The Socialist May 2017 by Socialist Party

PaPer of the SocialiSt Party

iSSue 108

Resisting injustice is a right...

STAND AGAINST JOBSTOWN INJUSTICE

May 2017

INSIDE

Report on the Jobstown trial

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Citizens’ Assembly delay tactic backfires

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Why you should be a socialist

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May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

news

JobStoWn tRiAl: When the star witness failed to shine Joan Burton spent four days in the stand during the trial of the Jobstown defendants, giving her testimony and being cross examined. here are some things we learned.

serving political reply’. asked if she understood why there was huge anger in the country at the Labour party’s betrayal, she said that she didn’t. In fact, she believed that “...for a lot of people, I was perceived as protecting people…” protecting them from what? Things must look different from up in that ivory tower! She slashed social welfare, helped fuel the homeless crisis and forced young people out of the country with dole cuts.

1. Joan burton was off sick the day they thought irish history in school

4. Do the words “Every little hurts” mean anything to you?

various figures from Irish political history have been mentioned during her evidence – from James Connolly right up to Brian Cowen. But whatever about Joan Burton's knowledge of recent events, she had some strange ideas about historical figures like James Connolly and Michael Collins. video evidence was played during the trial from inside one of the Garda vehicles, which rather than a scene of terror, showed her calmly reading The Irish Times. She explained to the court that she was reading an article about Michael Collins, and pondered to herself, "how would Michael Collins have felt?” Considering Collins was a senior figure in a guerilla war campaign and ordered hits on British agents it's hard to see that he would have found being delayed in a car for a couple of hours too bad. The courtroom gasped when Joan Burton invoked James Connolly: "remember, I'm one of the people to

way to court Jobstown defendants make their

succeed James Connolly as the leader of the Labour party... It's always been an honour to be in his party and carry his ideas." She's correct, on paper at least, that she is a successor to Connolly, and perhaps she physically carries a copy of Connolly's writings with her wherever she goes. But the Labour party of today is a million miles from what James Connolly stood for. eamon Gilmore, Joan Burton et al. hammered working-class people with austerity to pay for the bailout of bankers and bondholders to save the financial elites, while Connolly plainly argued, "The day has passed for patching up the capitalist system; it must go.”

around the car chanting: “They say cut back, we say fight back”, and singing, “you can stick your water meter up your arse” was played to the court. The defence asked her how, despite being only inches away from the protesters, could she honestly claim not to hear the protesters and would she not agree these were political? The court erupted when she said, “That would be a human rights abuse, if someone was to attack someone in that way“ [stick a water meter up their arse].

2. Joan burton, literally, takes everything literally

under cross-examination about her role in government and the austerity agenda which was inflicted on working-class people, Joan Burton’s political vanity intervened and she began to launch a defence of her role with what one barrister described as ‘...a long self-

In the stand, she claimed not to have heard political slogans or chanting at the protest. a video of protesters standing

The now infamous Labour party ‘Tesco’ advert came back to haunt Joan Burton (again!). under cross examination, she admitted that Labour broke five of the six promises on the poster – she couldn't remember if they had broken their promise on car tax – but couldn’t understand that this would be a reason for such anger! a quote from eamon

By Dave Murphy Gilmore’s memoirs was read out, where he described the ad as “a game changing communications intervention in the election campaign”, which is just a jargon filled version of pat rabbitte more blunt, “Well, isn’t that what you do during elections?” [make promises you don’t intend to keep].

5. tell us what you really think of us video footage taken from Joan Burton’s own mobile phone from inside a Garda car records some of the conversations she was having with her assistant. Burton advises her assistant to post on social media about children “roaming free... with no one looking after them” because they had irresponsible parents. another more damning clip has her assistant refer to the protesters in Jobstown as “the fucking dregs”. They’ll say anything to get your vote at election time, but this is what they really think of us!

3. Perceptions can be deceiving

Footage of the slow march from Garda helicopter

Spinning lies with bogus figures...

Varadker attacks social welfare recipients By Melissa Kelleher

eo Varadkar recently initiated a campaign through the department of Social Protection targeting welfare fraud with the slogan “welfare cheats cheat us all”. The campaign features bus signs, radio adverts and billboards encouraging workingclass people to spy on their neighbours and report any suspected ‘fraudsters’ to the department. The campaign alone is estimated to cost the taxpayer between €300,000€500,000! A recurring and generally unchallenged narrative that emanates from the political and media establishment is the notion that there is widespread social welfare “fraud”. They maintain this is a widespread and nationwide problem which places an enormous burden on the taxpayer. This is a part of a concerted attempt by the establishment to shamefully paint social welfare recipients as ‘spongers’.

Bogus figures At the launch of the campaign, Varadkar claimed a range of antifraud and control measures saved taxpayers more than €500 million in 2016. However when you examine the figures in greater detail, a different picture emerges: In 2013, a report published by the Comptroller and Auditor General concluded that, from 2007 to 2011, 50% of all social welfare overpayments were due to error, while 38% of overpayments were due to fraud. The number of fraudulent claims subsequently fell to 21% in 2015. The cost of all overpayments in 2015 was €115 million, of which €48 million was due to fraud. Trade union economist, Michael Taft, estimates that the real cost of welfare fraud is closer to €25 million. So not only are errors more frequent than fraud in our social welfare system, they are also costing the taxpayer more. We must ask ourselves, is there really widespread abuse of our social welfare system, or is there a different type of fraud taking place? One directed

Varadkar launches disgraceful smear campaign to boost his profile ahead of Fine Gael leadership election

by the politicians in Leinster House and the Department of Social Protection itself? The real fraud It would be far more profitable for the state coffers to pursue the €19 billion owed to the Irish taxpayer by Apple and tackle the rampant tax

dodging by multinational corporations. Yet we see no billboards about white-collar crime, no radio adverts about reporting tax-evading multinational corporations and no public campaigns to find the fraudsters in the banks and exploitative vulture funds who are evicting ordinary people from their homes.

