delhi after a tiff between an eve teaser and a xouple . They were not causes of the riots but symptoms of Simmering tension that was slowly but surely building up between the Hindus and the Muslims. Neither the riots nor the killings by the Provincial Armed constabulary in Meerut were a new phenomena for the Muslims. Whether it was Moradabad, or Aligarh or Meerut, the Muslims had always suffered and borne the brunt because of the administration's antlmuslim stance, particularly, of Uttar Pradesh's communal para-military force, the PAC. Over the year. they had quite accepted the fact. The eruption this time In both Meerut and Deihl was an expression of an anger that stemmed from elsewhere. Since independence the Muslims have been at the receivinft end in India. Even as citizens of this country they have been denied rights and denied constantly. They have suffered a economic insecurity and physical insecurity following frequent riots but none of it united them or made their alienation as collective as this time . The problem started with the Supreme Court judgement in the Shah Bano case interpretting the ·Quran. As Syed Shahbuddin, M P and a
Muslim leader puts it: "The case was not important in itself but became symbolic-who is the Supreme Court judge to interpret the QuranT Hence when the issue of Muslim Personal law was raised they united to protect their fundamental right. This siege complex in the Muslims that has been building up culminated in the Babri Masjid issue . Take over of Masjlds There is evidence that several Masjids were taken over €',arlier in various parts of the country by Hindu fundamentC',iists but it did not evoke any reaction . Babri Masjd was viewed as a culmination of a process that had begun to challenge Islam-a process that had earlier caused physical insecurity, economic insecurity, cultl:lral insecurity and was now threatening their religion. The decision to open the gates of Ram Janmabhoomi to Hindus, says Shahbuddin , was a "contrived order" . " It was an order based on the Senior Superintendant of Police and Deputy Commissioner who gave an asurance to the sessions judge that if a law and order situation arose they would control. The order was implemented within twenty minutes, which is unheard of , and without giving a hearing to the Muslims." When the administrative machinery fails to give a hearing to the common man it is bound to breed hostility. Naturally, the Muslims construed it as a challenge to Contiuned on page 2
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What goes in CRPF -camps in Punjab Ow the CRPF gives third degree torture to those who happen to be suspects in their eyes and how it acts in an autocratic manner is revealed in a report of the Indian Post, Bombay in its issue of June 23, 198?? "Blind-folded and hog-tied, Mr. Amrik singh a school teacher from Jhanjotti village, 30 kms from Amritser, alternately shrieked and fainted as Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) men stuffed red chillies up his rectum with bamboos for eight consecutive days from May 23 to June 1. "The soft-spoken 42-year-old teacher was beaten senseless by rifle butts, starved and dehumanised by CRPF jawans under the supervision of the Deputy Commandant, Mr. Mahabir Singh, posted in the Ajnala area." "The CRPF officer, egged on by Mr. Amrik Singh's brother, Mr. Harjit Singh, both of whom are involved in a family wrangle,
tried to pin on the schoolmaster the recent killings of three Hindus in the village by alleged terrorists. The families of those killed rose in Amrik Singh's defence, but were unable to saway Mr. Mahabir Singh's convictions." "Picked up from his house by the CRPF on May 23 morning, Mr. Amrik Singh was beaten by an inebriated Mr. Mahabir Singh . "Blind-folded and tied Amrik Singh was carried by a jeep to an unknown CRPF adda (camp). Mr. Mahabir singh's supervision of his torture and raucous abuse are only things Amrik Singh remembers clearly". Giving the details, the report June 1, still said , "On blindfolded, a semi-conscious Amrik Singh, the lower half of his body numb, was thrown by the roadside." "Totall,! disorientated and having no idea how long he was in CRPF custody, he was picked .
up by a truck heading for Delhi." "Amrik Singh's two colleagues, Mr. Hardev Singh and Mr. Lakhbir Singh, who went to the CRPF camp at the Degree College, Ajnala seeking his release, were detained and their houses raided". The report quotes Mr. Satpal Dang , CPI leader, who took up this case as saying, " Both police and the CRPF think that the President's rule is their rule". The repol1 further says, "Imposition of President's rule in Punjab has made little or ;'0 difference to the situation. Apathy to killings and shootings, harassment of Sikhs and a sense of general ennui envelops the State law and order machinerv" .
Side Lights
for the welfare of this man and not the weapon he was carrying . Dr. Farooq Abdullah, Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, unaccampanied by any paraphernalia, also paid a visit to Sadhu Mohan that day. When he was about to leave, I .suggested to him to speak to God to put compassion in the hearts of the Centre for releasing hundreds of innocents who are languishing in Jodhpur without . trial so that the precious life of the Sadhu could be saved . With an innocent smile rediating his face, he replied that he was already speaking to God but he did not appear to listen. He will however, continue to do so, Dr. Farooq said wit,h a grim face and walked back t6:-his car.
Muslim Mind
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When on 21st June Sadhu Mohan went on an indefinite fast at Rajghat (later removed to Gandhi Peace Foundation) for the release of the detainees in Jodhpur and other jails, many important personalities visited him to share his concern for human rights . The oppositions preSidential candidate Shri V.R . Krishna Iyer as that any aide or security met the Sadhu and spoke to him something in confidence, apparently in Malyalam. The Chief Minister of Punjab S. Surjit Singh Barnala together with his followers ana security persons was already there. I wished Shri Krishna Iyer good luck in the election. Putting his hand on one of the gun toting security personal, he smiled and added that he was fighting
Gurmukh Singh Jeet)
The words used by the Prime Minister are undoubtedly an articulation of this philosophy. It cannot mean casting aspersions on anyone in particular. (Vasant Sathe, Cabinet Minister)
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Managing- Editor Amrik Singh Editors G.S. Sandhu, A.S. Narang Circulation Lt. Col. Manohar Singh(retd.) Publishers Ekta Trust 2-26 Sarva Prlya Vlhar New Deihl 110016 Ph. 660738 Business 3-MasJld Road , Jangpura Bhogal , N.,w Deihl 110014 Ph. 694756
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5 July-19 July 1987
The report further quotes Mr. Dang as saying, "President's rule merely serves . in perpetuating and legitimising harassment".
Sound and Fury Should I reply to every dog that barks. (Prime Minister, Shr i Rajiv Gandhi) I may be a dog that barks, but my barking has clearly rattled the PM. I also assure him that my bite is worse than my bark. I do not feei insulted in the least, for dogs do not tell lies and they bark when see a thief. I am proud to be a watchdog of democracy. (Ram Jethmalani leading lawyer) I learnf'my English from professors of the language and not from air-hostesses. (Madhu Dandavate) This remark of the Prime Minister was a little too harsh. (Prem Shankar Jha, Editor Hindustan Times) This is the language of the street. No Prime Minister talks like this. It is such language which enables Arun Shourie to call the Prime Minister a double faced liar and get away with it. (Romesh Thapar, Editor Seminar) Basically his remark shows the calibre of the person . It shows he is totally frustrated and panic-stricken . ( Ajit Singh President Lok Dal (A) One of the casualties of Rajiv's newfound aggressiveness is the image of a gentle; gracious man, inexperienced but urbane and considerate. (Current)
On persistent inquiries, it was said he did not want to talk about it. (Girilal Jain, Editor Times of India) The utterances of persons holding high public office are expected to be marked by restraint, consideration and dignity. . I am sorry that such a sense of dignity is conspicuous by its absense in the case of the Prime Minister. (Anand Sharma, President Youth Congress)
Continued from page 1
their very existence by the state executive and the judiciary. This anger became visible when nearly two lakh Muslims from all over the country gathered at the Boat Club on March 30 to express their resentment, anger and anguish . For the first time after independence the Muslims stood united over the Babri Masjid issue that had come to symbolise their apprehensions and aspirations. Not surprisingly then when the Imam of Jama Masjid, Syed Abdullah Bukhari, warned the government about the powder keg which could set the nation on f ire the Slogans like "Nara-etakbeer" "Allah 0 Akbar" rent the air expressing the rage of tbe Muslims. It was not anger targetted directly at the Hindus but the executive which had become instrumental in giving fillip' to Hindu fundamentalism . The process coupled with the recent riots not only added to the existing powder keg but totally alienated the Muslims from the mainstream-and the trouble is far from over.
NEWSHOUND
Such aberrations should be treated as aberrations and should not be given undue importance. (Amrita, Pritam, MP, Punjabi writer) I would not like to express an opinion on such issues even though I have retired from the Supreme Court. (Justice P.N. Bhagwati (retd) Not the kind of dignified language to be used by a person in such high office. It is the language used in tea and paan shops. Similarly the expression "Nani yaad kara denge" was not fit to be used by a head of the Government. What Rajiv Gandhi is dOing is digging his own grav,e, politically, particularly in view of the continueous political reverses, the latest of which came in Haryana. (Saifuddin ChOWdhury, MP.)
The Prime Minister's outburst against Shri Ram Jethmalani who has been a parliamentarian and an eminent leader of public opinon even if one disagrees with him and a forceful and an eminent leader of the legal profession make one sad. It is a sad commentary on an immature Prime Minister who explodes at the slightest provocation forgetting that he is accountable to every citizen . (K.P. Unnikrishnan) His remark is part of a series of uncouth remarks unecorning of a Prime Minister. The Prime Minister's remark is evident also of panic and loss of nerve. (L.K. Advani President BJP)
By Rap
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Federalism in India
States' Financial Dependence on the Centre K.S. Gili
mines, roads and road n essential requirement for the preservation of a transport, administrative and federal state structure is cultural buildings, shares and that each level of government debentures of companies, must be basically, if not wholy, loans, etc.) or reduces the ir self-relient with regard to financial liabilities (for financ ial resources required for example, repayment of debts to due discharge of its the Centre, the financial responsibilities under the institutions, or the public) . In Constitution . contrast, their revenue financial Excessive expenditure neither adds to dependence of one level of assets; nor reduces financial government on the other liabilities. Such is, for instance, inevitably erodes, over time, the their,expenditure on police and authority, role and freedom of administrative services , interest action of the former and payments on State debts, eventually brings about a basic Of government change in the state structure. salaries teachers , doctors and welfare Indeed, in India, such a process grants to personnel, has been under way since the very commencement of the municipalities, panchayats and Constitution in 1950. . aided schools, purchase of It pl~ked up further medicines for hospitals and momentum In the 1980s. As a stationaryi for offices, etc. result of the States' serious and From the standpoint of growing financial dependence development of the State on resource transfers from the economy, capital expenditure Centre, their role In the Indian on asset creation is of great polity as originally envl ..ged In importance. In recent years, this the Constitution has b.. n expenditure has formed well ' Incre..lngly undermined and over 60% of States' total the country Is defacto visibly Budgetary outlay on State moving further away from the Plans. In this article states have federal concept. -een taken to include Union States depend on resource Territories with legislature. Of transfers from the Centre for the four such UTs at the end of financing both their revenue March 1986, two (Mizoram ana and capital expenditure. The Arunachal Pradesh) were capital expenditure of States is raised to Statehood in 1986-87 that which either adds to their and one (Goa) on 30 May 1987. assets (for example , investment The fourth (Pondicharry) might land and irrigation in follow suit before long . development, factories and
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Dependence for Revenue Expenditure The data compiled by the Union Finance ministry from the State Budgets and given in the annual issues of the album Economic entitled " Indian Statistics-Public Finance" show that over the 11 year period from 1974-75 to 1985-86 (R.E.), the proportion of States' revenue expenditure financed by revenue from State taxes and non-tax sources has declined from 66.6% to 55.8%, that is, by as much as 10.8 percent.
Correspondingly H,e States dependence on various channels of revenue transfers from the Centre has gone up Dependence for Capital from 33.4% to 44.2% of this Expenditure expenditure . If this trend . The States' dependence on persists, the states' the Centre is particularly severe dependence on revenue with respect to finanCing of this transfers from the Centre might capital expenditure. The states' capital receipts rise by the close of the 1980s to own comprising (i) net borrowing around 50% of thier revenue from the capital market, expenditure . financial institutions and others In the past revenue transfer (including ways and means from the centre have generally advances and overdrafts from exceeded the amount of State's the Reserve Bank), (ii) recovery shortfall in own resources for of government loans and financing their revenue advances, (iii) net accretion to expenditure. The excess State Provident Funds, deposits transfer has enabled the States advances, reserve funds etc. to show a revenue surplus in held with the State most years . This surplus Government, and (iv) other reflects not healthy State miscellanceus capital receipts finance but centre's are largely absorbed in meeting "generosity" to its dependents. repayments due on the States' The Centre has perSisted in this rapidly growing indebtedness " generosity" , even though, to the Centre, estimated as at ---O--th---h--h--d----I--------"!"'¡--. since 1979-80, it has had itself the end of 1986-87 at the huge n e ot er an ,certa n supra-and antlto suffer sharply rising deficits amount of RS .43,737 crores people social forces and their leading on revenue and hence overall (including Rs . 1075 crores of personalities, In their ruthless drive for (combined revenue and capital) UT Governments' debts). The balance available fo( unbridled dominance and exploitation of account. India's teeming millions of a~1 linguistic, The Centre can Indulge In financing States' other, mostly capital . ' . sustained fiscal mlsmanage- developmental , cultural and ethnic groups have, among other ' ment of this sort as there Is no expenditure is meagre. The of capital steps, made use of the Constitutions', Internal statutary, limit on Its recourse proportion expenditure financed by th is unbalances and departures from the strict to deficit financing (that Is, net balance has declined from federal concept to embark on a relentless borrowing from the Reserve 33.2% in ' 1984-85 to 24.9% in Bank to finance the overall centralisation drive which Is IncreaSingly deficit). Thecountry'uconomy 1985-86 (R.E.) and a mere 16.8% in 1986-87 (B.E.) . For eroding Its essentlaly federal character. Inevitably hastobeerthecostof L..._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _..... this mismanagement. But for balance financing the expend~ure, except for the the demand neutralizing Impact small proportion that the States Table of huge annual Import might finance by their usual Dependence of the States on Central Transfers (1951-84) surpluses (that Is, the exce .. of surplus in revenue account (figures in percentage) ¡ Imports over exports of goods (mentioned above), they are and services) the economy dependent on fresh borrowing Plan Period would have been by now from the Centre. II III AP IV V VI engulfed In severe Inflation as a Overdrafts result of excessive ' deficit' 1 Revenue transfer For several years prior to .flnanclng by the Centre In as percentage October 1985, a growing recent year. (Rs. 8285 croresln reven l,!e ex pen22.4 28 .2 33 .4 35.1 39 .5 40.4 41.4 1986-87 alonel). number of States had begun to diture of resort to unauthorized The unprecedented import states surplus of recent years , overdrafts from the Reserve 2. Loans as perhowever, involves its own Bank to finance a portion of 71 .9 58.7 64.5 63.2 63.2 83.1 74.6 centage of onerous costs. A major one, their expenditure. Every few capital expenamong others, is that the years (1972-73,1978-79, 1982diture of States country has to suffer a huge and 83, 1983-84 and 1985-86) the Government was 3. Aggregate peristent current account Central to regularise the transfers as balance of payment deficit, as obliged 41.6 much as Rs . 5958 crores in position by granting special 37.8 39.8 45 .7 45.2 47.4 42 . percentage of expenditure of 1985-86 alone! The financing of loans to enable the concerned States to clear their states this deficit involves an accumulated unauthorized equivalent increase in the overdrafts . The Centre financed Source: K.K. George and I.S. Gulati, " Centre State Resource country's net external these loans by itself borrowing Transfer 1951-84 An Appraisal, " Economic and Political Weekly, indebtedeness, thus pushing from the Reserve Bank . Thus , in February 16, 1985 the country relentlessly effect, deficit financing by the I towards the dreaded debt trap. Centre was substituted for that
by the States. The States' unauthorized overdrafts were no more than a temporary expedient and eventually the entire rema~ n i ng gap in States' financial resources had to be financed by borrowing from the Centre. Now that with effect from October 1985 the States' unauthorized overdrafts (for . loAger than 7 continuous working days) have been effectively forb idden, the States' entirely depend on the Centre for financing their capital expenditure in excess of the small fraction financed from their own resources . The states' dependence on the Centre for financing their capital expenditure is, indeed , overwhelming . This dependence is actually even more onerous than that suggested by the above data on proportion of capital the expenditure financed from the States' own capital receipts . This is because the capital receipts traditionally classified as the States' own in fact are not quite so . For instance , States ', market borrowing are a major, in recent years the largest, item included in these receipts. While clause (I) of Article 293 of the Constitution does enpower the States to borrow within the country on the security of their respective Consolidated Fund, clause (3) of the same Article lays down that a State may not without the consent of the Government of India raise any loan If any previous loan to it granted or guaranteed by the Central Government was stili outstanding. Since all States are now heavily Indebted to the Centre, the effect of Article 293(3) Is that the approval of Government of India Is In practice necessary for all borrowing by the State Governments. Clearly, the States' market borrowings, indeed all thier receipts under internal debt, are strictly not their own capital rece ipts. That is why individual states' market borrowings bear little relationship to their creditworthiness . In the Seventh Five Year Plan the marketContiuned on page 13 5 July-19 July 1987 3
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Restructuring of Punjab Economy II Problem of Industrialization
B.M. Bhatia
In an attempt to start a dialogue to build a consensus on the policy initiatives and directions needed to root out the socio-economic causes of the present crisisin Punjab Dr. B.M. Bhatia suggested for the diversification of agriculture in his article in the last issue. In this second and concluding part he suggests the importance of industrialization and type and nature of industrialzation that is possible in the State.
