DISORIENTATION GUIDE 2020

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table of contents

introduction activist map activist timeline stanford x colonialism when the indian was mascot history of stanford building names the conundrum of canary mission: pro-palestinianism and partisanship militarism & war at stanford the world-renowned, but neglected by stanford, martin luther king jr. research and education institute queer student resources the hoover institution the review + stanford college republicans finessing stanford police abolition 101 accessibility & disability 101 privilege 101 black feminism 101 protesting 101 direct action fossil free stanford and endowment justice at stanford! gender inclusive stanford student alliance for justice in education students for environmental and racial justice the 22 percent campaign who’s teaching us stop coding state violence campaign cool courses, profs, and programs quotes radical book recommendations the heterosexual questionnaire

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DISORIENT YOURSELF NOW Welcome to Stanford University - home of the palm trees and red-tile roofs; bright students and world-renowned professors; resources and opportunities you can only dream about. Welcome to Stanford - whose beautiful veneer hides a dark and violent history, whose resources and opportunities are only available because of its long history of dispossession, displacement and death, who treats the members of its community with respect and dignity only if they derive immense profit from them. These two realities may be hard to merge together - but as students (and as members of the community who benefit a lot from the results of Stanford’s exploitation), we have an obligation to see what Stanford really stands for and to make sure it doesn’t stay that way. From the moment you are accepted, Stanford tells you that you’re amongst the most talented people in the world, that you will be an extraordinary changemaker, and that it will give you the skills to enact that vision. When you arrive at Stanford though, and you want to put those changemaking skills to use; Stanford will shut you down or wait you out. This is the way of Stanford - it is only invested in upkeeping its glossy image- so it can continue to sell it on its brochures and its websites - so people like us can continue to come here. That’s the real purpose of this guide - Stanford wants to craft a rosy image of itself, to continue recruiting the students they want and to continue building more violent apathy; and we, as student organizers, want to disrupt that and call for you to disorient yourself now. Every good and meaningful thing that exists at this university - ethnic theme dorms, AAAS and CSRE, physical community centers, free.99 therapy and more - doesn’t come because Stanford woke up one day and felt like being a little more ethical, no matter what the university wants to sell to you. It comes from decades of student resistance and organizing, from direct actions and escalation, from successful campaigns to painful failures. It comes from people like you who stand up and decide that you’re not going to take Stanford’s bullshit for one more day. So whether you’re an incoming freshman who is wondering what Stanford is like beyond the VR headset or if you’ve been here for a while and know exactly what Stanford actually stands for; we hope this guide can be an opportunity to break away from the modes of thinking and structures of oppression Stanford places us in and help you figure out what we need to do to change this place for the better. It is only one small part of the conversation we need to constantly be having - but remember; at the end of the day, Stanford would not exist without its students and if we stand tall and fight hard; Stanford will not be able to stop us.

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OFF- CAMPUS Silicon Shutdown Hands Up, Walk Out Highway 101 Shutdown #Stanford68

BUILDING 360 Center for Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity African and African American Studies Jewish Studies

MITCHELL EARTH SCIENCES Rally Against Islamophobia

WHITE PL AZA & BROWN PL AZA Living Wage Campaign May Day March Deportation Awareness Rally Carry That Weight Stanford Out of Occupied Palestine Indigenous People’s Day Admit Weekend 2015 Transgender Day of Remembrance

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COMMUNITY CENTERS Asian American Activities Center Black Community Services Center DGen Office El Centro Chicano y Latino Markaz Native American Cultural Center QSpot Women’s Community Center

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ETHNIC THEME DORMS Casa Zapata Muwekma-Tah-Ruk Okada Ujamaa

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MAIN QUAD Takeover of ‘89 Sit-in for Divestment from South Africa MEChA Hunger Strike Sleep Out for Food Service Workers Books not Bombs APIs4BlackLives Rainbow Agenda Demonstration SCoPE Family Weekend

MEMORIAL AUDITORIUM Take Back the Mic Admit Weekend 2017

PRESIDENT ’ S OFFICE Takeover of ‘89

HOOVER TOWER & INSTITUTE Banner Drop Rally Against White Supremacy

CIRCLE OF DEATH #MoralMonday

JUNIPERO & SERRA Renaming Campaign

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STANFORD L AW SCHOOL

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Concerned Students for Asian American Studies Racism Lives Here

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1965

1967

stanford sexual rights forum. In 1965, The Stanford Sexual Rights Forum registered as a voluntary student organization, creating one of the first student groups nationally advocating for civil rights for TLGBQ people. Members also sought changes in campus regulations limiting visitation between students in dorms, and lobbied for access to contraceptives. The group is active through the spring of 1966.

Black Student Union founded. The Black Student Union founded in 1967. A year later, in 1968, they led demonstrations on campus in the wake of Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination. The day after the assassination, 40 student protesters and members of the BSU burned a flag in White Plaza to symbolize the hypocrisy of its message.

1968

1966-69

stanford grape boycott committee. The Stanford Grape Boycott Committee led a boycott of California table grapes in solidarity with striking California farm workers fighting for the right to organize and against low wages.

anti-war actions. To oppose complicity with the Selective Service system, a system enforced by the U.S. army that makes it mandatory for almost all men to register for military conscription, students staged a sit-in of the President’s Office on May 19-21, 1966. Protests escalated through 1968, targeting war-related research at Stanford’s Research Institute (SRI) and CIA recruiting on campus. Some students turned to violence, destroying the ROTC building on May 7 and President Sterling’s office on July 5. On April 3, 1969, the April Third Movement (A3M) was born. The group’s goal was to bring an end to classified research and war-related research on campus and to stop chemical-biological warfare and counterinsurgency studies at SRI. Protesters closed the Applied Electronics Lab, occupied Encina Hall, and blocked traffic to SRI, where they were dispersed by tear gas.

(april 8) take back the mic. Four days after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., Stanford held an allcampus assembly to address “Stanford’s Response to White Racism” with a panel of entirely white men. Seventy Black students and East Palo Alto community members walked onstage, took the mic from the provost, and read a list of ten demands to increase admissions, curriculum, hiring and representation for Black students and other communities of color. As a result, Stanford established the Black Student Volunteer Center (now the Black Community Services Center) and an African and Afro-American Studies program in 1969.

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1969

(october 15) Vietnam war protests. More than 8,000 people took part in the Vietnam Moratorium calling for an immediate end to the war. These demonstrations led the university to sever ties to classified research and the SRI.

Asian American Students’ Association formed. The Asian American student alliance, which later became the Stanford Students Coordinating Committee and now the Asian American Students’ Association, formed in 1969.

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1970

1971-72

SAIO founded. Four Native students petitioned to form the Stanford American Indian Organization (SAIO). SAIO’s first order of business was campaigning to remove stanford’s racist indian mascot. 54 members of the university’s Native community signed a petition urging the university to retract its use of the mascot, which it succeeded in doing in 1972.

Casa Zapata founded. In 1971, after some time as the Chicano corridor in Roble Hall, the Chicano theme dorm was reestablished as Muir House. The next year, in 1972, Casa Zapata was dedicated.

1 9 74 NACC founded. The Native American Community Center (NACC) was founded in 1974, and it hosts the American Indian, Alaskan Native, and Native Hawaiian Programs. In addition to providing a welcoming community space, the NACC provides academic assistance, program coordination, mentorship, leadership opportunities, and advising for the Native community at Stanford, beginning with a pre-orientation summer immersion program.

(november) Gay Student Union (GSU) founded. Stanford community members founded the Gay Student Union, a social support and consciousness-raising group of students and non-students.

1970-76 Ujamaa founded. In 1970, BSU pushed stanford to establish Cedro as a dorm that would have a majority of Black freshmen. A parallel concept was also created in Junipero for Black upperclassmen. In 1971, the concept moved to Roble Hall, blending freshmen and upperclassmen. In 1974, students moved into Olivio Magnolia House in Lagunita Court, and in 1976, the house was renamed Ujamaa.

1975-76 first GSU campaign. GSU members campaigned unsuccessfully to have the Stanford Career Planning and Placement Center closed to employers who discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation.

1971 Okada dorm established. An Asian American dorm, Junipero, which became Okada House, was established in 1971, followed by the People’s Teahouse, which became the Okada Teahouse.

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1984-85 sit-in for the divestment from South Africa. Led by the Black Student Union (BSU) and Stanford Out of South Africa Coalition, students sit-in for Divestment all year in front of president kennedy’s office. In spring 1985, 1,000 students marched to president kennedy’s office and posted a sign on the door demanding divestment. The next day, 2,000 students rallied in the inner quad.

1987 (may 14) rainbow agenda demonstration. The Asian American Student Association, Black Student Union (BSU), Movimiento Estudiantil Chicanx de Aztlán (MEChA), and Stanford American Indian Organization (SAIO) formed the Rainbow Agenda and dropped ten demands to improve conditions for students of color at Stanford. Over 60 students interrupted Stanford’s centennial celebration to present their demands, which included: creation of an ethnic studies graduation requirement, a high-level administration position dedicated to serving ethnic minorities, a permanent rejection of the racist Indian mascot, and a larger space for the Asian American Activities Center (A3C).

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1988

1991

(march) end of western culture requirement. Faculty Senate voted to replace the previous Western Culture requirement with Culture, Ideas, and Values.

women’s community center (WCC) founded. The WCC was founded in 1991 and serves as a community space to gather and foster scholarship, leadership, and activism. Their programs include student leadership training, the yearly Stanford Women’s Leadership Conference, career development series, and free tutoring in collaboration with the Society of Women Engineers.

1989 (may 15) takeover of ‘89. Over 60 students, using the name “Agenda for Action Coalition,” occupied President Kennedy’s office and presented their demands. Over 50 students were arrested, and eight Black and Brown students were unfairly singled out for especially serious charges. The action won significant victories, including the hiring of more faculty of color, creation of a university committee to address minority issues, and expanded funding and space for El Centro and the A3C.

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1992

1994

(may) march to palo alto police station. The night that a jury acquitted the police officers of assault in the beating of Rodney King in Los Angeles, more than 300 Stanford students, led by the BSU, and joined by AASA, MEChA, and SAIO, marched from campus to the palo alto police station and protested the verdict.

(may 4-7) MEChA hunger strike. Sparked by the firing of progressive administrator and Casa Zapata Resident Fellow Cecilia Burciaga and racial epithets against Latinx students at a movie showing, MEChA lead a hunger strike demanding greater consideration of and support for the Latinx community both on- and off-campus. The strike resulted in the development of Latinx Studies as a major.

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1994

2002

(may 18) concerned students for Asian American Studies. About two dozen students disrupted a Faculty Senate meeting advocating for the establishment of a full Asian American studies program. Students presented a letter with over 700 student signatures supporting Asian American studies and chanted, “Asian American studies now - Not another 20 years,� referencing the first attempt in 1972 to establish a program.

(spring) sleep out for food service workers. The Stanford Labor Action Coalition (now called the Student Labor Alliance) and the NAACP had a 4-day sleep out calling for higher wages for campus food service workers. As a result, subcontracted cafe workers earned wage parity with Stanford dining workers, resulting in significant raises.

2003-04

1996

books not bombs. In March 2003, over 500 students walked out to protest the Iraq War, in conjunction with over 30,000 students at over 400 colleges nationwide. In 2004, Students held an anti-war rally and march to Hoover Tower to protest the ties between the Hoover Institution and the Bush Administration.

