The Forum Gazette Vol. 3 No. 15 August 5-19, 1988

THE

GAZETTE Vol 3 No. 15

New Delhi

5 August - 19 August 1988

Rupees Two

For~nightly

Delhi •• The Civic Crisis Amrik Singh

T

he Outbreak of cholera in East Delhi with its toll of more than 200 lifes and several thousands afflicted by epedemics needs to be understood in the wider conte xt. Currently pol iticians belonging to different parties and government agencies are.busy blaming each other. Without going into the issue of who is right and who is

gone up as compared to say a decade ago.

The Growth

M

Most of this is known to all those who have anything to do with the administration of the city. They would like to discourage more and and more people coming to Delhi but then there is nothing that they can do about it. The growth of the city as an industrial economic unit is governed by forces over which they have no control. the trend toward urbanisation is to be seen all over the country . In some of the bigger cities it is more marked than in the case of smaller cities. Delhi belongs to the bigger league along with 80mbay and a few other cities. Nothing can be done to reverse this process for it is a part of the strategy of growth that has been followed in India for four decades. . The only place where there has been some kind of a pause, and not a rlversal of ~he

wo rro\J , it is important that the issue be seen in the light of (a) the growth of Delhi as a metropolitan centre(b) the role of civic authorities and (c) what preven tive 'steps can be taken to avoid a recurrence of such dangers.

There is no secret about the fact that approximately 200,000 persons migrate to Delhi almost every year. Most of them come from U.P. and other neighbouring states in search of jobs.' A large number of them manage to get some employment or the other and get absorbed into the labour force of Delhi. This is precisely what has been going on for over two decades and during the last few years the number of those migrating into D91hi has

Gastro·enterit.is-stricken babi~ in the Shahdara hospital

Continued on page 4

Gill-Bajaj . Episode: How and Why In This lsuuse Page

a Some Thoughts on Punjab a A Haunting Specture a India and African

3 5

Un~y 7 a Politicisation of Delhi GLirdwaras 8 a Short Story: 10 The Sting a International Call to 13 release Mandela a Decentralization of Sri Lanka's Polity 16

T

he case of alleged molestation of Mrs. Rupan Deol8ajaj, a senior lAS. :)fficer with the Punjab government, by the Director General of Police, Mr. K.P.S.Gill, is not a simple case of man teasing a woman nor it is a case of a police officer misbehaving with an lAS. officer. One has to go depeer into the whole thing to find out why did a senior officer like Mr. Gill behave like this towards a woman and that too ci'n lAS. Officer. It requires certain ·courage to do so and freedom from punishment.

Mrs. 8ajaj has alleged in her

formal complaint with the police Jodged on July 29, II days after the incident, that Mr. Gill, who had taken a peg too many, al'a dinner party thrown by the Home Secretary, Mr. S.L. Kapur, at his residence, accosted her to sit near him and misbehaved with her when she declined to do so.

Mrs. 8ajaj said that she was forced to make a formal complaint as her requests to the Chief Secretary, the Advisor to the Governor and a written complaint to the Governor himslef on July 27 yielded no result. The Governor, Mr. S.S. Ray and other senior officers tried to patch

up the affair by pursuading Mr. Gill to make a public apology to Mrs. 8ajaj but the latter was not agreeable as to her an apology for "indecent overtures" made to her was no punishment. She has the support of many woman lAS. Officers working with the Punjab Government.

Police Powers Punjab watchers say that the incident had to happen as it represents the culimnation of the policy of "bullet for bullet" and giving police draconian powers of arrest and detention without

K.S. Khosla I

giving any reason. Such incidents are bound to occur if the police is given such wide powers. Given the composition of our police, they are bound to misue such powers. Reports of indiscriminate ' arrests and harassment by the police pour in with regularity from the three border districts of Punjab. The Governor had an inkling of what was happening when he invited college students recently for a free and frank discussion. The incidents of arrests and tortrue Continued on page 4

THE

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Sound and Fury

Cartoons of the Fortnight

Arms alone cannot protect the country if its people are not united.

- Mr. K. C. Pant.

Believe 1n e IfAere a.re petter way) of e>tabli>h ing a

Politician should not talk about national integration as the common man has some doubts about his sincerity.

- Mr. Shankar Dayal Sharma.

Unk with the. ma55e"

The Congress (I) run State of Bihar all but qualifi es to be described as ungoverned.

- S.Mulgaoker in The Indian Express.

Neither Stalin nor Nehru were interested in socialism, they were interested in power.

- Jay Dubashi in Organiser.

,l

---:: .... . '.

The Marxists would like India to be camp follower of the Soviet Union.

- Mr. L.K. Advani.

I can convince every stone of Darjeeling if I like .

- Mr. Subas Ghising.

V.P. Singh might be claimant of the Prime Ministership, but he cannot be accepted as the unanimous chince of the combined opposition.

- Mr. Chandra Shekhar.

We should go towards collective leadership. We should not fall into the trape of building . up one person.

- Mr.' V.P. Singh.

There is no question of the party accepting Mr. V.P . Singh as the future Prime Minister even if our vice-president, Mr. Devi Lal , is in favour of it.

- Mr. B.P. Maurya, Lok Dal general secretary.

There are (already) too many prime Ministers among them ... Do you want me to join them? . Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy on whether he would accept an offer to lead the combined Opposition

Hindu

Six months ago I was described as an alternative to Rajiv Gandhi and today I'm described as a factional leader in my home state.

- Ramakrishna Hegde in India Today

By Sudbir Dar

~~I=I ~ REMAINS F/L.-1'HY

==

Please don't mention the word unity; it reminds me of 1977 - L.K. Advani Central Ministers are not safe during their visits to West Bengal - Buta Singh 'Operation Black Thunder' proves my point: you don't have to use sledge-hammer to swat flies - Kushwan(Singh, who was one of the strogest critics of operation Bluer: star America would be better without political parties - Zia-ul-Haq, quoting George Washington to justify his imposition of par. tyless polls on Pakistan

THE

FORUM GAZETTE

Managing I::ditor Dr. Amrik .Singh

Hlndustan Times

General Manager Lt.Col. Manohar Singh (Retd)

Editors

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By R

Dr. A.S. Narang Gian Singh Sandhu

Lay Out--., Gulshan 't Rajan Pathak

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MY fS055

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5 August¡ 19 August 1988

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Some Thoughts on, the Punjab Situation

Minority Rights Civil Uberta..

Equality 'or Women Democr.tlc V.lues Environmental Protectlonl

H

ardly a day passes when some dissension or the other does oot surface among the Punjab Sikhs.

I am deliberately using the On July 27, 1988, the dead line fixed by Haryana Chief Minister Devi phrase "Punjab Sikhs" and not Lal for merger of opposition parties, was announced the decision to the "Sikh community", as enough merge the Janta Party, the Lok Dal, the Congress{s) and the Jan has transpired, by way of resoMorcha. The details regarding the proposed Samajwadi Janta Dal's prolutions passed by the Sikhs living gramme and leadership are to be, finalised by August 15-the Indepenin other parts of India, and depudence day. Efforts are also on to form a wider opposition front by bringing tations sent by them to Punjab to in regional parties. make their position abundantly . clear that they have steadfastly Anyone who believes in stable and meaningful democratic system stood for a united India, which is cannot but agree on the need for an viable and effective alternative to not the case of some militant the ruling Congress. Attempts in this direction had been made for long. sections operating in Punjab, Earlier also a number of experiments, most important the formation of whose deeds and utterances are Janta Party in 1977, had been undertaken and partial successes and bringing a bad name to the entire greater failures achieved.

Sikh community.

Punjab Sikhs are riven by Needless to say once again after the Allahabad by-election the expecseparatist pulls. First, the leader tation of the emergence of an alternative to the Congress{l) increased of the united Akali Dal walked out and to make use of the euphorea Devi Lal set the dead line of 27 July. of the so-called Sarbat Khalsa While Devi Lal has been successful to force the deadline and in the held in the Golden Temple comprocess sideline some of the leaders who had been considering themplex on 26 January to protest t: 1'r~lves too tall to be ignored the merger leaves many a issues unreagainst the overbearing attitude e~ of the "panthic committee" and a Critics point out that the move for unity is not only opportunistic but faction of the All India Sikh Stualso half hearted and based on personal calculations. It is pointed put dents Federation in as much as that propellant for opposition unity has been the noticeable swing in such elements did not "consult" public opinion against the Congress{I). That means the merger is prithe president of the UAD in marily stimulated by negative factors. How long such a unity can stand regard to the phrasing of the resis an important question? olutions passed at the gathering.

It is indeed ironic that the followSecond as yet the decision to unite is admitted to be no more than mere proposals that will seen to be ratified by the constitutents. And ers of the late Sant Jarnail Singh in that constitutents have miles to go. The ambivelance in Jan Morcha Bhindrawala should have fallen position is significant. There is an opinion that in case the majority within foul of the United Akali Dal precongress goes for a charge of leadership within and recalls V.P. Singh sided over by the late Sant's what will be Singh's and Jan Morcha's position? father.

Second, the ruling Akali Dal Another very important point is with regard to the programme and has condemned the 26 January ideology of the new party. The challenge has already been posed by gathering at Amritsar as unconthe Prime Minister when he said that his party would like to know what stitutional, being not in accorstance united opposition party would take regarding the Soviet Union, dance of the tenets of the Sikhs, United States, Pakistan, China and Sri Lanka as well as on internal issues such as rural economy, the eighth plan, and the welfare of minor- ' rather against the interests of the commuinty, and on these ~ and women. grounds demanded the resigna~ot that Congress(l) itself has any determine and established stands tion of the executive committee ~,n these issues. But in view of cohesion and loyalty toward leader, may of the SGPC for the comm ittee's '-6e for the sake of power only; at least it does not project any internal failure to prevent the dese9ration differences. But, if the different constitutents of the new party, like that of the Golden Temple. in Janta Party in 1977, keep on speaking in different tOt;les, not only Third, the Manjit Singh faction it would lose its credibility among masses but also provide the ruling of the All India Sikh Students' Congress a stick to beat it.

Federation has disowned the Question of leadership is another significant issue. Though it is being proceedings of the "Sarbat said that the question will be amicably settled by consensus and emphaKhalsa" held on 26 January. sis will be on collective teadership, knowing the traits of leaders, past Fourth, there Is a large body experience and t~eir continous behaviour reasons to doubt their sinof the Sikhs living In Punjab, cerety persist. Most of the so-called opposition stalwarts are consumed the silent majority, who have by jealousy. Their self-esteem is so high that they are impervious to unequivocally opted for a counsel. Quite afew of them are so concerned for power that they can united India and against the just leave the party and ioin the ruling group for some crumbs if offerred. creation of Khallstan, which obviously Is the main plank on All this does not mean that unity moves be discouraged or looked which the militant section Is at with contempt. If democracy in India has to survive in any meaningfighting Its battle, In furtherful way and if some value-based pol itics is to be re-established then ance of which It staged the creation of a viable alternative to the ruling party is a must. What is "Sarbat Khalsa". ~equired is that it should be positve, issue based and clear in thinking.

Time to Intervene

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For this intellectuals, concerned citizens and democratic minded people at large have to play an effective role. Time has come when it is not sufficient to'condemn politics and politicians, Need of the hour is to change the polftics. For this pressure has to be put on parties and leaders. Above all those leaders who think themselves to be indispensable need to be exposed and isolated. , ' Therefore, it is imperative for the democratic mind,ed to aC~lve~y Intervene in the system and ho work for the national obJective, ,

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5 August -19 August 1988

l:ao

High ' Priests The recent appointments and dismissals of the high priests by different factions of the Punjab Sikhs have lowered the prestige of this institution, fundamentally ecclesiastical in character.

Having been made the tool of internecine fighting and mundane politics, the office of the high priests has been reduced to 'a mockery.

This writer saw the formation of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee from close ' quarters, as in the early twenties, he was living with his uncle, the late Bawa Harkishan Singh, in the professors' quarters of the Khalsa College Amritsar. Bawa Harkishan Singh along with Prof Teja Singh, and Principal Niranjan Singh, (brother of Master Tara Singh) were the brain behind the conception of a Sikh religious body to look after the Sikh shrines and make ~roper use of the income collected from the offerings for the social and economic advancement of the Sikhs.

It is true that the motivation of these men was not entirely religious. Their's were sharp minds, which understood that the organisation they had helped build would also serve to safeguard the political interests of the Sikhs.

But there was no dichotomy in their thinking as politics and religion have moved hand in hand with the Sikh community ever since their sixth Guru wore two swords of Miri and Piri, thus combining the mundane and the spiritual funct ions in his person.

The Motives

W

hile such was the motivation of three professors, who were essentially very decent men, with no personal axe to .grind, no desire for political advancement and completely devoted to the cause they had espoused. In fact Bawa Harkishan Singh refused a ministership when the British, worried by the aggressive posture of the Akalis, made an offer to him.

But to me It appears that today It Is just that the Punjab Sikhs are fighting for amongst themselves. Each faction Is trying to demonstrate Its strength by holding rallies, "Sarbat Khalsas", making fiery speeches, vying with each other In blaming the Central Government, and committing acts of terror.