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Non-conventional Induatrlea here are, however, some
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going to constitute one of the other agricultural refuse is biggest constraints . The State ahuther industry with bright has made considerable strides prospects in the State. In in the development of power practically all parts of the state, sector. The per capita suitable agricultural wastes and consumption at 354 Kwh in bag asses of one type or the 1983-84 was the highest of al l other are available in plenty. the states in the country , the Five to six villages could be national average being 154 Kwh grouped together for the and that of Gujarat, purpose of locating a common Maharashtra and Haryana , the cellulose digester plant at a three other top consumers in central place for them for the country, respectively being utlization of these in the 274,267 and 245 Kwh . production of cellulose which is an important raw material for paper and board, rayon , All the 12126 villagea of the explosives and other industries. State had been electrified by If small scale cellulose 1984-85 aa agalnat 3695 In industry were organized on a 1965-66. The number of wide scale and sufficient energanlzed pumpaets In 1984supplies of the material 85 atood at 406000 as agalsnt ensured , it could give rise to 25000 In 1965-66. This Is a factory prod uction of paper and highly Impreaalve record. But strawboard , rayon, explosives two facta have to be placed etc . This at first sight modest agalnat It. Firat, the State has looking proposal of setting up a . already exhauated Ita chain of cellulose plants in the hydelpower potential, and rural areas all over Punjab has, becauae of prohibitive thus , far reaching implications transport coat of coal from the for industrial development of coal flelda In Bihar and Weat the State . Bengal, availability to It of building Manufacture of thermal power In any large blocks for prefabricated meaaure la almply not poaaible. building ",ate rial is yet another Second, at the preaent level of industry offering scope for supply, the State faces a deficit conversion ~f agricultural of 19.2 percent (in 1984-85) wastes and refuse into a which la next only to Blt:ar 39.4 valuable industrial product. percent and Haryana 28.9 Cellulose produced by percent In the country. diagester plants together with Some cushion for clay, straw and other material augmenting the supply is locally available could provide a available in the form of sound base for development of improvement of operational prefab building material efficiency of the power system . industry. At present the efficiency (as Two other industries whose measured in terms of power possibilities need to be generation during a year per explored are production of KW of capacity) at 3694 KW starch and vodka from which is below the none too potatoes. There is extensive satisfactory national average of cultivation of potatoes in the 3739 KW. Some relief can be Doab area. Feasibility studies expected from an improvement for starting these industries in in the operational efficiency of this area should be undertaken the plants and by avoiding the and if .either or both are found to waste that is gOing on at present be a viable proposition, steps in the use of energy in the State: should be taken to establish But that at oest can reduce the them there . Energy existing deficit in electriCity n any massive drive for supply. It cannot make any industrial development in material difference to the Punjab, power supply is power-supply position for
tnes available In which Punjab has a distinct advantage over other States. These utside the sphere of area for purposes of grant of include ricebran oil, cellulose, agro-based and food- f iscal and financial incentives to and prefab building material. processing industries industrialist to locate their new There is an enormous quantity the scope for industrialization industrial plants there, one of rice husk available in Punjab in the State is rather limited. must have serious reservations which , at present, is practically This is because of the kind of on the usefulness of this policy going to waste. Development 6f resource endowment that the too for promoting industrial rice ' bran oil and cellulose State has. There are no mineral gorwth in the State. Tax industries could not only save resources worth the name exemption of profits for 5 years' this baluable resource from available in the State. Because and availability of concessional going to waste but also provide of the remoteness of the state finance from the public sector new avenues of employment from the centres producing financial institutions cannot and income to the local people. There is a considerable important raw materials like offset the permanent coal, iron and steel, cement etc. disadvantage of location of demand for rice bran oil in the industrial units far away from country but its annua l output is and from the port towns, development of large scale the supply base of raw relatively small being no more industry in it has been severely materials. One cannot expect than around 70,000 tonnes. much from this concession This constrained in the past. rather insignificant in the matter of quantity of output is due to Considering the fact that either haulage of bulky materials over promoting industrial growth of technological reasons . the State. The sights on Technology for this industry is long distances has become so industrialization of Punjab have yet in its infancy. A serious costly, much hope in this ~egard necessarily, therefore, to be set technological problem is that cannot be entertained for future rather low. either. the extracted oil gets rancid in a In view of this, special t is this realization that shor.t time after extraction. This treatment of the state in the appears to have been at the renders it unfit for human matter by the Centre has been back of the Industrial Policy consumption . If a solution to suggested in some quarters. of Punjab this technological problem Two principal proposals have Statement Government dated 10 March were found and appropriate been made in this connection. 1978. According to that technology for stabilization of The first is that a scheme of freight equalization whereby statement, the major thrust in the extracted oil in the original cheaper freight rates are the industrial field was to be form discovered, way would be paved for development of a offered by the railways for along the foliowin!!J lines: highly promising industry in transport of raw materials for (i) building a network of rural Punjab which has become in industry so that the location village and small industries, so recent years a leading rice disadvantage of the State in as to cover all the villages over producing state in the country industrialization is neutralized. the next five years; The sCQnd proposal is that the and has, therefore, plentiful (ii) achieving a sustained whole 6f Punjab or at least its supply of raw mateiral for this growth of small scale industries border districts adjoining industry. Pakistan be declared (in the towns) with special Cellulose manufacturing emphasis .on tiny units so as to Industrially Backward Area to from rice husk, sugarcane, allow them to enjoy the fiscal create maximum employment bagasses, " sarkanda" grass and and financial benefits given opportunities; and (iii) promoting growth of under the Industry-Backward medium and large scale agroDistrict Scheme. Freight Equalization Scheme based industries e.g. food cotton textile, in respect of steel has already processing, woolens etc . . been in operation in Punjab for sugar, Table The Importance of the policy some time. It might have helped Punjab; Eatlmated Work Force In March 1971, 1973 and 1978 In Population 5 Years and More by Sex and Residence individual small scale a.. tement Ilea not ao much In agricultural implements and the reaulta achieved-It haa (Thousand persons) machin~ tools producing remained unimplemented Work Force Labour Force Chronic Unem~lo~ment industrial units in raising their properly-but In the pragmatlam 1978 1971 1973 profitability but there is not It ahowa on the poaalbllltiea and 1971 1973 1978 1971 1973 1978 much evidence to show that it Icope of Induatrlallzatlon In the 4 7 9 1 2 3 5 6 8 significant Stete. The atatement deflnea has made a 3,525 3,125 3,125 3,180 3,587 53 62 3,072 1. Rural 55 contribution to growth of clearly the IImlta of 3,267 2,946 47 49 2,847 2,897 2,894 3,322 55 1. Male industrial production or setting Induatrlallzetlon and the nature 258 234 235 265 6 7 225 228 6 2. Female up of any new steel-based of Induatrlea that can be 1,046 1,095 93¡1 975 44 913 956 43 49 2. Urban industry in the State. aucce..fully a.. rted In Punjab. 884 851 867 893 32 33 37 835 956 1. Male It neatly auma up the Accordingly a thinking is now 91 102 11 11 12 78 80 90 2. Female 89 going on at the Centre that the expectatlona that may be 4,571 4,155 4,682 111 3,985 4,056 4,681 96 99 3. Total reallatlcally entertained on 3,682 scheme has failed to serve its 4,315 3,748 4.223 3,761 3,830 79 82 92 1. Male Induatrlallzetlon front In any 17 348 purpose and, therefore, it 325 367 17 19 303 308 320 2. Female should be discontinued. As for programme of reatructurlng Sources: (1 ) for 1973: "Employmgnt-Unemployment Situation at a Glance ", op. cit. declaring the whole or parts of and dlveralflcatlon of Punjab (2) For 1971-1978: "Employment and Manpower, 1978", op. cit. Punjab as industry-backward economy.
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exploited in India for this starting new industries . That purpose is sweet sorghum. It position is none too encouraging . has been suggested that the TM State can explore the present area of 17.6 million possibil ities of getting some hectares under cultivation of power from the neighbouring ¡ sorghum which gives a crop of states of Himachal Pardesh and 8.52 million tonnes of.grain can J & K. Thein Dam project in the easily yield 17.6 million tonnes former can make available a of grain if cultivated with new part of the generated power on high yielding sweet sorghum permanent basis but financial varieties. The same area can co ns.traints are understood to also produce about 35 billion be standing in the way of rapid litres of alcohol equivalent to 18 progress towards completionof million tonne s of kerosene . the Dam project . Country's total demand for Now that the Centre has kerosine by 2000 AD has been accepted the principle of projected at 18 million tonnes. allowing power plants even in Thus from 17.6 million he'Ctares the private sector , Punjab could (an areas already under explore the possibilities of sorghum crop) we can get twice mobilizing funds from the present yield of grain and at remittances from Non resident the same tim e enough alcohol Punjabis from abroad for the to completely replace prOjected purpose of financing jointly 2000 AD kerosine requirements with H.P. government, the (vide D r A K Aajvansh i, " Solarly construction of the Dam . Distilled Ethanol from sweet H imachal is reported to be Sorghum as cooking fuer:') . will ing for such collaboration The technology for this has with Punjab . Possibilities also already been developed and is exist of similar collaboration now in experiemental stages. with J .K. where there is a Could Punjab which led the way well as of the country as whole. consideration potential in the country to the green available for construction of revolution, not do the same in Industrial Estates: Golndwal minor and medium hydel power the matter of development of Experience plants . The expert op inion here non-conventional sources of ndustrial estate concept has also, however, is that the energy, thereby not only been a favourite as an additional supplies obtained solving its own energy , and instrument of fostering through this source could take therefore , economic growth industrial growth with the State care of the existing power problems but also showing the governments and the Centre . backlog but would be wa y to the rest of the country in An industrial estate which is an insufficient to meet future th is matter also? Punjab with industrial complex promoted growth of demand especially if the genius and enterprize of its by the government at a selected any large programme of fa rmers can do it. Aobert Frost site by offering land, workshop industrialization were to be wrote: sheds, infrastructural faci lit ies undertaken . and finance for setting up Two road d iverged in a industries at the site, to private wood and I, Non¡conventional sources entrepreneurs, is intended to I took the one less he State, however, is serve as a nucleus for indust rial travelled by ideally situated with growth of the conc erned And that has made all regard to development territory. difference ". so urces of energy. The se, if fully developed , could By choosing to go by the road This was the intention wit h completel y transform the of exploring and using which the Goindwal Industrial power situation there. The unconventional sources of Estate was set up in Punjab in pote nt ia l of these sources is so November 1980. Because of energy, Punjab can make all the great that practically the wh ole factors includ ing difference to the solution of various of conve ntional -s ou rce po wer beyond the energy problem of its own as c ircum stan ce s no w co nsumed in the rural areas and agriculture could be At its roots, therefore, the Punjab economic released for use in feedi ng the roblem is that of lack of opportunities for P power-s tarved existing industrial units and in setting up investment of available funds and new ones . em ployment for surplus manpower. If the proposal f or setti ng up a Agriculture cannot absorb the capital and modern tiary industry by import of high milk y iel ding Holsteinlabour surpluses that have emerged in the Freiesen cows and setting up of state tellingly. New avenues of investment semen Bank s as a part of and employment outside the agricultural programme improving the loal sector have, therefore, to be found. breed of animals as L-.........._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ recommended by the Johl Table Committee , is accepted, there Number of Looms and Spindles In Cotton Textile will be plenty of dung available Industry and Share of Cotton Production in the areas where dairies are located . This should serve as a Mills Spindles'Powerloom 2 Percentage State base for starting a chain of ('000 nos ) ('000 nos) ('000 nos) share of gobar gas plant allover the cotton State . At other places bioass production plants using rice husk and (78-79) bagasses can be started on a 4874 772.7 1245 17.44 wide scale . A network of gobar Maharashtra (23.5) (35 .8) (37.4) gas and biomass plants spread 3957 Gu jarat 631 .6 26.82 5591 all over its whole rural (19.1 ) (30 .6) (17 .0) landscape could revolutionize 132.6 1350 170 the power supply scene of the Uttar Pradesh (6.5) (6.4) (4 .9) State by opening up an 742 128.9 1107 4.12 altogether new avenue of that Madhya Pradesh (3.2) (6.2) (3.4) supply . Tamil Nadu 93 .5 7.43 5080 328 (4 .5) (24.6) (9.4) Ethyl Alcohl)1 90 .7 1015 146 nother non-conventional West Bengal (4.4) I (4 .9) (4 .2) source of energy that can 62 .9 816 1107 239 be tried in Punjab is the Karnataka (3.0) (3 .9) (6 .9) production of Ethanol or Ethyl 12.4 262 16.89 196 alcohol which has been used as Punjab (0.6) (1 .3) (5 .6) motor fuel all over the world but 20682 2064 .7 8477 has not been used as co ok ing Total (All India) (100) (100) (100) fuel so far. Ethnol traditionally has been produced in India and Note: 1. As on January 1, 1980. 2. As on December 31, 1980. elsewhere from sugarcane , molasses, grain etc . A valuable Sources: CMIE, Basic Statistics Tables 9,13 and 10.1 and Statistical Abstract of Punjab-1979 source that has yet not been
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The Youthfull energies and no letout
control of the State government, the project has not made much of a headway. The foundati on stone of tr.e complex was laid on 14 November 1980. Within a year after that , the government constituted the Goindwal I ndustrial and Investment Corporation (GIICO). The idea was to give " one-window service" to entrepreneurs by allotting plots and arranging finances. It was hoped that the Estate would develop into a township of 5 lakh people . The Government undertook to build housing colonies, and provide electricity, water supply sewerage, hospitals, markets , and schools for that popl,Jlation. The Punjab State Industrial Development Co rporation was assigned the task of prov iding As. 100 crores investments in the Estate. These expectations have been largely belied . The project has remained jinxed from the very start because of the insufficient support from the concerned government agencies which again seems to be due not so much to Jack of will as that of ability on the part of the Government to do all that was promised to the: entrepreneurs and investors at the start. These agencies neither had the necessary financial resources at their command to fulfil their obligations nor there were congenial politica! ar:~ administrative environment to implement the programme of development of tJ:le estate. The eagerness of Punjab entrepreneurs to seize any opportunity offered to them to enter the industrial field may be seen from the faCt that 4000 applicants came forward to buy plots of land in the estate and depOSited As.45 lakhs as earnest money towards the purchase price of the plots . But so far only half a dozen industrial units have come on the stream . Even atrotment of all plots remains to be completed . . Meanwhile the owners whose lands were acquired have not been paid their dues.