(november) comparative studies in race and ethnicity. Faculty Senate voted unanimously to approve a new program in Comparative Studies in Race and Ethnicity (CSRE) after three decades of student struggle.

1997 ethnic studies majors. Students can now major in Asian American Studies, Chicanx/Latinx Studies, and Native American Studies. However, these majors are still under CSRE and not their own departments or programs.

1998 action to hire first official staff position at the QSR. Students camped out in White Plaza to pressure administration to create the first full-time staff position at QSR.

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2006

2009

(may 1) may day march. On May Day, the International Day of the Worker and the International Day of Action for Human Rights, students, faculty, and employees joined a national march across campus to show support for immigrant rights. Organized by the Student Coalition for Immigrant Rights, students gathered at Ujamaa and proceeded to each ethnic theme dorm before ending with a candlelight vigil at White Plaza to recognize the deaths of the many people trying to cross the US border.

(may 26) protest against proposition 8. Students protested the Supreme Court’s decision upholding Proposition 8 (the California statute banning queer marriage rights) by blocking Palm Drive.

2011 (april) Diversity and First Gen (DGen) Office founded. The DGen Office was founded in 2011 to support first-gen and/or low-income (FLI) students. The DGen Office is a student-friendly hangout space, while offering diversity resources and training, inter-group education through diversity labs in and out of the classroom, a variety of community building and empowerment programs for FLI students, and the Opportunity Fund for emergency funds not covered by financial aid.

2003, 7, 10 living wage campaign. In 2003, the Stanford Labor Action Coalition and the Coalition for Labor Justice staged a week-long hunger strike to rehire a fired worker speaking out for her rights. President Hennessy agreed to create an advisory committee on workplace issues and the worker was rehired, but little came out of the advisory committee. In 2007, students held a hunger strike demanding a living wage for hired employees and increased transparency in the subcontracting process. In 2010, students held a rally for the Living Wage Campaign and marched to President Hennessy’s Office.

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(may 5) town hall on faculty diversity. SAAAC hosted a town hall on criticizing the Faculty Diversity Initiative for being unclear and having no effect on hiring and retaining minority professors. From the town hall, the Who’s Teaching Us (WTU) campaign was initialized with a focus on: hiring and retaining at least ten more faculty for ethnic studies programs, provide transparency in the tenure process, change categorization criteria for student and faculty demographics to disaggregate data, reinstate the pre-2008 fund allocation to community centers, and keep the University accountable to their commitment to faculty diversity.

2013 Markaz founded. The Markaz, the Resource Center for Engagement with the Cultures and Peoples of the Muslim World, was founded in 2013 from advocacy by students, faculty, and staff. The Markaz’s name comes from the Arabic, Farsi, Hebrew, Turkish and Urdu word for “center,” and they offer programs to facilitate dialogue and discussion around critical social and political issues, promote wellness, and cultural development.

2014 (april) professor Stephen Sohn denied tenure. Professor Sohn, a queer Asian American Assistant Professor of English and affiliated professor for CSRE, Modern Thought & Literature, and Asian American Studies programs, was denied tenure. This was the latest in a series of tenure denials to other faculty of color, including Estelle Freedman, Akhil Gupta, Robert Warrior, and Lora Romero. Students started a letter writing campaign and a change.org petition with over 1,600 signatures.

(october 27) #moralmonday. Black Student Union and NAACP staged a disruptive demonstration to raise awareness of the murder of Michael Brown on August 9 by a police officer in Ferguson. MIssouri protesters blocked large parts of the street at the Circle of Death, holding signs. Protesters stood for 4 ½ hours to match the time that Michael Brown’s body was left outside.

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(december 1) hands up, walk out. At nationally coordinated times, students dropped their commitments and marched into downtown Palo Alto to show that there could be “no business as usual.” Students shut down major intersections and read out the names of Black lives taken by police violence. october 30) carry that weight. More than 130 students carried mattresses to White Plaza to show solidarity with Emma Sulkowicz and other survivors of sexual assault on college campuses. Their goals included “mandatory, evidence-based education initiatives” and “expulsion as a default sanction for students found responsible of sexual assault.”

(december 3) highway 101 shutdown. In response to the non-indictment of the police officers who murdered Eric Garner in New York, student protesters marched from White Plaza and shut down Highway 101.

(november 25) silicon shutdown. The day after the non-indictment of Darren Wilson for the murder of Michael Brown, students marched along University Avenue. The marchers stopped at Cogswell Plaza to commemorate and celebrate Michael Brown and other stolen Black Lives.

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2014 (december 4-5) APIs4BlackLives. The Stanford Asian American Activism Committee held a teach-in and community discussion on Asian Pacific Islanders and Ferguson. The next day, API students held a demonstration in Main Quad to show solidarity with Black Lives Matter and counteract the dominant narrative that APIs are political and indifferent.

2015 (january 19) #stanford68. On Martin Luther King Jr. Day, a group of close to 100 stanford students, community members, and organizers shut down the San Mateo Bridge as part of Black Lives Matter protests to #ReclaimMLK and in support of the Ferguson Action National Demands for Change. Protesters demonstrated solidarity with students from Ayotzinapa and Palestinian liberation movements. Sixty-eight students were arrested and became known as the #Stanford68.

2014-15 stanford out of occupied Palestine. A coalition of student groups, including AASA, BSU, MEChA, NAACP, MSAN, SAAAC, SSQL, SJP, and many other organizations, formed Stanford Out of Occupied Palestine to push the University to divest from multinational companies benefiting from human rights violations in occupied Palestine. The Board of Trustees’ Advisory Panel on Investment Responsibility and Licensing refused to reevaluate its holdings.

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(april 23-24) admit weekend 2015. The night before Admit Weekend 2015, students chalked statements highlighting Stanford’s complicity in sexual assault, racism, the Palestinian occupation, and other issues. By the next morning, staff and students had washed off most of the chalk. Students protested at a Q&A event with President hennessy, holding signs and inviting prospective students to an educational event at the Black House.

2016 (march 27) Who’s Teaching Us demands dropped. The campaign published its list of 25 demands, as well as a timeline with expectations for administration response.

(october 14) Indigenous People’s Day. Students organized an Indigenous People’s Day Candlelight Vigil to honor the people affected by colonialism, celebrate the folks who have survived, and mourn the atrocities that colonizers inflicted. Several Native students and students from other organizations spoke and performed, and this became a tradition repeated on Columbus Day each year.

2016-17 Who’s Teaching Us changes implemented. Working groups of WTU members and Stanford administrators were created to address their demands. Stanford Residential Education developed a comprehensive identity and cultural humility training for residence staff.

(november 20) transgender day of remembrance. The Transgender Day of Remembrance is an international event celebrated annually on November 20 to honor Rita Hester, whose still unsolved murder on November 28th, 1998 started the “Remembering Our Dead” web project and San Francisco candlelight vigil in 1999. Stanford Students for Queer Liberation organized an event to memorialize transgender people who have been murdered or who have committed suicide since Nov. 20, 2014. Students dressed in black and lay on the ground holding signs with statements of solidarity, such as “I will educate myself and challenge complacency

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2017

2016-18

(april 27) admit weekend 2017. During the official welcome event in Memorial Auditorium, students from Stanford Sanctuary Now, SLAP, MEChA, and the Stanford Student and Labor Alliance took the stage to protest for increased support for undocumented students. Students stayed on stage for roughly an hour, staying silent during the administrators’ speeches but chanting during intermission. Earlier that year, the university rejected demands to declare Stanford a sanctuary campus.

junipero serra renaming campaign. junipero serra was a missionary from the 1700s responsible for imposing Christianity, suppressing Indigenous communities, and contributing to the genocide of Indigenous communities on and around the land that is now owned by stanford. In 2016, Native students drafted a resolution demanding that Stanford rename places on campus (freshman dorms junipero and serra, serra mall, serra house). The resolution was passed by the ASSU and a Renaming Committee was formed. On November 15, 2017, students marched from serra dorm, down serra mall, to President tessier-lavigne’s Office, where they demanded a meeting; as a result, two new committees were created. Following pressure by Native students, the administration formed an advisory group in 2018 to study the renaming of features of the university. This has led to the renaming of many campus features. Renamed spaces include: junipero serra mall, renamed to jane stanford way; serra dorm, renamed to sally ride dorm, after stanford graduate, physicist, and the first american woman in space, sally ride; and serra house home of the Clayman Institute for Gender Research, renamed to the Carolyn Lewis Attneave House, after Stanford graduate and internationally renowned scholar and psychologist who was instrumental in creating the field of Native mental health.

(november 14) rally against Islamophobia. In response to anti-Muslim author of the “jihad watch” blog robert spencer’s invitation to speak on campus, students organized a rally adjacent to the building where he spoke. More than 140 students walked out of spencer’s talk and joined the rally after approximately 25 minutes, leaving only approximately 20 people remaining in the 250-seat auditorium.

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(february 21) hoover tower banner drop. charles murray, white supremacist author of “the bell curve,” “losing ground,” and other controversial works claiming a genetic basis for IQ and calling for cuts to welfare, was invited to speak alongside francis fukuyama at the hoover institute as part of Cardinal Conversations, a program intended to create “discussions with well-known individuals who hold contrasting views on consequential subjects.” To criticize Stanford’s complicity with white supremacy and the hoover institute’s non-transparent, non-representative process for inviting speakers, a Coalition of Concerned Students dropped a banner from Hoover Tower reading “Stanford Loves Racism.”

2018 students for workers’ rights (SWR) founded. Students for Workers’ Rights is a group dedicated to forming meaningful relationships with Stanford’s service workers, organizing campaigns dedicated to improving workers’ conditions, raising awareness of workers’ issues to members of the Stanford community, and working alongside the workers’ union to advocate for fair wages and reasonable working conditions. (february) racism lives here. The Racism Lives Here Too movement was created by a group of first-year Black and Indigenous women and supported by a number of faculty of color after a law student received anti-immigrant hate mail in their mailbox. Students raised a banner reading “Racism Lives Here Too,” released an op-ed on forms of racism present in the Law School, and posted fliers with quotes heard at the Law School.

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2018

2019

(february 22) rally against white supremacy. During charles murray and francis fukuyama’s discussion in the hoover institute, students organized a rally across the street. Students, faculty, and staff spoke and performed to uplift the vulnerable populations targeted by murray’s hate and highlight their beauty, intelligence, and power.

(may 9) panel: how silicon valley helps the cops and ICE. SLAP and NAACP members held a panel in Cubberley Auditorium with guest speakers Jacinta Gonzalez from Mijente, Stephanie Parker from the Tech Workers Coalition, and Steven Renderos from the Center for Media Justice. The panel discussed the existence of contracts between several big-name tech companies (Palantir, Salesforce, Amazon) and federal immigration agencies and law enforcement and the current activism by tech workers and other organizers against such contracts.

(february 24) SCoPE family weekend. Stanford Coalition for Planning an Equitable 2035 (SCoPE 2035) formed to push Stanford to develop more equitably and sustainably and address the housing crisis in the Bay Area, beginning with their General Use Permit process. SCoPE held a walking tour of campus to hear from Stanford service workers, educate the community about these issues, and uplift their vision for an equitable Stanford.