Good and evil have always stood juxtaposed, at all times, in all cl imes, in all lands. But of the two, evil is more exciting. Does that explain why terrorism persists among the. virile jats of Punjab.

As evil Is more exciting than good, can we give the terrorists a substitute for killing so that they can satisfy their Instinct to commit evil. As such commission necessarily Is a concomitant of hot blood, it Is the young who are readily attracted 'to It. When I was a student in my teens, I .used to live in Lahore.

About ten' miles away, I had some close relatives in a village by the name of Amar Sidhu.

G S Khosla Along with a distant cousin, used to cycle to this village to see my relatives. One evening my cousin and I set out for a walk along the cart track by the side of the metalled road . It was not a busy road, though lorries and trucks passed now and then in and out of Lahore. One day, at dusk, we saw a simple middleaged villager coming from the opposite side and my companion accosted him with the raised stick and a loud, "Where are you going?"

The villager broke into a nervous sweat and stuttered his answer that he was on his way home or something to that effect.

"What have you got on you?" fired my cousin .. The man produced a few annas and said meekly that was all he had. My cousin brandished his stick at him with the warning, "Don't stay out at this time of the day and now go home." "Yes, Janab,· said the man and went his way.

Simplification To equate the terrorism in Punjab with the stimulation sought by young blood will be to oversimplify the problem. That is a partial solution. It will be worth while examining the background of the Punjab terrorists. Dividing the Pujab Sikhs into three universally accepted social classes, the rich, the middle and the not so well-off, the terrorists by and large, come from the last category. I am deliberately avoid ing the use of the word "poor", because Punjab, with the highest per capita income among the states, has hardly any poor . among the Sikhs in the sense poverty is understood in the rest of India, where fort~ per cent of the population do not have two square meals a day.

So we have to examine whether enough is being done to improve the lot of the "not so well-off" Sikh youth in Punjab.

The Punjab Government is providing training facilities, giving jobs and arranging loans on easy terms , etc. while the role of the terrorists is negation of coexistence, that of the Government and the people has to be a pos itive one.

But while the Punjab Government Is striving to fulfil such a role with Its limited financial and political means, the Central Government has Inordinately delayed the Implementations of the Punjab accord. the stance of the Prime Minister Is that Punjab should first combat and vanquish terrorism before other meaningful steps could I)e taken to implement the continued on page U

THE

______________~F~OBY-M---------------Delhi Civic Crisis Continued from page 1

process, Is In respect of Calcutta. F..or about a decade now, Calcutta has not expanded In the same unmanageable manner as it has been expandIng earlier. The explanation is simple. The CPM government has given considerable attention to the development of the countryside. Those who used to leave villages for towns no longer feel obliged to leave their villages. Some small acale movement Is still there.

But the economic and social pressure has been relieved to • great extent. In consequence the pressure on Calcutta has al80 been relieved. In other words, Calcutta Is not deterIorating any further. What had happened earlier has not yet been reversed but further degeneration has certainly been arrested.

Does this policy prescription hold a iesson for Delhi? The answer should be obvious. In a sense, the driving forces behind the concept of the National Capital Region (NCR) was precisely this. It was visualised that instead of Delhi continuing to be a magnet for all intending migrants, a few counter magnets should be established. These should be based on towns and cities within a ditance of 100-200 miles from Delhi. some infrastructure does exist there . What is required is to strengthen that infrasturcture further. Those who migrate from rural areas to towns should move only to those towns and cities rather than into "Delhi.

This was fine in theory. In actual practice, that has not happened. The neighbouring states which are directly involved in this whole business have been ambivalent in their approach to this concept. They are not particularly sure if this is what they prefer. At one level they approve of the idea that development in their region needs to be stepped up. At another level they are not prepared to invest into their development and would much rather that the Centre did so. The Centre has its own constraint of resources and between them, the Centre as well as the concerned states have morE! or less seen to that the NCR remains more a dream than a reality.

Communications

B

asic to the whole th ing is the question of rail connections and telecommunication links between Delhi and the various satellite towns.

Both planning and investment in regard to these two key matters have been grossly neglected. So much so that nobody is thinking ahead as to what will happen, say in another couple of decades.

Even if, for the sake of argum, nt, the necessary funding and experitise were to become avail-

4

able for the purpose, hardly any space has been reserved in the city of Delhi for the various railway stations that would have to be established. The existing arrangements are totally unsatisfactory but the railways are stuck with a situat ion whereupon spaces are being filled up and no advance planning is being done.

It is important not only to establish railway stations, link rods etc. mored also have to be built in a manner where it would not become difficult and expensive to arrange things later on.

The plain fact Is that nobody has a clear concept of what requires to be done. There is a lot of concern, there Is certain amount of effort also. But the overall vision Is missing.

And of course, the requisite funding Is Just not available.

It needs to be clearly recognised that at the rate things are developing, Delhi would become a difficult place to live unless a firm and coherent plan is drawn up and it is adhered to. A Commission dealing with the problem of Urbanisation is due to report within the next few months. Fortunately the 8th Plan is still to be drawn up. Consequently at least some of its recommendations can be fed into the next Plan and some kind of a policy evolved. All this needs to be done provided there is a the will to implement the plans which are drawn up in implemen!ing that vision.

More than any other part of the town, It Is East Deihl which has been growing more rapidly than anywhere else. In fact the population of East Deihl has almost tripled or guadrupled In the course of the last decade or so. The resettlement colonies are located In that part of Deihl and It Is In those colonies that the new migrants tend to congregate.

If civic facilities are poor, as they undoubtly are, problems are bound to arise. There would be nothing surprising if one of the recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission now at work turn out to be the creation of several more municipal bodies. That by itself would not however solve the problem . The problem is one of investment and the creation of infrastructure and civil amenities and these require investment 9f a magnitude which is not visualised today. the issue is much more serious than has been recognised so far. Unless it is recognised, and preventive steps are taken, epedmics like cholera are bound to recur.

As a result of the controversy between the DDA and the Delhi Administration, one thing that has emerged some what is that there was hardly any coordination between the two bodies.

These problems will get aggravated if more civic bodies come

to be established . How is coordination to be ensured and how are these bodies to be staffed are matters which are going to cause a lot of bad blood. One piece of evidence given out on behalf of the DDA is tell-dale.

According to the Vice Chairman of that body, he wanted the existing staff to do the job wheJeas the earlier system had been to employ contractors and adhoc labour for the purpose. The existing staff refused to do the job and there was a kind of Stalemate. Before this stalemate could be resolved came the rains and then the epedemic.

Obviosuly the Vice Chairman'S writ did not run beyond a point.

All kinds of other people, including politicians, get in the way and obstruct disciplined work. What one needs to recall in th is connection is the wellknown American proverb" It is pretty hard to be efficient without being obnoxous". The Vice Chairman found it difficult to be obnoxious and in consequence more than 200 lives were lost and he lost his job.

Lack of Authority

T

his problem is not going to disappear even when several muncipal bodies

Gill 8ajaj Episode Continued fro m page 1

narrated by the students are an eye-opener. How the Governor will dispose of the complaints is not know but the press release issued after the meeting was content to say that the students complained against the rampant corruption in the po lice department. The general impression among the public is that the police is not accountable to anyone as it can act with impunity. In short, the incident is the apotheosis of the policeman -as the final arbiter.

In fact, the unsavour incident has raised many issues relevant to -the present situation in Punjab, i.e. the role of the administration, the role of the police, the role of the press and the general attitude towards women.

Reports have come in newspapers that Mr. Ray pursuaded Mrs. Bajaj to accept an apology from Mr. Gill as he felt that in such cases an apology was enough. It is also reported that the Governor has instructed Mr. Gill to avoid taking liquor and not to attend even ing parties. It is also reported that the Governor told Mrs. Bajaj that changing the police leadership was hazardours at the present juncture as Mr. Gill was fighting the nation's battle against terrorists and doing it well. Obviously, the lady is not convinced of these arguments and is adamant that Mr. Gill be punished as per the service rules and laws of the country.

As for the role of the police, Mr. V.N. Singh, Inspector General of Police, Chandigarh Union Territory , was present at the party. To ¡expect him to proceed against Mr. Gill is like asking for the moon as he is junior to Mr. Gill.

All that he did when Mrs. Bajaj filled a formal complaint with the police was to seal the first information r~port till further orders.

hole

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incident (Mrs.-Bafaj has alleged that Mr. Gill slapped her posterior). Not one of them reported the incident for full ten days. They are now coming out with the facts when a Bombay daily broke the news and Mrs. Bajaj filed a complaint with the police. What -should a newsman do when he is V{itness to an incident?

Normally, newsmen take pride giving eye-witness accounts. But In this case they preferred to forget the Incident as a bad dream. But they could not forget It for long as the story Is coming out In more and more rival newspapers. They are being forced to come out with reports of the Incident because of competition from rivals. We should thank our stars that the Press In the country Is not In the hands of the government, at least not the entire Press.

The incident also exhibits the male chauvinist ic attitude towards women . All the top offices in the Punjab government

are created. Who is to oversee them and get work out of them and exercise overall authority are matters that are going to determine the shape of things.

In matters of heatth and safety, there can no compromise. While we are wihtout questipn a soft state and not particularly amenable to discipline, there are certain things which have to be done if we 'have survive and function . Certain minimum norms in regard to health and situation are one of them and this fact ought to be acknowledged and acted upon.

are manned by men and most of them have been try ing to pursuade Mrs. Bajaj to forg ive Mr. Gill and forget the incident. But Mrs. Bajaj obviously cannot forget the incident because of certain _ remakrs allegedly made by Mr. Gill, while "molesting" her. The question here is not of forgiveness. In normal circumstances, the incident would have beer'-forgotten as an aberration. In th,case, Mr. Gill is the head of the Punjab police force and, as such, exercises a moral authority over his men which he has lost now.

If he tenders an apology to Mrs. 8ajaj, with what face will he command his forces?

It is being suggested thiil Mrs. Bajaj may not get justice from the adm inistration and will have to go to a criminal court for redressal of her grievance. The male chauvinists say that such a course will be very unsavoaury for her but they forget that all the men present there, luminaries from the adminstrative, legal, police, business and journalistic circles, will be called by her to the witness box. Mrs. Bajaj too c? . embarass them and what ... embarasment it can be. (August 1, 1988) ,

Normally, newsmen take pride giVing eyewitness accounts. But in this case they preferred to forget the incident as a bad dream. But they could not forget it for long as the story is coming out in more and more rival newspapers. They are being forced to come out with ri>ports of the incident because of competition frClm rivals. We should thank our stars that the Press In the country is not in the hands of the government, at least not the entire Press.

Press

T

he role of the Press is also worth watching. Six prominent journalists f.1i?r esenting national dailies -a, ,r widely-circulated fortnightly were present and proably' some of them were a winle'ass to the ugly

K.P.S. Gill with Governor S.S. Ray

5 August - 19 August 1988

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A Haunting Specture M.V.V.S. Murty

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spectre is haunting third world countries; the specture of rapid population growth. As a result of declining mortality and high fertility, more than 90 per cent of world's annual population increase of 80 million takes place in these countries which produce only 21 per cent of world's output and support 76 per cent of its population. In percentage terms the annual population growth in many of these countries is anywhere between two to four per cent. Such rate of growth is unprecede_nted. Even in the now developed countries annual population growth was never more than one to one and a half per cent. Fall in mortality rates in these countries was mainly due to changes in life styles brought about by affluence and better medicare. Demographic transi~~, i.e. the transition from an era of high fertility and mortality rates t--, to an era of low fertility and low mortality rates and stable population took place in developed countries in a relatively short period. In third world countries, both mortality and fertility were very high and around 1920s, mortality rates started declining due to improvement in health care technology. By 1950s mortality rates declined sharply whereas fertility rates fell only marginally. Consequently population in many of these countries is increasing rapidly. Demographic transition to low fertility rates that took place in developed countries has not taken ~ace in developing countries. ~I.d their populations keep on risIng. ~l .

seem that they are irrational or even superstitious. But social psychologists tell us that it is not objective reality but reality as perceived by a person that influences his behaviour. And fertility behaviour is no exception.

Whatever demographers might say about ill-effects of rapidly increasing population, poor couples have many arguments for having large families. From their point of view, economic cost of having one more child is low; economic or other benefits are high and having many children means economic benefits and protection.

dren of six to eight years work three to four hours a day caring for farm animals and helping out with younger siblings. Sometimes, children earn small cash incomes, Much of women's traditional work in farming and crafts can be combined with looking after children Contr<;lrily in developed countries or among the relatively better off sections of people in developing countries, bringing up children is expensive in . terms of money, time and tending, Nor do children contribute much to house-hold chores and incomes as they grow up. Economic well being ,

clearly the key to future success for children, parents everywhere send their cfiildren to school and keep them there longer. (Incidentally, the new National Education Policy formulated by the Government of India takes this sociological factor into consideration). In turn they often have fewer children, because schooling itself and loss of children's help are costly. Having two or three educated children becomes a better "investment", (both for parents as well as children), than having many who cannot be educated.

having more children. Althougn mortality rates have fallen in many of these countries they are still very high. One out of five children dies before reaching the age of one in many parts of Africa; one out of seven in much of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Unless parents are convinced that their children are going to survive, any programme of fertility reduction is not likely to succedd, because they keep on having children to be sure that a few of them survive where boys are more important than girls-say for security in old ageparents may need to have five children to be sure that one sor, survives. Yet in poor families numerous births especially if they are close together, increase the probability of infant deaths by weakening both mother and babies.