Ancillary Units mong the units that have come up are Central Public Sector Undertaking, BHEL's industrial valve plant set up at a cost of As. 2.74
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crores, a private entrepreneur's export oriented shoe manufacturing unit which provides daily employment to 200 girls from neighbourhood , a private sec tor steel castings unit costing As. 2 crores which provides castings fo r text ile and sugar machinery manufacturing plants , and a spinning mill with 25000 sp indles. Go indwal is situated only 24 kilometre away from Hussainpura (Kapurthala) where the Aailways integ rated coach factory is being built. As such it is an ideal place to set up ancillaries manufacturing units to supply the needs of the coach factory. It has the promi se of develop ing into a vibrant and hum ing ce ntre of industri al activity. What is holding up its progress is not the cussedness of the Government or the lack of investible funds in the State. The main obstacle is the poli ti cal atmosphere and insecurity of life and property p revaili ng there. Golndwal experience highlights the basic economic problem In Punjab today which Is the rack of sufficient opportunities In the State for employment of surplus capital, entrepreneurial energies and educated and skilled labour force. The Green revolution brought with it to the Punjab farmer a degree of prosperity and cash flow undreamt of before. A part of the new income flow, of course , went into conspicuous consumption and raiSing material well-being of farming householdS. But a large part of its was used productively in the agricultural sector itself for purchase of farm machinery , construction of tube wells and provision of pumpsets for irrigational purposes, and undertaking other land improvement measures.
Inveltment Opportunities An index of hectic investment activi ty in agriculture during the first twelve years following the start of the green revolution is the progress in installation of electrical and diesel pumpsets by the farm~r for irrigational purposes . The number . of electrical pumpsets in the State Continued on page 14
5 July-19 July 1987 5
________________~F~q!yM THE
Deforestation in South Rajasthan Bharat Dogra Most of the tribals of Rajasthan are Bhil tribals and they are heavily concentrated in Banswara and Dungarpur districts and parts of Udaipur and Chittorgarh districts. Nearly 6 lakh tribals live in Banswara, 4 lakh in Dungarpur, 2 lakhs in Chittorgarh and 8 lakhs in Udaipur. In Banswara the percentage of tribals in the total population is 72 and in Dungarpur they constitute 64 per cent of the total population . in Udaipur district as a whole their percentage is only 34 but in Kotra tehsil ofthisitisashigh as 87 and in Kherwara it is 73. So in speaking of Rajasthan's tribal belt broadly we include Banswara-and Dungarpur districts and some parts of Udaipur and Chittorgarh districts , although pockets of tribal population certainly exist in some other districts of Rajasthan, specially Kota and Sirohi. Social Erosion The tribals constitute the majority of the population in this region . The overwhelming factor in their lives in recent years has been the destruction of forests . Several village elders recall how they have seen the green hills around their villages turning into barren, eroded land . A study of Kotra block made by the Tribal Research "Id Training Institute , Udaipur
says: "Till 30 years back the entire topography of ' Kotra was surrounded by thick forests . Tribal population living there were wholly dependent upon the forests, as their life-cycle round the year was based on the forest wealth . However, the process of deforestation started at such a fast rate , that today the concept of thick forests has become a matter of history only . This situation has created an imbalance in the economic life of tribals who now find limited employment opportunities in forests." Thus it is important to keep in mind when studying life in tribal villages today is that what we see is a life-style with its base gone, and adjustments made in the form of migration and reliefworks to somehow survive. Deforestation denied tribals many of their basic needs of life including food and it also diminished to a sUbstantial extent the productivity of their agriculture and animal productivity by accelerating soilerosion and reducing the availability of fOdder and organic fertilisers. I n brief, deforestation harmed the people directly as well as by breaking the harmony of a mixed forestry-agricultureanimal husbandry system .
The Centre for Social Research , New De .hi, has undertaken to do a study on "The Problems and Needs of Adolescent Girls in Rural Areas : Need for Programme Intervention ". It is important to understand that the treatment of an adolescent girl is largely conditioned by our society's expectations of the woman she will eventually grow into. As a girl child she shares the adult work environment. She observes and participates in it. Yet, this does not mean that she is considered an adult.
Out of the 750 million people in India today, 362 million are females and 143 of these or almost 40 per cent are below the age of 15 years. Discrimination, here, begins at birth. Gender based differences In Infant and child mortality rates create a critical situation. This neglect is evident regarding access to health services too. Despite the evidence of higher morbidity among female children, attendance records at OPDs and clinics reveal a preponderence of males. Similarly female literacy rates for the country as a whole
From food to fertilizers the villages become dependent on the market for everything .
In some parts of the country if can be clearly seen that the working and living condition is steadily deteriorating instead of improving . Within the three-four decade long memory of village elders life in their villages has become much poorer. One such area is the tribal belt of South Rajasthan . This is a 2-part article on thE) changing life of the weaker sections-specially the tribals-of this region .
Children of Forests Just as the impact of deforestation resulted in a vicious cycle I1Ke sItuation with one bad effect leading to another, similarly the process ' were frequent droughts, their of deforestation followed a changed and as they saw others dependence on this source of pattern of one cause leading to rapidly destroying the forests earnings also increased greatly . another. In the first stage forest for their profits, they saw And as the pressure for food rights of the villagers were nothing wrong in stealing some curtailed and large-scle wood from the forest to sell in . scarcity grew and some of th e existing good land passed into commercial exploitation was the market. the hands of outsiders due to a started . After some resistance Moreover as economic number of reasons the pressure the villagers Were forced to pressures on them become increased on tribals to bring accept this reality but their acute, as productivity of their attitude towards forests a.9.riculture decl ined and there Continued on pag e 7
Adolescent Girls in Rural areas
Problems and NeedsAnju Dubey
provide the context of highlighting differential rates in the Educational development of men and women . Although literacy among females has risen from 0.69 percent in 1901 to 24.88 in 1981, this increase is far behind its counterpart for men, where the corresponding figures are 9.83 to 46.47 percent. Girls Lag Behind The Indian Constitution requires that universal primary education be provided for all children in the age-group 6-14 years. A look at the enrolment figures, drop out rates and secondary school achievement shows that this goal still remains a distant dream . Under the Sixth Plan Review, nearly 73 per cent of the total non-enrolled children in the 611 years age group are girls. In the age group 11-14 years, only 38 per cent of the girls have been enrolled for formal education. According to the 1975 report on Educational Development by the Committee on the Status of Women in India, In classes I to V one girl out of three was out of school and of every 100 girls enrolled only 30 reach class V. In classes V to VIII only one girl oulof five was at school. In the age group
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5 JuIy-1I July 1987
14 to 17 years , only 12 per cent were enrolled. The drop out and repeater rate is much higher for girls (74%) than for boys (62.4%) . Similarly at the secondary level, sustained enrolment for girls is 13 per cent, against 35 per cent for boys. While roughly one third of girls below 15 years are still .in the pre-school years and so are within the ambit of prog rammes aimed at very young children, the other two thirds, girls between say 6 to 14 years, are no ones special concern . They must wait until after the age of 15 to join another target group " women in their productive years". . Yet these are the years of change-of development at the biological , psychological and social levels. This is the period when girls start menstruating , get married and some of them have their first child . These are years of maturation of new social responsibilities and roles. It is in these years of passage from childhood to womanhood that a woman perhaps needs utmost attention to be healthy and productive in later life . An Ignorant Lot The adolescent girls in rural
areas are neither exposed to the knowledge about health , hygiene and nutritior nor are they aware of new science and technology and its applicability in their lives. They are burdened with the responsibilities of caring for the siblings and 'helping ' their mothers at home . Their tasks generally include sweeping , washing , cleanihg utensils, cooking , fetching water and collecting fire wood, etc . To these are added others like deweeding fields , husking grains, etc , depending upon the agricultural activity during the season . This leaves them with hardly any time and energy to learn about their sociMy and environment. Their roles are almost clearly demarcated between the prepuberty and post-puberty stages. An ignorant lot , they are pushed into marriage leading to early motherhood roles. Since these girls are not aware of birth control, child care and control over their bod ies, they fail to get healthy children . Thus we have a high rate of infant mortality on the one hand and a growing rate of population on the other. Careful planning for their development thus becomes Contiuned on page 7
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________________~F~O~-M-· ----------------Sadhu Mohan's Fast A Call for Justice to the Jodhpur Detenues hree years passed since the Jodhpur detenues have been languishing behind the bars without any trial. Picked up from the Golden Temple Complex during the enactment of Operation Bluestar during first week of June , 1984, 300 men , women and children have been facing charges of "waging war against the state ". Detenues, including scores of sewadars of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) and innocent pilgrims were to be tried by a Special Court within a period of six to tweleve months. But this did not happen . It has confirmed the belief of the countrymen that the majority of them are innocent and are being kept under detention illegally and for narrow political interests of rulers at Delhi. For last two year., the release of the Jodhpur detenue. ha. been the mal... I •• ue for the settlement of the Punjab problem. The Centre made a number of commlttment. In thl. regard and the Oppo.ltlon equivocally .upported their release. A number of prominent personalities have pleaded to the Power. that be that Illegal, unlawful and revengeful detention of the Innocent., for ulterior purpo.es, would enhance the human tragedy of bleeding Punjab.
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Sadhu Mohan t this juncture, a wandering renuciate from Kerala, Sadhu Mohan
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undrwent a fast of self-suffering for the cause of the Punjab, particularly, those confined wrongfuly in Jodhpur. He sat on fast on June 20 at Rajghat to stir the Conscience of the Countrymen for the release of the detenues, hungering for human freedom . His symbolic fast was a challenge to the country's campassion and capacity to overpower 'injustice with justice, pasion with reason and hatred with love". Sadhu Mohan, a Gandhian, had to shift his venue of fast to the Gandhi Peace Foundation on the insistance of the Delhi police that his presence at Rajghat was a security risk to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who was coming to lay wreath, at Sanjay's Samadhi next morning . Former Supreme Court judge and oppoo.ltlon'. presidential candidate Ju.tlce V.R. KrI.hna Iyer, Janta Party leader George Fernandes, (Chief Mln.ter of Karnatka Ram Krl.han Hegde former Punjab chief mlnl.ter Surjlt Singh Barnala along with hi. party .upporter. and score of other Political leader. Including BJP leader Mr. Yagya Dutt Sharma, al.o joined the fast. The Sikh Forum al.o joined the fait. It provided medical and other a•• lstance to Sadhu Mohan during hi. fast. The United Akall Dalleader., Bhal Shamlnder Singh M.P. and Mr. Mewa Singh Gill M.P. vl.lted the Sadhu. Mr. Farooq Abdullah, chief mlnl.ter Jammu and Ka.hmlr al.o paid a vl.1I to
Deforestation Contiuned from page 6
some forest land under cultivation . Thus from being the ch ildren of forests who satisfied so many of their needs from forests they were turned into thieves and encroachers of forests in the language of the law. According to a senior researcher N.N. Vyas , of Tribal Research Training Institute, Udaipur " For just a petty amount , forest cropes were given on short and long leases to forest contractors until 1969 who worked on with the help of tribal labourer on low wages. The agency of contractors and intermediaries has not been completely eliminated even now" . He then describes the mode of operating of middlemen under the new system . The intermediaries purchase wood from private 'beers' on throwaway prices from tribals and sellon sizeable profits . According to Rajasthan Tenancy Act, the tehsildars are empowered to issue 'No Objection Certificate ' to owners of private 'beers' for felling and removing trees in the beer area. In connivance with tehsildar (for issuing 'No Objection Certificate' for felling and removing valuable sal and Sag wan trees). tribals are
cheated by intermediaries and contractors for the price of trees Corruption Giving specific instances Vyas alleges that the owners of the saw mills around tribal villagers of Dhariawad in Udaipur district purchase teak wood from tribals at 1/10 of the market value and sell the same at very high rates. According to one estimate, into the year 1978, in Dhariawas tehsil of Udaipur District alone, 82 such 'No Objection Certificates were issued for cutting 1,61,000 trees . Thus while enriching a few people in the legal and illegal timber trade the future of the tribals of this area and the ecology of this area-so closely tied up with each other-were sacrificed . The system which was behind this destruction is still active today, as seen in the new form taken by illegal felling of trees. Recently the pressures on tribals to make a living off illegal work in forests has increased greatly due to drought and crop-failure for nearly 3 continuous year. So the destruction of even the remaining forest-cover goes on unh indered. Now that the impact of this destruction has become all too
Sadhu Mohan and extended hi. .upport to hi. cause As Sadhu Mohan's health was fast failing. Justi.ce Iyer made a representation to the Prime Minister seeking his immediate attention . He beseeched the Prime minister to make a 'Justice Gesture' of releasing those at least known to be guiltless but are incarcerated as an over-reactive aftermath of Operation Bluestar.