(november 23) big game banner drop. During the big game, students dropped a banner that read “40% of stanford women experience unwanted sexual contact” to bring to light stanford’s lack of action taken against predators and acts of assault on campus.

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2020 (february 21) WTU action in solidarity with Harvard’s Ethnic Studies Coalition. WTU members dropped a banner in solidarity with Harvard’s Ethnic Studies Coalition protesting Harvard’s denial of tenure to the Black Latina professor García-Peña. (february 28) WTU family weekend action. In protest of Stanford’s lack of ethnic studies and also of recent hate crimes on campus, WTU members dropped a banner and hung flyers on the statues in Main Quad.

students for workers’ rights campaign: support workers who have been laid off to due COVID-19. As a result of campus closure due to the COVID-19 virus, Stanford chose to not commit to pay all of their workers, including subcontracted workers, through the end of their spring terms. The campaign’s petition has over 5,500 signatures and SWR has raised over $250,000 to support workers. They held a press conference on April 23.

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STANFORD x COLONIALISM Stanford is seen as a place of “progress”, situated in the supposedly ahistorical West and Silicon Valley, even as our architecture is made in the style of missions and colonization is actively enacted on this campus. Stanford is the ancestral homeland of the Muwekma Ohlone people. Despite a mainstream colonial viewpoint that insists Native People belong in the past, the Muwekma Ohlone people have subverted colonial forces to survive colonization and live today in the Bay Area. Stanford sits on land violently stolen from them, when during the Mission Era many California Natives were forced into involuntary labor and abuse under the Spanish mission system. After the civil war, U.S. Army soldiers were conscripted to “bounty-hunt” Native Peoples for the purposes of land theft.

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The primary architect of this California Genocide was Leland Stanford, who was the governor of California at the time. Leland Stanford not only supported legislation that made the California Genocide state-sanctioned, but he also personally recruited soldiers to join the army that would hunt Native Peoples. Stanford’s land was bought with wealth and power amassed by Leland Stanford’s exploitation of Native People. He built his fortune through the Central Pacific Railroad, the completion of which led to the increased flow of the U.S. army into Plains Tribes’ territory and the near-decimation of the buffalo, both of which had disastrous effects for the Indigenous people of the Great Plains. Colonialism lives on at this school. Until 1972 this school’s mascot was a racist caricature of an Indian. The names of the prime architects of genocide in California serve as street and building names on the campus. Only last year were some campus features named Serra changed and this pictured rock is the only acknowledgement by Stanford that this campus is on stolen land. Erasure is violence.

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HISTORY OF

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The Conundrum of Canary Mission: Pro-Palestinianism and Partisanship

In 2016 a pro Israel-protest was astroturfed at a Students for Justice in Palestine Conference by the Emergency Committee for Israel with help from the Hoover Institution. The “protest� staged at the Conference claimed that SJP is a hate group that endorses violence and terrorism and that BDS (Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions, the call to action on behalf of Palestinians to pressure Israel to comply with international law) is a hate movement. On college campuses all across the country, one would be hard pressed to find a more divisive issue than that of the Israeli occupation. Students speaking out against the Israeli occupation, especially Muslim and Palestinian students, have been unfairly targeted, vilified, misrepresented, and doxxed online. Well-funded organizations like Camera on Campus and Turning Point USA that aim to disseminate their conservative agendas surveil student activists on campus and have established presences at Stanford by copiously funding conservative student campaigns.

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astroturfing is when you use corporate money to manufacture the image of a grassroots movement by paying people to show up as activists.

housed at Stanford!

often euphemistically referred to as the ArabIsraeli Conflict.


Canary Mission, for example, an organization erroneously identified by the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League to be a legitimate identifier of antisemitic hate speech on college campuses and beyond, is an anonymously run online blacklist that tries to frighten proPalestinian students and activists, mostly of color, into silence by posting dossiers on their politics and personal lives. This conflation of criticism of Israel with antisemitism is willful and politically convenient, giving Zionists broad leverage to discredit anyone, Jewish or not, who scrutinizes Israel’s human rights record as antisemitic. It carries especially heinous consequences for Palestinians in particular, who have been refused entry into Palestine due to their listing on the website. The mission of the doxxing website, purportedly, is to “ensure that today’s radicals are not tomorrow’s employees” by stifling free speech that advocates for Palestinians’ dignity. It wreaks havoc on the professional lives of predominantly students of color, or anyone bold enough to speak out against the machinery of white supremacy that denies Palestinians their dignity.

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M i l i ta r i s m & Wa r a t S ta n f o r d What is militarism? Militarism is a belief that prioritizes war and the military as solutions to problems. It manifests as the prioritization of aggression over collaboration, scarcity over abundance, and violence over repair. When we talk about militarism, we’re talking about air strikes on foreign countries, military bases on indigenous land, secret arms deals and military coups, and nuclear testing that pollutes the earth. We’re also talking about a militarized police force killing Black and Brown communities, a militarized border wall and detention centers on the US-Mexico border, and the draft of low-income high school students. The wars are not just waged against foreign countries, but also on our communities, our climate, our families, our neighborhoods. Militarism in the US Militarism is deeply rooted within the US. The US is the biggest military spender worldwide: in 2019, the US spent $684.6 billion, more than the next eleven countries combined1. Almost half of the federal budget to the Department of Defense (DoD) that year. The US has spent $4.93 trillion on wars since 2001. Militarism is also entrenched in our government, on both sides of the political spectrum. In 2016, Hillary Clinton took $12 million in donations from defense companies, which was three times more than Trump. In 2018, defense corporations donated over $24 million to congressional candidates. There is a revolving door between the Pentagon and defense corporations, with elites profiting from waging war.

1 https://www.iiss.org/blogs/military-balance/2020/02/global-defence-spending

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We have everything we need to survive The government is always telling us there is not enough money for affordable housing, a living wage, universal healthcare, free college tuition, etc. There is not enough money for basic human needs. Yet, there is always money for the military. If we defunded war and redirected those resources elsewhere, our communities could thrive. In 2018, the US spent over $700 billion on wars and occupation, while free college for all costs $70 billion a year2. That means, with just 10% of our military spending, we could provide free higher education. We must stigmatize war, and force politicians and institutions to divest from war, and to reinvest in life and healing instead.

Militarism at Stanford Stanford is also strongly implicated in the military industrial complex. Silicon Valley was born from military contracts, and tech companies and Stanford continue to produce research and technology instrumental for war. We even have a course called “Hacking for Defense,� where students actually work with the DoD on defense projects. Many of the top weapons manufacturing companies are partners with the Aero/Astro Department and recruit at career fairs. The Hoover Institution has deep ties to the military. A conservative think tank at Stanford, Hoover is directed by Condoleezza Rice, former National Security Advisor under the Bush Administration. She supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq, falsely claiming that they had WMDs, and she played a role in approving torture techniques in interrogation techniques. Many other war criminals and war profiteers are Hoover fellows, doing research to advance US militarism. We want Stanford to divest from war. This means removing its investments and partnerships with weapons manufacturing companies and other defense corporations, stopping its hiring of war profiteers, and ending defense related research. We do not want to participate in the killing of communities and environments worldwide.

2 https://www.sanders.senate.gov/download/collegeforallsummary/?inline=file

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THE WORLD-RENOWNED, BUT NEGLECTED BY STANFORD, MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. RESEARCH AND EDUCATION INSTITUTE In 1985, Coretta Scott King invited historian Clayborne Carson to oversee the King Papers Project, which continues to this day at the King Institute on Stanford’s campus. The story goes that Coretta asked Clayborne to take her late husband’s papers, including those that were underneath their bed, and archive them. Today, seven out of fourteen expected volumes of Dr. King’s work are published, complete with handwritten speech drafts, letters (did you know college-aged King wrote “capitalism has outlived its usefulness” in a letter to Coretta?), invitations to hundreds of events (and some of his polite rejections), manifestos, and sermons. In 2005, Dr. Clayborne Carson founded the King Institute as the permanent home of the King Papers Project. A handful of students conduct research for these massive volumes, helping construct timelines and discovering the niche details of the civil rights movement. Outside of the King Papers, the Institute hosts the Liberation Curriculum and facilitates global outreach. His Holiness the Dalai Lama has visited, and Dr. Carson routinely invites civil rights icons to campus, including Clarence Jones and Reverend James Lawson. Despite this incredible resource, most students and staff do not know that the King Institute or its projects exist. (Also, might I add, Dr. Carson is a living civil rights

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legend on his own � people should be lining up to listen to his ideas and stories��. �he Institute sits across from the new multi-million dollar Science and Engineering �uad, in a hallway-si�ed building that Stanford claimed was its temporary home over � decades ago. Surviving off a �� million endowment, there’s little money for a new building, but Dr. Carson isn’t allowed to reach out to donors. Instead, Stanford raises funds � billions � and distributes them as it pleases. And, you guessed it, Stanford hardly provides anything to the King Institute. Right now, about half of the Institute’s support is from football Hall of Famer Ronnie Lott alone. As AAAS and CSRE also struggle to receive support, students must demand better and make it clear that social justice and human rights are valued. At ��, Dr. Carson plans to retire, after serving as the Institute’s director for the last �� years. It’s heartbreaking that he feels like he didn’t do enough to make Stanford prioriti�e the Institute, when in reality Stanford ignores anything that isn’t hugely profitable. It’s on us to make sure that the King Institute stays afloat beyond his retirement. If every pet project a CS bro dreams up gets funded, the most comprehensive collection of Dr. King’s work in the world deserves a permanent home and the funding to become a place for activists to visit and gather from all over the world.

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n e d u t rs e e u q s e c r u reso

t

when i came to stanford in 2015, qsr was called the lgbt community resource center, or crc for short. it was pristine white inside, with no decorations save canvases on the wall with the logo, a single colorful circle with a muted rainbow pattern inside. the crc got a looot of shit from the queer people i first associated with during freshman year, people who were seen as activists and were committed to holding their identities as organizing tools. it was run by two white cis people. one of them directly said the space couldn’t hang a philly pride flag because the space needed to be “apolitical” so as not to alienate community members (which community members did they care about? because that in itself definitely alienated a shit ton of people who weren’t white and cis). there were barely any people of color on staff and the complexion of the room during staff meetings was uniformly pale. the whole campus knew the crc had a racism problem. and a classism problem. and more. the center was really well funded, but was completely unequipped and unable to meet the needs of queer communities on campus because the space itself, student staff positions, and the directors were only representative of a small fraction of queer identities, most of them extremely privileged. my friends talked a lot of shit, and most of it was deserved (some of it, i think, was trying to distance their own selves as people with privileged identities—whiteness, wealth, citizenship, stanford students—from the behavior of the crc).