Poor parents tend to have large families as an Insurance against old age and sickness_ In many of these countries, 80 to 90 percent of parents surveyed said they expect to rely on their children to support them In old age. One reason why parents In disability ar.d old age look to children for help Is the lack of old age seculrty. In developed countries there are trusted Institutions like banks, Insurance and mutual aid societies that 7 help individuals to earn enough today to save and spend tommorrow.

Uncertain Future

Factors Causing High Birth Rates

The factors that lead the couples in poor countries to have more children are multifarious.

Some thought that the poor have more children because they are ignorant and did not know that they can limit their families. In other words, the problem of high fertility was a resutt of insufficient communication. Once people ar~ '!lade aware that they could limit the number of their children appropr.iatE!, family

H

igh infant mortality-the number of deaths of infants ,un~EH one year of age in a given ye~r peJ 1000 live births in that year and higq child mortality-the numbe(of deaths of children aged ;one ~t(;r'fol.\r in a given year' per"1 00'0 children in the . same age group are yet another" reason for ' many for

In poor countries SUCh insti'utions are not so well developed.

For the rural poor, -:hildren are the best possible annuity, a way to transform today's production into consumption many years hence that is less risky than bank accounts or credit instuments, However, the social and political functions of large families are also important. For batter off farmers, children represent opportunities for the family's occupational diversification and for expansion and cpnsolidation of its local power, A large family also has an advantage in land disputes. Thus, all these advantages far outweigh the immediate cost's of children. ' In some developing countries, family systems encourage high fertility. ' Early marriage 'arid .child-bearing -are easier if 路'thEi new couple can begih married life in the husband's household.

For young w6'me~;, early iriimiagEf'an'd;'mari~' childr'eh- may be thlf safest' wayi, to a -satisfying adulthoedanifa secur~ old age a's th'&y stie it .", - . " AAbther i fildto( encouraging; hign fEirHlffy'ar'iiO'ng ilie poor 'in: third worldWUrifries 'is 'their-lim:' ifed .infbfMation :laoout, '.. ~

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1,300 riot victims' cases unregistered While the official death toll of the November '84 riots in Delhi is 2,733, the cases registered by thl:! police on the government's own admission covered only 1,419 deaths. Thus, thEl.re are at least 1,300 murders which have not been taken cognisance of at all as per the government , figures.

This fact was bra'ught 'outby the Citizens Justice Committee (CJC) in a r.eply filed explaining why the Jain-Banerjee committee should be allowed to recommend registration of fresh cases related to the riots.

This was filed before the Delhi high court!n response to some clarifications sought by the Congress worker, Mr Brahmanand Gupta, who had thwarted the Jain-Banerjee committee's proceedings by obtaining a stay order.

The stay order was passed last November on Mr Gupta's petition filed in the wake on reports that the government was sitting over the very first recommendatio'n of the committee to register a murder case against the former Congress MP, Mr Sajjan Kumar.

The committee was appointed on the suggestion of the Misra commission, among other things, to ascertain and recommend to the government the cases which had not.even been registered, let alone investigated and prose- , cuted.

Mr. Gupta, who is already facing two murder charges related to the riots and is a coaccused in the recommended case, challenged this power of the committee on the ground that it was beyond the purview of the Commissions of Inquiry Act. His argument is that the com[littee is a creation of the Misra commission and therefore cannot have powers which the commission itself did not have. A commission and a committee created by it are meant only to be factfinding bodies and not to recommend "action against anybody, he insists.

Govt's Point of View The then chief justice, Mr Justice Yogeshwar Dayal, and Mr Justice G.C. Jain apparently found merit in MrGupta's line of argument and in the first hearing itself, passed the stay order without hearing the poing of view of the government and the como' mittee. ' The committee sought to defend itself through a counsel of its own but the government disallowed it from doing so. The government on its part filed a reply in January. Thereafter, the petition has been hanging fire, partly on account of the lawyer's strike, even though less than a month of the twice-extended tenure of the committee is left.

The governmenl's reply countered, Mr Gupta's petition by pointing out that the committee was not bound by the limitations of the Commissions of Inquiry Act as it was not appointed under it in the first place. Though it was appointed on the suggestion of the Misra Commission, it was created purely by an executive order and as the executive has unfettered powers to register cases, the committee's recommendations are valid, so the government reasoned.

However, the government opposed the CJC's plea to be included as a party to th case.

Originally formed by several eminent persons to assist the Misra Commission, the CJC ass~rted that it should be allowed to fight in public interest as the government's track rcord indicated that it might not counter Mr Gupta's petition effectivly.

Allegation Denied The government hotly denifi~d the allegation that Mr Gupta's petition was filed in collusion with it to sheil.d sOme high-ups. It went on to ~nlist all the steps it .had taken to bring the culprits to books, starting from the appointment of the Misra Commission to the appointment of the Jain-Banerjee Committee.

The court had issued notice to Mr Gupta also on CJC's plea. Mr Gupta had not fild a reply but had instead asked questions on the locus standi of the CJC. In its reply filed to those queries, the CJC said that it had disassociated itself from the Misra Commission after a creatain stage only bec..a.u.seJ.he inquiring judge had side-lined them and rendered their role ineffective. It recalled that before it had helped some 500 riot victims file affidavits before the commission, the judge had received only one.

However, later it had found that some witness summoned at its instance were being examined behind its back and documents summoned again at its instance had also not been furnished to it to enable it to address arguments. Therefore, it had withdrawn from the proceedings.

The high court is scheduled to decide whether the CJC should be made party to the case. The more important questionwhea:therthe stay on" the JainBanerjee committee should be vacated-will betaken up tliereafter. ~/y

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5 August -19 August 1988

THE

________________F_o~BY~M~-------------India and African Unity Dr. Shanker Dayal Sharma .. An edited version of the Vice-President's address at the 25th Aniversary of the Organisation of Afn'can Unity (OAU) in New Delhi.

T

wenty-five years ago on May 25, 1963, Heads of states and Government of 32 African countries met in Addis Ababa to sign the historic charter of the Organisat ion of \frican Unity. In doing so the ;e farsighted leaders 01 indep lndent African nations rave t mgible expression to thei ' aspirC: 'ion for unity, solidarity '3.nd coop 3ration within the Afric lr, continent and for an African furum to deal with African prob lems free from external interference. Since then 18 more countries have swelled (i~il)e membership of the OAU. Objectives of the OAU, are to promote the unity and solidarity of the African States, to coordinate an intensified effort to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa; to defend their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence; to eradicate all forms of colonialism in Africa; and to- promote international cooperation in the context of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Over the last quarter of a century the OAU has demonstrated commendable maturity and cohesiveness in dealing with various continental and regional issues. The OAU has addressed .Ii variety of complex political ~plSues and conflicts including ~ border disputes and has sought bls to promote the orderly ec?nomic advancement of the continent. It has been inspired in. its deliberations and pronouncements by the central objective of consolidating the political and economic independence of African States.

In this process its voice has ass\.lmed a distinguished respectability in world affairs.

.

Special Responsibility

I

ndia's concern aoout the colonial occupation and depredation of Africa considerably predates our own independence.

It was Gandhiji who first linked together the destinies of Africa and India. It was in South Africa, where he spent about nineteen years of his life, that he got himself baptized in ·politics. It was there that Gandhlji first tested his concepts of "satyagraha" or , non-cooperation and "ahimsa" or non-violence.

Africa enjoyed a special place not only for the father of our nation but also for the architect , of modern India. In his address to the Asian Relations Conference in New Delhi on March 23, 1947, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru said;

5 August -19 August 1988

"We of As ia have a special responsibility to the people of Africa. We must help them to their rightful place in the human family ".

Eight years later his continued concern for the people of Africa expressed itself when in his concluding statement at the AsiaAfrican Conference at Bandu~g on April 24, 1955, he stated: "The tragedy of Africa is greater then that of any other continent, whether it is racial or political. It is upto Asia to help Africa to the best of her ability because we are sister continents."

While the . greatest part of Africa consists of proud free and independent nations the peoples of South Africa continue to reel under the worst manifestation5 of colonical repression and racial discrimination. We in India have consistently felt that our independence would remain incomplete as long as parts of Africa remained under the colonial yoke .

Fourteen years ago, on May 25, 1974, I had attended the Africa Day Celebrations in New Delhi and on that occasion in her address Smt. Indira Gandhi had said, "It is true that we feel emotionally about all freedom struggles, but it is not merely a feeling of emotion or heart, it is very much a well thought-out decision. We support freedom struggles because we believe that our own future freedom is bound up with them because we believe that while any country is not free, we ourselves-and in fact no people, even those living in the so-called free countries-can be truly free. While any country is still under a colonial power, it cannot develop, and we believe that prosperity and progress are as indivisible as freedom and oeace."

Against Apartheid Our solidarity with the Afrl· can people has been acknowledged In Africa. One of Africa's most Illustrious leaders, Nelson Mandela, who In a letter from prison, where he has now spent twenty five years, said the following about Africa and India. "It would be a grave omission on our part If we fail to mention the close bonds that have existed between our people and the people of India, and to acknowledge the encouragement, the Inspiration and the practical assistance we have recieved."

It would perhaps be appropriate to recall this year we are marking the 25th anniversary of the incarceration of this great patriot in South African jails. On July 18 this year he will turn seventy. There is a chorus across the world dem anding his rele ase before that date as a precursor to the commencement of a political dialogue towards the establishment of a democratic policy in South Africa .

To force the racist minority regime into its senses on this issues of political freedom , the only available means is the application of compre hensive mandatory sanctions against South Africa. The alternative will only be violence and bloodshed on 'an unprecedented scale , India has consistently attached the highest priority to its relations with Africa. India has been extend ing its support to the OAU Charter and subscribing to its objectives. India has been plead ing for solut ions to all interAfrican and intra-African problems within the African conte xt without any outside interference.

drawn up, within the constraints of our resources, as a part of a grand endeavour to share our experiences in industry, agriculture , science and technology with our African broth ers and sisters. On this twenty fifth anniversary of the OAU we pledge our determination to reinforce this record of constructive partnersh ip.

I bel ieve that the po litical an d moral support we extend to each other should be reinforced with cultural exchanges derived from th e rich and diversified heritage of Africa and Ind ia. Many of you would recall last year that artistes from six African countrie s participated in what was the first major

African festival of its kind to be held in India and how deeply they won the hearts of our people.

The Silver Jubilee of the OAU has now provided us with an opportun ity to watch and hear troupes of dancers and singers from Africa. They will perform before us ton ig ht and thereafter in other venues in New Delhi and many cities in India. I am confident that during their sojourn in Ind ia the young artistes will furthe r enhance understanding betwee n the peoples of Africa and India and heighte n the aware ness of each othe r's cul ture and heritage. (p I , B)

Dr. S.D. Sharma

OAU and Non-Alignment

W

ith vision and foresight, the OAU adopted non allignment as a sheet anchor of its foreign policy, thus strengthening over the years the close ties between the OAU and the Non -alignment Movement. At its Summit held in July, 1985, the OAU commended the Action Plan of the Non-aligned Movement drawn up under the chairmanship of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, in relation to the requirements of African countries for assistance ,in critical areas.

In September 1986, at Harare, at the Eighth Summit of the Non-alligned Movement, the AFRICA Fund was established.

The Fund was established in recognition of the needs of the Frontline States-all members of the OAU-to combat the economic stranglehold of the racist regime and to support the liberation movements in Africa and Namibia-who have observer status at the OAU-against racist and colonialist oppression. The AFRICA Fund has attracted c~n­ tributions of a quarter of a billion dollers and India has contributed Rs. 500 million to the Fund.

India's commitment to the political and economic independence of Africa has been demonstrated not only by the common positions we have adopted on multilateral economic issues of concerr. to the countries of the South but also by the programmes of economic and technical assistance we have

A DESPERATE SITUATION: "Colour determines which bus a child travels in, which beach their family swims from and which , hospital they die in." .

MATRIMONIAL ADS The Forum Gazette publishes Matrim'm,3a~ Ads at a nomina,l charge of Rs.1S/- per Ad of maxImum 20 words. Rupee one is charged for every ,additional word. For post box service Rupees 101- only Is charged extra. Send your ads to the Manager, The Forum Gazatte, 3, MasJ~d Road, Jangpura, New Oelhl-110014.

7

T

he Gurdwaras, traditionally, have been a part of the Sikh trinity-" Guru, Granth and Gurdwara". However, to begin with, no rules had been made for their management. In the days of Mughal persecution, many important gurudwaras were entrusted to members of the udasi order who professed Sikhism but did not conform to its outward symbols.