President's Appeal Ultimately, a pressure was exerted on the Government from various corners. This made President Zail Singh to issue an appeal to Sadhu Mohan to break his fast and promise that "the government is conSidering the cases of the Jodhpur detenues". The President also expressed hope that the Government would expedite these cases". While presenting a glas. 01 juice to Sadhu Mohan, marking the end of the fa.t on 26 June, Justice Iyer said .. Not ·the punitive prl.on but the forgiving heart alone heal •. The complex and e.calatlng Is.ue. of the Punjab haemorrage cannot be .olved by a magic wand. We mu.t begin on the right humane note at lea.t at the belated hour by giving a ju.tlce touch to the Jodhpur detenue.... While breaking his five-daylong fast , Sadhu Mohan said " My humble endevour is to draw the attention of the nation and the government to the illegal detention of the Jodhpur
evident, efforts are being made to check this ruin in the form of afforestation and soil-water conservation works; working through by and large the same system which destroyed the forests in the first place . Is it any wonder that there is large-scale corruption in these
Sadhu 'Mohan with S. Surjit Singh Barnala, For a Cause detenues. I will continue to strive to convince the nation that without assuaging tne psychological factor involved in the Punjab issue if we rush into some political activities they either will not take off or end in fiasco". This is yet to be seen that whether or not the 'historic mission of love" of Sadhu Mohan enters the Conscience of the Country's Chief Executive. But he has succeeded to an extent in highlighting the injustice being done to the innocent Jodhpur
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detenues, No doubt, they represent the human tragedy, reminiscent of one of medieval period, when a king would put his victims in the cells and forget for years together, but they are bitter and grim reminder of a pOlitical blunder 'Operation Bluestar'.
works, the results are low and . Indian rural context in general , the involvement of the people and problems and needs of minimal? True there are adolescent girls in particular. exceptions in the form of The study would be dedicated work by some conducted in 12 villages: 6 officials and social workers , but villages of Bharatpur these do not change the overall (Rajasthan) 4 villages of Jaunpur (Uttar Pradesh) and 2 sad reality of continuing villages of the Union Territory ecological ruin . of Delhi. The sample will (N .F.S. INDIA) consist of 400 adolescent girls (10-16 years) and their parents~ the ratio between the unit of study and parents being 1:1. Keeping in view the set objectives, required data would be collected through : (a) a schedule and improving the adverse sex ratio. suitable (b) unstructured interviews Rural Context The proposed study thus and group discussions. This would provide vaiuable feed becomes not merely relevant back and confirmation of the but necessary. It would be research findings and an . situated in the context of rural sociology. As the search for a opportunity to the adolescent girls to participate in the paradigm that describes special formulation of the features of rural life-the recommendations for policies patterns of change and and programmes. Our development continues, the approach would be essentially study will be·based on detailed socio-psychological by research analysis making use of empirical data to arrive at an situating the unit of study in her understanding of the .societal context. phenomenon of adolescence in
Girls Adolescent Continued from page 6
There are many schemes, • both at the 'central and state level, which are projected towards the upliftment of women in general but not adolescent girls in particular. Thus, for instance under IRDP, both Training of Rural Youth for Self Employment (TRYSEM) and Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA) focus Primarily on the age group 18-35 years and lay emphasis on incomegenerating activities. The Seventh Plan under its objectives and strategies does talk about disseminating knowlege about the nutritional status of girls and its impact on the health and weight of the babies born . It aims at creating public opinion against social evils like child marriage, dowry, illiteracy and atrocities on women . It also aims at making sustained efforts for increasing the age at marriage of girls for
Ir-----------------------------, For Those who Care ADHIKAR
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5 July-19 July 1987 7
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FORUM
Off hand
----------------------------------------------------G~---------------------------------------------------THE
FORUM GAZETIE
• • • • •
Minority Rights .Civil Liberties Equality for Women Democratic Values Environmental Prot&ction
THE LIMITS OF REPRESSION Some recent developments points to a somewhat grim future for Punjab in tl:le years to come. The Prime Minister has taken the position that the Governor's rule in Punjab would continue as long as the terrorist problem is not solved. This view might have been expressed in the course of an election campaign and to that extent need not be taken at its face value. At the same time, it cannot be dismissed out of hand either. The least that can be said about it is that it was a view which was held when the election was in progress in Haryana. If the outcome of that election dictates another amended version of it, :hat is another matter. Two other factors are the combination of the 'saviour' of West Bengal and the 'victor' of Bombay and Ahmedabad . I n the situation that now prevails in Punjab, the Governor has no Advisers and is acting entirely on his own . Furthermore, the Director-General of Police has no Home Secretary to report to nor any minister to overrule him . In consequence, he is the only man to decide what requires to be done or not done. Such concentration of power in 'the hands of one person can lead to a situation where its misuse cannot be ruled out. What is the track record of the Director-General of Police? He is a capable professional who likes to keep a highly visible profile. This is what most people would agree upon . But there is another aspect of his performance which must not be overlooked . He is able to freeform onry as long as he is around . The moment he leaves, things return to normal. In other words, it is through his sheer presence that he can keep things under control. But they get out of control the moment his presence is withdrawn. Why that should happen is not difficult to understand . No individual, however capable and effective, can thwart social processes at work . If for instance, the nexus between politics and crime was close and intimate, as it was in Bombay, all thathecould do was to keep the lid on there for a while , indeed as long as he was there . In that respect also his success was only partial. In Ahmedabad he did not stay there long enough to be able to make and kind of impact other than temporary and transient. What happens in Punjab remains to be seen but two things are clear. One is his public posture that the police will succeed to the extent that people will cooperate . Will they? In a sense it amounts to bagging the question . The people will not cooperate for a number of reasons, the most basic of them being the sense of continued grievance that a large number of there have. Somebody can turn around and say those are imaginary. To get into the argument whether these are real or imaginary is beside the point. The fact remains that there is a perception of being aggrieved and this is what counts Over the years, a number of factors have aggravated the . situation . large scale smuggling has led to the arosion of state authority. More often than not, the police and other authorities act in collusion with smugglers. This in turn undermines the capability of the government to act in a dispassionate manner. The nexus between politics and crime is a very substantial factor which cannot be ignored in any appraisal of the situation . What has been happening during the last ten years has further contributed to the erosion of the state administration and its credibility as an instrument of purposeful action. Indiscriminate arrests, killings and torture of a large number of innocent people have alienated most of them from the administration. To ask for their support or even in that situation is to ask for more than what is humanly possible . The recent crop failure has made things future difficult for the Punjab peasantery. Though the state has tried to extend some kind of help, it has not succeeded beyond a point. It is possible to enumerate several other causes also All of them pointto one thing-the administration is alienated from the common . people. Th~ second factor is no less crucial. Even hundred percent success in the field of administration will not solve the problem . The problem will be solved only when there is a polical settlement. One attempt made in July, 1985, has come unstuck. Meanwhile there have been all kinds of developments including the recent rout of the ruling party in Haryana. Perhaps a bilateral understanding between Haryana and Punjab is what is required. But then the question is of the ruling party would accept this kind of a bilateral arrangement. It is so accustomed to fishing In troubled water and its existence is so much dependent upon plaYing one state against the other that it is difficult to conceive of an alternative scenario . Be that as it may, what about the present? Ample evidence has already come to light which indicates that the forces of law ~n~ order function in lawless way. If the present wave of repression continues, hundreds and thousands of innocent people are bound to suffer This is not to suggest that a certain number of those who are committing crimes will not be also amongst them. But the rule of law requ ires, and . this is somethln!J fundamental to the Constitution of the country, that a distinction must be drawn between the innocent and the guilty . To blur .the distinction between the two is to create circumstances which can have long range unsettling implication for the country. Furthermore, there would be such a tremendous backlash of bitterness and hatred that it would take years and years before the situation returns to normal. To put it plainly , there are limits to repression. The question which bothers one is if these limits are recognised and respected or will they be violated with most people looking on as if it was none of their concern. Those who think or function like this fail to see one thing. What happens in Punjab will happen elsewhere toq, at some stage or the other. For them to believe therefore that it does not concern them is to think only of today and not of tomorrow. .
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5 July-19 July 1987
Policy Towards Punjab Amrlk Singh What was the occasion for the Prime Minister saying at an election meeting in Faridabad that the President's rule in Punjab would not be lifted till terrorism had been finally tackl~d?
He was addressing a meeting in Haryana and not in Punjab . Secondly , it was an election meeting and Punjab was certainly not on the agenda. ' Thirdly , only a few weeks earlier he had told a group of sponsored Sikhs who had called upon him that the President's rule had bee ... an unfortunate necessity and the democratic process would be restored in the near future . For all these reasons he was not expected to say anything on Punjab, particularly at an election meeting in Haryana. And yet he chose to do so . In doing so he contradicted himself. Not only that, he' went much beyond his own selfimposed brief. To say that the President's rule had to be enforced because of certain circumstances is one thing . But to say that it would not be litted till terrorism had been brought under control is another thing . There is a world of difference between the two statements. Once can legitimately ask if his declaration in Faridabad was an impromptu one or represented a shift of policy. If it was the laUer, the minimum that should have been done was to have taken the members of the Political Affairs Committee of the Cabinet irito confidence . Was that done? One does not know. At least the newspapers did not report any such thing. But then newspapers report what they are fed with . Maybe this decision was arrived at not so long ago kept confidential. In all likelihood no such decision had been taken and It was some kind of a off the cuff announcement. Perhaps the aptest comment came from a cartoonist. He showed some body asking the Prime Minister how he explained the contradiction between his earlier stand and his latest stand. His answer was disarmingly simple. He replied that were there to be an election In Punjab, he would make an equall) helpful statement. All th is discussion about what the Prime Minister said and what he meant should not be taken to mean that the situation in Punjab before the President's rule was imposed was all that wonderful. Nor will anybody, one hopes, have the braienness to say that it has imporved since then. If anything, it seems to have got worse . Maybe this is only passing phase time and that it would improve a little later. According to the DirectorGeneral cf Police, the terrorists are wanting to put across the message that they can hit back . Such an assessment need not be taken to be wildely off the mark. OBJECTIVE The pOint at is~ue however is
what is the objective. Is it to in this regard but then this is not control the situation or to serve the occasion to do so . some other end for instance, What about the role of the the election in Haryana? If the Akali party and S.S. Barnala objective is to control the himself. Should he not have situation, neither the dismissal resigned after January 26 , of the Barnala Miriistry nor the 1986? Did his continuance in President's rule have acheved or office help Punjab in any way? can achieve the purpose : did the split in Akali party a few intended. This is not to months later come about condone the set-back to the because of a genuine difference democratic process not to ' of perception or because of decry the efforts being made to factionalism that has always contain terrorism . There is a characterised the Akali party? good deal to be said for both the Did the Centre have a role to points of view but neither of play in promoting this them, either in isolation or in factionalism and thereby conjunction, will achieve the weaken the Barnala position to objective. such an extent that for several The objective could have months he became dependent been achieved provided the on the support of the ruling approach adopted In July,1985, party? There are several other had been pursued to Its logical questions like this that one can end. The objective had been to raise, Opinion in regard to them work out a political settlement would be divided but there is with the AkaUs whose quest for one thing from which there is no power had been frustrated time getting away and that is the and again by all kinds of division within the Akali party. dubious means, Including State terforlsm. The real meaning of Ecllpse or liquidation that Accord between Rajlv There is hardly any political Gandhi and Sant Longowal was party which does not suffer no more and no less than this from factionalism . To that that the ruling party, having extent the Akalis can defend pursued a particular policy for a their position. But then there is number of years, had come to a difference between the Akalis the realisation that the earlier and the rest and rather a crucial policy had been faulty and one which should not be hence and arrangement was overlooked under any worked out In terms of which a circumstances. While the other new chapter was to be pOlitical parties are striving to Inaugurated In Punjab pOlitics. get into power, the Akalis Within a few months there actually enjoyed power. For was a sliding back from the them to have split over any position taken in July, 1985. It issue amounted to playing into may have been gradual and the hands of those who wanted halting; it may not have been to weaken and divide them . No easy to identify, to start with; it political leader, whether may have come about as a Barnala or Badal or anyone result of pressures from within else, can offer a convincing the party. Whatever be the explanation for their political explanation and several more conduct. Anyone who tries to can be thought of the most do so offers only a partial explicit repudiation of the explanation . Accord came on January 26, 1986. That date had been set for The simplest way to describe the transfer of Chandigarh and what the various Akall factions that date was not adhered to. It have done Is to say that what must have been forthe first time they have done and are. doing in contemporary affairs that the will lead to their eclipse or plighted word of the head of the liquidation In the long run. The government was violated with sentiment that they represent out so much as a word of regret. will not.dle but the political and On the contrary, a completely organisational form In which It contrary position has been expresses Itself will undergo taken now and the situation has changes. Maybe a new got further complicated. No leadership will emerge.' Maybe more needs to be said about it a younger group of people take for that is not the issue under over. Maybe there Is further discussion. decimation of their ranks and The issue under discussion is much worse. Anyone of these if the Centre has a policy things can happen. But one towards Punjab. The answer is thing t"at will not happen is that in the negative. Whether the they develop a capacity to President's rule was enforced oppose the Centre's policy because of Haryana elections towards Punjab. or some other compulsions, is a The Centre has no policy matter of detail. the inescapable other than to wield the whipfact is that faced with the hand. A declaration lik e the one bankruptcy of its policy on the that the Prime Minister made in political and economic fronts, Faridabad is a blow to the ruling party is left with no democracy in the country . But choice except to appeal to then the situation ha s become communal paSSions and in the so muddled that even when process deflect attention from democracy is buried fathoms other more urgent issues of the deep there is hardly any protest. restructuring of the economy This is a comment both on and the strengthening Of the Indian democracy and the -democratic process. It is oppOSition partie~ possible to provide more details
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Open Forum
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Communalism and Secularism in India Susheela Kaushlk
t is forty years since India became independent. The premises of this independence were a specific denial of the 'two-nation theory' . The circumstances and the mode of the birth of the new nation clearly dictated a course that would positively oppose communalism and any widening of the religious divide. But the India we see today is " one that has exasperated rather than encouraged the people on the prospects of living together. Despite the great strides by way of integration in the development pattern, and despite the benefits of development getting more or less equally distributed among the elite of various communities, the problem of national integration still continues . It is this exasperation with the futility of battles agaisnt communalism and the frequent eruption of communal violence, as well as its increasingly hoary nature, thaf has made many individuals develop a cynical view about the whole functioning of democracy in this country . It has led to the belief th!'\t communalism is a paying proposJtion . It will soon lead to (perhaps has already begun the process of) a numbing of our sensibilities to communalism, to the enormous violence it is causing, and perhaps even to the need for national unity . Secul.rllm ecularism was adopted in 1947 as a political policy and was incorporated in the Constitution as a pious objective . How far was this concept, a well debated and thought out one? Had its
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implications for the society and politics in India been understood or analysed? Secularllm wal adopted more al an ad hoc anlw.r to an Imm.dlate problem-the carnage that mark.d the partition of India. It was believed that • secular policy alone would keep the future unity of India Intact. This was becaUI., the partition of India, and the aUendant migration .nd bloody rlotl were traced e..entlally to religioul disunity, discord and communal dilloyaity to the nation and national unity. Thul It I.ck.d a proper empirical and loclal analYll1 of the f.ctorl that led to partition, of the nature of partition, of thole who mlgr.ted and abov. all those who did not. A loclo-economlc analYlls of the new nation known as Paklltan wal ....ntl.1 .v.n to underStand the nature and balll of Communalilm In India. Instead the issue of Communalism was approached in a much moreemotionalway. Sentiments rather than hard realities, a wishful and liberal idealistic notion of what India should be rather than what India was made of, both culturally and economically, seemed to have been the basis of the policy to deal with Communalism . Concepts like 'one nation' 'religious tolerance ', 'unity in diversity' etc. came to be floated . Not that these notions were wrong or untimely. They had to be spelt out and played up in the times one lived then or one lives now. But they cannot be mistaken as substitutes for finding a way to prevent or solve the problem . For, those notions in turn came to form the
bedrock of our political policies known in a package form as 'secularism'. This packet in turn gave birth to many policies and actions that had their own long term implications :tun, (a) Secularism in became the antidote to Communalism and both were treated in terms of a psychological, cultural and religious attitude to life, rather than as one based on strong and real material bases. (b) In view of the historical conditions under which they were coined , secularism was identified as positive and nationalistic and communalism as anti-national. Once again, it meant, forthen as well as for the future Indian polity, that concepts like nationalism, national integration and national unity were essentially vague cultural attitudes and political categories . That one can be communal and nationalistic, in fact one can be more communal and thereby be more nationalistic, that national integration can be along communal lines, and above all one can be communal in one 's public and professional relations and secular in one 's personal life and social relations, and vice versa or all these possibilities are ruled out when one juxtaposes secularism with communalism . Any number of examplel like tholeof Jlnnah and otherl, have prov.d that th.re can b. luch a dichotomy In actual life, and that communalilm II born and br.d by more than an attitude or a patt.rn of Int.r-p.rsonal relation I. Hard political calculatlonl, real economic ben.fltl, ballc Itructural d.flclenclel and concr.te International and diplomatic pay-oHI c.n In an Iiolated as well al a collullve pattern, exploit underd.velopment In a loclety, particularly within a loclal group, to creat., nurture and aggravate communal tend.nclel within and between the groupl. Th. rol. of mon.y pow.r In cr.atlng communal tenllonl can nev.r be und.r.ltlmated. Itl UI. to buy the mUlcle pow.r II, by now, well docum.nted. (c) The policy of secularism as adopted in India, in the absence of any such concrete and materialistic interpretation of the origin and growth of communalism and revivalism in the twentieth century, tame to identify ' itself as a pattern of inter-group relations . Notions like majority and minority religious (or other) groups were freely used rather than an attempt at analysing the internal composition of these groups. Accusations were made, remedies were sought, and policies were formulated in terms of group interests and group behaviour. The rasult was that the state in its eagerness to prevent communalism and propagatE. secularism, adopted a numerical measurement,
extended protection to the numerical minority, and intervened on the basis of social categorh~s , rather than individuals. In this pattern, elections and political parties created and utilised Institution I like vote banks conslltlng of religious heads and sectional chiefs. Ritualism rather than religiosity, fundamentalism rather than the philosophical kernel, truths of religions, obscurantist traditionalism rather than the deep rooted Indian culture came to be projected and promoted. It became the common Interest of all political groups to preserve and protect communal vested interest of the various religioul sections 10 as to further their own political and personal ends.