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the center started rebranding almost immediately after my freshman year. the name was changed to qsr to try to be more of a ‘catchall’. flags went up on the ceilings. one of the directors left, a new director was hired. then another director was hired. both of them were non-cis Black or Indigenous poc. one of them used to work in the then-named diversity and first-gen office. the structure of student staff positions changed, and the amount of programming staff did skyrocketed. the number of student staff nearly tripled between 2015 and 2020. the demographics of who was on student staff changed, and all of a sudden student staff meetings didn’t look so homogenous. staffers started doing survey projects to collect community opinions on the center to figure out what needed to change. during this transition, the experience of being on staff there changed from being pretty blanketed in professionalism to feeling more like working in community with a big group of queer and trans people, as it should be. the name of the center stopped being so much of a dirty word in activist spaces. the entire character of the center changed—not to perfection, or anywhere close to it. the center still has a racism problem. and a classism problem. and more. in our outreach surveys an overwhelming majority of the criticism qsr received was not feeling like a comfortable or home-like place for queer and trans students of color. things are very different though. there seemed to be so much resistance to these changes, until little by little they started happening and then a landslide kicked in. i’m writing this because i want the history of qsr to be remembered. i want incoming freshmen to know that qsr is not a queer utopia and never was, and the only way it’s improved is because of the labor of the communities and people it actively excluded less than 5 years ago. queer spaces are not inherently good or liberatory—they take work and reflection and intentionality to even come close to these ideals, just like any other community space. this isn’t to say qsr is a worthless problematic place and you should never go there. it’s to say that it’s important to be skeptical of institutions, no matter who they claim to or want to serve, and it’s even more important to, when we can, push these institutions to change and improve when they’re fucking up. bc the resources held by community spaces on this campus belong to us, not to stanford and the kinds of queer people it deems acceptable. they belong to us.

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The Hoover Institution Adapted and updated from 1996-1997 and 2018-2019 articles.

The Hoover Institution is a conservative “think tank” housed in and around the Hoover Tower. Originally founded as a World War I library by Herbert Hoover, it has furthered racism, imperialism, and inequality for one hundred and one years. Former director Westley Campbell said it best in 1960: “The purpose of this institution must be, by its research and publications, to demonstrate the evils of the doctrines of Karl Marx— whether Communism, Socialism, economic materialism, or atheism— thus to protect the American way of life from such ideologies, their conspiracies, and to reaffirm the validity of the American system.”

Former Stanford provost and Secretary of State (under Bush) Condoleeza Rice is the current director of the Hoover Institution. While at Stanford, Rice halted the application of affirmative action in tenure decisions, tried to consolidate ethnic community centers, and presided over the discontinuation of student-led social justice workshops (SWOPSI). In government, Rice was a principal architect of the Iraq War, which began with an illegal invasion and ended with hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths.

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Other Hoover Fellows include former Secretary of Defense (under Trump) Jim Mattis, former Secretary of State (under Reagan) George Schultz, and former Secretary of State (under Nixon) Henry Kissinger. Visitors hosted by the Hoover Institution in the last few years alone include the white supremacist author of The Bell Curve, Charles Murray, and former Secretary of State (under Trump) Rex Tillerson.

However, this who’s-who of conservatism doesn’t fully capture the Hoover Institution’s influence. In the era of COVID-19, Hoover fellow Richard Epstein has used his platform to spread medical misinformation despite having no epidemiology background whatsoever. The Washington Post shared that White House officials have consulted an essay of his that called international response to the pandemic an “overreaction.”

Epstein’s academic peers interface with students like you in classes across the university. 54 Hoover fellows taught students during the 2019-2020 school year, according to course listings in the Stanford bulletin. Despite constant admin insistence that Hoover is an entity independent from the university, there is no avoiding the shadow of conservatism it casts. By continuing to host the Hoover Institution, Stanford legitimizes the violence, greed, and prejudice of the pundits who inhabit it.

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D R O NF A T S E H T EW I V RE The Stanford Review is an online, conservative publication that has plagued our campus since 1987. Co-founded by Peter Thiel, a Trump donor and the author of a book arguing that rape accusations “vilify men,” the Review brands itself as “contrarian.” In 2018, judicial nominee Ryan Bounds was withdrawn from consideration for a federal court position because of his writings in the Review; his argument that “there is nothing really inherently wrong with the University failing to punish an alleged rapist” proved too much for even Mitch McConnell. During the 2019-2020 school year, the Review published an article lauding Scott Walker’s defunding of Planned Parenthood, a column calling for “affirmative action for conservative students,” and satire ridiculing the equity concerns of FLI students. Fortunately, the Review’s readership has faded over the years; unfortunately, we still have to deal with the students who produce its hot takes.

? KNOW U O Y s, DID nication u m m o ity C Univers an be filmed or o t g in d ord c ual’s Accor at Stanf out the individ no one ith aphed w ission. photogr perm

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GE E L OL C RD S O F N N S TA B L I C A U P E R The Stanford College Republicans (SCR) are a small but vocal group that maintains a Facebook page, invites conservative speakers to campus, and spreads Islamophobic, imperialist, anti-feminist, transphobic, and racist rhetoric. SCR was behind Ben Shapiro’s 2019 Stanford visit, which was met with a large silent protest by a coalition of more than ten antiracist, LGBTQ, gender liberation, ethnic-themed, and political student groups. In 2017, when SCR brought in Islamophobe Robert Spencer, more than 150 activists staged a walkout, leaving the auditorium mostly empty, and in 2018, Dinesh D’Souza’s visit was met with a concurrently held presentation on “A People’s History of Racism.” When they’re not hosting conservative speakers, SCR advertises by arguing with passersby in White Plaza and flyering in dorms. Taking down flyers is pretty easy, but be careful: SCR often stakes out flyer locations in order to film and harass dorm residents, sometimes even sharing the footage through outside conservative social media outlets. This filming has been especially common in ethnic theme dorms, with videos from both Zapata and Okada being shared on Facebook last year.

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FINESSING STANFORD I am a FLI student here at Stanford. For those of you who do not know, it stands for Finessors of Legal �ncome ���, it actually means �rst generation or low income student�. �f you�re a FL� student you probably are already plo�ng on how to mil� this institution for resources while you have the chance. �hatever you thin� of add to this list� For the rest of you these tips will still be helpful, but we hope that you will use them to help organize inside and outside of campus.

1. Read Your Emails The �rst thing � will say is REA� ���R EMA�L. Sometimes it is easy to become overwhelmed with fellowships and opportunities and accidently miss deadlines. �se your time wisely and put e�ort into speci�c applications instead. 2. Pocket Money From Studies �eyond fellowship and �ob opportunities �many of which you can send to your communities at home as well� there are a lot of paid studies you can participate in. Many times these studies will give you cash or amazon cards. These funds can be used for any from your personal expenses to materials for protest �paints, shirts etc�. Loo� up Stanford GS� studies to start. 3. There are Art Grants every quarter These grants provide �nancial support for producing on�campus performances and exhibitions featuring Stanford students. Contact swilens��stanford.edu if you have any �uestions. 4. Other Small Grants Apply for a Small Grant. Plan to apply for funding at least two months in advance of your pro�ect�s start date. Consult the �AR Grant �riting Timeline for more information. Or apply for a Ma�or Grant �Li�e the Chappell Lougee Scholarship for Sophomores� if you have a pro�ect in the humanities, arts, or �ualitative social sciences �f you are interested in a�ending some sort of conference, especially for organizing, you can even apply for a Conference Grant. 5. ELF fund from your RFs ResEd Experiential Learning Funds “values original and creative ideas, and programs that haven�t been done before�. �f you have want to organize and event to support a community on campus, like workers or otherwise, and do not know where to start this is a great place.

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4) *" "" "# ! ( !" ' '" If you are part of a group that came together out of concern for an issue but are not an o�cial �oluntary �tudent Organi�ation ���O� reach out to those who are to contribute vital things for protests� water bo�les, paint 1) # ! 33 &" Stanford might seem like a summer camp now, but this place can be overwhelming and even su�ocating at times. This fellowship funds a gap �uarter were you can design and implement a service experience that is important to you, ground yourself or even help plan the next student revolution. 5) # ! # ! !' �athrop library allows all �tanford students to borrow �until �pm the next day� camaras, mics, stands and even tablets. �ll useful to documenting protests, walk outs, and narratives of people�s voices you want elevated on campus among other things. �he �ending �ibrary is more useful if you needed heavier e�uipment� lights, stage material, big speakers all that good stu�. �ll �tanford students are eligible to borrow e�uipment for �ve days� items must be picked up on Thursdays and returned on �ondays during the speci�ed open hours. 2) !#$ #' $ * THIS IS FO R F LI ST UD E NT S ONLY* If you are experiencing some sort of hardship, if your laptop broke and you can�t buy a new one, if your parents really want to come see you graduate but cannot a�ord it you can apply for emergency funding from the Opportunity Fund. There is no maximum amount of times you can apply, however you will be asked for proof of circumstances or purchase of items.

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POLICE ABOLITION 101 so you wanna abolish the police? �rst, it�s important to understand the history of policing in the united states: police started out as forces to protect white se�lers from �ative peoples. in many southern areas, police began as slave patrols: as you can see, the resemblance between cop badges and slave patrol badges is �white uncanny� if you need more evidence that the police have always been an arm of white supremacy, police regularly protect kkk members at rallies: the police are here protecting a kkk rally in connecticut. notice the sign the klan member holds, reading “support your local police” the connection between the police and white supremacy is deep, and so is the connection between the police and capital� �:� in 1�th and �0th century especially, police were recruited to help break strikes without giving workers demands and to protect strikebreakers. the centrists amongst you may be asking, but why can�t we �ust reform the police into something that does protect our communities? >>>REFORM DOESN’T WORK<<< from the comprehensive and well-studied MPD150 report, there have been multiple reforms through the years to improve the Minneapolis Police Department�s �MPD� relationship with communities of colour through things like outreach and making the police seem less scary. the problem with these reforms is: • no accountability �especially di�cult when the police in�uence policy� • multiple demands for accountability failed • reforms can always be undone with new mayors and new police chiefs • surface level reforms failed to �� the racist and broken culture of MPD “To believe that we are just one or two reforms away from turning the police into a trusted partner of the very communities it has treated like enemies to be conquered for a century and a half... that is the ultimate in naive thinking!” -- MPD150 report a police-free future it can be hard to imagine what it�s like to live in world with no police, and everyone may have a di�erent idea. here are some core concepts that need to be addressed when considering police abolition: • Alternatives to police • Holding each other accountable without threat of violence • Decriminalisation • Mental health care the �rst step that every individual can take towards a police-free future is DON’T CALL THE COPS! why? because it does more harm than good, especially in communities of colour when calling the cops can mean a death sentence for black and brown people nearby. because it escalates violent situations. because it puts vulnerable people in dangerous situations.