It is all symptomatic of a system which is based on greed and profit rather than the needs of ordinary working people, and a spineless government who would rather pursue ordinary working-class people for pittance than challenge their cronies in the banks and big business.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

As Jobstown stands tall

about a community that they viciously assaulted through their policies; a community that despite all the hardship it has to put up with, voted 87% in favour of marriage equality in 2015. The working-class people of Jobstown stand tall, Labour is in the gutter.

By Kevin McLoughlin

mmedIaTeLy afTer the protest in Jobstown in 2014, Joan Burton went to Garda Headquarters in the Phoenix Park, and what began was a polital joint venture involving two wings of the establishment. The Gardaí wanted prosecutions to help re-assert their authority and control in the many communities who had resisted the Gardaí’s action and political policing to support Irish Water’s imposition of meters. From the trial, it is clear that Joan Burton was immediately considering how she could get some personal political advantage from events. On top of that the government, who had been anxious to split the new mass water charges movement, clearly felt that with the help of their friends in the media they could pose Jobstown as a violent riot and weaken the challenge their policies were facing. Crossing the rubicon Given the seriousness of the case, undoubtedly the Labour Party itself has been fully behind Joan Burton’s desire to get convictions. In the witness box Joan Burton asserted that as a leader of Labour she politically descended from James Connolly, and claimed to “carry on his ideas”. Linking Connolly to this attempt to criminalise working-class protest is just the latest disgraceful denigration

Jobstown

Labour is in the gutter

Joan Burton and the Labour Party attack the left and demonise working-class communities

by the Labour Party of the tradition of those who built the labour movement. In a time when the election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the British Labour Party has raised the prospect that it could possibly be reclaimed from the stranglehold of the ultra-capitalist Blairites, the actions of Labour here and Burton’s testimony are the last nails in the coffin of the party here. The Rubicon is not just a river in Italy, it is a line that has been crossed so many times by the

Labour Party that now nothing remains of Connolly and Larkin in that party. Blatant class prejudice In the witness box, Burton defended Labour’s, and her own, record in government, in an attempt to try to deny that there was any basis for an angry protest. Even when videos were shown where everyone in the court could see and hear what was going on, she tried to deny that there were political chants.

Garda role in Jobstown stitch-up

But it’s the content of Joan Burton’s and her political adviser’s evidence and testimonies which really show that class prejudice now dominates in Labour, notwithstanding that many trade unions are still formally linked and fund the party. In her desire to get convictions she distorts practically everything. She referred to the protesters as “wild” and stated that she was “running for her life”. In the dock, her adviser, referred to those present at the end as “dregs”. This is

Beyond the pale In its voracity to go after the right to protest, Labour and the establishment have targeted eighteen people on charges of false imprisonment and violent disorder, taking groups of protesters to court at a time (with seven on trial at this time). That has meant that, having given her evidence, Joan Burton could be cross-examined seven times. Under instruction from the defendants, which includes Paul Murphy TD and members of Solidarity and the Socialist Party, the barristers for the defence have not only seriously challenged the distortions of Burton, but have also exposed the rotten political role of the Labour Party. Labour betrayed people in government. Now, intent in defending themselves they have a vested interest in attacking working class people and democratic rights in the courts. They are beyond the pale. Whatever happens in the trial, it is clear that workers, women and the young need to build a new political movement to fight for real change, the day has long passed for the patching up of Labour, it must go.

Media: Mouthpieces of the prosecution

By Eddie McCabe The insTiTuTion of An Garda síochána has lost all credibility. From the hapless – one million phantom breath-tests, financial “irregularities” and blatant everyday corruption; to the sinister – scurrilous treatment of whistleblowers, illegal phone-tapping and the protection of dangerous individuals if they are deemed ‘useful’ as informers. each passing month seems to bring a new story that’s picked up by a journalist or leaked by an insider. Attack on the left But there’s one consistent trend in the operations of the Gardaí that’s been given less attention in the media: that of political policing, targeting protesters and the left. It has become increasingly clear that the Jobstown frameups originate with the middle and upper ranks of the Gardaí. They were seeking some redress for the challenge to their authority that came from the water charges protests in the Summer and Autumn of 2014 – where the Gardaí acted as enforcers for Irish Water against the wishes of communities. They saw an opportunity with the Jobstown protest. A work-

By Anita Byrne

“B

Gardaí: the repressive wing of a rotten state

ing-class community taking a stand against a high-profile minister would inevitably be twisted by the media and political establishment to justify the Garda campaign of dawn raids and trumped-up charges that would follow. Significant resources were put towards this campaign in the weeks, months and years since. Political policing “Operation Mizen” was established to carry out surveillance on water protesters and leftwing activists, including Paul Murphy TD. Solidarity (then the