present . An argument based on the cultural plurality of India ' jis the basis of communal strainS is dangerous even for cultural plurality-since it can make one believe in and demand an artifical uniformity of a fascist state . Fundamentalism Alternatively , the religious Called otherwise as tolerence , 'unity in diversity ', fundamentalism, this trend is "live and let.live' etc.-equally dangerous to democracy-for it derived from our religious and cuts into the rights and cultural plurality and rooted in development of individuals; it ' the historY,-while true can blocks social change and lead to an escapism and a suffochokes attempts at social failure to face the reality . reforms and liberation of the One thus needs to formulate oppressed sections within a new analysis of the class-base those communities. It leads to of communalism . The old and an intervention by the state that traditional analysis , is no longer seeks to bring about social valid , at least not in its totality . unity and national unity on the One also has to move away basis of a balance. This is an from identifying one or the appeasement of th~ various other religion , or one or the religious groups and is a other community on the basis secularism that recognises of numerical analysis. these groups; that believes The Nexus these groups to be hile a political homogenous social entities: approach is needed to hence negotiates with the solve communalism as leadership, (at which level the a political issue, of late one fundamentalist religion , strongly believes, communabusiness and politics collude lism has a base in the politicianand coincide) . It is a secularism bureaucratic-commerce nexus. where the state does intervene If so what is the remedy for this? (and not be neutral) ; but Obviously a politicalintervenes to promote and administrative solution . If protect the social and gender smuggling , foreign trade, heirarchy within the foreign money and religion/sect, rather than help international factors work in to dissolve or dilute this collusion to bring about heirarchy. communal riots and violence , It Is, henc., Itate Intervention the remedy lies in a strong that helther promotel jUltice, administrative cum political nor democr.cy, nor In fact approach . One cannot be a lecularllm Itself. A historian in his/her superior cynic to believe that these wisdom, an anthropologist in cannot be removed, or that they his/her knowledge ranging over are a part of the system or that time and space, give us a view of they emanate from the social the vast canvas of the cultural structure-for the simple reason depth and plurality of the Indian that secularism is also part of civilisation . To a social the values of the present scientist, particularly to a system, and that the system and the structure demand political scientist who is secularism for its very stability impatient with the present, and and sustenance . One need'not is anxious towards the future, be a misanthrope and predict such a canvas not merely looks the inevitability of like a tour-de-horizon into the communalism, as a part of the past, but rationalisation of the Contiuned on page 15
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Secularism should .make use of the s.me medium that Communalism employs-group contacts, person to person talk etc. It should employ the good offices, the religious portali of the various religious heads, etc. Fortunately the bulk of them are not communal In their orientation. Communalism harps on the weak pOints of religion when It invokes the slogan of "Religion being if' danger", or ¡ when it emphasises thi.'. observance of religious ritualism; above all it .. seeks to rally the people around to protect and perserve the religion which otherwise, in an emerging, market oriented capitalist sQclety is getting pushed behind the secular.' economic forces.
5 July-19 July
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---------------------------------------------------GAZEnc-·---------------------------------------------------the President's office as an instrument for political manouvering .
The President Continued from page 1
the issue is not new but has been there right from the inception of the Constitution . It has been surfacing from time to time . So much depends on the party positions, personalities involved and the general political atmosphere prevailing in the country and so on. So far it has remained limited to the level of discussion and debate. But that is no guarantee against actual political action.
Assertion On September 18 1951 Dr. Rajendra Prasad sent a note to Nehru in which he expressed the desire to act solely on his own judgement, independent of the council of ministers in regard to giviing asent to bills, sending messages to
Will V.R. Krishna Iyer, If elected, dismiss the Prime Minister or dissolve the Lok Sabha? Will Venktaraman try ta protect RaJlv Gandhi in case his position Is threatened becaus,9 of friction In the party? Normally such questions should not arise in a democracy. But in our system, where leadership Is not allowing both institutions and conventions to get stablised and develop these questions are not only being asked but are po~ing a serious challenge to democracy. Secondly, from 1969 on wards the terms of the President and Parliament, have not been coterminous . Thus there are not only chances of the President and the Prime Minister belonging to different parties and having different ambitions or views but more importantly fluid conditions like those of 1979 may recur. In 1979 for instance the President had to take decisons on his own. In this situation the office of the President and who holds it has become a very important issue and will remain so untill a stable and clear party system emerges and some definite conventions with regard to the working of Parliamentary government get established . Both these seem to be a cry in the wilderness at least in the near future
Ambiguity So far the trend ha. been toward. ambiguity ' and confu.lon. It ..em. that the framer. of the con.tltutlon wanted to make the office of the Pre.ldent one of dignity and honour to .ymboll.e the .overelgnty and unity of India and at the .ame time a wielder of political power a. the la.t resort. Nehru told the Con.tttuent Aaaembly, "We want to empha.l.. the mlnl.terlal character of the government that power really re.lde. In the Mlnl.try and legl.lature and not In the Pre.ldent a•• uch. At the .ame time we do not want the Pre.ldent lu.t a mere figurehead ..... " The first three Presidents Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Dr. Radha Krishnan and Dr. Zakir Hussain , were men of letters and great statesm'en. Though they always acted i'n accordence with the advice of the Council of Ministers, at the same time conveyed an impression that the President was not equivalent to a constitutional monarch . Of course the party situation was also largely responsible for this, but more important were the personalities of ' both the Presidents and Prime Minister Nehru and of the vision of leadership they shared. Nevertheless, doubts about the 10
5 July-19 July 1987
Presidential Power. Thus, the question about the exercise of Presidential powers , real or imaginary by the President himself or by the Prime Minister has become a live issue. It is not just what the letter of the law allows but what the actors wish to do and what the country will take . As has been said above at present Presidential and the Parliamentary terms are no more coterminous . In this situation a President may get actively associated with partiese. How he will act, in what manner or how he will be treated by the party in power have thus become very significant questions for the future of the Indian system of parliamentary democracy.
powers of the President were expressed both openly and privately.
Parliament and returning Bills to Parliament for reconsideration . Again in 1960, while laying the foundation stone of the Indian Law Institute he called upon the scholars to examine the powers of the PrE!sident, "purely as a subject of study and investigation in a scientific manner." Dr. Prasad's skepticism was based on a very sound legal logic. The legal sovereignty in India resides in the Constitution, while in England the crown is the source of all power. The Queen does no wrong, but the President of India does when he violates constitutional provisions for· which he is liable to impeachment. He can be impeached by Parliament which is prone to judge every issue from a pOlitical angle rather than the legal. Moreover the President is elected by an electoral college comprising all the elected members of the State legislatures and the Union Parliament. He, therefore , owes a duty to the States as well as to the Centre. He has a wider sphere of responsibility than the Central government. After 1967 elections, when the Congress lost its majority in a number of States and its got reduced strength significantly at the Centre, the role of the Governor in the States took on a new dimension, somewhat away from the concept of a constitutional head . There emerged apprehensions that in a similar situation at the Centre the President can also play the same role as - the Governors were playing at the State level.
Prime Minister's President t was in this background that increasing factionalism in the Congress in 1969 created an impression that the office of the President could be used for political purposes. Thus started an era in which in place of well respected and non-controversial public men , the Prime Minister's President were installed V.V. Giri, owed his Presidential tenure to Mrs . Gandhi. Fakhrudin Ali Ahmed the loyalist of Mrs. Gandhi, was the next choice. He silently
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Giani Zail Singh . Abject loyalty to Assertion
watched India heading towards authoritarianism , It was he who signed the order for imposing the emergency. As was revealed later on, the proclamation of the emergency on June 26 1975 was not a recommendation of the cabinet but only of the Prime Minister. Morarji Desai regretted that
the Janta Party chose Mr. Sanjiva Reddy as President. According to him he wasa man with political ·ambitions and interests. In 1982, the open expression of loyalty and' gratitude to the Prime Minister by Presidential candidate , Giani Zail Singh confirmed the missgivings of those who see
WII! V.R. Krishna Iyer, if elected, dismiss the Prime Minister or dissolve the Lok Sabha? Will Venktaraman try to protect Rallv Gandhi in case his position is threatened because of friction In the party? Normally such questions should not arise in a democracy. But In our system, Is not where leadership allowing both institutions and conventions to get stabllsed and develop these questions are not only being asked but are posing a serious challenge to democracy.
The Campaign While there are three can'didates for the Presidential election only one Justice V.A. Krishna Iyer is engaged in some serious campaigning . Mr. R Venkataraman relying on the Congress (I) majority in the electoral college is confident of his victory and is depending only on the party whip which can be issued any day directing all the Congress (I) members to vote for him . One other candidate Mr. Mithilesh Kumar has clearly said that his aim in filing the nomination paper was limited to get press publicity which he has got .. He has neither the resousces nor nay support to undertake any serious campaigning. Justice V.A. Krishna Iyer is taking this opportunity as a mission . He knows it prety well that going by the domination of mathematics the electoral calculas is obviOusly predeterm ined . But he feels that some kind of call comes which is reminiscent of what Jawahar Lal Nehru called the tryst with destiny. To that call, Justice Iyer suggests, his response is genuine and therefore it is mission for him . The mission is to restore the constitutional harmony, that constitutional righteousness, that healthy legal relationship which will make our political process run smooth reSistlessly onto fulfilment of its destined course. It is in this spirit that Justice Krishna Iyer has launched a serious campaign . He is visiting various State capitals, talking to the press and writing to voters. In an interview Mr. Krishna Iyer said he~d appealed to the Congress MPs and MLAs that
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before casting their votes they should pause and think, and vote "according to their conscience" He did not rule out the possibility of holding a meeting with the BJP president, Mr. L.K. Advani , to seek reconsideration of the party's stand to boycott the poll . Mr. Krishna Iyer said his tour of different states as part of his election campaign was a "constitutional pilgrimage to propound the philosophy of the Indian president. Whether I will fill the bill or not, I cannot say." He clarified that he had conveyed his philosophy even to the opposition parties which were supporting him . Mr. Krishna Iyer said that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru strongly believed that the President should be a person of high authority and dignity and should not be a dummy. He said that a renewed campaign for the restoration of the office of 'the President was necessary at the present juncture because of what ne termed as the "contraelimination of the President by the Prime Minister" due to the laUer's refusal to supply information to the former. Labelling the differences between the head of the state and hte head of the govenment as the "President-PM syndrome" , he said: "If a prime minister became delinquent, the president had the repponsibility to offer advice". "But as for the recent controversy, he said it was difficult to say who was to blame. However, the irony was that the political process had got clogged . Mr. Krishna Iyer said the President had a vital role in the
form of a check on legislative and administrative matters. He asserted : " I stand by a certain philosophy of the Indian presidency. I will keep a watch on the working of the ministers . I will not exempt even the Prime Minister from scrutiny. " He elaborated this by saying that the cabinet was meant to but it was the govern, responsibility of the President to audit, watch and advise . For this purpose , he could ask for information or even reconside ration of a particular decision . The situation today is such that if a president wants some information , he is told it cannot be given ". Admitting the "arthimetical superiority" of the Congress and saying the opposition has little chance of victory , he called upon his voters to exercise their right on the basis of their "best judgement" . UNI adds: The issue , according to Mr. Justice Iyer was not " who will be the President , but what the presidency would be like ." Mr. Justice Iyer reiterated that the president is " neither a parrot nor a puppet. The president is also not a ceremonial head or one of the expensive futilities created by the Indian Constitution, " he said, adding "he cannot be a non-entity ." The president, according to Mr. Justice Iyer, " has to fulfil expectations of people when something goes wrong in the country. " He "is not supposed to be a cocoon in the Rashtrapati Bhawan when there is the grossest and flagrant violation of the Constitution," he said .