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if you feel compelled to call the police, ask yourself these �uestions: • Consider who we feel threatened by and why? • �ow do we de�ne “safety”? • Do we feel unsafe in working-class neighborhoods, or around people with certain styles of dress or colors of skin? • What prejudices ground this fear? this ne�t step re�uires more than a single person to do, but if you work with your community, these are important and feasible strategies to work towards a police-free neighbourhood: • �old�a�end workshops in your community for: � De-escalation � Con�ict resolution � First-aid � �olunteer medic � Self-defense • Protest police recruitment campaigns • Develop “cop-free zones” in our neighbourhoods lastly, here are several situations where people commonly would call the police. a police-free future re�uires out of the bo� thinking to �nd a solution without calling the police, and is completely possible� i urge you to rethink calling the police, and to tell your neighbours and friends about these alternatives: you see someone damaging Property �especially corporate or “private”�. ask yourself: is anyone being hurt by “the�” or damage? if not, don�t call the police� 2. you think someone stole your property. instead of calling the police and bringing the threat of violence into your neighbourhood, simply go to the police station to �le a report. it�s the same thing� 3. you see someone acting Odd. ask if they�re ��, ask if they have a medical condition, ask if they need help. do not call the police, especially if this person is mentally ill. in the worst case scenario, the police murder mentally ill people. in the best case scenario, a suicidal person may be restrained, hospitalised against their will, and stuck with a huge ambulance�hospital bill. keep contacts of community resources like suicide hotlines� 4. you see someone having car trouble. simply ask if they need help, or ask if you can call a tow truck. there�s no need to bring the police into a situation like this. 5. you see someone suspicious. check your impulse to call the cops. is their race, gender, class, housing situation in�uencing your choice? 6. your neighbours are being loud. go over and talk to them� get to know your neighbors with community events like block parties. a police-free future is all about building strong communities. 7. you see someone peeing in public. look away� for many houseless people, �nding a bathroom is really hard 8. you see a homeless person. there�s no need to call the cops, ever. instead, contact community resources like �ay �rea Community Services �www.bayareacs.org�contact��. also, �ght the root cause of homelessness in the bay area -- evictions and gentri�cation� 9. you see gra�ti. street art is beautiful -- leave it alone. if it�s hate speech, paint over it with some friends 10. you�re aware of a domestic violence situation. calling the cops is especially violent in this case, because the police are re�uired to make an arrest and in many cases, the victim ends up arrested. reach out to the person being harmed and o�er a place to stay, o�er a ride somewhere, o�er to watch their children�pets. use community resources like safehouses and hotlines, instead of bringing in the police. 1.

for your convenience, here are local hotlines you can use to start your journey towards building strong communities and making police obsolete: •

�ental �ealth �rgent Care: 1 �408� 885-7855

CS� �otline: �650� 725-9955

C�PS �otline: �650� 723-3785

�he �ridge: �650� 723-3392

Substance use hotline: 1�800�488-9919

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ACCESSIBILITY AND DISABILITY 101 Social Model of Disability: • Traditionally, people have thought of disability in terms of the medical model� namely, that a disabled person�s body or mind itself is dysfunctional and must be “��ed” to conform to societal norms. �ut in the past �� years, activists and disability studies scholars have rede�ned the way we think about disability. The social model of disability states that it is inaccessibility in society -- rather than diagnoses -- that disable people. • The social model holds that disability is not inherently a bad thing. The ultimate goal is not to “��” people, but to remove barriers that prevent the disabled people from living independently, achieving an education, and accessing institutions. • We live in a society that denigrates “otherness.” Ours is a world that was able to launch people into space decades ago but claims there are no resources to make public buildings accessible to the disabled. Ours is a world where the President of the �nited States has mocked and beli�led the disabled. Ours is a world that wants disabled people to be silent or out of sight because disabilities are unacceptable in a society that values productivity and perfection. Accessibility at Stanford: Stanford is a more accessible campus than other similar schools, but it still has a long, long way to go. Sometimes, buildings are “technically” �legally� accessible, but are still practically inaccessible. The university is struggling to fund a Intro to Disability Studies course. That being said, accommodations provided by the O�ce of Accessible �ducation and the Diversity and Access o�ces make the campus a more welcoming space for disabled students. Moreover, disabled student advocates have made a lot of strides in recent years. Recent e�orts by Power�Act �the disability rights advocacy group on campus� and the ASS� ��ecutive �ommi�ee have led to the founding of the Abilities �ub �A-hub�, a space on campus for disabled students to hold meetings and social events, from movie screenings to of�ce hours. �ids With Dreams also supports young disabled people in the broader community. Disability Rights Activism: On Stanford�s campus, Power�Act advocates for disabled students on campus. Power�Act�s ne�t goals are to continue running the A-hub and to write accessibility reports for buildings on campus. Nationally speaking, disabled activists have recently come into the spotlight advocating against healthcare bill proposals that would slash Medicaid and harm disabled people. Other goals for the disabled activist community are to promote independent living, to protect the Americans with Disabilities Act, to promote the Disability Integration Act, and to make sure that disabled voices are heard in decisions a�ecting our community. Some of the most active groups include ADAPT, a radical disabled rights group that uses non-violent direct actions and civil disobedience, Disability Rights �ducation and Defense �und �DR�D��, and the National �ouncil on Independent �iving �N�I��. NOT H I N G AB O U T U S , W I T H O UT US

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PRIVILEGE 101 People on this campus need to get over themselves, period. So much of managing your own privilege comes from having critical self-awareness and understanding you’re not the most important person on the planet. The many forms of oppression that exist in the world exist in spectrums, and people need to be honest about where they lie with their relative privileges. It�s not as simple as an on and o� switch, where you�re either oppressed or not. It�s so multidimensional that no amount of literature, essays, or twi�er threads will ever be able to fully capture all the ways which capitalism oppresses people around the world. Still, everyone holds a responsibility of understanding their privileges and learning how they can help others with it, especially those with the most. I grew up in a poor, black and brown neighborhood that was segregated from all the white people, went to a terrible public school, and have immigrant parents with health issues stemming from all the �eld labor they had to do when they got here. Still, there are so many privileges I know I hold, some of them realities that I�ve struggled to accept because of my own ego. I�m �atino, and the ma�ority of my ancestry comes from indigenous people in Mexico. When people assume or say I’m white, I’d feel like my entire identity was ge�ng erased. �he reality is, I�m pale as fuck and I look�am a white latino. �nd I�m straight, cisgender, and now know I�ll have wealth when I grow up because I could sleep through all my classes and that Stanford logo will still have me employed. I also have a driver�s license, passport, and have most always been able bodied. So what if it sucks when people think I�m white. �hat�s a lot of fucking privilege I go�a handle, and I�m continually learning how to do that every day. �hen a cop stopped my friends and I while we were walking around back home, I did everything I could so that cop would think my name was Brad when I was talking to him. We all drove home safe that night, and I’ll take that over my feelings being hurt any day of the week. In and out of Stanford, more people have to think about the role privilege plays in their life. Oppression isn’t as simple as someone not liking you because you’re Black, or someone giving you a weird look because you and your partner ain�t straight. �i�erent forms of oppression operate through capitalism in a systematic and violent way. Privilege is so important to understand because of the very real violence that exists because of them. �nderstanding where you might in all of this doesn�t erase your realities-it discovers them. If you think realizing your family kinda wealthy changes the reality of the life you’ve lived, then that was never the reality to begin with. Check yourself, check your friends, and be more intentional with your self-awareness. It�s not �ust important for you--it�s important for everyone around you.

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Black Feminism 101 Feminism. It’s for everyone, right? Wrong. While your “Of Course I’m a Feminist” stickers are cute or whateva, let’s get one thing clear: they are not for everyone. What does “Of course I’m a Feminist” mean anyway? Well...obviously you’re for equal pay, equal opportunity, and equal treatment for and of women, yeah? Yet when y’all fight for these rights, what do you advertise? ‘Women get paid 77 cents to a dollar! Let’s break the glass ceiling!’ Whoop dee freakin’ doo. But let’s look at the statistics. Who exactly is getting paid 77 cents to a man’s dollar? White women. And what do black women make? 64 cents. Latinx women? 56 cents. What about Native women? Immigrant women? Are y’all gonna stop campaigning once that 77 becomes 100? And leave black and brown women fighting for themselves? Women of color are constantly a second thought when it comes to these movements, if even a thought at all. Even down to the pink “pussy hats” y’all decided to brand the 2017 Women’s March with - OUR PUSSIES ARE NOT PINK. White women’s are, and they were the only ones in mind. American Feminism is white feminism. And frankly, calling white feminism “feminism” at all is gracious when we look at voter turnout for sexual (and peadophilic) predators like Donald Trump and Alabama senator Roy Moore. White women showed up and showed out for these roaches in disgraceful proportions: 52% and 63% of white female votes went to these vermin, respectively. But I thought y’all were for women’s rights? Or do victims of sexual assault not count? So where do we turn after faced with the glaringly flawed and racist nature of feminism in America? A great starting point is black feminist theory. Black feminist theory has been groundbreaking in terms of introducing intersectional feminism into the conversation. So what is Black Feminism? [refer to scholarly text below] Black feminism or womanism encompasses too rich a thing to say quickly. Among the many, many things it is, it's important to note that one of the things black feminist social and political thought is not, and that's new. Intersectionality (properly understood), is an analytic, a way of understanding and responding to compounding systems and experiences of oppression, an analytic black feminist philosophers (some of whom studied at the Sorbonne, some of whom never or barely escaped human bondage) have championed for over 150 years. Alice Walker’s cheeky-serious poem (for what better theory is there than a poem) offers some definitions of womanism, of black feminism. My favorite parts aren’t the bits about purple and lavender (although, yes! go awf, Alice), but the bits about loving “love and food and roundness.” Black feminism

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is a political geometry, a round one, that punctures, bends, wraps understanding to clarify a matter (like violence, sex/uality, economy, knowledge, sociality, subjectivity, the law) precisely by pointing out its otherwise incomprehensible dimensions. Black feminists of the past used to say that black feminism was necessarily anti-racist, anti-sexist, anti-imperialist. The politic gathered well the full reach of racial hetero-patriarchy and with it, racial capital. It critiqued the terms of power and "inclusion." All of this continues to characterize black feminism. Generational iterations of the politic/analytic have come to add other terms and concerns like beauty and aesthetics, intimacy, safety, representation, politics of respectability (properly understood), public and institutional enactments of “misogynoir” (h/t Moya Bailey), gender non-binarism, the importance of celebrating if, perhaps scaling back the deification of, literary and political heroes like Octavia Butler and "the Lorde." These terms and concerns have been crucial. In more radical situations, there also concerns about the encompassing problem of the prison nation and racial/gender/sexual criminality. Black feminists, for example, fight against the gross discursive trick and massively harmful, paternalistic business of moves like FOSTA/SESTA, and we push on the boundaries of queer. We agitate against the institutionalized pathologization and bio-determinist attacks on black maternity, body control, and rights to health and safety and survival on every register – from Moynihan to Bloomberg to Carson. From what we know of it over all this time, we can be sure that Black feminism will grow and grow and grow as it always has, not as a “movement” nor as a casual, en vogue interweaving into popular discourse, but as a critical methodology for moving ever, ever forward.