AAA) was denied permission to raise funds in Tallaght because such funds would be used to “encourage, directly or indirectly, the commission of unlawful acts”. These are some examples of political policing. The Gardaí are part of the conservative state apparatus that serves and protects the powerful and wealthy. Which is why they, as an organisation, innately think and act like the parties of ‘law and order’ – Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil – and why they will always be opponents of movements and parties of the left.

urTon ‘ran for her life’ from water protestors, trial told” was the headline of the Irish Independent’s news coverage for day four of the Jobstown Trial. The previous day, Joan Burton took to the stand to tell her version of events that unfolded that day. Essentially, Joan Burton sought to demonise the protestors and paint this water charges protest as nothing more than thuggish behaviour. This is reflected in the headlines of the mainstream media, who appear to be complicit with the state and with Joan Burton in the attack on the democratic right to protest. Cross examination The majority of mainstream media dedicated an entire page to the

exasperated Joan Burton “running for her life” and almost losing a shoe, whilst a few lines at very best were given to the three-hour crossexamination by the defence – in relation to the broken promises of the Labour Party and the austerity measures they implemented. These measures saw communities such as Jobstown in a desperate situation, with many families falling into poverty. The media and the state are dedicated to painting this trial as a violent and disorderly affair rather than an act of desperation on behalf of the Jobstown community who are under immense financial pressure due to Burton’s own cuts and policies. This is an appalling act on behalf of the media. The trial should be presented as what it truly is: an attack on our democratic right to protest.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

church & state

National Maternity Hospital scandal...

Church control must end! T

originally agreed to contribute by selling another state-funded public hospital they owned on St. Stephen’s Green, but in the end were allowed keep all the proceeds for themselves.

By Diana O’Dwyer

He decISIon to hand over the new €300 million national maternity Hospital (nmH)to an order of nuns has exposed the continuing grip of the catholic church over our health service. over 100,000 people have signed a petition demanding public ownership, and control of the hospital, and for the Sisters of charity to pay the €3 million in redress they owe to survivors of their magdalene Laundries. Under the proposed agreement, the NMH is to move from Holles Street to the grounds of St. Vincent’s public and private hospitals, which are owned by the Sisters of Charity. The government claims the nuns will have no role in running the hospital, but St. Vincent’s and the NMH would each have four seats on the new hospital board, with the ninth held by an international obstetrics expert approved by St. Vincent’s. Questions to answer Meanwhile, a law from 1936 decrees that the Archbishop of Dublin chairs the National Maternity Hospital board. Although the current Archbishop has chosen not to take up his seat, there’s nothing to stop a more hardline bishop from doing so in the future. Prior to the current controversy, Solidarity submitted a Bill to change this archaic law, but was told the NMH has to ask for this to happen first. The three councillors on the NMH board, from Sinn Féin, Labour and the Greens, have questions to answer about why they haven’t pushed for this and why Sinn Féin and the Greens voted to hand the hospital over to the nuns. The Labour councillor, Brendan Carr, didn’t bother to turn up for

Over 100,000 sign petition demanding public ownership of new NMH

the original vote, but once a scandal erupted, he and Sinn Féin’s Micheál MacDonncha began condemning the proposal. An even bigger problem is that the nuns will own the hospital. The government says this doesn’t matter because a “lien” will prevent them from selling it. But they also say the nuns can’t “gift” the land to the state because they’re using it as collateral for bank loans. So if the nuns ever default, the state would have a choice between paying their debts or losing access to the hospital. Two-tier health service The reason the land is mortgaged is because the nuns put up the whole campus, including St. Vincent’s public hospital, as collateral for loans to build St. Vincent’s Private – a money-making venture that excludes low income patients. The plans for the new NMH provide for space for private patients,

which will copper-fasten the twotier nature of our health service, where money buys better care. The nuns were able to mortgage St. Vincent’s public even though the hospital gets €225 million a year in state funding and was paid for by the state via the 1960s hospital sweepstakes. The nuns had

separate Church and state This means the new NMH will be the third major public hospital funded by the state but owned by the Sisters of Charity, an order of 200 nuns with an average age of 76 – that bans vasectomies, female sterilisation and IVF in St. Vincent’s public hospital. After they and the other religious orders die off, their state-funded healthcare empire – which includes the Mater, Temple Street Children’s hospital, Mercy University Hospital in Cork – are likely to fall into the hands of lay Catholics ultras, like the Iona Institute. This must be stopped at all cost if abortion services are ever to become widely available in this country. The solution is to immediately take all state-funded healthcare providers into public ownership, abolish private healthcare and provide free access to all healthcare services as part of a universal, single-tier Irish NHS.

Catholic Church opposes introduction of nondenominational national schools and successfully rests control of primary education. Newly founded hospitals are controlled by religious orders.

1922: Foundation of the Irish Free State, anyone who do not accept its legitimacy is excommunicated by the Church. Church retains control of health and education and Church controlled industrial schools and Magdelene Laundries remain.