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________________~F~~~~M-.. ----------------An Appeal To The Electorate For The Presidential Poll group of concerned public Amen, Inder Kumar in~luding
GUJral, Romesh Thapar, Rajni Kothari, Justice Rajinder Sachar (retd) Dr. Amrik Singh and others have issued an appeal to the presidential electors. This appeal is of interest to the larger citizenry as well we publish below the text of the appeal. n July 13, you will be selecting the next President of India. We, as concerned citizens, would like you to consider the following issues before you cast your valuable vote to one or the other candidate. lection of the President of the Re(>ublic is not a party affai r nor is it an exercise o. ordinary voting - right of members of Parliament and State Assemblies. In ordinary circumstances the voting behaviour of members is governed by party affiliations which is now subject to the Constitution (fifty Second) Amendment Act, popularly known as the anti-defection law . Realising the special status of Presidential election, Parliament has limited the scope of anti-defection law to voting "in the House" and not to election of President which is the Constitutional authority of every elected member. In other words, when you act to elect the President, you are acting on behalf of the entire electorate in your constituency irrespective of narrow considerations of caste, region , party and other affiliations. The only constraint in the exercise of your power is your own conscientious judgment for serving belit the interest of th", nation. This is the reason why even party whips are neither issued nor appropriate in the Presidential poll. Please take into consideration the various challenges the country is facing today and exercise your constitutional authority on July 13 without in any way being inhibited by party constraints and polifical implications . We do hope the sale criterion will be the interest Of the nation
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(and not the party in power protem) and the superior merit of the candidate to serve that great interest. Indeed, the duty to cast your vote to render your verdict as to who should be President is too non-negotiable to be fettered by lesser loyalties. India summons and you respond . he .President under our ' Constitutional scheme is an important functionary reflecting the unity and integrity of the nation and embodying the traditions and aspirations of its people. He is neither a rubber-stamp of the government of the day nor is he a super-Prime Minister to sit in Judgment over the wisdom of t: ,e Cabinet and the Parliament. The very fact that he is elected by the entire people of India. of course, through their elected representatives , indicates the great status of office, eminence of the incumbent and the wide scope of his high authority and dignity. Never in the political history of independent India has the role of the President become so crucial to the survival of our Republic as it is today. The relative role and power of the President and the Prime Minister are being totally misunderstood and plunged in party polemics to the detriment of national progress and constitutional discipline. The paralysis of the political process is self-evident. This is fatal to the stability and strength of our Republic. We need a President who understands the Constitutional scheme and is capable of applying the same without fear of political or personal considerations . He should therefore obviously not be a party or one personally obliged or obedient to the majority party of the day or its leader or the Prime Minister. He has a national role of Independent 'Counsellor and, on execptional CClccasions, actor. he election of an independent President need not be interpreted as weakening of the Prime Minister. On the contrary it strengthens his authority and
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promotes his legitimacy and effectiveness in government and fertilises the power process. However, a pliable President obliged to the Prime Minister or the Government for his position is a positive danger to Constitutionalism and rule of law. In such a situation, we, the People of India will further be marginalised and political power of the State will be more and more privati sed Mafia hold on the nation's economy will in!=rease and the integrity and security of the country will be jeopardised making Parliament unable to discharge its constitutional responsibilities. The President's right of information is a Constitutional right necessary for the healthy functioning of democracy and the welfare of the nation and it cannot be a matter left to the sweet will of the Prime Minister or the Cabinet of Minister. The political process should not be permitted to be paralysed by the blockade of the flow of information to the President as it will in turn paralyse the constitutional system itself. We do believe the issues at stake are too serious to . be ignored at this crucial hour when you go to choose the Republic' next President. By voting an independent and upright man beyond party affiliations, neither the office of the Prime Minister will come in jeopardy nor will the government's functioning be in danger. On the ' other hand, it will only help restore the Constitutional balance and arrest the moral degradation afflicting public life in the country. Parliament, of which the President is a part under the Constitution, will then play its great part in defense of the country. We leave it now to your best judgment and hope that you shall keep the interest of WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA in making your choice in electing the Head of the State.
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This Fortnights Story
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SANSKAR GURMUKH SINGH JEET quadron Leader Ravendran was put on alert at four on Saturday morning. When he returned from his first mission late in the evening he straightway hit the sack . He did not hope to get much sleep with the war going full scale. But he did, strangely enough. Gauhati was the main Air Force station sending out bombing sorties. He could be called upon any time . He knew that it would take him only ten minutes to get dressed and report at the Duty Room . He was a fighter pilot.
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When he woke up in the morning, he found his wife Niti still lost to the world. She had been to a late party last evening . "Niti, wake up I m going on a mission again," he said shaking her gently by the shoulder. She muttered something indistinct, turned a side and was lost to her dreams.
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Forest' area for the married officers . They were the star attraction as soon -as they landed at the party. A party missed the natural verve unless Niti turned up. Not that Ravindran did not know about the popularity of his wife at the parties. But he did not feel jealous of it. In fact , there was no place for petty jealousies in the life of a pilot, especially a fighter pilot. The life of a fighter pilot hung on a weak, invisible thread . Therefore, he took life by the horns and enjoyed every moment of it. A pilot's wife too lived on raw nerves. Therefore pilots normally did not object to thei r wives having a bit of good time. So Niti could have as much fun as she could take. A little bit of gin or sherry and she would let herself go. This would also be
could still bring small, small joys of life into Ravindran's life, it was a feat which could not be explained. She saw him off at the door in the night gown . Her eyes were still heavy with sleep. She forthwith returned to the bed . In a few moments she was asleep again. She next woke up at eiaht. She looked for riavindran. His side of the bed was empty. She had to worry somewhat before she remembered that he had gone on a mission early that morning .
the signal for the party to be on its hooves. Ravindran did grudge carrying a besotted wife home at the end of a party. This duty had to be performed by Menon last even ing . She was drun k. But not so drunk that she did not know that she was with Menon . She was continuously . hugging him . Menon moved her so deeply and thoroughly as Ravindran could not. Therefore whenever she was with Menon . she exploited each and every second of his company . When the duty jeep driver blew his horn outside Ravindran's bungalow , she was ready. The sound of the horn also pierced the wooly slumber of Niti and she woke up with a start. That particular sound was like an alarm for a pilo t's wife. Only she knew the connotation of that sound . She feared the death of her husband every moment he was away. Even though he would tell herself not to think so. But she could not help . Moreover it was a knowledge that she could not share with anyone. She had to . bear with it :'erself alone till the husband returned home. In fact, Niti's cross was far heavier than that of Ravindran . If she
She stretched languidly and then went out and sat in the sun . The October sun was pleasantly warm . Normally the sun was a rarity in Assam . Most of the time it was mist or hazy sun . But the sun that day was clear and bright. The cook brought her tea . Niti was still struQQling with the hangover of the party last night. Her memory was still tingling with the thrill that she had experienced in the arms of Menon . How sweet was his breath! And then to be brouQht home by him! She wished that it should always be Menon who should bring her back from a party. Her reverie was interrupted by another image, that of her husband , out on a dangerous mission . It made her shiver. She felt as if her hair had turned into spikes which were falling oft one by one. She did show some grey in her hair already, though she was only thirty . Then the images went pell-mell. She blinked to clear her mind of the messed up images. But she failed. Instead she started stroking her forehead w ith her finger tips. She tried to concentrate on sipping tea . But
As usual it was a hell of a party last evening at the mess. The atmosphere was gay and whisky flowed freely. There were frequent part ies at the mess. The officers did not have to search for an excuse to have a party. The last evening celebration was for an officer who had been promoted Wing Commander. Niti was also at the party though at the moment she left for it, her husband Ravindran was on a sortie over the enemy territory . She was worried to hell about her husband's safety. That was why she had at f irst refused to go to the party. However the officers were not going to take no from her. She was the life of the party. Besides she was the most adorable woman on the station . Therefore they sent Squadron Leader Menon to fetch her. When Menon looked deep into hereyesand implored her to accompany him to the party, she just could not say no. Menon moved her deeply. Her soul went aflutter whenever she felt the closeness of Menon 's body. His warm breath would stir up an emotional upheaval in her and then she would just let her self go. From there on it was squeeze and crush all the way. What a magic there was in Menon's touch! His way was take-it-as-you-can . " Niti , what you can enjoy today you must not put off for tomorrow, " he would often tell her. It invariably brought a blush on her face. She started dressing up as soon as she had consented to go to the party. She chose a navy blu~ sari for the evening . She gav~ a vigorous brush to her shoulder length hair to add lustre to the natural glow of her hair. Menon could not help whoop, with pleasure when she. came out after dressing up. "You're just marvellous, Niti. . How many coups you're going to hole today? "As many as the scalps are there at the party. You can do the counting ." • She perched on th~- p illion seat of his scooter ancftogether they left the ' Golden Oak
it was equally futile. If only her "Thefe aren't many pilots of two children were not yet Ravindran's mettie . A true patriot, if I may say. I'm sure he asleep. She sat on, lost to the world . A would be awarded Veer fly buzzed around the rim of the Chakra. " But would Veer Chakra replace Ravindran? she cup which still contained a few was think ing . Why did not they sips of lukewarm tea . But she give the Veer Chakra to was not aware of it. She was just someone else and return her feeling lost. Her mind was either Ravindran. The Commander blank or so crowded with went on making promises, that images that it did not make any he would see to it that sellse . She was staring fixed ly Ravindran did get the Veer at I he grass beyond the pale of Chakra and that the Air Force tea , lOy. A ter a while she raised her did the maximum for her. But all of it sounded hollow to her. She gazl and encountered the figUi 3 of Malti Rao, wife of the , had lived with the terr.ible knowledge of sudden widowStation Commander. Malti was hood ; knowledge which she did entering the Golden Oak Forest not share with anyone , nor with Areas for the married officers' the wives of other pilots even . quarters. She was walking with And that knowledge was now a a bowed head . She was com ing reality. straight towards her. A couple The lawn soon filled up with of more officers' wives were neighbouring women. Their foliowinQ her. Niti wanted to husbands too came to offer believe that they had not come condolence. Grief was writ large to call upon her. She wished on the face of each one of them. their steps were directed They were with -her in her But het mind elsewhere. moment of tragedy. The refused to ignore the truth . children too woke up. Malti Malti was coming towards her. directed the ayah to take them Malti was the harbinger of the to another house. Women news, the news ttl at every pilot's began to leave one by one. They had to take care of the domestic chores like lunch and so on . Food came for Niti from the Commander's house. Malti tried her best to make her eat some . But she reiteratEld only one answer: she was not hungry. " Niti dear, trust in God . You can 't live for ever without food . And you do need energy to bear with your sorrow ." She sat on in the lawn till the wintry sun began to pale on its downslide. She half heard that Ravindran's family had been informed telegraphicaly of the tragedy; that her family too had been similarly informed . The steps taken by the Commander were also conveyed to her dutifully. But her mind refused to accept any bit of i"nformation . Her mind was set on penetrating the gloom to find only one point of her interest and she could not reach it. Perhaps she would never. A neighbour turned up with tea in the evening . She forced her to sip some . The day passed. But time did not pass w ife fears all her life; the for her. It had stopped . It had ultimate news. The . unschealso hamstrung Niti. She culed visit of the Commander's struggled to get free of it. She wife meant only one thing . To succeeded somewhat but not soften the bad news. I n that all. The children returned moment she realised that she home. She clasped them to her was a widow and her children breast and cried silently. were orphans; that she would Evening was coming on fast. soon be seeking employment in She was not aware of it. She was some school. feeling so lonely. It had never Malti was looking very grave. been like this before. Not even Being the wife ot the titatlon when Ravindran W . : oIay. She Commander it was her had so much to do, so much to obligation to convey the bad engage her attention. Now news to the aggrieved family. there was nothing; nothing but She put a consoling hand on the loneliness. The star day of the heaving shoulders of Niti . " Patience, Niti , patience, dear. week, Saturday, too did not hold any promise to her. And We don't know for certain yet. how she had always looked His plane was shot down. But forward to it, to tam bola and he might've bailed out. You dancing. There was al80 never know ." drinking and gOSSiping. But Niti was not listening to She felt broken up. Shattered. her. She beat her forehead in It was a strange feeling . The distress. Tears flowed in a flood evening did not touch her; the from her eyes. She knew that evening which always meant Malti was covering up. Her maximum gaiety and laughter. husband was dead, Dead and But today the evening was a lost. Not even the last rites for dead shell. She just sat numb him. and empty, drowned in her Women from the neighbourgrief. Her friends tried to pull bungalows gathered ing her out of sorrow. But it was no around her. They tried to use; no use without her own console the inconsolab le. will. Malti too was worried Meanwhile the Station Commander himself turned up. about her shocked state. She