These custodians, called "Mahants" enjoyed the confidence and respect of the Sikh masses. They also nominated their successors in most cases.

However, slowly the tradition of purity and austerity detefiorated and the Mahants began to use gurudwara income and property for all types of ulterior purposes.

At the end of the nineteenth century when as a reaction to British colonial rule, revivalist movements emerged in various religions the Singh Sabha and the Chief Khalsa Dewan movements came up amongst the Sikhs. Apart from other issues, these movements also called for the reformation of gurudwara management. The Mahants accordingly increasingly came to align themselves with the British authorities so as to ensure their continous control of the gurudwaras.

Misuse

T

he climax was reached when the governmentappointed "Sarbrah" of the Golden temple honoured General Dyer who was responsible for the Jalianwala Bagh tragedy. This infuriated the Sikh masses. Co~sequently a large meeting of the representatives of various sections of the Sikhs Was called at Amritsar on November 15, 1970 Here the formation of a 175 member committiee known as the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee was announced. With this started what is popularly known as the "Gurudwara Reform Movement" or the "Akali Movement". This movement also became a part -of the nationalist movements.

After immense sacrifices the movement succeeded in getting the "Gurudwara Act" passed in 1925. This act gave SGPC statutory recognition and made it an elected body. However, the SGPC was primarily an apex supervisory body. The major gurudwaras were managed b~ local committees.

Deihl Gurdwaras

T

here were some thirteen historical gurudwaras in Delhi also. These too were being managed by "Mahants". After obtaining con,trol of the gurudwaras in Punjab, the SGPC took control of Delhi gurudwAras also. The management of Delhi gurudwaras hence forth was transffered to a committee of 11 members constituted by the SGPC known as the

8

Delhi Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee (DGPC). It was only in 1936 that rules and regulations for this committee were formed and it was registered under the societies Registration Act in 1938.

To begin with, the SGPC had the right only to conduct elections to the OGPC. Keen to extend Its control the SGPC impressed upon the OGPC to adopt rules framed by It. Thus according to the bylaws framed in 1942, the OGPC was farmarlly affliated to the SGPC. Out of 15 members of the OGPC, the SGPC had the authority to nominate 7, the remaining 8 were to be elected by adult franchise. In view of the Influence of Master Tara Singh, President of the SGPC till 1945, the SGPC was able to get Its own nominee elected as President of the OGPC. Elections were held every four years.

During the 1946 general election, there emerged a conflict within Akali Dal on the issue of its relationship with the Congress. Master Tara Singh lost his control over SGPC which passed into the hands of Udham Singh Nagoke, leader of the pro-Congress faction . This factionalism was reflected in the DGPC also.

Factionalism

A

fter independence the pro-congre~s group led by Udham ' Singh Nagoke and Ishar Singh Mujhail made an alliance with the Maharaja of Patiala and decided to join the Congress. In view of the prevailing situation and to maintain Panthic unity the Akali Dalled by Master Tara Singh itself merged with the Congress in 1948. Soon however, there emerged a division of opinion in the Akalis in view of constitutional set up being adopted for India.

In July 1950, Master Tara Singh directed Akali MLAs to leave the Congress and return to the Akali Da!. Only one of the 23 MLAs responded to the call.

Nevertheless Akali Dal was revived .

In the meantime, jn the mistaken belief that ' the proCongress group would be able to sustain itself perpetually in control of the SGPC, the ruling Congress party amended the Sikh Gurudwaras Act in 1949 to transfer the management of local gurudwara directly to the SGPC. This brought centralisation of authority and increased the powers of the SGPC. The pro-Congress leadershi~ of SGPC disbanded the DGPe committee in 1951 and nominated an 11 member care-taker committee under the Presidentship of Bawa Bachittar Singh.

But in 1952 the Akali faction again came to dominate the SGPC executive. It decided to hold elections to the DGPC. However, Dan Singh. Secretary of caretaker committtee, filed a

suit in the court in 1952 on the ground that the life of the committee was five years. The court ' granted an injunction restraining the SGPC from holding the elections. On an appeal by the SGPC the High Court while maintaining the injuction ordered an expedetitions trial of the suit.

Balance of Power

I

n the meantime in 1954 the balance of power in SGPC again titled towards procongress faction. The SGPC now withdrew the petition, disbanded the ' 1951 caretaker committee and nominated a new committee with Baba Bachittar Singh as Pr~sident and Dan ,Singh as Secretary. The validity of this committee was challenged in the court b'y Master Tara Singh group. The court upheld the petition and committee was declared illegal. However an appeal was filed and an interim stay was got. The committee thus continued to function till 1956 when during one hearing in the court (April 1956). it forgot to ask for continuation of the stay.

Making use of this situation Master Tara Singh group took control of the DGPC office and appointed an interim committee consisting of three members S. Gyan Singh Vohra, President and Bakshi Gurcharan Singh and Diwan Singh as membersto manage the gurudwaras till the election were held.

New elections were 'held in Spt. 1956. All the members were elected unopposed. According to press reports later the office bearers including Sajjan Singh Sethi as President were also elected unanimously. However according to S. Gyan Singh Vohra, one of the nominated members. there was a contest and Sajjan Singh Sethi defeated Bakshi Gurcharan Singh.

Akall-Congress Merger

I

n 1956 itself Akali Dal once again. against the wishes of Master Tara Singh, merged with the Congress. however during 1957 general elections Master Tara Singh , dissatisfied with Congress allocation of seats, set up his own "Panthic Condidates". As a reaction to this Giani Kartar Singh now in Congress got Master Tara Singh defeated in the annual Presidential election of SGPC in 1958.

New SGPC leadership. obviously, did not like the all akali DGPC elected in 1956.

To seize control of the DGPC, SGPC made use of the by-law 16 (i) of DGPC which empowered SGPC to dissolve the committee if it persists in violating rules inspite of the warning by SGPC. It dissolved DGPC on 24 March 1959 and appointed a four member committee consisting of Sajjan Singh Sethi, (President) Kalyan Singh, Jathedar Santokh Singh and Harbhajan Singh.

Realising , that SGPC was

using its powers to suit its political and factional politics majority of the DGPC members who belonged to Master Tara Singh group decided to ignore the SGPC resolution and instead decided to sever its connections with it. Gyan Singh Vohra was elected President by these members and SGPC resolution was challenged in the court.

The suit was decreed by the court and a perpetual injuction restraining the SGPC was granted.

Use of Force

F

inding the decision of DGPC and the court unpleasant SGPC under the Presidentship of Prem Singh Lalpura sent buses load of Sewadars from Amritsar to forcibly take possession of the DGPC office. They were prevented from doing so at Sis Ganj on 29 March 1959. However they were able to capture gurudwara Bangia Sahib in May 1959.

Prominent sikhs of Delhi felt bad about such events. On their intervention a two member arbitration was accepted. On behalf of Master Tara Singh group S. Baldev Singh and on behalf of Giani Kartar Singh group S. Gurmukh singh Musafir were nominated to arbitrate.

The arbitrators nominated a 15 member committee with 9 mem,bers from Akali faction which was in majority in DGPC. G.S. Vohra continued to be President.

In 1960 SGPC elections were held in Punjab. The Akali Dal bagged 132 out of 139 seats and Master Tara Singh was once again installed President. Soon after Master Tara Singh announced launching of a major Punjabi Suba-agitation.

The agitation was launched in Delhi also. Here. Jathedar Rachhpal Singh was conducting the morcha from Gurdwara Sis Ganj, obviously with the tacit consent of DGPC. the Akali dominated DGPC also ' reintroduced the status quo which prevailed before 28 March 1959 w~n~eDGPCh~s~e~db

relations with the SGPC. However pro-Congress group got an ' interim injuction from the court against SGPC interference in DGPC affairs.

Nevertheless SGPC went on , to conduct elections due in 1961 in which all the eight members Were elected unopposed. Gyan Singh Vohra was reelected President. however decrecing a suit filed by Santokh Singh and others the court restrained this committee from functioning.

LItigation

O

nce again on the intervention of prominent Sikhs various factions agreed to withdraw all the disputes from courts and accept the arbitration of a sole arbitrator Bakshi Gurcharan Singh. The arbitrator appointed a committee of 21 members which in turn

of Stru f ---' elected the arbitrator himself President. Some of the exm bers including ex-Preside G.S. Vohra and Sajjan Sin Sethi who were not included the committee filed suits again the award and 'constitution COmmittee.

Significently Jathedar Santo Singh who since 1954 was pr minent in pro-Congress-fact' and was nominated in this co mittee, now shifted his loyalti towards Master Tara Singh.

This also was the time whe there emerged conflict betwee Sant Fateh Singh and Mast ' Tara Singh. Sant Fateh Sing group got Master Tara Sing removed from Presid~ rip SGPC in August 196~n thO situation Jathedar SI )lk Singh's support for Mastel'"/ w very significant. Consequently , was appointed Secretary of t DGPC. In April 1967 the suit filed Gyan Singh Vohra etc. w decreed by the court and co mittee headed by arbitrator w . declared illegal. The com mitt went in appeal and got a st from ,High Court.

In the meantime in 1966 Pu jabi Suba was conceded to Sa , Fateh Singh. In Fabruary '196 Fateh Singh group also emerg

Most of the membe preception and con ., They are always read~ economic gain, social the government well a1 ulate religious sentimE too been to use these p and the stick. While on lured by various benE threatened too. Recen of the DSGMC told a p they oppose the hOrT arrested under MISA. 5 August- '

iHE

~UM

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__________________

History gle r Power victorious in elections in Punjab to lead a coalition ministry with S. Gurnam Singh as Chief Minister. However as a result of activities of Lachman Singh Gill who caused the fall of Gurnam Singh Ministry and death of Master Tara Singh in 1968 the Akali factions once again got united.

During this time Jathedar Santokh Singh had also been drifting towards Sant Fateh Singh.

Punjab Politics

S

Gurnam Singh again became Chief Minister when the Akali Jansangh allience won 1969 mid-term p{1he This time Gurnam Singh st~ed acting independently of ( tl,t Fateh Singh and got Jathe"lJar Santokh Singh defeated in Rajya Sabha elections for which he was sponsored by Sant Fateh Singh. Obviously this earned him the wrath of Sant and ultimate ouster from Chief Ministership in March 1970 when Parkash Singh Badal was brought to th is . position.

By this time many,representative Sikh organisations of Delhi had become unhappy with the behaviour and manipulations of Santokh Singh. Consequently a Gurudwara Reform Morcha was

~

_______________ ____________

formed for the democratisation and purification of the DGPC. This morcha was supported by Punjab leaders like Gurnam Singh, Gian Singh Rarewala and his daughter Nirlep Kaur.

Demonstrations were organised outside the gurudwaras and residences of office beares.

On 13 .April 1970 Santokh Singh's new house was inaugur- . ated at Greater Kailash. On that day Jathedar Rachhpal Singh led a demonstartion there and Nirlep Kaur with her supporter siezed gurdwara Sis Ganj.After 2-3 days the police got the gurdwara vacated after breaking open the locks.

In December 1970 High Court heared the case pending before it. It was likely to give its judgement in the first week of January 1971 . On 1 January 1971, Gurdwara Sis Ganj and Bangia Sahib were again seized by armed men belonging to the Morcha Front with Nirlep Kaur.

The police got the Bangia Sahib gurudwara cleared soon but could not do so in case of Sis Ganj.

The government was now in 2 fix. The mid-term Lok Sabha elections were also around. The government thus assured that JathedarSantokh Singh will not be in power and fresh elections would be ordered. On this assurance not only the gurdwara was vacated but also Sikhs in Delhi were asked to vote for Mrs. Indira Gandhi's Congress.

For about two months after massive victory in elections government failed to order fresh elections for DGPC. This led to demonstrations and indefinite hunger strike by Rachhpal Singh and seizure of Gurudwara Sis Ganj in May 1971. On the other hand SGPC in order to maintain its own control mace use of a new technique by appointing a committee of five head priests.

Sikh leaders of Delhi, however, condemned the appointment of this committee. In the meantime the Delhi High Court also delivered its judgement on the appeal pending before it and held that award announced by the arbitrator was invalid.

Now the government could not restore the control of Gurdwaras to DGPC committee. Unable to mediate among the warring groups it promulgated an ordinance appointing_a five member Gurudwara Board. SGPC was barred from interfering in DGPC affairs. The SGP.C described the ordinance as a "direct interference in the Sikh relig ion" for it gave complete authority of nomination to the Government. Sant Fateh Singh after giving an ultimatum started a morcha on 22 July 1971 for liberation of gurdwaras from government control.

it is quite clear have no n for the Sikh situation. o be collaborationists for tauts of patroDage power. "are of and used to manip~ts for electoral politics is wns using both the carrot he one hand members are Deihl Gurdwara Act its on the other they are Iy one executive member he Akali Dal suspended the morcha in December ess correspondent that if 1971 in view of the Ir)do-minister they might be

T

pak conflicts. The government responded enacting the Delhi

9 August 1988

Sikh Gurdwara Act on 18 December 1971 .