1926:

l For a free, publicly owned and secular health and education system funded through progressive taxation

1935:

l Provide sex education that’s objective, LGBTQ inclusive and not gender normative

Ban on contraception introduced.

l For the complete separation of church and state

1937:

l end the custom of a prayer on state funded RTe, in the Dáil, councils and other civic bodies

l For a progressive, left-wing and socialist alternative to the backward parties of the capitalist establishment

Dáil prayer: symptom of a backward establishment

described the mandatory prayer as ‘’part of our tradition’’. Solidarity TD and Socialist Party

19th Century:

l end church control of schools and hospitals

What we stand for:

By Grace Gageby

“Part of our tradition” Fianna Fáil TD Anne Rabbitte has

Magdalene Laundries

“Committee on evil Literature” is appointed from which the “Censorship of publications Board” set up in 1929. By 1942 1,600 are banned since foundation of state, reflecting dominance of Catholic social teaching.

Conservative Dáil enforces mandatory prayer S of 4 may, the dáil has shamefully voted to adopt a new rule making it mandatory for Tds to stand for prayer each day. Three amendments were voted on: the Sinn féin amendment proposing one minute of reflection with no obligation to stand; Solidarity’s amendment to remove prayer and reflection altogether and Joan collins’ amendment, proposing 30 seconds of reflection with no prayer or obligation to stand. Solidarity’s proposal to scrap the prayer completely was voted down 96 to 15. Sinn Féin abstained from voting, as did Katherine Zappone. These results are telling of the rotten, backward nature of the political establishment.

A sordid relationship: History of Church & State in ireland

member Ruth Coppinger has rightly described the proposal as a sign that the Dáil is going back-

wards. This is at a time when a large segment of society is demanding the separation of church and state, with the growing desire for a secular society. Clearly, a Catholic prayer has no place in a modern-day parliament, and Solidarity – People Before Profit have stated that their TDs will not be standing during prayer. The fact that it is mandatory for TDs to stand for prayer in the Dáil is a complete contradiction of the concept of the separation of church and state. The positive results of the Citizens’ Assembly, along with the growing movement for repeal of the 8th , and the anger at exposure of the Tuam Mother and Baby homes have had a radicalising effect on many. Once again the political establishment has shown itself incapable of reflecting these progressive aspirations of ordinary people.

New constitution adopted by the state that reflects Catholic social teaching, i.e. constitutional ban on divorce, article 41.2.1 describes women’s “duties being in the home”. archbishop of Dublin John Charles McQuaid helps draft the constitution and special recognition is given to Catholic Church.

1950: Catholic Church successfully opposes the introduction of Mother and Child scheme, that would have provided women and their children aged up to 16 free, no means-tested health care.

1983: referendum on 8th amendment held after consistent lobbying by Catholic Church. This equates the life of a mother with a foetus, making Ireland and Chile (then under dictatorship of augusto pinochet) the only countries with constitutional bans on abortion.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

Poor deal must be rejected By Mick Barry TD

He LaBour court recommendations to settle the dispute at Bus Éireann contain pay cuts for a significant portion of workers, alongside 200 job losses. The three week strike action by the workers have forced the company abandon a significant measure of the pay cuts originally planned, and to make some improvements to the pension arrangements. However, the package as a whole is a poor one for the workers. This was inevitable given the failure of the government to make significant new state investment part of the deal. Blackmail The cuts in pay and jobs have to be seen in the light of a nine year pay freeze and an already significant gap in pay rates between Bus Éireann workers and their colleagues in Dublin Bus, who won an 11% rise through determined industrial action last year. The scale of redundancies proposed, if implemented, would store up trouble for the near future, as it would turn Bus Éireann into a smaller, weaker company relative to its private sector competitors. Now the company are trying to blackmail a reluctant workforce into accepting the package by threatening to apply for examinership within hours of the ballot results should workers decide to vote No. Putting the company into examinership would open up a 100 day period of court supervised operation of the company. However, the very notion of axing all city services in Cork, Limerick, Galway and Waterford, as well as hundreds of rural routes, would reap a whirlwind of opposition from urban and rural communities alike. Need to escalate Just like the Luas workers last year,

workers at Bus Éireann would be well within their rights to vote this deal down and continue their struggle. A successful outcome is possible if the struggle is escalated both industrially and politically. The votes by large majorities of SIPTU members in both Dublin Bus and Iarnród Éireann in support of solidarity action with Bus Éireann workers show the potential for increasing the pressure on the government. The magnificent display of solidarity by Dublin Bus and Iarnród Éireann workers on 31 March brought the dispute to Dublin and gave the government a real shock. More action of this kind could put the government under huge pressure to deliver the funding needed. The crisis caused by a No vote would be likely to coincide with the election of a new Fine Gael leader and Taoiseach. Turn up political heat The subsequent round of negotiations between Fine Gael and the Independent Alliance and between Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil would offer an ideal opportunity to turn up the political heat for increased state funding. This would particularly be the case if the pressure was ramped up on Fianna Fáil. Bus Éireann's subsidy remains €8 million below 2008 levels, and the Department of Social Protection covers only 41 % of the fare value from passengers availing of free travel. By the government's own admission the subsidy from the Department of Transport (approximately 35%), puts Ireland well below the average in the developed world, with subsidies in some countries as high as 80%. This is the kind of investment that is needed here. If it happens in the short term after a rejected deal or down the road when Bus Éireann come looking for more sacrifice, only a determined campaign of industrial and political pressure can begin to deliver on it.