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trends, of deep import for the among other measures, made without being aware of it. But Even a shadow of smile flashed too tried hard to pu:: her out of future of the Indian state use ot the States serious and across her face, whenever she was inexorably slipping it. But nothing worked . It structure, have emerged . aggravating financial plight to Menon passed a witty remark. became the worry of everyQne into the mess atmosphere. on the Station, including the She felt the thick layers of Then Menon asked her for a On the one hand several reduce them to subservience subordination to Commander. sorrow peeling off her as the dance. She just :stared at him. developments have made It and The sun sank into the Bara minutes stretched . Her upper lip fluttered slightly more than ever necessary to themselves, irrespective of the Pani lake in thee vast valley of The bearer brought drinks to showing her uncertain mind . reinforce the federal character party in power at the State level , Umroi behind the distant hill. them . Everyone accepted but The Commander was also of the Constitution. These with the result that Cp-ntre-State Dusk was growing fast. A no one put his lips to the glass awaiting her response. Menon Include: (I) disappearance of relations have emerged as a couple of neighbours provided They were all looking apprehending her uncertainty several of the circumstances major public issue with a explos ive her company, a silent, questioningly at Niti. Menon put his arm around her waiste, which provided the rationale for tremendous potential. conversation less company. ordered a gin for her. She helped her stand up and then some significant expenditures The solution lies in They did not know what to talk received the goblet and :stared led her to the floor. And then from the strict federal concept; rejuvenation and consolidation to her. One suggested that she over it. After many a dragging one look into the deep black (II) the perceptible quickening of the badly battered lederal should be taken out into the moment she patted her hair and eyes of Menon and her feet of the process of emergence of character of the Constitution fresh air. But Niti did not want then took a sip of gin . The Full started moving of their own. 0 India as a multi-national society This requires, together with to. Another just lifted her and House was announced . There (Translated from Orginal based on IIguistic diversity; other measures, the elimination brought her out on the road. was still time for dinner. Niti (III) the growing awakening Punjabi by RAJ GILL) of the present serious They started walking as if in a drink sipped her second among the ethnic groups; and imbalance between the States ' dream. At the turning, they (Iv) deliberate reorganisation of Constitutional responsibilities came across Menon . He too States on a linguistic basis has and their sou rcess and joined the group. He had called predominantly made them opportunities to raise as a on Niti during the day also. Now homelands of dlslnct peoples. Continued from page 3 matter of right, the funds he started talking in a low but these were Obviously in The inevitable conflict rooted borrowings of Rajasthan were needed for due discharge of deep voice of the uncertain response to the circumstances in the two contradictory these responsibilities so that , set at an amount approaching destiny of the fighter pilots. prevailing at the time of its developments poses a serious except for the particularly that of Maharashtra; of Gujarat, Their life always hung by a to national unity, at less two-thirds of that of adoption . These departures threat disadventaged States, it may spider thread . They did not somewhat dilute the federal democracy, secularism, Madhya Pradesh ; and of not be necessary for them to know at which moment it would economic Punjab, at the lowest amount character of the Constitution independent knock at the Centre's door for break. But it was harder on their but surely do not destroy it. development and social among all non-special category financial assistance. wives who had to worry all the . States, even lower than , Over the 37 years since the progress, indeed all that the time about their safe return . Niti of the freedom movement stood and Haryanas's which has no more commencement A reasonable financial looked up at Menon . He was than three-fourths of Punjab's Constitution two contradictory strove for. The central isers have balance between the Centreand reaching her numb mind. She population. the States Is a crl,lclal tried to smile at him but failed. The explanation lies in the , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - . requirement lor appropriate "Nevertheless," Menon was fact that the total amount of and harmonious relations saying, "one can't be casual Or The Indian Constituion ha's an essentially market borrowing, its between the two basic levels of in different to life. One has to distribution among the Centre, federal chaqctor. This derived its rationale governments as well "s for live one's destined time . One the states and the financial checkmating the authorltaslon from the need to reconcile, in as vast and can't do anything about it and the institutions, hegemonlstlc, and exploitative neither subtract a moment nor diverse a country as India, the imperatives of distribution of States' share designs of the Centallsers. add one to it. If one had to live the country's unity and integrity with the among individual States are all Such a balance is surely then why under the shadow of technically feasible. But where a matter of deliberate decision legitimate claims of liguistic, cultural and the death; why not with one's by the Centre. The States' Is the political will to works ethnic diversity, thus resting national unity chin up." towards that? market borrowinQs have They realised suddenly that and security on solid foundations. become e::;sentially a form of they had walked up to the mess. Central assistance for State Menon invited her in . She Plans. Clearly , the states' own L-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _- - ' wanted to profess her gratitude capital receipts, and the portion with a smile. But she could not of their capital expenditure muster it. She refused the financed by these, is in fact invitation instead. But Menon substantially lower than what took her hand into his own and the traditional coverage of pleaded. At last she allowed him these receipts would suggests. to lead her into the mess . . Overall Financial ' It was Saturday evening. As Dependence usual noisy and gay. The tambola game was on. They In recent years the States' could hear the announcer. Five aggregate "own" revenue and and three, fiftythree, seven and capital receipts have tended to two seventy two and the tumble fall below 50% of their up sixtyseven. A few young combined revenue and capital officers were drinking rum and expenditure: 1984-85, 50.6%, chatting cheerily at the bar. 1985-86 (R.E.), 48.7%, and They came to their feet 1986-87 (B.E.), 49.5% . The respectfully as Niti entered the actuals of State Budgets for room . They invited her to join 1986-87 will probably show a them. But she failed to warm up lower percentage than yielded to them. The atmosphere of the by the Budget estimates for the mess was as usual. People were year. Correspondingly, the States' dependence on drinking, playing cards, billiard resource transfers from the or tambola and being happily Centre for financing their total loud and' noisy. Nothing had CANTER; Japan's I~ ~Ilins !lUCk in ilS class, has ~Iready been expenditure has tended to changed. Only Ravindran was Iounchrd in !he Indian mar1<et in /oNly 1986. The Indi~n mar1<et 9dS the exceed 50%: 1984-85, 45.5%; missing. The thought made her IMd adIIenced version 01 the ~ ;::ANTER which WM launchrd 1985-86 (R.E.), 53.4%; and eye rims to burn. She sighed . in Japon In NoIIem~ 1985 1986-87 (B.E.), 49.7% . The Menon guided her into the CANTER is ~d in J-whttl ~ suitatlle tor Sf!'o'f!f~1 ~pplicatiorls for 1986-87 will liu delivery von, soft drink carrier ' LPG cylin<ler camer, two ....t>t:eier actuals tam bola room . They took a carller, tanker, etc The long 3760 mm wheel oase, uni~ only to probably show a higher than back seat. The mess CANTER. provides f!XIIlI economy/such M )4·se.ster P~s~nger Bus. 50% rates. atmosphere began to thaw her. A CAMftIt c.r- of INCIc. bioi end corulncr _ wtU be 1ft The overall (combined It seemed to her that Menon's yaur tDowII, ¥ItitI", ......... -..po, tnIdI end but . . . . . revenue and capital) deficit, voice dominated even th~t of Come, seethe No. 1 IIx tonner. financed by running down the announcer. It was reaching States' accumulated reserves her clear. The announcer or, up to 1984-85, also by dronEd on: across the runway unauthorized overdrafts from forty three- and eight and one, • • E . . .R the Reserve Bank' accounts for kiss and run . Menon was talking the balance funding for total light, telling jokes. More Authorized Representative for Delhi expenditure. Broadly speaking, officers joined them. Once in a the States taken as a whole while Niti would register a'joke currently depend on various Ji)~ and manage a pale smile of channels of resource transfers ~ appreciation. She began to feel from the Centre for financing that she must not impose her SIicMfoom. C-91/10, \JI~ 1ndu$1rleIIvea, Rins Roed, Delht- 1100si no less than around 50% of their personal grief on others, must Tel 711632.,7216171 , 7113886 combined revenue and capital not demoralise the other pilots. ~. 0IIfa . tI04, Rohit House, TaIIItOy MirS. ~ DeIhi-110001 expenditure. The position Tet. 3318761, 331287. Just then the announcer called wen ShotJ. Serei Popel Thall~, AdafY\ ~, [)e1h,·110033 varies with individual States. snowQal1. Menon went and Tel 7120352, 748383 The Constitution no doubt bought tickets . Niti had to go ~~.,~., .,.,..,.,..,~ made some significant alongwith Menon against her departures from the strict will. With every following federal concept but several of snowball Niti began to thaw.
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5 July-19 July 1987 13
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Restructuring Punjab Economy Continued from page 5
rose from 59200 in 1968-69 to 262270 in 1979-80 and diesel pumpsets from 29100 to 263000 during the same period . The growth in the number of electrical pumpsets in the case of Punjab during the period was 344 percent as against All-India average increase of 264 percent. The corresponding figures for diesel sets were 807 and 268 percent respectively. Since 1979-80 growth in the number of pumpsets in the State has been palpably slow which shows inv£ stments in this field are no more seen to be profitable by the farmer. Thus against a target of 11000, only 2900 pumpsets were energized in 1981-82 and against a target of 21500 only 800 in 1983-84. A part of the explanation for this precipitous decline in the growth rate of pumpsets may lie in the unsettled, political conditions in the State after 1979-80. But that factor does not appear to have exercised any material influence so far as agricultural operations and crop productiol\ are concerned . The larger part of the explanation obviously lies in the fact that outer limits of profitable investments in agriculture are fast being reached and the scope for lise of agricultural surpluses for capital formation in the farm sector is steadily narrowing down. It is in 'the interest of not only the farmer but also of the economy that country's alternative investment opportunities s. e made available in the non-farm sector for profitable emp 'loyment of surplus funds frO~il agriculture. Employment Opportunities t is the same story in regard to employment opportunites for trained and educated labour. The spread ot education . among the agricultural classes in the State, particularly the Jat Sikhs, has not been accompanied. by expansion of job opportunities outside the agricultural field of an equal order. The service sector of the economy has not grown to any appreciable . extent in recent years . On the contrary, there has been some shrinkage of market on account of the saturati on point having been reached in the a'rmy and police recruitment, and the end of emigration boom ' experienced in the seventies.
I
The unemployment problem is not peculiar to Sikh educated youth . It is common to youth of all educated communities all over the country. But in the case of the former, it is a relatively new phe'nomenon whereas in the latter's '· case it has been a normal feature of e(;onomic life for the last several decades now. It is the lack of employment opportunities in the urban areas that makes the educated Sikh youth which has lost his moorings in the rural life disgruntled and resentful. With this state of mind, he falls an easy prey to the propaganda of the fundamentalists and secessionists. He comes to believe that it is the perSistent discriminatory treatment of Punjab and the Sikhs by the 14
5 July-19 July 1987
Centre that is responsible for his present plight. Budgetary Transfer There is no truth in allegations of this type. It is often put out for example .. by even otnerwise objective critics, that Punjab has not received its due share from the Central Government budgetary transfer, statutory, plan, and discretionary, all combined , to the States. On close scrutiny this accusation against the Centre is found to be baseless. In the twenty-five year period, 1956-81, the gross budgetary transfers per capita work out at AS.1452 which is the highest among the 4 High-Income (Group A) States of Punjab , Haryana, Maharashtra and Gujarat. Only two among the Middle Income States (Group B) viz Orissa and Assam got more in per capita terms than Punjab but that was largely due to their bigger statutory entitlement than exercise of discretion in their favour by the Centre. The discretionary transfer to Orissa during the period came to AS .476 per cap ita agaisnt As.604 in the case of Punjab. Only Assam with a discretionary transfer of As. 659 per capita durig the period came above Punjab among the 6 middle income groups states, in the matter. Similarly among the four low-Income (Group C) states, only Aajasthan got more (As. 734 per capita) by way of discretionary transfers than Punjab. Even more telling is the story of flows of funds to the States from the Central financial institutions. Here with per capital fund flow of As.941 in 1973-80, Punjab stood at the top with only Maharashtra with a figure of AS .848 coming anywhere near it. All other States fell far below the Punjab share . The average for all states and Union TerritOries was As.393, with Bihar with AS . 152 standing at the bottom and Haryana with AS .756 coming next to Punjab and Maharashtra. Credit-Deposit Ratio nother complaint made is that credit-deposit ratio of nationalized banks in Punjab is the lowest in the country. In 1981 , for instance, credit-deposit ratio of scheduled banks for Punjab was 45.9 percent compared to 72 .3 percent in Haryana, 80.5 percent in Maharashtra, and 91.9 percent in Tamil Nadu . But low advance-deposit ratio does not mean biased treatment of the State by the banks in this regard . The low proportion of banI< advances to the deposits in Punjab is due to lack of sufficient demand in the state for credit rather than any deliberate policy action on the part of banks or the Union Finance Ministry. No body has come out with a complaint that banks in Punjab have been systematically discriminating against the State in the matter of grant of loans for productive purposes to businessmen, industrialists .and agriculturists there. The
situation arises from the simple of surplus funds and facts that there are more funds employment of educated . available in the State from section of the labour force. deposits than there is demand Lack of Opportunities for them for investment At Its roots, therefore, the purposes which , in other words, Punjab economic problem is means that investment that of lack of opportunities for opportunities, there, fall far investment of available funds short of the available surpluses and employment for surplus produced largely by the manpower. Agriculture cannot agricultural sector. absorb the capital and labour The economic destiny of the surpluses that have emerged in State lies in carrying its already the state tellingly. New avenues prosperous agriculture to a.still of Investment and employment higher stage of development at outside the agricultural sector . which it is transformed into a have, therefore, to be found. modern organized industry and These can only be industries commercial enterprize. It is this that are linked with agriculture. type of restructuring and It is the whole range of agrogrowth of its economy that based manufacturing and Punjab must look to rather than processing activity that should starting of large scale industries receive highest priority in the of conventional type, for plans for diversification and solving the problem of paucity ' restructuring of Punjab of opportunities for investment economy.
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________________F_O~-M--------------Communalism and Secularism Continued from page 9
cultural plurality intermingling with electoral politics and emerging social tensions. Such an analYlls not merely does nol lead us anywhere, It Is also pessimistic, Irresponsible and dangerous. If human beings are at the centre of social analysis and SCiences, then one has to project an analysis of a social action or political policy, that backs the Individuals as Individuals, rather than as part of the group ~r any other category. In dOing so It Is not enough If the state proclaims secularism and Intervenes on the side of secularism. The Intervention Itself, belt by the state or by any other agencies, has also got to be iecular. Such an Intervention has to steer clear of the known categories, or any notions of ' balancing and appeasing; of ~qulllbrium etc. Secularism, to be promotedin this nation positively, needs a fresh analysis. This analysis has to be based on strong foundations of India's reality rather than on illusory notions of national, cultural unity or re'ligious neutrality . While loyalty toone's religion , culture or language should not be identified as lack of secularism , they do not also automatically become politically neutral or harmless . It is when such loyalty begin. to work in conjunction with other factors that they tend to inflame the communal trends . There Is also the need to consciously . distinguish between'· religiosity and obscurantism. The need for such a distinction becomes even greater during .tlmes of crises. Often aU people who , belong to or follow openly the religious customs do get to be suspected, Identified with communalism and In fact are led to become communal or at least recognise the communal divide. Such a development In turn becomes conducive to . fundementalism . and heightening of religious obscurantism. The problem of, and the felt need for an Identity makes eve" liberal (reHgous) person fall a prey to revivalism and reinforcing of ritualism, In the ~ame of danger to religion. Religion gets to be dehumanised; the clock of social progress Is put back and the gender subordination gets reinforced,
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Who hal a Stake In Secularllm
P
utting . it positively . one needs to work out a material social base for secularism. Who or which are the sections of the Indian . community which havea strong stake in secularism? First and foremost are the poor, the self employed, unorganised sectors of the They stand to losecommunity the most, . in terms of their daily living but also their very lives; curfew affects them the most; riots and violence spell a direct ruin to their abodes and lives and they become the first victims of fundamentalism and religious fatalism. Also, affected of course is the middle class. Communalism and the accompanying violence and riots are definitely ruinous to the middle class, its meagre posseSSions in terms of propert y and possessive like shops. So too, secularism, definitely, is the way of life for the liberal intellectuals, professionals and the upper middle class, while fundamentalism and
women by t11e Sikh 'Fundamentalists'. Thelncreallng Inroadl which the religioul headl are making Into the dally IIvel of women and the Iteady abridgement of even wHatever little rlghtl and freedom they already had, are bound to make the women of India, develop a definite Itakeln lecul.rllm. Any number of Itudlel have confirmed women'l oppolltlon to communalilm and their active Intervention to reltore peace and relief In Deihl, Ahmedabad and Punjab. Secularism, and not communalism ' is thus the " t y po I't' maJor! I ICS. Th e e Iec t ora I democracy that India_ is following needs to be based on this recognition-not mer~ly in terms of long' .term considerations of the polity but even for immediate practice, Any effort to strengtheri and preserve secularism in India~ has to be with these sections that have a stake 'in law, order and peace .