According to this Act, the Delhi Sikh Gurudwara Management Committe (DSGMC) consists of fifty five members, out of which forty six are elected by adult franchise and nine are coopted by the elected members. Among the coopted members two have to be representatives of the registered Singh Sabhas, one nominee of the SGPC, four head priests of Takhats and two elected by the 46 eJecteGi members.

The act provided for an executive committee of 15 members including five office bearers as the highest organ of manage-ment.

According to the 1971 Act government has to appoint a director to arrange the elections. Elections are to be held every four year. There is no provision In the Act for shelvIng or postponing the elections .

The executive committee Is to be elected every year and no member can hold office for more than two terms consecutively and all election disputes have to be decided by the court of Distt.

Judge within 6 months.

First elections under this Act were held in April 1974. In these elections Akali Dal led by jathedar Santokh Singh bagged 32 out of 46 seats. J.S. Kochhar of the party become President.

Jathedar Santokh Singh himself could not become President because of educational qualification clause in the Act. Soon Kochhar started acting independently of Santokh Singh. This resulted in a division. The division become sharper with the declaration of Emergency in 1975 when Santokh Singh against SAD stand came in open supper! of Prime ·Minister and En'\I~rgency. J.S. Kochhar was voted out of office in April 1976 and Santokh Singh's nominee become President. In July 1976 the DSGMC passed a resolution asking the government to deletc the educational qualification clause for office bearers from the Act, obviously to dear way for Jathedar Santokh Singh.

After 1977 elections and Janta Party's victory in alliance with SAD some supporters of Santokh Singh defected back to SAD. Thus J.S. Kochhar was once again -elected President.

New Akall Oal

I

n 1979 fresh elections of DSGMC were held. It was a contest between Akali Dal and newly formed pro-Congress Akali Dal (Master Tara Singh) led

by Santokh Singh. It seems by 1979 Euphoria of 1977 had been subdued. Though Santokh Singh himself lost to Manchanda his group got equal number of seats as SAD. Later Santokh Singh was coopted in the DSGMC by enlisting the support of one independent member by his group.

Mr. Sulakhan Singh was electec' President. .

In the meantime mid-term parliamentary elections were held.

In these elections while SAD supported Janta Party Santokh Singh supported Congress(l) which wl".n handsomely. Having came to power the Congress (I) became been to instal Santokh Singh as _DSGMC President.

Dates for elections for office bearers were fixed and postponed thrice till the Gurdwara Management Act was amended in January 1981 to delete the clause regarding educational qualifications (matriculation, Gyani or" equivalent for office bearers) through an ordinance promulgated by President. The promulgation of ordinance while on the one hand shows the influence Jathedar Santokh Singh had on the then government on the other it showed government and ruling party's out of way interference to have its storges in command. .

The elections were finally held in June 1981, and Santokh ~ingh was elected President. The Akali Dal obviously described this election as unconstitutional and launched an agitation. The agitation was supported by BJP and Janta Party.

Akall Agitation

I

n the meantime Akali agitation in Punjab was gaining momentum. It is generally felt that to counter the moderate Akali ag itation the ruling party deplayed the· strategy of encouraging extremism. Jathedar Santokh Singh is reported to have been deputed to maintain links with them. Mention here may be made that at the time of arrest of Sant Bhindranwale at Chowk Mehta it was Santokh Singh who delivered a provocative speech that rAsulted in violence.

The factional rivalary is reporteo to have resulted in the assassination of Santokh Singh in December 1981 . After his death the government helped Rachhpal singh, who by now had turned pro-congress (I), to take over the leadership. H.S. Manchanda also shifted his loyalty to pro-Congress (I) group and once again · become President of DSGMC in Sept. 1982 defeating SAD candidate Kirpal Singh Sangatpuri. Needless to say this new leadership supported the government against the Akali Dharm Yudh Morcha which was launched in November 1982.

Realignment

B

y 1983 with the declining Congress popularity (I) government realignment of forces in DSGMC was visible and Manchanda was apprehensive of not getting re_ elected. Thus when elections in 1983 were due he did not order the same. Three SAD members Nirlep Kau-r, G.S: Gill and H.S. Bhatia, filed two petitions in the High court which directed the DSGMC to hold elections on 11 Nov 1983. Manchanda got a stay

0'

from the division bench . However later division bench also ordered for elections to be held on 21 December 1983.

Inspite of High court orders Manchanda did not act. On the other hand 37 members of SAD deci.ded to meet and hold elections. To avoid any mischief these 33 members first assembled at the residence of G.S. Tohra, M.P. From there they proceeded in a bus for SiS Ganj to meet and hold elections. The bus· was however stopped on way by the police and taken to police Station Parl iament Street. This was a clear case of polic interference for party-politics purpose.

The elections were postponed on the plea of deterioration of law and order situation.

A contempt of court petition was filed by SAD supporters: against Manchanda and Police offiers: H.S. Manchanda, however was assassin-ated allegedly by extrem ists, on 28 MClrch 1984. After his death Rachhpal singh came further closer to the ruling party to the extent that he supported Operation Blue Star in June 1984. After ManchaAda's assassination all the petittions in the court became infectiousJaswant Singh Kalkaji the senior Vice-President became the Acting President. Head Mas~f Sucha Singh continued to be the . secretary. In the meantime ge,,~ eral elections to the DSGMC due ; in 1983 were not held . In view of prevailing Punjab situation no group was sure of the outcome of the electior:ls. So no organised group demanded them seriously.

More important is even the annual elect ions of office bearers were not allowed to be conducted on one pretent or the other. Sucha Singb Secretary who wanted to conduct the elections was arrested under MI$A. Later the High Court declared his detention illegal and jle was released . . After Rajiv - Longowal Accord . in July 1985 and peaceful conduct of el.ections in Punjab there was no reason for not hod ling elections in Delhi. But it seems . government was ·of the opin ion that if elections were hold the DSGMC control will go away from the pro-Congress group. In 1985 a writ was also filed in the High Court for ordering elections.

But no-one is pursuing the writ seriously as no one in power at any place wants to leave it if it is possible. In eased situation after Sep. 1985 the Akali group gained strength and ousted Jaswant Singh Kalka from . Presidentship in one of the executive meethings. Kalka, however, got a stay from the court:

FaC! lf)YSlism

L

ater with the division of Akali Dal in to BadalTohra and Longowal groups the Delhi Akali Dal also got divided. At present DSGMC members are divided -into three groups. the united Akali Dal led

r.. ·.continued on page 15

9

THE

T~h_iS_F_o_r_tn~ig~~_t's__S_to~ry~__~_________F_·_()_ · !Jn~ __~____________________________

H

e sees his status symbol in the sparkling toes of his shoes. When he puts his feet on the footrest under an elegant table with a teakwood top, his pants shrink a little upward. The feet get comfortable touch in his imported nylon socks. Light reflects in the room when it falls on the shining toes of his cosy s!:foes made of kid- ' leather. When he recalls his wife, many other things come to his mind: she would be lying under the cool breeze of a cooler, reading a romantic novel. Or she would be busy selecting a sari with a matching blouse, cream and lipstick of her choice to use · in the evening at the time of visiting a club. Quite possible she might be instructing the maid what to cook for the dinner. She is a good wife and a housekeeper as well. He is fortunate that way.

He owns a house with eight .rooms in Delhi. There grow imported flowers and creepers in the lawn of his bungalow; moneyplan!, iris, bougainvillaea and crocus. There also lie cane c::hairs of the latest desig ns in the lawn. Two cars, and a service fetching a fat salary with many perks. He is lucky enough and rules over hundreds of men. He recalls his good luck when he sees at the shining toes of his shoes. He observes whatever he has gained or earned is reflected in the glinting toes of his shoes.

Giv ing a ring, he calls for his steno and dictates her four or five letters. When the steno is gone, he sends for the clerks, dealing with different files. They come and wait for his orders, looking their hands at their backs. He ohones his friends sitting in his revolving chair. They wait till he finishes his conversation on the telephone . He knows they will keep on standing until he dismisses them. He prolongs his conversation deliberately. Nobody knows , where did he learn this art? Perhaps a photograph of a big business Executive appeared in some glossy magazine in the same posture in an advertisement. He adored the picture and tried to visualise himself sitting there in place of that Executive.

The conversation over at the telephone, he asks for a particular file from someone. Asks others for a particular detail.

'Then he starts scholding his subordinates before his beautiful steno.

Generally his subordinates make faults, and if they don't he is expert to find some. It is quite easy to find faults, it does not require knowledge, it requires higher position. he does not snub, them for their mistakes, rather it has become a routine with him.

This all reminds him of his existence, a happy realization that so many of them were there to bear the brunt of his ang·er.

They all, his subordinates, listen to his chide quitely bending their heads down.

If one had uttered such words in a busy streed, people would

10

have not hesitated to kin the aggressor. But here, in the office, they are helpless, can't reply back, can't retaliate. He exercises control over tbem. For the slightest flaw The can dismiss, issue a charge-sheet and suspend anyone. They can't see him eye to eye. He feels immensely happy when a clerk fails to give any explanation at his mistake or put the responsibility on his colleague's shoulder. Then he summons that third man and starts admonishing him afresh. .This satisfies his manliness. In older times, man used to draw his inspiration from hunting or killing his rival. But nowadays manliness surfaces in the repression of the subordinates. he is satisfied with the hapless condition of his subordinates, their terror stricken faces meet his annoyance. He is contented with his power and feels proudy.

That day he got another chance to watch some happy moments. Sitting in the lavishly furnished cabine of his office, he was observing the toes of his shoes, like any other day. He cracked a joke about the border of the sari, Miss Makhija, his steno was drapped in. The joke, he had produced, showed all his English vocabulary and witty mind. He starts his day exchanging banter with Miss Mukhija, no mind it may concern her blouse.

She never shows her annoyance. With her charming face and pleasing smile, she accepts his jovial remarks; perhaps this is included in her duties. If at all she is annoyed, her expressions do not show it. Now she is ready to take dictation in her notebook.

Business terminology gushes out like poetry from his mouth which Miss Makhija notes down in symbols.

"Isn't it a fantastic letter? he would ask Miss Makhija.

"Sure Sir, very forcefull I" she would say.

He was still thinking over different words in his mind when the peon breezed in.

Orderly, he came near the table and placed a slip before his boss . He read it; frowns appeared on this forehead as usual. He said, "Send him in after five minutes. Tell, I am busy with some urgent work."

Obediently the peon condescended and left the cabin. He, then, resumed his dictation.

He gave the bell to call in the interviewee after twenty minutes instead of five.

A man with strange mein-not man but a boy, Shining table, chairs - in this new and well decorated office with costly curtains - that boy looked like a waif who wore dusty loose pyzama and shirt which had not been washed since long. The shirt was full of crumles as if taken out of a eastern pitcher. That boy wor'" almond colour kirmich shoes the upper of which was torn off near the thumb and the thumb was peeping out at the opening. His domestic servant lives in a better way than this boy. It became dif-

THE STING Ramakant ficult for Miss makhija to sit in the office. in the presence of that boy - as if she had swallowed some bitter pills. Did Sudama go to meet Krishna at his doorstep the silimar way? Was he Krishna who ran to the door to receive him? But Krishna lived in the age of idealism and sentimentalism.

Obviously, this custom has ceased to ex ist now. These days, the chair is offered 'only to the senior boses. Who knows how many Sudamas will be coming to stand before the table, and Krishna sitting in the chair would not recognise them ..

But he had recognised the boy.

Five years ago, he had visited his ancestral House. Nobody lived there now. He did not think it essential to keep any link with that deserted and dilapitated house. He lived there for the time he could complete paperwork and found out a buyer. There he had met this boy. The boy was from the distant relations living next door. They had received him warmly and also confided with him not to sell the house, for it was the only identity of his aneestors. Simple villagers! They could not understand his mind that he would never be united with them again. Of what use that house would be for him then.

Inspite of all that, they extended him warm hospitality and that boy was always at his beck and call. Yes, he was the same boy, who looked grown up after five years, the criss-cross lines had begun to appear on his face.

What had brought him here?

He must have told the peon that he was his brother. This is what prompted the peon to bring his name-slip before him. Otherwise, it is very difficult even for. any influential person to get an interview with him. What the peon would have thought? What kind of people were there in his clean? Don't they know how to meet a person of his position?

Why did he come here? Definitely not out of cordiality. Villagers come to the city on the pretext of close affinity of relationship, but in fact they come to search a job, or to attend cases in the courts. They, however, stay for a longer period at the hosts' expense, using the host for thier interests. Scuh thoughts mad him feel sick.

How should he express his fret over him? Sudden burst would not be good. 'ihe only defence . against such people is their disregard. Yes, they must be ignored. He was standing straight before his table. Only once he held him in his gaze.

Nodding his head in response to his Namaste he continued with his dictation. Suddenly he

remembered to phone someone.

He dialled the number, gesturing Miss Makhija to wait for a moment. He had not rung up anyone, but had dialled the number of the second telephone resting on his table. Soon the other telephone began to ring.