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PROTESTING 101 �ellooo and welcome to �rotesting ���. This is a huge topic� A disclaimer for those of us trying to �gure out protesting our �rst time: I�ll try and outline some basics but please do yourself a favor and spice this text up with some of your own research before embarking on your protest journey. If your goal is not to end the institutions of oppression that kill marginali�ed people: fuck o�� I don�t give a fuck about a chain restaurant that you really liked closing. Stop reading and don�t inconvenience people going about their day for that. That said: PLAN YOUR PROTEST! So, something�s going on and someone�s go�a respond to it. That person is you. �th thing you need to decide is whether you need to do more research before you make a move. Is this something that is directly a�ecting you? �ave you consulted with the people that the something does directly a�ect to know how they feel about it? Once you�ve �gured out your position relative to the something, �rst thing you�ve go�a know is who else is with you on this. If it�s just you, don�t worry about it. Single people on monopods are shu�ng down the �ountain �alley �ipeline right now. A single person anonymously posting signs and stickers around campus will receive the same reaction as a group of people doing the same thing. Got comrades? Three people can handcu� themselves together and to structures to shut down entrances to buildings �look up more advanced tactics for immobility protest than uncomfortable cu�s�. Ten people can hijack an event and take the mic. A note on numbers: unless your work re�uires a high level of information security, having more people participate in your protest will make your group less arrestable and generally make your protest higher pro�le. �owever, since this university is dominated by apathetic techies, numbers can be hard to come by. �ake do with what you have� Once you�ve got an idea of the scale you want to work with, think about the impact you want your protest to have and pick a tactic. Do you want to gather support for a cause, disrupt, raise awareness, demand, or something else? Think about the di�erence in tactics we see between activism associated with �lack Lives �a�er and gun control. A highway shut down has vastly di�erent e�ect than a rally. Taking the mic at an event is sends a di�erent message than standing outside and handing out �iers as people walk in. Are you going to drop a banner? �here? Throw up a wheatpaste? �andali�e or sabotage something? THIS IS THE PART WHERE YOU USE YOUR IMAGINATION! Someone invented the die�in. I�m gonna plug a teach� in occupying �TL�s o�ce. �hatever it may be, the tactic should match your goals�demands and your tone should be appropriate for the cause you are protesting for. Chanting “poop poop pee pee Stanford invests in the prison industry� would be pre�y fucked up in my opinion just saying. ALSO: consider the impact on everyone this action could possibly a�ect. It�s super cool to deface a wall with a pro�workers� rights message until those workers have to clean it up. Shu�ng down a highway is incredible, but what if your �insert identity�ies� that are abused by the police� friend is arrested? �I�m gonna assume that you�ve already taken into account people being late for work�.

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That brings us to execution. ďż˝aintain information security. ďż˝eep it oďż˝ edbook if you can. Try to ďż˝nd a ďż˝ational Lawyersďż˝ ďż˝uild Legal ďż˝bserver ďż˝or get trainedďż˝ to document the stuďż˝ that the copsďż˝Stanford will lie about. Publicize your shit however you can, news outlets, twiďż˝er, whateverďż˝Stanford is a brand name that HATES bad press. ďż˝se a messaging service with end-to-end encryption ďż˝like Signalďż˝ to communicate about details because you know the police are reading our texts. In terms of organizational structure, thatďż˝s deďż˝nitely action dependent. A large rally could have multiple commiďż˝ees for security, law enforcement liaison, Audioďż˝ ďż˝isual, etc. etc. A banner drop might have spoďż˝ers, droppers, police liaison, and photographers. For your sit-in or extended occupation you might want an executive shot-caller to give the gďż˝o signal or maybe you want it to decide by consensus. Consider having mini-goals for your action, so even if your demand is “Stanford Divest from Wells Fargoâ€? you could consider just trying to block the entrance or hold space for a certain symbolic amount of time and still having a win even if Stanford isnďż˝t falling over itself to get its money out of the trash. Special safetyďż˝legalityďż˝technicality section. . Stanford is a fucker and has a “free speech spaceâ€? ďż˝white plazaďż˝ and “free speech hours.â€? They can enforce these dumbass codes because they can. Stanford students challenged this in 1994 under Leonard Law and won btw. You never know how Stanford will react. If youďż˝re being nonviolent, odds are theyďż˝ll call the cops to have them on hand and try and have some likeable administrator talk you down. Please challenge the ambiguity of the Fundamental Standard with regard to protest if it is within your privilege. It is used so rarely but has a hugely chilling eďż˝ect. Police liaisons: your job is to de-escalate. Do not fuck around, your job is to keep people safe. You can always buy more time by saying you need to consult with your group before making a decision. The cops will usually give you a few warnings before making a move for arrest but you can never really know. Be transparent with your group about what the cops are threatening to do. Consider a traďż˝c-light system for ďż˝uickly communicating arrest risk ďż˝many deďż˝nitions here, maybe green: cops not present, yellow: cops on scene, red: cops have ordered you to disperse a few times.ďż˝. The eďż˝ects of geďż˝ng wrapped up in the court system are terrible and unlikely to get you where you want to go ďż˝not saying that going to court is nota legitimate tactic ofcďż˝. Sustainability is key. I need yďż˝all out of jail. I need you to stay alive and provide for your communities if you can. Activism can be energizing, but it is without a doubt incredibly draining. Build trust and community with the people you organize actions with. Debrief and celebrate aďż˝er you escape the clutches of the law. Be prepared for people to need some time to regenerate aďż˝er an action that didnďż˝t go so well and check in to make sure your friends are alright. I know I said you can do this alone earlier but you donďż˝t have to ok��

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Direct Action Organizing adapted from API Equality – Northern California’s LEX training and Network for Climate Action’s Direct Action Handook Direct Action is a way for us to take power into our own hands. Working with admin, waiting for bureaucracy to move, relying on institutional power are often not enough. We must escalate to direct actions, in order to demonstrate our power and pressure our targets to agree to our demands. Actions are also great for energizing and onboarding people.

BEFORE ACTION Clarify the strategy: how does this support your campaign? Know the history: what have your or other groups done before? Identify the opportunity: why now? Find allies: who should be involved? who is impacted? Pick a target: who is the decision-maker? who can pressure the decision-maker? Develop action demands: what do you want from your target? Assess your resources: what skills, supplies, and people do you have? Choose a tactic: what will you do and why? Determine your audience: who do you want to mobilize? Decide the tone: what will the action feel like? Focus your message: how do you make your issue understandable? Create visuals and audio: what will your action look/sound like? Choose the location: where will the action happen? Scout the location: how will your action go down logistically on site? Make an action plan: what are the final roles, schedule, equipment, and logistics? make backup plans! Practice the action

Roles Activist, organizer, coordinator, campaigners: make sure work is grounded in organizing and that the action is strategic Fundraisers Researchers: learn about target Scouters Outreach and organizing

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Logistics and support Meeting facilitators Artists, painters, sewers: to make props, signs, etc Media outreach: contact the press Media kits: write, gather, and photocopy contents Writers: write materials, flyers, etc


Direct actions take many forms and are not restricted to marches and rallies. Be creative and think of what kinds of actions are most strategic. Here are some examples of actions: office occupations, blockades, vehicle actions, banner drops, counter-recruitment actions, die-ins, sit-ins, ethical shoplifting, and subvertising. Participating in the action itself may not be accessible to everyone, but there are many tasks before, during, and after the action that can give everyone a role in the movement.

DURING ACTION Perform the action!

Roles People risking arrest: those committing civil disobedience Direct support people: staying with and protecting people committing civil disobedience Police liaison Security monitors: nonviolent deescalators Deployment team: helpers to get demonstrators ready and in place Diversion team: draw attention away from those most vulnerable Media spokesperson

Media outreach: stays behind and does outreach Communication team: helps groups stay in contact Demonstrators/sign-holders/ chanters/singers Videographers/photographers: to document action for media Medic/EMT/Medical team Legal observers Jail support contact person Off-site support people: have vital info of ppl risking arrest

AFTER ACTION Celebrate! acknowledge successes, even if demands were not met Debrief the action: what were the pluses and deltas? Follow up: reach out to participants, get the story out, provide jail support, and keep track of legal issues if necessary

Roles Legal support: to help people in Public speakers Letter writers: write to decision jail, coordinate with lawyers makers and newspaper editorials Lawyer Emotional support and friends: for Historian/archivist post-action fatigue and emotions Fundraisers

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FOSSIL FREE STANFORD AND ENDOWMENT JUSTICE AT STANFORD! Fossil Free Stanford is a student group addressing our school’s investment in destruction and injustice and the procedural barriers to making our endowment more just. This June, Stanford’s Board of Trustees will decide whether or not to divest the school’s endowment completely from fossil fuels. Despite having researched and discussed the ethics of the fossil fuel industry for nearly a year, they were bewildered when a student organizer mentioned the recognition of state-led genocide against Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in Canada during a meeting this April. The path to endowment justice will continue to depend on students to lead the way. Why is Fossil Free Stanford asking for divestment? Divestment is the opposite of investment--selling off assets in companies or industries that Stanford determines unethical. Divestment has been used to great effect in the past: from the slave trade, from tobacco companies, and from Apartheid South Africa. Now, fossil fuel divestment is a student movement for social change at hundreds of colleges. Divestment as a movement carries power because it weakens the industry’s social license, condemns an unjust system, and breaks the power it has on our political system. After petitioning from students, Stanford divested from coal in 2014. But oil and gas companies continue to directly profit from human rights violations and injustice, causing disproportionate harm to the health, safety, and well-being of frontline (often Black Indigenous People of Color and/or poor) communities. This happens at the site of extraction, at the site of refinement, and everywhere affected by the global warming these companies knowingly propel. 1) The industry places extraction sites and refineries near vulnerable communities, contributing to extreme health and economic disparities and repeatedly violating indigenous land sovereignty. 2) Wet’suwet’en land defenders continue to resist the construction of the Coastal Gaslink pipeline in their unceded territory in so-called British Columbia despite militarized RMCP raids this winter. 3) Port Arthur, Texas is home to eight oil and chemical industrial sites, and its population is predominantly people of color. Cancer rates are 15% higher among Black people in this zone than for the average Texan. The county’s mortality rates are 40% higher than average. 4) Crops are failing in South Asia as the Mekong river failed to flood for the first time in living memory. Bush and forest fires have displaced over 21 indigenous tribes in California, and thousands of individuals in Australia

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The industry’s global impact through environmental destruction and global warming will only worsen over time. And since the 70s, Big Oil has knowingly continued to manufacture environmental conditions for climate catastrophe, while pouring millions into misleading the government and the public through fake science and lobbying. Stanford continues to silently profit from this destruction, despite few financial arguments left for remaining invested in oil and gas. What is Endowment Justice? Stanford relies on its endowment for part of its annual budget, as a safety net, and as a status symbol among universities. We have one of the largest endowments of any university, and it’s growing incredibly quickly. It’s hypocritical for Stanford to claim to “to promote the public welfare by exercising an influence in behalf of humanity and civilization” - taking particular pride in its contributions to sustainability - and yet profit from companies committing these same abuses. We want a just university that puts its money where its mouth is, that refuses to be complicit in injustice, and whose investments reflect the only acceptable future ahead. We want ethical investment decisions to become more transparent and participatory to allow conversations about divestment from prisons, from companies involved in violence against Palestinians, and more. While you’re here, pay attention to companies and industries committing injustices, and ask questions about what could justify Stanford’s investment and support of these companies. http://www.diveststanford.org Facebook: @FossilFreeStanford Instagram: @fossilfreestanford Twitter: @diveststanford DM any of these to join our Slack or mailing list!