For them, religion is not an sense of collective security of opium; to them surv i val local community (be it the dictates a pragmatic approach village or the mohalla) are to life. The elites game of strong. These community L·r communal collusion and village traditions (even if it politico-commerical deals are smacks at times of a feudal beyond their purview and hangover) are good or bad, inimical to their interests. They depending on what use one have nothing to gain from makes of them. They can be destabilisation and are exploited as the given vehicles oppossed by the religio- for transporting communalism; economic-po I"Itlca I Iea d ers h'Ip. they can also be tapped as the To them the written words of · pillars for a secular, nationalist English newspapers, and the democratic, progressive Indiawisdom 0 f'Inte II ec t ua I'Journa Is as I't had been used so many and discourses have no times. Secularllm Ihould make ule of the 18me medium that meaning . The third rate magazines (which abound in Communalilm emploYI-group this country, particularly at contactl, perlon to perlon talk ' th vernacu I ) r etc. It Ihould employ the lIood loca I leve Isine ars • with their sensational rumour offlcel, the religioul portall of mongering and unfounded the varioul religioul headl, etc. allegations, are the ones which Fortunately the bulk ollhem are ar.e e.asily accessible to them . not communal In their India is a society where orientation. Communalilm community interaction is close; harpi on the weak polntl of where the tradition of religion when It Invokel the dissemination by word of Ilogan of "Religion being In mouth is the most commonly danger", or when It emphailiel effective method, and where the oblervance of religioul faith in the neighbours and a rltualllm; above all It ..ekl to r.ally the people around to - - - - - - - - - - - - -......- - - - - - - - - - . . . . . . , protect and perlerve the Secularism was adopted more as an adhoc religion which otherwl.., In an answer to an Immediate problem-the emerging, market oriented I capitaliit loclety II geHlng . carnage that marked the' partition of India. ~t pUlhed behind the lecular ,was believed that a secular policy alone economic forcel. Unfortunately would keep the fut.,.re unity of India Intact. the secular and, progressive . II f I dl ... leadership and 'opinion makers' This was because, the part t on 0 n a, an", in this country have not . the attendant migration and bloody rlols were bothered to utilise these means. . Secularism continues to remain traced eisentlallyto religious dllunlty, the luxury of the urban and communal dl,cord and dilloyaity to the urbane middle class elite, self nation and .natlonal unity. Thul It lacked 8 consciously insulating itself . d I I I f th from the majority of the country proper empirical an 10C a ana YI s 0 e and indulging ·in self financing .. factors that ·Ied to partition,· of the nature of schemes. This elite needs to partition, of those who migrated and above all reach out to the strife torn those who did not. A soclo-economlc analYll1 regio!1 s, disseminate correct information and counter of the new nation known al Pakistan wal organise them for secularism.O
traditionalism do not suit these modernised sections. Any amount of studies have shown that communalism is not a way of life with the rural folk·of India. Secularism has its base also among the minorities-but particularly among the Muslims-not becau&e of their numerical majority among the minorities or the political el..ntlal even to understand the nature and insecurity, but much more basis of Communalilm In India. because of the empirical facts 1 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.;...._ _ _ _....... that a majority of Muslims '" spread nearly uniformly allover India-are poor, iii iterate, selfemployed , artisans, agricultural labour etc. who are the targets of such communal attacks. Continued from page 16 The other .social group on whom secularism can rely detention and transfer to from inside the Golden Temple heavily is the women-not that Jodhpur Jail. However, Nirmal complex during. Operation women have not participated Singh's mother has met him Bluestar where he had gone to on the side of communalism- only twice in the last three pay obeisance . His 50-year-Old but that women stand to lose a years, while his wife is unable to mother, Kaushalya Kaur, a lot more by communalism, make a trip to Jodhpur because resident of Sharifpura locality fundamentalism and of financial · reasons. This in Amritsar City, told this traditionalism. They are also reporter met Kashmir Singh reporter just before getting into the losers in terms of human while he was about to board a· a bus for Jodhpur that she was lives and bread winners as well Jodhpur-bound bus run by the going after a period of nearly six as in terms of physical SGPC. He was carrying a threemonths to meet her son, who necessities like house and year-Old child. POinting at his has completed BA final studies possessions. More seriously, grandChild, Kashmir · Singh this year while under detention. communalism and religio.us said: Whenever Nirmal's name Jaswinder Singh's three obscurantism, in the name of is mentioned before this child brothers have not yet met him preserving religion and culture, and his elder sisters, all of them during the last three years. Even have perpetrated .the start crying and coax me to take Kaushalya Kaur met him after oppression on women. them to their father. This time I two months for the first time The religious 'funda/ienta- am taking him along ." after his arrest in June 1984. Kashlmir Singh s~id the The 33-year-old Jaswant lists' be it of Hinduism, Islam or Singh, a resident of Khalra Sikhism, find the women the interview time of a little over half Village near the Indo-Pak first and easy targets for an hour with the detained son hardly sufficient, border in Amritsar district, had imposing their wh.i ms and was · gone to the Golden Temple as a demanding obedience and conSidering that he had to go a long way from his village just to pilgrim in the first week of June shrinl<ing their rights further. have glimpse of his son . He 1984, but never returned home ~arriage and family and free as he was taken into custody movement are the two spheres lamented the fact that not many during Operation Bluestar and where such imposition is age articles were allowed inSide the is now languishing in Jodhpur old and is getting further jail. Definitely admitting that he Central Jail. Jaswant Singh was strengthened. But of late the lacked faith in the government, a commission agent in the upward trend in religious he said . "The government village , but after his detention obscurantism is getting a makes one statement one day his younger brother, Sukhdev . boost\ be it in the increasing and yet another on the second Singh, who was planning to superstitions among the day." He is fed up with the Hindu's, the stricter uncertainty prevailing over his take up M Phil studies in Punjabi in Guru Nanak Dev enforcement of Purdah among son's fate. Jaswinder Singh, now 22', Univers"ity, had to discontinue the Muslims, or the banning of his studies and instead took up saree wearing and forcing of was a teenager when he was put the work of his elder brother. head covering for the Sikh under detention after his arrest
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Jodhpur Detenues
Sukhdev Singh said about his elder brother: "He won't have any truck with the extremist elements once he comes out of jail, though he is bitter because he is being detained on baseless charges." Courte.y Newl Time 28 June 1987
5 July-19 July 1987 15 .
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R. N. 45763/86; D(SE) 15/86
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The long trek to Jodhpur Abhinav Nayar
he octogenarian Kartar Kaur, mother of the 60year-old Gurmej Singh, has not met her son for the last three years, as he is lodged in Jodhpur Jail and her bad health does not permit Kartar Kaur to travel. Even as she inches towards death, she is skeptical whether she would be able to meet her son . She said: "Only Wahe Guru knows when Gurmej Sing~ who is hard of hearing will find release." GurmejSingh went to the Golden Temple complex as a pilgrim in the first week of June 1984, but was taken into custody during Operation Bluestar. The family members learnt about his arrest after about ten days, but were able to meet him only after a period of four months in Nabha Jail. The life of the family has been totally disrupted as the latter happened to be the head of the family.
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Forgotten mother he 40-year-old Inderjit Kaur, whose house was next to the Golden Temple complex, had gone to the temple on June 4, 1984, for her daily prayers early in the morning. But reunion with the family has eluded her as she is rotting away in Jodhpur Jail on
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the charge of waging a war against the state. At the time of Operation Bluestar, when she was put under detention, her ydungest of the four children was of the age of one year and three months. Inderjit Kaur has not seen the face of her young child for the last three years or so, and according to her husband, Harsaran Singh, the child has almost forgotten his mother. Inderjit Kaur was first lodged at Nabha Jail after her arrest in June 1984. However, her husband could meet her only when a habeus corpus petition filed by a human rights activist was admitted in the Supreme Court. Since then, Harsaran Singh has met her only five times in the jail. Two young daughters of Inderjit Kaur have not met their mother even once in the last three years and are living under great trauma. The ten-year-old girl of the couple has lost one year of education because of the sudden change of circumstances as she had to look after her youngest brother in the absence of their mother. Harsaran Singh is quite bitter
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Mohinder Singh said that he faced many difficulties in meeting his son in Jodhpur Jail. He could neither talk to him properly, nor see his son from close quarters. "I was not even allowed to give soap to my son in the jail, not to talk of other things," he said. As Moh inder Singh's other two sons are employed outside the village, he finds it hard to work on the fields singlehandedly. " Had Sukhwant been there, he would have shared my burden of work," he said .
put under detention during Was prevented from doing so Operation Bluestar in 1984. and the same thing happened Though Kulwant Kaur said her when items like sugar and milk son was a careless person who preparations were not allowed used to drink and loaf around, to go in . Jasmel Kaur further he did not have any connection said : "The detainees are being with extremists. She said : "So kept in cages and are not even much so, that he had never allowed to meet their relatives gone to Gurdwara." Randhir freely . I suspect that they are about the government attitude Singh is now completing his being administered slow towards the Jodhpur detainees. studies in jail and is due to poison. That is why some of He said : "Detainees are being appear in the BA final them have been found tearing used as hostages by the politiexamination in September this ::>ff their clothes." While the cians at the centre. By detaining year. Kulwant Kaur has not grandfather and grandmother them without trial, the governbeen able to meet her son for of Jagdish Singh are desperate ment only wants to jOstify its more thant two years as she got to meet their grandson, they action in Punjab. This is why we sick when she travelled for the can't do so because only have lost faith in the credibility Search for job first time to meet her son , who immedia'te blood relations are of the government. There is no urtek Singh , a resident of was then lodged at Nabha Jail allowed to meet the detainees. rule of law in the country. The Sursinghwala Village in in Patiala district. She sounded Flickering hope Prime Minister of our nation is Firozpur district went to confused and was in tears while wo other residents of the more worried about Africa and the Golden Temple in the first talking about her son . village had also Sri Lanka than about the week of June 1984, for the first Significantly, despite being in accompanied Randhir situation in Punjab or other time to offer prayers as his wish anguish, the family members of Singh to the Golden Temple in parts of the country." of getting a job had come true. Randhir Singh have not give~ a the first week of June 1984. One detainee by name of However, today instead of go-by to fundamental human They were Randhir Singh , one Satnam Singh, a resident of counting the blessings, he is values . This was evident when of Bahadur Singh's eight Batala town in Gurdaspur cursed to languish in Jodhpur referring to the terrorist activichildren, and Manjit Singh , one district, is suspected to have Jail. This is the treatment being ties in Punjab. Kulwant Kaur of Bawa Singh 's seven children. been given slow poison in meted out to Gurtek Singh who and Randhir Singh's brother, While Randhir Singh was Jodhpur Jail, as he became served the Indian Army for 15 Kashmir ~ingh, simultaneously employed as a priest to recite mentally unstable in the initial years, as his 60-year-old grief- quipped: " Hindus and Sikhs are Guru Granth Sahib in the stages. He refused to recognise stricken mother, Gurdial Kaur, inseparable. Vllhether a Hindu Golden Temple, Manjit Singh his parents at one time, but is told this reporter. Gurtek Singh or a Sikh is killed by terrorists, happened to be a farmer. All the feeling better now. At least, one has left behind his wife, and the important thing to three had gone together to the dozen detainees are reported to three school-going children remember is that a human Golden Temple in June 1984, have become mentally aged ten, nine and eight years being is killed . This in itself is a never to return again . unhinged owing to lack of respectively . reprehensible act. " The 55-year-old Kashmir proper diet and maltreatment in Guotek Singh, who was Jagadish Singh, a resident of Singh , a resident of Khabbe the Jail. tortured during his stay at Chabha Village in Firozpur Rajputan Village in Amritsar , . . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -......- - - - district had gone with his uncle district had completely lost to Amritsar on May 30, 1984, to hope about the survival of his Detainees are being used as hostages by buy motor instruments. While son , Nirmal Singh, who had the politicians at the centre. By detaining his uncle Darshan Singh gone to the Golden Temple to them without trial, the government only wants returned after buying the offer prayers for his threegoods, the teenaged Jagdish month-old son just before to justify Its action In Punjab. This is why we stayed behind to attend Guru Operation Bluestar began. The have lost faith In the credibility of the Arjan Dev's martyrdom day celebrations at the Golden whole family spent and government.. There Is no rule' of law in the Temple . According to his sister agonising four weeks until the country. The Prime Minister of our nation is . h' f "f local police informed him that Manjir Kaur, It was IS Irst VISI his son was alive and under more worried about Africa and.Srl Lanka than to the Golden Temple . However, Jagdish Singh never detention . Nirmal Singh was about the sltuat~on in Punjab or other parts of returned home afterwards as he taken to Ladha Kothi Jail in the country. was detained during Operation Sangrur after initial interrogaL _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _....... Bluestar by the security forces. tion at an Army camp in Amritsar. He was severely Jagdish Singh had just cleared tortured during his confineThe 19-year-old Sukhwant . Ladha Kothi jail in Sangrur (His matric at that time . The 50-yearment at Ladha Kothi , and his Singh, a resident of Jalalabad name figures in the Tiwana old mother of Jagdish Singh, name figures among the 90 Village under the jurisdiction of Commission report), had gone Jasmel Kaur, whose eldest son Verowal police station in with two other pilgrims, namely is in the Army, told this reporter detainees mentioned by Tiwana Amritsar district, had gone to Gurdev Singh and Mukund that her son 's eyesight had Commission who were tortured the Golden Temple on June 1, Singh . While Mukund Singh deteriorated because of by the police inside the jail. 1984, as a pilgrim, but has not was killed during Operation maltreatment in Jodhpur Jail. Kashmir Singh has met his son seen the threshold of his house Bluestar and Gurdev Singh was When she tried to pass on a nearly a dozen times since his for more than three years now, released by the security forces, medicine to him in the jail, she Continued on page 15 as he was whisked away by the Gurtek Singh continues to ~--------...:....---....:..-----------., security forces during languish in jail despite the fact Hindus and Sikhs are inseparable. Whether Operation Bluestar. After being that the village sarpanch gave a a Hindu or a Sikh is killed by terrorists, the kept in Nabha Jail for some written undertaking to the time, he was shifted to Jodhpur police that he was innocent. . important thing to remember is that a human Jail along with many others in The 60-year-old Kulwant being Is killed. This in itself is a reprehensible March 1985. Sukhwant Singh Kaur, mother of Randhir Singh . . J . ac t . was badly tortured . dUring who is in Jodhpur all at b' k t. d interrogation at Nabha Jail. The present, lives in kDehriwal The detainees are emg ep m cages an 55-year-old Mohinder Singh, Village, just one km from the are not even allowed to meet their relatives father of Sukhwant Singh, Indo-Pak border, in Gurdaspur freely. I suspect that they are being learnt about his son's arrest district. Her agony is deep, as of d I . t d I . Th t' h only two weeks after Operation her three sons, only one is living a m nlS ere s ow pOison. a IS w y some 6luestar. Since then, he has with her at the moment. One of them have been found tearing off their gone to meet his youngest son committed suicide some time clothes. in ¡ jail a number of times. ago, while Randhir Singh was L.._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _-'
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5 July-19 July 1987 Published & Printed by A.S. Narang for Ekta Trust 2/26 Sarvapriya Vihar, New Delhi-110016 at Rejeshwari Photosetters (Pvt.) Ltd . 2/ 12 East Punjabi 8agh New Delhi-110026 .