He picked up the receiver and brought it to his ear. He would speak something in the first telephone and would reply in the other. To impress and keep any stranger waiting, he had invented this method which nobody could detect, not even Miss Makhija. It toqk him ten minutes to complete his conversation and then he hung up the receivers and resumed dictating his halffinished letters. He called a group of clerks and reporved them as usual. There was an edge to his voice today. He would look askance at the boy, who was still standing full of fear.

The boy could not dare to sit. He was more thrilled to snub his subordinates today than the other days. He used to admonish his subordinates before the people from the .office, but today an outsider was there as a spectator. And who was the spectator - a person from his own clan and village. that spectator would publicize his position, his terror in the office.

This all took about an hour.

One by one all clerks left his room . Miss Makhija got busy typing the letters. And then he got time to talk to that boy.

"What has brought you here?" he asked the boy formally, posing as if he had not recognised him.

"It's me brother, me, perhaps you haven't recognised!"

"Who?" "I am Gillu form Gianpur."

NOh, no, it can't be you! Have changed a lot, failing me to recognise you. Moreover you have

seen it yourself, how busy I am.

Sorry, I coundln't notice you early. But why are you standing?

Take a seat. manners and formalities are not for you to observe." He had metamorphasised himself into a statue of amiability and nobility. It is also necessary to impress others that inspite of holding a high position, he is noble and soft-spoken; has not forgotten people from his village. Do~~ not maintain any distance between them.

The boy settled down in a chair hesitatingly. Despite his obvious cordiality, the boy still had no courage to relax in the . chair with a cushioned seat.

"Well, how come here?" he asked. His guess proved right. It was the same old story being repeated again with minor changes of places, characters and some situations: father died leaving sons in debt, the landed property induding fields, houses and orchards all sold out. Had no resources to complete studies.

The elder brother was a patwari, somehow pulling on his family.

He had understood every~g now, not even being told. ~s an experience Executive. Differ- . ent type of people come to meet l1li him and he understands their intentions without being told. But here the matter was different.

"I brought a trunk with me which I have left at the station.~ he was telling. "Bhaiyya was saying that I should straight away go to your house. You are our own man and would not disown me. But I thought to see you first to ensure that you are in the city."

"Really, you have done well: he utttered feeling a bit relieved.

He looked at the glinting toes of his shoes, which reminded him of his beautiful wife and a house. For a second he felt someone had tramp'led 4~ r bougainvillaea and chrysa~-

5 August ·19 August 1988

THE

------~

FORUM

__________________________________________________

mams grown in the lawn of his bungalow.

He felt as if someone had intruded into his isolated heaven.

The intruder wanted it t6 be shared with him. He holds a position where people would automatically try to become intimate and well-wishers. Their love and sympathy are devoid of any closeness. All such words become a source of laughing stock to him.

"Can I fetch in my trunk now?" he asked.

He is an expert to make a statement which lacks commitment. The company gives him a fat salary and perks only to make such statements which could be used in company's interest anyway they like.

"As you think proper; he said in an even voice with a fneble smile on' his Jace. It is fc r the other party to get at the me; tning of his words. . Obliged the boy If ft the ( !fice.

Miss Makhija has sent In all typed letters to tim. The magic of Miss Makhija's nimble fingers rt'~vident in the letters she has \ ~ed. Each word, he utters, is given a form on the paper with her tapering fingers. No overtyping or over-spacing can be detected, each stroke pressed at its proper place.'

He began to examine those letters. Miss Makhija types so flawless that second reading is not required. Only he has to sign them and send for despatch. But he wants to enjoy the flavour of his language once again, the construction of sentences and selection of words he had used in the letters. he feels the output is a literary creation and not only drab commercial Jetter. It is difficult for any poet or writer to use the most modern idioms so deftly f'f1l~pt him. No writer can afford tBSJy those glossy foreign jourrG:9ls like the 'Business Executive' t.: . ~ the 'Management Journal'.

He felt tired when he had signed the letters. At three in the afternoon, he had to attend a meeting about some new project with the chief. Till that time, he could talk to his colleagues on telephone or could have a nap in his retiring room reading the latest thrilling on the stands. The peon would wake him well in time. He deCided in favour of rest. He oalled¡ the peon and instructed: "Say that I have gone to Bombay with some urgent work, hoping to return after two weeks, if anyone comes to meet me."

"Right Sir," said the peon, "What if, comes your brother?"

"Never mind, . if he is my . brother," he said, "But.f have no brother, you come gomo."

The Executive always remem. bers two birthdays : first of the boss and the second of the secretary attached to him. He very well remembered the birthday of Miss Makhija.

He had already made arrangements with a florist. He placed a bouque warpped in transparent polythene paper with

5 August - 19 August 1988

his card at his table.

Lately when his gaze strike against the toes of his shoes, the beautiful figure of Miss Makhija flashes in his mind. His status symbol includes a beautiful house, a wife, the pleasures derived from the high position.

Now his dignity is increased many folds with his egrvacious secretary, of Miss Makhijil.

On the eve of her birthday, he had arranged a small party in the evening. only two or three of his colleagues, with Miss Makhija and here one or two friends would be present. Light drinks and heavy presents for Mills Makhija.

She is more happy than to be grateful to here boss. She has wisely used her figure to get ahead in her career. And is still craving to rise further.

The party had been arranged in a hotel. He was to take Miss makhija with him in the evening after the office. He would also drop her at her place, after the party. He stopped at a petrol pump on the way, to have the alignment adjusted of his car.

Still there was seme time for the party to assemble. He thought to use this time to get his car repaired.

He recogflised that boy in Khakhi uniform smeared with oil and grease. Yes, he was the same boy who visited him in him office three months ago. He was busy supplying petrol to the various vehicles including cars, scooters and taxis. At the apprach of a vehicle, he would thrust the pipe-gun in the petrol¡ tank with his deft hands looking at the meter. Having filled the first vehicle, he would immediately run for the second.

He supervised the job, as long as the m"'cnanic repaired his car.

Fascinated he moved towards the boy and put his hand on his shoulder.

"Are you the same Gillu from Gainpur? Do you recognise me?"

"Yes, my name is Gillu and I hail from Gianpur, but who are you? I have not seen you before."

Disconcernad the boy got himself busy with nis job, supplying petrol to the incoming vehicles.

He felt himslef beaten, his heaven of pleasures burning. It was the first time he had experience that a man could stand without his help. he felt as if someone had smeared the glistening' toes of his shoes.

The confidence of a seH-made man had jarred him.

G~ETIE

____________________________________ ._______________________

Leave' Akalis alone The Signs are that the Unified Akali Dal (UAD) and the SGPC are regrouping; having benefited from the collapse of the Rode experiment and the cleansing of the Temple during Operation Black Thunder. If the terrorists continue to be denied their base in the Temple, Mr prakash Singh Badal and Mr Gurcharan Singr Tohra should be able to consolidate their authority and nominate their own men to the executive at SGPC elections in three months' time.

New Delhi and Chandigarh will be unhappy about this and will be tempted to intervene overtly or covertly to prevent such an eventuality. But there is little they can do and, more importantly, little they should do to tailor political and religious affairs to their liking. Much as they will resent the fact that Mr Badal has been able to turn the tables on them, their role should be confined to keeping the terrorists and their weapons out of the Temple by physical measures like maintaining the security forces and the cordon sanitaire around the complex. This will further help Mr Badal and Mr Tohra consolidate their political gains but the gov_ernment cannot prevent it. Even though Mr Badal did not raise a murmur of protest against the terrorists during their recent mayhem-and will not be able to cope with a future resurgence of terrorism in the Temple-these facts count for little among the Sikhs just now. Mr Badal, unlike

one-time Jatheder of the Akal Takht Mr Jasbir Singh rode, is being seen in Punjab as the man who refused to compromise with the government. In Sikh politics that is the highest virtue.

The government also paved the way for Mr Badal's return' by its immature response to the jettisoning of Mr Rode by the SGPC and the Akalis in the immediate aftermath of Black Thunder. The televised arrests of Mr Rode and his co-priests were seen as "protective custody".

And when the SGPC nominated its own priests, clumsy government propaganda linking the SGPC with the Panthic Committee and Pakistan was soon exposed for what it was. The refusal to hand the Temple over to the SGPC's charge until such time as written assurances are given the terrorists will be refused sanctuary may be a necessary precautionary measure. But Sikhs construe this as . government interference in their religious affairs. Confirmation of this is the absence of ordinary piligrims today from the Temple.

Parallel to these developments is the new configuration among the Akalis. when the government released Mr Rode and the other priests from jail and all but announced over Doordarshan that New Delhi had' managed their installation, Mr Badal and the other Akalis masked their consternation and went along rather than invite popular wrath.

Now popular feeling has turned against Mr Rode who the rumour mill described as a 'sarkari agent' and the faction of the Akali Dal headed by another member of the Bhindranwale clan, Baba Joginder Singh is also thoroughly discredited. This allows the other faction of the UAD to recoup.

Mr Barnala's remergence on Wednesday at the Temple is another sign of this. Mr Barnala lent legitimacy to the SGPCnominated priests by seeking absolution from them . And since his visit followed a meeting of the UAD a day earlier, at which Mr Amrinder Singh was present, it could signify that an Akali unification process has begun-. However it is too soon to discount the possibility that !v'1r Amrinder Singh will try to seize control of the UAD while Mr Badal languishes in Coimbatore jail. This tactic mayor may not work. In any event, while the Akalis and SGPC are once again putting their act together, "the government should leave them to it.

New Delhi will not welcome an SGPC Akali patch-up unless it can exercise some contror bver it. It may therefore prefer a Amrinder-Barnala line'-up to the Badal-Tohra combine. But it cannot hope to influence the outcome and must leave the Akalis to fashion their own unified party.

(Courtesy Indian Post)

Mini aircraft for Third World Three aircraft construc:tora in the Federal Republic of Germany have designed and built the "Aero Truck 03", prototype of an ultralight aeroplane developed epeciaHy for uN in the Third 1t needs a run of.only ~ metres on a mace before it lifts off." fow-etroke'engine ue.ea ordinary regular petrol; ita ~lplane has a span of 11 metres and it can '*'Y tWo persons and luggage; with a cruiting speed of up to 90 kmph.

With. renge of ~ kilometres, the 'Aero Truck 03' cen be ~ for aupervision of pipelines or telephone cables In jungle and desert, cerry mail, reach outlying territory in emergencies, fly CI'OfHPr8ying mIuiorII or ju8t carry paasengera. It can do all this at between one-fifth and ~ of the costS inYoIved for â&#x20AC;˘ two-to-foW...... conventional aircraft or helicopter and without the e~neive beck~ inIrMtructwe of airfields. complicated technology or highly epec\ahed - b1Iffic peraor'ft-.el. - IN-Press

Wo:rtd.

11

THE

FORUM

--------------------------------------------.----------~GAZETIE-----------------------------------------------~---------

Jain-Banerjee pane'l case postponed .The Delhi high court has yet again deferred the case against the Jain-Banerjee committee.

The Delhi administration too seems to be in no hurry to lift the almost mine month old stay on the committee.

When the matter pertaining to the November'S4 riots came up for hearing on July 27, the chief justice, Mr Justice R.N. Pyne, and Mr Justice G.C. Jain said that they did not have enough time for it- as they had to deal subsequenlly with a murder case.

The judges said that they would consider the application of the Citizens Justice Committee for (CJC) intervention in the case in the next hearing scheduled for August 4. Thereupon, Mr S.C. Malik, counsel for the CJC ·that had been formed by several eminent persons to assist the riot victims, urged the judges to consider also the Congress worker's petition then on which a stay oroer had been passed. given an opportunity to address arguments on the demerits of the case in !he court.

The offer found a supporter in Mr Justice G.C. Jain. The judge '~aid that if it was agreeable to both the parities the CJC could be allowed to have its say with the proviso that they would have the right to reply. -The CJC can participate in the case not as a party but as a matter of right in public interest: Mr Jain observed.

Party to the Case

having its say so Io.ng as n was no! made party to ·the case. But the' administration's counsel made it clear that it would not brook even oral submissions from the CJC. As a result, the court will now have to hear various arguments and decide whether the CJC should be made a party. The more important question--of whether the stay on the committee should be vacated--will be taken up only later.

At the outset, the petitioners counsel said that the CJC was actually casting aspersions on

the court by seeking to be impleaded as a party. "The CJC apparently feels that the judges do not have enough . legal acumen to decide the case without its assistance, _ he acidly remarked. Mr l. R. Gupta added ~hat if after hearing the petitioner and the respondent if the judges still felt the need for some assistance, they could admit the CJC as an intervener.

However, counsel for the Delhi administration, Mr Ashok Bhasin, insisted that the question of continuance of the stay order should not be touched in the next hearing. He said it could be taken up on a later date when the CJC was not in the scene.

The CJC's counsel retorted that Mr Bhasin was only vindicating his allegations against the government, by seeking to defer

the stay order issue even when it had been in operation for close to nine months and the committee's twice-extended tenure was due to expire in less than a month.