Bus Éireann workers can win better deal through further, escalated action

The Socialist spoke to nbRU activist Stephen nugent: “The Labour Court recommendation has been received negatively by the workers. It’s a vague document that leaves a lot of important questions unanswered. Workers feel they are under threat with talk of examinership, but also we are annoyed by Ross’s statement that he will only make a commitment on the subsidy if we vote for the deal which is pure blackmail. “The three week action yielded some results in terms of pushing them back on the massive pay cuts and also them conceding that any consolidated pay rate be pensionable. But on other issues, like how the Organisation of Working Time Act is applied are already causing problems. So as things stand I’m for rejecting the deal and pushing them all the way back by whatever means we can.” Could you comment on the role of Solidarity in the dispute?” “Solidarity been a really important source of support, encouragement, advice and in a sense leadership in the dispute. The various statements and leaflets coming from Mick Barry TD, who sits on the Transport Committee have had a big effect. “Solidarity, alongside People Before Profit,

have stood out from all the other parties in their role in the dispute. This dispute is political and not just industrial and they have helped take the fight to Ross and the government. “It’s not just about pay and conditions, but also the notion of public transport itself so as I say it’s a battle that’s political.” It’s been very noticeable that despite the obvious preoccupation with the dispute Bus Éireann workers have made the effort to show their support for the Jobstown protesters. What led to that? “It started with the visits of Solidarity members to the picket lines where besides discussing the Bus Éireann dispute the issues around upcoming trial were explained. It became clear to us that something massive was at stake in terms of the right to protest itself being on trial. "Furthermore we recognised that a guilty verdict could have a really negative spin off for the trade union movement, with future actions such as pickets landing us in the dock. Therefore it is important to make the links between these issues."

ASTI conference: Determined mood to fight two-tier pay By ASTI member Manus Lenihan

He recenT aSTI conference and ballot have confirmed members’ commitment to fight against two-tier pay. after the government successfully locked us out in november, it’s no surprise that the margin of the ballot in January was a lot tighter, but overall aSTI teachers remain committed to fighting. Newer teachers work on an openly lower pay scale – for the same work, at the same point in their careers. This is the case more broadly in the public sector, and the whole trade union movement now needs to take up the struggle against two-tier pay. The govern-

ment won’t concede anything serious without a real struggle. Last year’s lockout was related to the ongoing issue that teachers are not being paid for supervision and substitution (as if we didn’t do enough unpaid extra work). On this supposedly “temporary” cut, the government completely broke their promises, again and again – then had the neck to blame teachers when we struck. New Junior cert cycle On top of this, there’s the confusion and resentment over the new Junior Cycle, which ASTI have correctly been to the forefront in resisting. We have taken out the most obnoxious parts of the original plan.

ASTI teachers are being punished for the stand they are taking – with an effective pay cut worth hundreds each month, and newer teachers have to work four years, not two, to get a contract. It’s easy to get caught up in technicalities, but what’s going on is simple enough: we’re being victimised for taking a stand. Considering the strikes that are brewing and breaking out all across the movement, and the fact that the Lansdowne Road pay agreement could be consigned to history soon, clearly ASTI teachers are right not to buckle under pressure. We and the wider movement need to get ready for a major struggle for equal pay.

ASTI members vote for action on pay equality

workplace news

Bus Éireann battle...

May 2017

THE SO

HE CitizEnS' Assembly was established, not only as a government and political establishment delay-tactic in dealing with the 8th amendment, the consitutional abortion ban, but also quite clearly to manoevre to ensure that only limited change would be endorsed. it aimed to give a cover to politicians and an excuse to hold back on the growing demand from below for sweeping change, writes lAURA FitzgERAlD.

special feature

HIS waS reflected in the fact that while rape and fatal foetal abnormalities were allocated weekends for discussion at the assembly as directed by Judge Laffoy, women's health was not even covered as a a central topic. The citizens' assembly, not only ended up advocating that an abortion rights referendum be held, but in the final set of votes – pertaining to what legislation should be in place when the 8th is removed – voted in essence overwhelming to trust women and pregnant people to make their own decisions about their own bodies. It prioritised women's health, and overwhelmingly had a strong pro-choice thrust to all its votes. Backward establishment Not only did the Citizens' Assembly vote in the majority to favour the right to early abortion without restriction (64%), and for the right to abortion if there is a risk to the health of the woman/person who is pregnant (78%), the members of the Citizens' Assembly pushed to ensure that socio-economic grounds be included and then voted overwhelming in favour of this (72%). It's worth noting that all the registered political parties in the Dáil, bar the pro-choice left, Solidarity-PBP, have positions that are less than what the Citizens' Assembly advocated in terms of legislation. As well as the obvious ones of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, this includes the Greens, Labour, Sinn Féin and the Social Democrats (the latter seem to be now endorsing the Citizens' Assembly recommendations, but before its position was 'repeal', but not pro-choice). This underscores both how backward the political establishment is in this state, but also the degree to which the Citizens' Assembly outcome rep-

resents a major political crisis for the government and political establishment as a whole. Reflecting pro-choice sentiment It is worth analysing why the Citizens' Assembly came up with the pro-choice decisions that they did. A polling company chose the 99 "citizens", reflecting relatively scientifically a cross-section of society. However, this was skewed because anyone who had expressed any opinion on abortion previously on social media, was ruled out - this would rule out a decent chunk of the largely pro-choice and active-online young generation. With many pro-choice, as well as anti-choice organisations presenting to the Assembly, what came out of it shows that when ordinary people are presented and engage with the facts on abortion, that a pro-choice sentiment will emerge as a significant majority. This illustrates the potential that a pro-choice referendum campaign that grows as a mass movement could have a huge impact in turning the majority of the population to a fully pro-choice position, something that has been the direction of travel for years. Furthermore, when antichoice organisations presented to the Assembly that were connected to the Catholic Church, questions came from the Assembly members that raised, "after Tuam, why should we listen to you?" This shows how the movement for repeal and abortion rights is implicitly part of a broader struggle to break with the repression of the past, and to separate church and state once and for all. This means challenging the outrageous gifting of a new national maternity hospital to the Sisters of Charity and related questions about Church involvement in health and education. They not only are part and parcel of this struggle, but illustrate the need for a mass movement for