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GENDER INCLUSIVE STANFORD (GIS) gender inclusive stanford (gis) is a coalition of staff and students dedicated to making stanford a livable, safe, and joyful place for trans, nonbinary, and gender non-conforming people. it has five working groups (campus accountability, teaching and learning, health and wellness, gender data, built environment) and a student advisory board. together these groups address institutional policy, learning environments, medical care, the online recording and storage of gender related information, and living environments. we mostly work on these issues by pressuring and partnering with the administration to make changes. the student advisory board works to hold gis accountable to students who are affected by our work but aren’t directly involved by hosting regular outreach events where anyone can catch up on our work and give feedback. gis came into existence within the last five years, building on the work of lily zheng, callum bobb, and many other trans student organizers from years past. some major wins include securing funding for a curriculum development program to reduce transphobic content being presented in classrooms, auditing mandatory sexual assault and harassment prevention trainings to improve how they represent gender identity, and partnering with weiland to create the qt fund, a source of money for queer and trans students seeking mental, physical, and/or gender affirming healthcare. we’re always looking for new members and there’s an opportunity to apply for paid work through qsr--so far there’s only one position, but that could change if there’s need. to plug in, you can join our slack and google drive by emailing gis_coordinator@stanford.edu. come thru and work with us <33333

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STUDENT ALLIANCE FOR JUSTICE IN EDUCATION The Student Alliance for Justice in Education is a group dedicated to providing a space for students to reflect on their own education, as well as work to improve the education system of Stanford, the surrounding community, and the world. We focus on increasing student engagement with the University’s decision-making process as well as working with community organizations in K-12 education. Work we have done: 1) We have hosted an open mic to speak out about power dynamics in the classroom 2) We have facilitated workshops on education activism for high school students 3) We provide a space for reflection, conversation, community, and snacks :-) Work we hope to do: 1) We are working to increase student input in the new first-year curriculum proposal which will be voted by the faculty senate. We want to increase awareness of this monumental change to the first-year experience and incorporate a more diverse representation of student voices in the approval process.

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STUDENTS FOR ENVIRONMENTAL AND RACIAL JUSTICE (SERJ) SERJ is a student-organized coalition focused on increasing awareness of environmental and racial justice issues, emphasizing the connections between these two lenses, and pursuing tangible solutions to specific ERJ related issues at and beyond Stanford. We first organized in Spring 2019 around the Environmental Justice Working Group (EJWG) long-range planning proposal to hire five new tenure-track faculty focused on EJ and launch an Environmental Justice Clinic. The EJ proposal was in response to the severe deficiencies in our current academic landscape which harm and marginalize Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) students that will persist by continuing to de-center environmental justice. Stanford Earth’s faculty is still 83% white and 64% male, there are only two EJ courses offered despite demonstrated student need and interest, and other courses fail to center or even adequately cover EJ, often misrepresenting it or omitting it entirely. Thus, we circulated a petition in support of the cluster hire that gathered over 750 unique signatures, wrote op-eds, organized a rally to mobilize students, and submitted a list of demands to the university that included fulfilling the cluster hire, paying the Shuumi Land Tax1 as reparations to the Ohlone peoples, and centering environmental and racial justice. We’ve continued our work into the present, organized around the following principles: 1) Support EJ and RJ awareness, education, and academic opportunities; 2) Act in Solidarity with local and global Indigenous Sovereignty movements; 3) Act in Solidarity with Racial Justice efforts at and beyond Stanford. Some of our current projects include supporting the Protect Juristac movement by the Amah Mutsun Tribal Band2, organizing Earthtones (an annual environmental justice arts festival centering BIPOC), compiling educational resources around EJ, and working to institutionalize support and funding for the courses Shades of Green and Intro to EJ, which are now at risk of not being offered. 1 https://sogoreate-landtrust.org/shuumi-land-tax/ 2 http://amahmutsun.org/ 52

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THE 22 PERCENT CAMPAIGN The 22 Percent Campaign is a campaign started by members of underrepresented Asian American communities on campus asking the university to support marginalized communities on campus through two things; 1) For the University to publicly release disaggregated data that breaks down the Asian American population on campus by ethnic identity. We want this to not only apply to our racial group, but for all racial categories. 2) For the University to understand and properly outreach to our communities so the burden does not continuously fall upon the students who are doing the work the admissions office SHOULD be doing. The work of the admissions office falls on the dwindling number of Tibetan, Hmong, Lao, and Khmer students who spend their energy recruiting students from their community by providing student run outreach programs. As quickly as organizations like the Tibetan Student Union, Hmong Student Union, and Stanford Khmer Association have appeared, they are at risk of disappearing as the university continues to accept fewer and fewer individuals from these communities. We hope that disaggregated data allows the university and our own communities to better understand the needs of these smaller populations. We also want to make it explicitly clear by calling for support of our communities, we do not absolve Stanford of its commitment to other communities. We stand in solidarity with Black, LatinĂŠ, Native, Pacific Islander, and other Asian communities.

LEARN MORE and SIGN IN SOLIDARITY @ tinyurl.com/The22Percent

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WHO’S TEACHING US Over 50 years after Stanford’s Black Student Union (BSU) took back the mic in 1968, Stanford continues to fail to adequately protect and support BIPOC. Stanford’s faculty is still 70% white and 70% cis-men; consequently, faculty of color remain overworked and undervalued. We build upon the work of the student activists preceding us, from the BSU members in 1968, to the Rainbow Agenda coalition in 1987 and the Takeover of ‘89, to all efforts to hold the university accountable to its students of color. Most demands from these movements remain relevant but unfulfilled, and the ones that were, such as equal pay for ETAs, are the results of arduous campaigns by students of color. Thus, we fight to realize Stanford’s broken promises and our collective visions of justice. We organize around the needs of our communities, striving to center Black, Indigenous, QTPOC, and all oppressed and marginalized peoples. What We Do: We resist racism and white supremacy in all forms, and call on Stanford to take action against racist hate crimes on campus, and to financially and institutionally support students of color. We fight for decolonized education, including faculty diversity, a thriving ethnic studies department, and non-Eurocentric curricula. We are in solidarity with Harvard’s #EthnicStudiesNow campaign, Duke’s #AASWG, and ethnic studies campaigns around the nation. Join us: First, check out WTUDemands

our

original

demands:

https://tinyurl.com/

Who’s Teaching Us is open to everybody! We do social media campaigns, direct action such as flyering and banner drops, negotiation with administration, and more. We’re currently updating our demands and co-creating a movement nationwide. Follow @whosteachingus on IG, Twitter, and FB to learn more, and DM us with questions or if you want to get involved!

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our campaign We acknowledge that we sit on occupied indigenous land. At Stanford specifically, we are uninvited visitors on Ramaytush Ohlone and Muwekma Ohlone land. We share this wisdom from the California Immigrant Youth Justice Alliance, that “Though many migrants who flee their homelands are Indigenous and fleeing anti-Indigenous governments, the mainstream immigrant rights movement has failed to make space and bring light to these issues. As such, we acknowledge that we must defer to Indigenous peoples whose lands we occupy for permission to stay, and establish a platform for globally displaced Indigenous communities to speak their truth and ultimately reclaim the land that was stolen from them.”1 Currently and historically the US uses borders to authorise violence against people of color, while wealth and resources flow without borders in a system of global capitalism that brings huge profits to large corporations, and political control to the United States. The borders of the United States deny opportunities to people disenfranchised by US imperialism. The continued existence of the borders make it profitable to run detention camps and to deport people. “Separating families is an ongoing tactic used throughout U.S. history against communities of color, indigenous people, and people with disabilities”.26 US imperialism and intervention in other countries to benefit US corporate interests has also created widespread poverty, unemployment and violence. As a result many people flee seeking safety and jobs. The US also helps cause the migration that they then punish. The US imprisons more people than any other country.5 This holds true for immigrant detention.

• • • •

Federally and privately-owned immigrant detention centers, County jails working with ICE Border Patrol-run temporary detention facilities Bureau of Prisons facilities designed specifically to hold immigrants

We envision and organize for community care and safety outside of state punishment. All forms forms of immigrant detention are motivated by racism, profit, and control, rather than safety for immigrants or those who the state labels citizens. Tech companies like Amazon, Palantir, Microsoft, Salesforce, Northrop Grumman, etc have contracts with ICE and Border Patrol. Palantir has been called “mission critical” to ICE’s success, using their technology to create

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databases and profiles for immigrants to be later targeted by ICE. Salesforce has a contract with Border Patrol that helps recruit Border Patrol agents and manage border activities. All tech companies with contracts with ICE or Border Patrol profit from the continued deportation and immigration enforcement industry, the violent separation of families and children, and the massive human rights violations that immigrants undergo in detention centers. Stanford, with its location in the heart of Silicon Valley and its close relationships with neighboring companies—many of which do work with ICE and Border Patrol—has a responsibility to pressure companies to cancel their contracts. Technology has a huge presence on Stanford’s campus, and students are encouraged to major in computer science or related majors. CS is consistently the top major and degree at Stanford, with over 300 bachelor’s degrees over 270 master’s degrees in 2018. Through recruitment, seminars, and other events, tech students are funneled into tech companies that facilitate the detention and deportation of immigrants in the United States. Stanford students are especially well-positioned to work at tech companies immediately after graduation, helping build these companies’ harmful work. The consequences of detention centers, ICE, and Border Patrol have effects on Stanford’s own community. Students and workers at Stanford from immigrant communities directly experience harm as a result of immigration enforcement. We have an obligation to our community to end the profitable deportation industry that abuses families and violates human dignity. We will work alongside immigrant communities to make it unprofitable for tech companies to work with ICE and Border Patrol. This means creating a national network of organizers, tech workers and students across campuses to organize together and win.

ICE + CBP ICE what is ICE? Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was established in 2003 by George W. Bush when he also created the Department of Homeland Security.1 While today ICE seems like an ancient and permanent part of the United States military industrial colonial project, it has existed for less than 20 years. During the surge of patriotism in the years following 9/11, the War on Terror and the War on Immigrants converged, out of which emerged an increase in modern surveillance, the Iraq War, and ICE. 3 56 56


According to the ICE government website, ICE is responsible for Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) as well as Homeland Security Investigations (HSI), combining enforcement and investigative aspects. ERO includes “all aspects of the immigration enforcement process, including identification and arrest, domestic transportation, detention, bond management, and supervised release, including alternatives to detention” as well as deportation. HSI has legal authority to investigate “all types of cross-border criminal activity” and works with international, federal, state, and local law enforcement.2 ICE is generally viewed as a mainstay of Trump’s administration, but was also supported by Clinton and expanded by Obama, making it clear that it is a bipartisan effort to maintain the United States’ presence as a police state.

ICE as police and prisons While officially operating to “uphold U.S. immigration law,” in practice ICE acts like a police force for immigrant communities through violent and inhumane practices. Because there is little oversight, ICE has engaged in many human rights violations, such as sexual assault, separating children from family, holding parents as political prisoners, and others. Furthermore, ICE officers are trained to use military tactics, over-aggressive policing, widespread surveillance, and disregard for constitutional and human rights. The federal government motivates ICE raids through “performance goals” to deport as many people as possible. When deporting migrants who threaten public safety, ICE defines “public safety threat” as a wide range of people, including those with serious medical/mental health issues and those with decades-old conviction. Through its acts of immigration enforcement, ICE acts as an extension of the carceral state, which in turn serves the purpose of ethnic cleansing. Immigration becomes criminalized, leading to immigrants being placed into detention centers which are de facto labor camps. Families are split apart and placed into poor conditions in camps often run by for-profit corporations in the private sector.