Requesting the court of vacate thesttty on the commlttee.wlthouf delay, Mr Malik said the government's Indlference to the duration of the stay order betrayed the fact that It had colluded with the Congress worker, Mr Brahmanand Gupta, to thwart the committee's proceedings through the petition.

Mr Gupta filed the petition last November in the wake of reports that the government had been sitting over the very first recommendation of the committee ' to register a murder case against the former Congress MP, Mr Sajjan Kumar. He had chal-

lenged the power of the committee that was appointed on the suggestion of the Misra Commission to make such a recommendation.

Political Capital In the 15 minutes that were spared by the high court today , forthis case, the administration's counsel accused the CJC of having sought to be regarded as a party to the case to make political capitai oot of it. He also said the CJC's allegations against the administration were all baseless.

Earlier, Mr Bhasin vetoed a compromise put forth by Mr Malik and the petitioner's counsel, Mr L. R. Gulpa.

Mr Malik offered that as the petitioner and the government were opposed to his intervention and as time was at a premium he would give up insisting on being impleaded as ~ party. Instead he would be content if he were

.,

the petitioner's counsel said that he did not mind the CJC

Case A 9 a ins t

Indian Army Jawans r~rrylng boys rrom 8(~ross lh(' nood('d ar('as or Kamrup. lIaha. I>harmarula and Jagi in Assam's Nagaon d islrid

-lINI

Ajit: An Act to Muzzle the Press "" a case of sedition against the In a press statement the Seceditor, printers, publishers and workers has' shown its true retary of the Sikh Forum says that the Punjab Government has colour by gagging th.e freedom of Press., Alread~,: . it has arrested once again tried its, most undemocratic act of muzzling ,t.hefrl3~ Shri: 'Kl.iidip Singh Arora of the Press espeCially · tho~e papers ,' UNl ,iJnder NSA but released him which express their views on thp a couple of niqnths later as it had Punjab situation fearlessly but no solid .evid!'lnc~ against him.

Similarly' ttu~: governmenT has keep the overall interests of the country, its security and integrity arrested Shri Mohinder Singh of the Akali Patrika a Jalandhar close to their hearts. The State Government ha~ registered a based Punjabi paper, under simsedition case against the Punjabi ilar charges. newspaper AJIT under sectioll The~Sikh Forum I-InequiYOc;llty 153A, 124A and 3/4 of the T.Q ..i~ / qgfldemns :; the·~ ~ction cif ~ .the \ G--~ Act. AJIT is the most respected Punjab . GOy'~rnme_~!..: for., sUp- , ."

Punjabi p~per and:ithas~'~gh~~t .: ···'pr?s.~fri~f.(n~ 'fte~q'pi;D~ of"press ;. > ~" ' ; " circulation. Th'e , pat:>e(' has .,- and:urges uJilO:n ~l-.tO. ~ithqfawthe . ".

With Best Compliments from

Salkar Financial Corporation . 2651 Kucha Chelan Da,y8 GanJNew Delhl-110002 Tele Nos. 215595, 261628 W'-nted '

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.

: ;he·s ..:. ~~reao:¥ :.:-;. ':.:..-':! /:. " .:, ,·: . ~,:, J'Jease remembe,-to rene~" your 8Ublcrlpth)o',iri ;' .. ~: , .:., Punjab. PIJ.nJabl a~d PunJ~~yat. damaged Its ,~~ed~b'M,~ :".'~tl~I ... ;'" ',,,..: ''',,;~;., 'J,'" .; Ilm8 and help UI conllnue"lpalchlng Ihe Forum l ' ', , ' : : " . i ' Its Managtng··. EditPr Barjlflder ' further. ' The for.am · also <_~~!I~ ' : ', ' .' ,1,,: . ; ,.',.• ' . • " G'--~ ,-, "'-" '. ."', ...., . f.. ..' :_.

Singh has ~lw.ay~·.tr.iQ~:l~; ~?sto~~, :' :_:~pO~··,;~!U~€!:~~.~~ri1o~a~.~ c~~~(f ,~: ~ .:~;": ':. ~?!:. , ,.;c:" ... ~ , '{:,' : ~~tt~ undilirupted. - ~O,' . I~form UI: ~o~r,;. . :; 0 _l~ • . .,;.;' , b~lance a~d s~~~~tn..:tr'f(6~,q.~~·.> ~ ;r.~m~no,{IQht~.,.q,[g~,~I~ " tQ-,' ,.' ''''.'('' ~f,~ ..- .':':: '~ f.;.::fl.",~' wh~ might be ,lnt.,.esled_I(I IUblC.t,.~~'. ~'C. :; ...!:; ~ ::, .. ,' ,: wise turbufeflt . ;.$,11.Y~1Igp(". 'n !.>" :r~fse-theJr.Y91~,a.gal~st~f~;'- c ;. ···:)1: ,. ~ ," . .~'., .;' , .. ,.We'V!Quld " ,happy to ..nd them lample c~i,.~ Punjab. The govetl,r1'ient'byflling conian' step to gag the' Press~: ' . :' . -- ;n!;(1 :,: 1-", ,~~, - •;,--;,,",;:... i. ' ; ,-'. ' " '. . .. ,.,_;h •., 3· "· 1·.,, , " '-- . '.' ."

tOt··

12j ;

:. . "' ,. ,.

THE

FORUM

- - - - - -- - - GAZEITE

- - -- --

International Call to .

Release Dr. NELSON MANDELA The Indian Society for AfroAsian Studies organised a public meeting on 31 July to join the International Call demanding the release of Dr. Nelson Mandela, th~ living legend and hero of the present generation and imprisoned continuously for over 26 years.

Mr. Moosa Moolah repre 3entative of Afrian Na'ional , ~on­ gress, Mr. C.S. .. ha fa -mer Foreign Secretary a 3.rge number of diplomat.;, Acac emicians and Publ"c men were present to deman, l the release of Dr. Mandola.

Mr. Lalit Bhasin President of ISAAS issued the following ~~ment on the occasion.

'Were is growing bitterness against the barbaric act of the I Pretoria regime in the closing years of 20th century when the world over wind is blowing for reinforcing the forces of peace, freeaom and universal brotherhood. Their bitterness has found expression on the occasion of celebrating birth anniversary of Dr. Nelson Mandela, turned 70 on 18th July, and there has been ever-increasing forceful demand for his immediate and unconditional release.

The Mockery In response to ever intensifying campaigns the world over for tr"'felease of Dr. Nelson man. , the Pretoria regime have ,..Ju,ked -his release to his ,.nouncement of violence. This is the greates mockery of the world opinion and aJI the civilized norms when we place his imprisonment and demand for immediate and uncoditional release in right perspective.

Like the father of our nation, Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Nelson Mandela fought for the causa of millions of exploited, impoverished and dehumanised black native and non-white population by a regime which survives on Apartheid. He was sentenced to life imprisonment.

Terrorism Under Apartheid, unanimously declared by the United Nations General Assembly a Crime Against Humanity, ·there is an unabated state of terrorism against the people. It was been misguiding the world through a sustained campaign of disinformation. But a latest survey by the U.N. agencie.s has further exposed any myth that the regime can behave in a civilise way. The rulers of South Africa led by President Botha have raised the hopes during the May

5 August - 19 August 1988

1987 all-White elections, th at they would bring about a funda· mental change in the Constitu-· tion leading to finally liberalising the laws and dismantling Apartheid netowrk.

But it proved to be a part of strategy of confusing the world opinion. It may be recalled that there had been an aggress ive campaign against Apartheid both international level and inside South Africa. The regime was trembling before the Miners' strike which had brought the wheel to a standstill inside the country; it had shaken the Western capital - the greatest beneficiary of the cheap labour and raw material through the mechanism of Apartheid laws.

The Emergency The latest reports reveal that the black Inhabitations are under the, siege of military and police forces; there is allpervading surveillance exercised by the National Security Management System; state of emergency, Imposed In June, 1986, Is strengthening further the harsh security laws, control of information and continued detention without trial of thousands of people.

Amongst the detained, there are teenagers, even below the age of 12 years. Responding of these enquiries, the South African Women's Organization, Black Sash, aptly summarised that the present regime was a "creeping coup" of the military, which now exercises a major Influence on both domestic and foreign poiIcles.

Above all, the politicomilitary regime has again revived the dead horse of National Council that would provide for the representation of the Black. With ~s purely advisory character, and continued segregation even in education, it was rejected outrightly as another trap. The past years need no more empirical evidence to disprove the opponents of sanctions arguing that economic progress of Blacks would help ending of Apartheid .

There has relatively been no economic advance in the past 30 years since this argument has been offered. The homelands of the Blacks have rather become compounds of exploitation of cheap labour. Ever increasing resentment of the labour is vindicated by the strikes whose number has increased from 101 in 1979 to·793 in 1986 involving 424,390 workers. Due to strict censorship, statistics are not avilable for 1987, but the news hilVe confirmed a big rise in the

workers' struggle agail,st the repression. Only this week the Aparthe id regime has been forced to retrace its steps from further strengthening the censorship:

- - - -- - - --

- - - - - - -- - - - - - - -

sonment of Dr. Nelson Mandela, rulers of Pretoria have imprisoned the human conscience and have kept the Freedom under Lock. History bears to I uncontrovertible fact no repression could ever face the wrath of human conscience. No might could decimate the Freedom. As I our country and the sane opinion I of the world has been maintaining, the solution lay in the dis-

mantling of Apartheid either through the wisdom of the rulers themselves or they will be swept by the inevitable Bloodshed. The rulers of Pretoria can still have the initiative by dismantling the Apartheid themselves.

We take this opportunity to join the International C~II for the immediate and uncond~ional release of Dr. Nelson Mandela.

Symbol of Determination In this state of affairs, one can hardly expert that Dr. Nelson Mandela 'dould agree to the link- ' age strateyy of the Apartheid regime for his release. Mandela is the symbhol of strong determination against surrendering to subjection. "The struggle is my life," said on 26 June 1961 , and added that "I will conti nue fight ing for freed om until the end of my day." He is the hope of. you ng generation, who have not even heard or seen Mand ela. According to an unpublicised recent survey conducted by the rulers of Pretoria, Dr. Nelson Mandela is the national leader of their choice.

Through the continued impri-

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13

-----------------.~F~o~BY~M~--------_________

'The Small Man' - to whose development everyone is committed but who remains neglected.

Everyone swears by his or her sympamy for the small man- he be the small farmer, the small fisherman or the small artisan, yet the trend of overall development policies and persuits is leaving the same small man in the lurch. This article examines this Daradox.

Various People and institutions pose the question of development differently, but on one issue there appears to be near unanimity - whether it is the government or the aid organisations or the experts or the grass-roots workers, everyone seems to agree that the 'small man' should get a lot more attention than what he(she) has received so far. The development programmes should be designed with a special reference to his needs. In agriculture it is the peasants with iittle or no land, in fisheries it is the fishermen ·using the simplest technology or using the boats and nets of others, among weavers the ones owning just one handloom or working on the looms of others, in forestry those who toil day long to collect leaves and fruits to sell at cheap rates, everywhere it is agreed that it is the 'small man' who has remained neglected who should now get our attention.

This has been said for quite some time now. Yet when new plans are formulated, if an honest appraisal is made, it has to be admitted that the neglect has continued.

The Neglect This happens despite the fact that quite often evaluations are made, studies are sanctioned, expensive experts are called in to find out why the small man is not being made better-off and what can be done to ensure that he benefits from the development programmes.

Does this mean that the government which implements those schemes, the experts who advise the government, the aid agenies which provide the finance and or the expertise for these schemes are not sincete in their statements made regarding the small man? In the light of the failure of these promises and intentions to be translated into reality, an easy way out would be to answer this question in the affirmative, but this would not be an entirely correct answer. We are in fact willing to concede that several officials and experts who contribute to making and implementing these schemes are sincere in the concern they voice for the small ma:n - they would in fact be quite happy if the small man is actually helped and his life improves. But it is important to

Bharat Dogra add that this concern is not the most important thing in the eyes of the experts and officials. Their concern is limited by several factors. The aid organisation from a developed country may be very sincerely interested in helping the small man, but it is also interested in seeing that overall the economy does not move away from certain broad trends which are in keeping with the interests of the country to which this organisation belongs.

Limitations The government officials may be quite willing to try their best to help the small man, but within a certain framework of propertyrelations and other limits beyond whihc they will not go or cannot go. To the extent that helping the small man calls for wider changes than what these officials and experts are willing to accept, their concern cannot be translated into a better life for the small man. As such stark reality is difficult to accept, many efforts are made to cover it up and claim success in really helping the small man in a significant way, but it is one thing to make a show of doing this and another thing to actually accomplish this.

If the sam" man is not the main, the ultimate driving force of the actions of these experts and officials or the institutions they represent, there must be some other motives which are the driving force? So what happens when these interests need a big project which may be quite contrary to the interests of the small man. In such conditions the most important interests will of course override the concern for the small man. A desperate efforts will of course still be made to pay · lip sympathy to the small man by thinking up some weird way in which the project will benefit him sooner or later.