A StUnn

change given the backward nature of the political establishment, that also seeks to build a political alternative of the left. We fundamentally need a left Government that would seek to fully sever the Church-State nexus, recognise that religion is a private matter and a question of personal freedom, but no religion should be influencing public institutions. More delaying tactics Ruth Coppinger will be the representative for Solidarity on the Dáil Committee that is being convened in the aftermath of the Citizens' Assembly, tasked with deciding what to do around the 8th amendment. The decisions of the Citizens' Assembly are not binding. Incredibly, David Davin-Power when reporting for RTE News, after the Citizens' Assembly voted on its decisions, noted that the job of the Dáil Committee would now be to “waterdown” the proposals made. Ruth Coppinger on the Dáil Committee will first and foremost intervene to say that there cannot be any more delay. There's no need for the Dáil Committee to drag out and examine all the questions again. It's clear, the 8th amendment abortion ban has got to go, there can be nothing in the Constitution blocking women's health and right to abortion, and that there should be a date for a referendum named to that effect for this Autumn. Secondly, Ruth will oppose any 'watering down' of the pro-choice spirit of the Citizens' Assembly. The establishment parties will not want a referendum without clarity on what legislation will follow. It simply cannot be accepted that the broad grounds request, socio-economic, health that the Citizens' Assembly endorsed be ignored. Mass mobilisations needed The only way to ensure this is to build a massive campaign of political pressure on all the parties to push this. Mass mobilisations for choice, as well as new pro-choice community and youth organisations at a local level exerting pressure on TDs in every Constituency, including those on the Dáil Committee of course, needs to be built for. Comments from Fianna Fáil leader, Micheál Martin, in which he expressed his view that those pregnant as a result of rape should be forced to remain pregnant, is the starkest example of the gulf between the attitudes of the majority of the public and those of the political establishment. Building a major political challenge of the socialist left must go in tandem with a mass movement of campaigning, protesting and mobilising on the ground, in order to sweep these backwoodsmen out of power once and for all.

Citizens’ Assemb

Bodily autonomy and sociali By Aprille Scully

He ProVISIon of abortion rights it is a recognition that bodily autonomy is a non-negotiable part of equality for women, trans men and non-binary people. The denial of (or limited access to) abortion rights is impinging on sexual freedom. If a woman becomes pregnant when she does not want to be so, and there is no abortion access available to her then the law is effectively saying “she should not have had sex if she did not want to get pregnant” (for no contraceptive is 100% effective). It is a misogynistic idea that women’s sexuality is shameful and should be “punished” by an unwanted pregnancy. It is underpinned by a patriarchal ideology that it is a woman’s role to be a mother, without regard to her wishes. Capitalism and oppression Movements internationally of women and LGBTQ people have secured legal rights and victories in terms of abortion rights, equal pay and sexual liberation in most of the major capitalist countries. But under capitalism, there is an economic benefit in the oppression of women and LGBTQ people through the preservation of the nuclear family. The state does not provide accessible childcare or care for the elderly in any mean-

Weak capitalist state cannot provide fu

ingful way, as it deems it as the family’s duty. There is a benefit for capitalism in the way gender and race oppression suppresses wages to divide workers.

May 2017

OCIALIST

Ruling class threatened by resistance

By Councillor Michael O’Brien

bly delay tactic backfires

ist change they must be immediately defended once won. In the US, where abortion rights were won over 40 years ago, they have been undermined by successive Democratic and Republican administrations. A century ago a socialist revolution overthrew capitalism and landlordism and established the world’s first workers’ government in Russia . It was the first state in the world to legalise unrestricted access to abortion. There was legal equality for women as well actual social and economic equality that could not be achieved in a capitalist society. State creches, laundries and canteens were set up to free women from the drudgery of domestic labour that they were otherwise expected to do for free.

ull bodily autonomy

Women, and to a much greater extent women of colour, are paid less than white men. Inspiring struggles have been waged against this unequal system to win rights and reforms. But

Challenging the system In Ireland 2017 we have never had access to abortion rights. The intimate links that a weak Irish capitalist state and the Catholic Church have forged to give itself control and authority has been a disaster for women, LGBTQ people and workingclass people who have been institutionalised in church-state facilities such as Magdalene Laundries, Industrial Schools, Mother and Baby Homes. For abortion to be freely accessible would put Catholic doctrine in public schools and hospitals into question and would mean end-

ing church control of health and education. None of the traditional parties of the establishment, nor the main ‘opposition parties’ (e.g. Sinn Fein), would attempt such a battle to separate church and state. Nor would they see the need to! Their position on repealing the 8th amendment has come with restrictions, usually outlining ‘deserving circumstances’, in which abortion access would be granted. It is therefore necessary that a left government would fulfil this vital task and break the church’s control over public services in all its guises. Such a government would have to challenge the dictatorship of the markets and the private ownership of wealth by the capitalist class. It would plan the economy so that vital services such as housing, health, education, can be assured and are not determined at the whim of a profitdriven system. Practical realities of being able to leave an abusive relationship if there is affordable, public housing available or free universal childcare are examples of how the reorganisation of society along those lines would have a transformative effect on the quality of our lives. The need to organise and politically challenge those in power to end such an unequal oppressive system is absolutely crucial.