ICE operation tactics Through widespread surveillance and military tactics, and collaboration with police and prisons, ICE operates on a mass scale to arrest and deport people. By surveilling private citizens and using deception, ICE is able to arrest people outside their homes, on the street, in the courts, in government-run spaces like homeless shelters, and in other places where people should be able to freely exist. When making arrests, ICE often uses military tactics such as SWAT teams for situations like civil arrests, where using such force is excessive and traumatic. ICE also depends on the proliferation of mass incarceration; without the continuous re-population of prisons, ICE could not be as successful in 4 57


identifying and deporting undocumented people. Sheriff and police officers detain undocumented immigrants or notify ICE when undocumented people are released from jail and are vulnerable to arrest. This cycle entrenches undocumented people in the prison industrial complex; it enables the complete exploitation of undocumented people through profiting from their labor in prison and deporting them after release. Additionally, ICE uses its connections with prisons and jails to identify undocumented people. ICE uses the Criminal Alien Program to screen people in prisons and jails, partners with local law enforcement using 287(g) agreements, works with local jails to target specific individuals using the Secure Communications and the Priority Enforcement Program, and uses task force operations to conduct home raids and community arrests.

abuse by ICE Without real accountability, ICE agents can use their leeway to enact abuse without fear of repercussions, leading to gender-based and racebased violence. Using deceptive tactics like pretending to be local police, ICE illegally enters—without warrant— and searches the homes of private citizens. The severity of ICE raids result in traumatizing experiences of those targeted and present, especially children. The exploitation and abuse of immigrant women has become common practice as part of ICE operations and detentions.3 ICE Agent Isaac Baichu was convicted of sexually assaulting a woman, using coercion by threatening to withhold her Green Card. Lloyd W. Miner, Eddie Miranda, and Kelvin Owens are other ICE agents who have committed similar assaults. In ICE detention, widespread sexual abuse is a systemic phenomenon enabled and perpetrated by ICE officers themselves.4 In addition to facilitating sexual abuse, ICE operations are racially motivated and disproportionately harm black and brown people. Due to substandard medical care, 200 people have died in ICE custody. In Peter Sean Brown v. Richard Ramsay, ICE detained someone named Peter Brown and almost deported him to Jamaica, a country he has no connection to.6 This was made possible by collusion between ICE and local police in Florida. ICE intentionally targets black and brown migrants while not investigating white migrants,

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furthering the racial motivations of criminalizing immigration.

CBP In the larger conversation about immigration enforcement, the focus is often on ICE. However, Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) is one of the largest law enforcement bodies in the world, with around 60,000 agents. This was not always the case. CBP was only established in 2003, and in 2004 only had 4,287 agents.7 Alongside growing anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies, CBP has continued to grow exponentially, and as it grows, so does its abuse, violence, human rights violations, and corruption. Compared to any other law enforcement bodies, CBP perpetrates more incidents of sexual abuse and assault, and like many statistics on border violence, there is so much more that goes unreported.8 While some people try to paint ICE as the only culprit in the racist immigration enforcement system, CBP’s operations include, detaining 400,000 immigrants in detention camps every year, separating thousand of families, illegally denying entry to asylum seekers, and policing the majority of America’s residents.7 Does that sound weird to you? The ACLU reports that “roughly 2/3 of the American population lives within the 100-mile zone where CBP officers and agents— particularly the Border Patrol—claim and exercise extraordinary power based on outdated and ill-defined legal authority to stop, question, and detain border residents as they go about their daily lives.”9 The numbers will never tell the whole story. As a group, we believe in alternatives to putting people in cages. We say the names of Felipe Gomez Alonzo and Jakelin Caal Maquin, the 8 and 7 year old indigenous children from Guatemala, and a 16 year old boy only a few days ago, name yet to be released, who have died in CBP custody since December. CBP has always served as a violent, abusive, corrupt force without scope or accountability. It is time to address the roots of immigration enforcement with abolition, and create alternatives to ICE and CBP. We refuse to uphold the status quo that abuses, incarcerates and separates families. Companies in Silicon Valley must stop profiting from this violence and cease to create technology to increase racist policing of black and brown immigrants.

policing the prison industrial complex In our vision to end the criminalization of immigrants, we challenge the roots of all forms of policing, surveillance, and imprisonment. ICE and CBP act as police for immigrant communities, so simply ending ICE and CBP would not solve the broader issue of a broken criminal justice system. To tackle the underlying issues of policing and incarceration, we look beyond ICE and CBP to local police departments. Police departments historically acted as slave patrols and enforcers of Black Codes11, and continue this practice today by 6 59


suggestions from the student alliance for justice in education

*courses* LONG LIVE OUR 4 BILLION YEAR OLD MOTHER (AFRICAAM 39) REALTALK: INTIMATE DISCUSSIONS ABOUT THE AFRICAN DIASPORA (AFRICAAM 31) ASIAN AMERICAN AUTOBIOGRAPHY (ASNAMST 91A) COMPARATIVE FICTIONS OF ETHNICITY (CSRE 51Q) FIRST-YEAR SIGN LANGUAGE (SPECLANG 178A) LIVING ON THE EDGE (FIELD TRIP, GEOLSCI 5) INTRODUCTION TO TEACHING AND LEARNING (EDUC 101) CORE PEER COUNSELING SKILLS (EDUC 193A) STUDENT-INITIATED COURSES (COURSE NUMBER ENDS WITH "SI")

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*professors/staff* reach out to these profs and staff for mentorship and allyship *professors/staff* David Palumbo-Liu, Prof in Comparative Lit - progressive student ally Michele Dauber, - activist against campus sexual assault reach out to these Law profsSchool and staffProf for mentorship and allyship Gordon Chang, Prof in - studentLit affairs advocate student ally David Palumbo-Liu, ProfHistory in Comparative - progressive Adam Banks, PWR Faculty Director arts advocate FLI ally Michele Dauber, Law School Prof --activist againstandcampus sexual assault Ruth Lecturer in PWR--student FLI allyaffairs and mentor GordonStarkman, Chang, Prof in History advocate Maxe Lecturer in Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Adam Crandall, Banks, PWR Faculty Director - arts advocateStudies and (FGSS) FLI ally A-lan DirectorLecturer at InstituteinforPWR Diversity the Arts Ruth Holt, Starkman, - FLIinally and(IDA) mentor Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu, Lecturer in CSRE and Asian American Studies

*programming* Ethnic theme presentations @ Ujaama, Casa Zapata, Okada *programming*

Jonathan Rosa, Prof in CSRE

Alternative Break (ASB) and Thanksgiving Ethnic themeSpring presentations @ Ujaama, Casa Zapata,Backs Okada Institute Diversity the Arts (IDA) FellowBacks Program AlternativeforSpring Breakin(ASB) and Thanksgiving Institute Diversity in thePrograms Arts (IDA) Fellow Program Community for Center Intern/Staff Community Center Intern/Staff Independent Art Study StipendsPrograms Stanford SummerArtEngineering Academy (SSEA) and Leland Scholars Program (LSP) Independent Study Stipends Stanford Summer Engineering Academy (SSEA) and Leland Scholars Program (LSP)

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so you’ve read the disorientation guide… but what is reflection and reading without action? the following quotes have greatly impacted and influenced us, and we hope they will do the same for you in being a call to action. “The true revolutionary is guided by great feelings of love.” ​Ernesto Che Guevara “In a nation whose great informing myth is that it has no great informing myth, familiarity equaled timelessness.” David Foster Wallace “The white Liberal differs from the white Conservative only in one way; the Liberal is more deceitful, more hypocritical, than the Conservative. Both want power, but the White Liberal is the one who has perfected the art of posing as the Negro's friend and benefactor and by winning the friendship and support of the Negro, the White Liberal is able to use the Negro as a pawn or a weapon in this political football game, that is constantly raging, between the White Liberals and the White Conservatives. The American Negro is nothing, but a political football.” Malcolm X “They cripple the bird's wing, and then condemn it for not flying as fast as they.” Malcolm X The White liberal must see that the Negro needs not only love, but justice. It is not enough to say, “We love Negroes, we have many Negro friends.” They must demand justice for Negroes. Love that does not satisfy justice is no love at all. It is merely a sentimental affection, little more than what one would love for a pet. Love at its best is justice concretized. Love is unconditional. It is not conditional upon one’s staying in his place or watering down his demands in order to be considered respectable….” Martin Luther King, Jr. “Those who exist on the margin are perhaps the most qualified to critique the mainstream, because their experience reveals its limitation.” Jewel Amoah “Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced.” James Baldwin “Inequality is not ordained by God, it is an unnatural societal construct.” Matthew E. Snipp “The process of empowerment cannot be simplistically defined in accordance with our own particular class interests. We must learn to lift as we climb.” Angela Davis

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“Desegregation is a joke.” Nina Simone “No other group in America has so had their identity socialized out of existence as have black women... When black people are talked about the focus tends to be on black men; and when women are talked about the focus tends to be on white women.” bell hooks “Revolution is not a one time event.” Audre Lorde “You can’t have capitalism without racism.” Malcolm X “Bury the government and your liberty in the same hopeless grave.” Frederick Douglass “No one colonizes innocently.” Aimé Césaire “No person is your friend who demands your silence, or denies your right to grow.” Alice Walker “Because love is an act of courage, not of fear, love is commitment to others. No matter where the oppressed are found, the act of love is commitment to their cause- the cause of liberation.” Paulo Freire “Revolution- the deep thoroughgoing transformation of a society from the ground up.” Mumia Abu-Jamal “The young always inherit the revolution.” Huey P. Newton

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Radical Book Recommendations: They Came Before Columbus We Should All Be Feminists Black Skin, White Masks 1984 Dear Ijeawele, or Feminist Manifesto in Fifteen Suggestions IUncle WriteTom’s What Cabin I Like I Writeof What I Like Shame the Nation Shame Without of the Nation Racism Racists Racism Racists Why AreWithout All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together Cafeteria in the Cafeteria Bad Feminist Shadow of the Panther Bad Feminist Black Power Shadow of the Panther Feminism is for Everybody Black Power Socialism FeminismSeriously is for Everybody Black Liberation and Socialism Socialism Seriously The Autobiography ofSocialism Malcolm X Black Liberation and The Next Time of Malcolm X The Fire Autobiography The Carlos Story The John Fire Next Time Why BlackCarlos PowerStory The John Malcolm A to Z Why Black Power Malcolm Hero and Other MalcolmXAas toCultural Z AfroCentric Essays Malcolm X as Cultural Hero and Other Stokely Speaks AfroCentric Essays The Assassination Stokely Speaks of Fred Hampton Between the Worldof and MeHampton The Assassination Fred Homegoing Between the World and Me Power to the People: The World of the Black Homegoing Panther Power to the People: The World of the The New Jim Crow Black Panther Women, Race and Class The New Jim Crow Angela Davis, Making Women, Racethe and Class of A Revolutionary

Black Like Me Native Son Through My Eyes The Miseducation of the Negro The Collection of Poems Taste of Power: A Black Women’s Story Women, Culture, and Politics Freedom is a Constant Struggle Angela Davis an Autobiography Are Prisons Obsolete Antes De Ser Libre I am Troy Davis Demand the Impossible Detroit: I Do Mind Dying From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation Black Jacobins Rules for Radicals American Apartheid Emergent Strategy The Black Feminist Reader Discourse on Colonialism We Want Freedom: A Life in the Black Panther Party Pedagogy of the Oppressed Critical Race Theory: the critical writings that formed the movement Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza A Brief History of Neoliberalism

Angela Davis, The Making of A Revolutionary

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