Ambivalance One of the most Important realities of present-day India Is precisely this· a very big section of the population of very low-resource people neglected and bypassed by the development process in any case, one day realising that even In their neglected state they are not being left alone. One-short displacement, or erosion of the natural resources around them in such a way that they are left with no other option but to

mov, out - th... may b. the threats posed to them, even as the talk about to the commit· ment to the small man goes on.

In this confusing, at times bewildering and always very saddening situation, it is the task of the concerned, thoughtful sections to clarify the reality and pose issues, in such a way that the ordinary people are able to see the 'development' drama and its various actors for what they are.

In this task - an important step in actual socio-economic change -the academic and journalist community can play an important role, if they remain out of the gri'l.. of vested interests. )

If

Thoughts on Punjab Continued from page 3

accord. It Is a moot point whether the absence of·such "meaningful steps" Is not by Itself responsible for the continuance of terrorism. It should ponder whether delaying the Implementation of the accord to gain some political mileage might not result in a mind of buJld-up which preceded the Blue Star action In 1984.

lation of the terrorists by bringing pressure to bear on those politicians or ordinary people, who are ,now giving them physical shelter and moral support. But it Is a pity that some Punjabis are negating these endeavours by

staging a march in the reverse direction to Delhi. These disruptive moves, which may win some political mileage for some people, will in the long run delay the return to normalcy.

Role of People As to the role of the people, such attempts as those of Baba Amte and that of an eminent film personality to make a pad yatra all the way from Bombay to Amritsar have their uses. First, these cross-country journeys give to the Punjab problem an all-India dimension and that is necessary as the problem has to be seen and tackled as such.

Second, they give heart to the Punjabis who are under threat from the terrorists. And third such yatras may contribute to the iso-

14

5 August - 19 August 1988

THE

FORUM

________________________________________________________

~

G

A ZE n E

----

Delhi Gurdwaras

Sri Lanka: Decentralization

Continued fro m page 9

Continued from page 16

Liberation Front (TULF), which had been the main Opposition group in the unicameral Sri Lankan Parliament till August 1983 (when it lost all its seats consequent upon the 6th Constitutional Amendment) and whose number of leaders had been living in India in self-imposed exile because of fear to their lives by the LTIE, has now shown its interest in the provincial council polls in these two provinces.

More importantly, it has taken .upon itself the task of uniting various Tamil political groups-an uplill task indeed! The TULF Secretary General, A. Amirthalingam, and the President, M. Sivasithambaram, arrived in Colombo on June 23 from ~)as . Amirthalingam-who re~irnd to the island state ,after about 2 years amidst tight security-asserted that until peace was established in the North and East, there was no point in discussing elections.

Though talks were going on between the Indian government and the LTIE, it was difficult to say how soon would a solution be reached, he said. He further stated that once the LTIE came to a settlement with the Indian government, they should enter the political mainstream. They have to playa significant role in it, he opined. he also stressed talks with Muslim leaders of the area. he called for the release of Tamil political prisoners still langLft'ng in prisons, in accord~ with the Indo-Sri Lanka ord.

Violence hile one could optimistically" hope for . peaceful elections to the vincial councils in these two pro 'nces in the near future, one cannot be· oblivious of the future of the politics of Sri Lanka .in general. While th ~ presidential

p

•

President J. R.

J.y.w~aene

.ncfDefenc8 Miniiter' K. C . Pant in Colombo ..... no drllfNltic outcome.

and parliamentary elections in the island state are approaching and violence is on the wane in the Northern and Eastern provinces (thanks to the efforts of the IPKF), violence is on the increase in the Southern province (wh ich is being aid ed and abeted by the JVP). More importantly , a number of candidates for the provincial councils in va,. ious parts were gunned down by the JVP cadres in Sri Lanka. A number of victorious candidates also met the same fate.

Disturbing or even annoying though it may seem , a vast number of Sinhalese have been made to believe that any step towards decentralization in the island state would virtually lead to its split, for, according to this propaganda, the Tamils would not rest with anything short of the Eelam. To make matters worse, even the Tamil groups are not united in their objectives and strategy. For instance, the People's Liberation organization of the Tamil Eelam (PLOTE), which is now applying for recognition as a political party, is more attunded to the Sinhalese groups. One of the PLaTE's main objections to the Accord has been that it should have been signed by the

-

Tamils and the Government of Sri Lanka and its is "against foreign forces on our soil".

Time Factor

I

n such a complicated secnario, it will be more desirable and appropriate to complete all kinds of elections at the earliest, so that all political function aries, structures, processes and \ institutions get-suificient credibilI~ and legitimacy in the Sri Lat* a political system and perform with greater sanctions the function s of "authoritative allocation of values" for the society as also of "Cl'¥alning the goals of society" in $ ,r Lanka. Time is 01 essence. It ishearting to note that very many of the UNP leaders have come to the grips of the situation and they have realized that the party would do well to go for the parliamentary and the presidential polls at the earliest.

Such scenario, one should hope, would not only make Sir Lanka more democratic and decentralized but also peaceful and participatory. Let us hope for the best. While hope is still possible, despair is a coward's part.

.------------------------------------~---------------

A Haunting Specture Continued from page 5

by Avtar Singh Hit, the Akali Dal(L) and the Akali Dal (Master Tara Singh) led by Rachhpal Singh. Many members however keepon sitting on the fences and support one group or the other accor";ing to convinience . Some times executive meetings are held and office bearers are changed . But no one is able to implement these decisions. In one of such meetings Sucha Singh was debarred from exercising duties as Secretary and Joint Secretary Kulmohan Singh from Racchpal Singh group was elevated to that position.

Last year Delhi high court ordered for a proper elections of office bearers and appointed court's own observer to supervise the same. Jaswant Singh Kalkaji got himself admitted to hospital in order to get the elect ions cancelled . The court observer however insisted on conducting the elections. The UAD and Longowal groups joined hands and elected S.H.S. Bhatia as President and Jaspal Singh as Secretary.

Immediately a suit was filed against this in the High Court which granted a stay. The case is as yet in the court. The Delhi Sikhs in general have been demanding elections to the general house which were due in 1983 and of course again in 1987. The present general house elected in 1979 has been there now for more than 9 year against its usual 4 years terms. No proper elections for the office bearers and executive have also been held since 1983 that is for more than five years. The present executive has been

reduced to 11 members in place of 15 with three members having died and one left the country.

Who so ever fears losing power goes to the court and gets . a stay on one pretext or the other.a The government exploits the prevailing differences and aggravates them to its advantage. It is in this context that on 8 July 1988 Jaswant Singh Kalkaji and Sucha Singh joined hands amon·g themselves and with Talwinder Singh Marwah, Youth congress (I) Joint Secretary captured the control of DSGMC office.

Most of the members It Is quite clear have no preception and concern for the Sikh situation: They are always·ready Ie&'- be collaborationists for economic gain,. aoclal stauts of patronage power,-the government well aware of and used to manipulate religious sentiments for ejectoral politics Is too been to use these pawns using both the carrot and the stick. While on the one hand members are lured by various benefits on the other they are threaterred too .

Recently one executive member of the DSGMC told a press correspondent that If they oppose the homeminister they might be arresied under MISA • .

All this exposes the cry with which demand for separation of religion from politics is being made, especially by the rulling party. Desire for control over the Gurudwaras by politicians and political parties has eroded the sanctity of these places of worship and peace.

According to the 197-1 Act government has to appoint a director to arrange the elections. Electionsare to be held every four year. There is no provision in the Act for shelving or postponing the elections. The execulI lvecommittee is to be elec.. ted every year and no member can hold &ffice for more than two terms consecutively and al! election disputes have to be decided by the .c~urt of Distt. Judge within 6 months.

ADVERTISE IN THE FORUM GAZETTE and reach

access to, effe~tive .and . sah.. means of contra~ption . The very idea of birth conlIol may be unknown or frowned upon.

Modern contraceptives may be unknown or simply not available.

If available, they may be expensive, particularly in relation to the incomes of the poor. For a poor lamily limiting the number of children may, therefore , mean sexual abstinence, illegal abortion or infanticide, whose psy-

5 August -19 August 1988

chologi~al

or financial costs might as well excepd the costs of having another child .

T

he third world countries are not poor just because of their population, their population Is growIng rapidly because of their poverty and lack of access to proper medicare which would reduce need for many blrhts to insure against infant mortality; .

to education, which would raise parents' hopes for their children and would broaden · wormen's outlook and opportunities; to social security and other forms of Insurance for old age; to recreational act.l vIty and social opportunities that compete with child bearing; and to family welfare which limits births.

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Masjid Road Jangpura, 0e1hi-110014

15

Registered wltn the Registrar of Newspapers for India R. No. 45763 THE

Deihl Postal Registration No. D(SB) 15/8&

FORUM

------------------------------------------------------~~~~ G A ZEnE ----~---------------------------------

Decentralization of Sri Lanka's polity ••• Significant .dimensions Dr. Parmanand Decentralization Is defined as a dispersion of power among several entities or units within a political system, or the process of such disper· sion. In other words, decen· trallzation denotes a process or situation In which power and responsibility are trans· ferred from a central authority to other, usually more local, organs. A federal state such as the USA, Canada, Australia, West Germany or India, is usually by definition a decentralized state. Decentralization , In one form or other, Is considered a sine qua non for a democracy and as such even a unitary government cannot brush It aside altogether.

However, it assumes greater Importance In those states where people are divided on linguistic, religious or ethnic bases and feel that tne central authorities are unable to cope with their growing local demands and ambitions, and, therefore, the only way out is to give the local groups more power and responsibilityeven If the state concerned is proud of calling Itself unitary.

Ind ia' s southern island neighbour-Sri Lanka-has been in such an embarrass ing state for quite a long time because of the demand for an "Eelam" (a separate sovereign state comprising the Tam ilspeaking northern and eastern provinces) by a group of articulate, assertive and even violent Tamils . Although Articel 2 of the const itut ion of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka states that wThe Republic of Sri Lanka is a Unitary State" and the incumbent government of the state did not want to make any compromise on or amendment in this broad theme thus depriving any legitimacy to.any local ambi tion , the growing phenomenon of ethnic violence and involvement of India as an accepted arbitrartor therein eventually resulted in the signing of India-Sri Lanka Peace Accord on July 29 last year. The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord could be said to be the first legal acknowledgement of Sri Lanka being a "multi-ethnic and multilingual plural society consisting inter-alii a, of Sinhalese, Tamil~, Muslims (Moors) and Burghers· (Art 1-2) Similarly, it also recognizes that "each ethnic group has a distinct cultural and linguistic identity which has to be carefully nurtured ... ." (Articha 1-3}. Again, it was in accordance with the Accord that Provincial Councils 'were devised and were to have ~Iected councils as also chief

16

ministers and governors on the Indian pattern.

The Elections Once the broad parameters were decided, the electoral process was set in motion in various provinces . The mai n oppos ition party of Sri Lan kathe Sri Lanka Freedom Part ydid not approve of the Indo-SirLanka Accord and even we nt to the extent of asserting th at it

after a war-like situation engulfed these provinces after October 1987 wh en the Liberation Tig ers of Tamil Elam (L TIE) , the ·strongest of all Tamil militant groups , and the Indian Pe ace Keeping Fo rce (IPKF) came to face each other. Alt hough the LTIE has been larg ely humbled, it has not su rr endered as yet.

Negotiations are go ing on

betw een the LTIE and the Government of India for a pe aceful settlement throu gh various agencies so that these provinces could also to the polls at the earliest. A variety of hindrances crop up from time to time making such a settlement diff icult or eve n impossible. one hopes with the ' pass age of time the LTIE will come to term s with the Gove rn -

ment of India making the situation congeni al for holding the election in the two left out provinces.

TULF Interest

A

nother silver lining has em erged on the po litical horizon in Sri Lanka in the meanwhile. The Tamil United (' o'1 tinued on page -f'5

Velupillai Prabakaran, LTIE chief . .. . time for a c;ourageous initiative.

would annul the accord, if voted to power. As such, it also announced its boycott of the various provincial council elect ions.

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the left-oriented Sinhalachauvinist party, wh ich was till recently outlawed, also called for boycott of these polls and in fact threatened the use of violence against those participating in these polls. However, the ruling United National Party (UNP) and a broad alliance of various left parties under the rubric of United Socialist Alliance (USA) as also various Muslim groups participated in these provincial councils' polls, the trun-out at which cannot be described as "low" in the prevailing situation in the island state. The ruling UNP has secured a comfortable majority in all the provincial councils going to the polls. The USA has, on the other hand, given a good account of itself in the various provincial councils.

However, these councils form part of the predominant Sinhalese areas only and the Northern and Eastern provinces, where the Tamils are numerically predominat, are yet to go the polls. Elections have not been held in these provinces in as much as sufficient peace is yet to be established in these areas

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5 August - 19 August 1988 Printed and Published by A .S. Narang for Ekta Trust, 2126 Sarv Priya Vihar New Delhi-110016 at Mercury Pr;nlers Chooriwala, Delhi-11 0006 . Composed at DTP Services & Consultancy ~P) .Ltd., B-2117A, Lawrence Road. -Delhi-11 0035, Ph. 7216733