AMnesTy inTeRnATionAL in ireland unfortunately have displayed a blind spot regarding the seriousness of the Jobstown trials from the point of view of the right to protest being under attack. They have refused to take a public position on the Garda operation, the prosecution, the disproportionate severity of the charges and the failed efforts of the DPP to stack the jury. That said a cursory look at their international website will demonstrate a global trend on all continents towards increased repression by regimes of political opponents. What is lacking from Amnesty, however, is an explanation as to why repressive measures are on the up and the right to protest is being curtailed internationally. Class divided society Our starting point in finding an explanation lies in recognising the class nature of society under capitalism. Put simply there are exploiters, the colloquial 1% – who own and control most of the worlds resources, and the 99% of workers, unemployed, urban and rural poor and refugees who either barely exist or get by on the basis of working for a living. How does such a small minority wield such control over the majority? Within any capitalist society, including Ireland, there are two key dimensions by which control is exercised: they are ideology and state repression. The stronger, more affluent and advanced a capitalist society is, the easier it is for the ruling class to lean on ideological methods to maintain their position. Through a combination of media, church, the education system and the weight of tradition on forming outlooks, the default position of the majority is that society as it is, despite its obvious problems, is the natural order of things, and that the best that can be hoped for is incremental change via occasional elections. Crisis ridden system However even in the

most

advanced and affluent societies ideology alone is not sufficient to keep people in check. A conflict rages between beliefs based on what one receives from above and from tradition on the one hand, and day to day experience and hardships on the other. This conflict became sharper with the advent of the economic crisis in 2008 and all the austerity measures that followed it in subsequent years. A point has been passed in Irish society where a significant portion, if not a majority of the working class and youth rejects the dominant ideology of the ruling class. That is not to say that a coherent alternative ideology has yet been embraced, but that rejection has then been followed by a number of campaigns and struggles. Again in ‘normal’ circumstances advanced capitalist democracies can display a tolerance for active opposition, free speech, demonstrations and strikes once they are safely confined within certain legal parameters that do not seriously encroach on business as usual. Civil disobedience The water charges struggle smashed through these parameters – being a struggle built on mass civil disobedience. Other subsequent strikes and struggles have also ventured into civil disobedience. Faced with the breakdown of its ideological control the ruling class is left with no other option but to lean on the repressive measures it likes to keep in its back pocket, i.e. the heavy deployment of the Gardaí and the blatant use of our courts and prison system to deal with the opposition. So it is a mistake to view repressive measures as a sign of strength on the part of the establishment. On the contrary, it is a symptom of weakness. Furthermore, by leaning more on repressive measures such as we see in Jobstown – they further undermine illusions people will have harboured about the nature of our democracy, and reinforces the emerging opposition in Irish society.

special feature

ning bloW

Why capitalism undermines our democratic rights

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

French Presidential elections...

international

Record rejection of political establishment e

By Finghín Kelly

mmanueL macron’S victory over far-right front national candidate, marine Le Pen, has been heralded in much of the media as a victory for the ‘centre’. This superficial analysis paints over a deep and profound political crisis for the representatives of french capitalism. This was an unprecedented election. For the first time since the foundation of the Fifth Republic in 1958, no candidate from either of the two main establishment parties, the Parti ‘Socialiste’ (PS) and Les Républicains (LR), made it to the second round run-off.

Polarisation in French society will only increase under Macron

Traditional parties undermined To understand the crisis faced by the traditional political representatives of French capitalism it is important to look at the backdrop of economic stagnation, austerity and attacks on workers’ rights in recent years. The outgoing PS government of Francois Hollande attacked the hard won gains of French workers. This was met with massive opposition, with strikes and blockades paralysing France last spring. Last year also saw a movement of mainly young people occupying squares

in the ‘Nuit Debout’ movement. Hollande’s government has also continued viciously racist policies, opportunistically exploiting the terror attacks to attack the rights of dual nationals and immigrants. Like social democratic parties internationally, the PS paid the price for their betrayal, scoring just 6.4%. The LR candidate, Francois Fillon, was deeply discredited. As well as being an open admirer of Thatcher and wanting to roll back on abortion rights and on same-sex marriage, he was exposed for cor-

ruptly employing family members and is under criminal investigation. The discrediting of the establishment parties saw big business and the establishment media rolling in behind the campaign of Emmanuel Macron. Despite the spin, Macron, an investment banker and former Minister for the Economy who oversaw attacks on workers’ rights was very much a neo-liberal candidate. Danger of Front national A very concerning development shown in this election was the

Chechnya: Fresh wave of repression against gay men

Front National’s (FN) Marine Le Pen reaching the second round, where she scored 34%. The FN is a far-right, racist party that cynically posed itself as a champion for workers’ rights. The reality is of course different, she made overtures to the big business confederation during the campaign, and very much defends capitalism just as much as Macron. One of the most significant aspects of the election was the insurgent campaign on Jean Luc Mélenchon. He stood on a left platform of opposition to austerity and neo-liberal policies – a reversal of attacks against workers’ rights, a progressive taxation system, massive public investment, for the nationalisation in key sections of the economy, democratic reforms, for investment in renewable energy and, environmental planning. His campaign saw hundreds of thousands, mainly young people and workers, packing stadiums throughout the country. 130,000 attended his rally in Paris and 70,000 in Marseilles while 490,000 people joined his movement, ‘France Insoumise’. Mélenchon came within a whisker of the second round with 19.6% of the vote, with 30% among young people. His campaign shows that there is a massive

support and potential for socialist ideas. The campaign also showed how it is possible to cut across the growth of the far-right by winning workers, young people and communities devastated by neo-liberal policies to a left alternative. Left wing alternative It is crucial now that this potential is built upon. In the short term, France Insoumise and the left have huge potential in the upcoming June parliamentary elections. Despite the unprecedented amount of media spin around Macron, he will start his presidency as a deeply unpopular president – polling just before the 2nd round showed that 53% of those intending to vote for Macron did so to oppose Le Pen rather than in support his policies. The second round saw a 25% abstention rate (highest in 48 years), and a record 12.5% cast blank or spoilt votes! Macron will face massive opposition and resistance to his anti-worker policies. The tens of thousands of workers and young people who have been enthused by Mélenchon’s campaign must now become organised after the elections into a genuine left-wing and socialist alternative, and assist in building and coordinating the struggle against Macron and his policies.

Arkansas executions: Racist & barbaric death penalty must go

By Thomas White

Ver THe past number of weeks there has been mounting international outrage over the situation facing queer men in chechnya. It was first reported in the independent russian newspaper novaya Gazeta that many were being rounded up, arrested and put into camps, with some executions taking place. This is part of a fresh wave of repression against the long suffering LGBT+ community in Chechnya, and Russia as a whole. Growing crackdown It appears that this latest crackdown was sparked by an application made by LGBT+ activists to hold a Pride demonstration – as part of the legal challenge against the now infamous “gay propaganda” law. This has faced widespread opposition across Russia and internationally, including a boycott of the 2014 Winter Olympics. The reaction of the Chechnyan regime, led by President Kadyrov, has been brutal but not unprecedented, there is a history of repression and violence in the region and the secret prison “camps” have long been in use. Secret prisons are not just for queer men, so-called “preventa-

By Sarah Zanchetta

Gay men are under serious attack in Chechnya

tive” campaigns have been directed not just at those suspected of “extremism” (religious and political), but also at any opponent of Kadyrov. These repressive campaigns have been directed against those suspected of extra-marital relations, drinking alcohol or breaching traffic regulations. Right to asylum Since the story first broke it has been followed by harrowing reports of a witchhunt being carried out, with captured men being tortured until they reveal the names of other queer men and the families of victims being encouraged to commit “honour killings".

Reports of torture are widespread. It is believed that President Kadyrov wants the elimination of queer men in the region before Ramadan. The horrific situation unfolding in Chechnya, requires urgent action. The rights of asylum in Ireland should be granted to all a LGBT+ refugees fleeing oppression in Chechnya and with an end to the direct provision system. It is critical at times that we remember the historic slogan of the workers movement that “an injury to one is an injury to all” and we build solidarity with oppressed LGBTQ people throughout our planet.

on 24 April, the first double execution in Arkansas since 2000 was carried out, as part of a state plan of eight separate executions over the course of only 11 days before the state supply of midazolam (used in lethal injections) expired. Despite the declining support for capital punishment in the us both bigbusiness parties still currently support the death penalty. This represents one of the most active periods for capital punishment in the US since 1976, when it was reinstated. 70% of Arkansas’ overall executions carried out have been of black male prisoners, even though they only make up 6% of the population of the state. This illustrates the fundamentally

racist nature of the death penalty and prison system in the US. Those that have been executed so far include Jack Jones, Marcell Williams, Ledell Lee, and Kenneth Williams. The requests of both Jones and Williams to delay their executions had previously been denied by the Supreme Court. Asa Hutchinson, Arkansas’ Republican governor, has refused to acknowledge that the eight men he condemned include those with brain damage, histories of abuse and trauma, cognitive impairment, and health issues such as circulatory issues. It is the poorest and most oppressed sections who are the victims of the states’ legal right to take human life and it is an institution that must be abolished.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

Election in Britain

By Adam Dudley

or aLL the talk of "strong and stable government", Theresa may's about-face, in calling a snap election, exposes the crisis facing the Tories. They are desperate for this election and hope to win it before the truth is fully brought out – after a decade of crisis and the ravages of austerity cuts, the economic situation is only worsening. Theresa may’s government is also facing major splits on the question of Brexit. They are desperate to maintain a one sided election story – free from televised debate and free from substantial discussions on policy – on investment, on jobs, on welfare and austerity. They are also keen to avoid a discussion on what kind of Brexit and what kind of society the respective party leaderships stand for. Calling the election The election is set for 8 June. The mainstream media outlets have been quick to call a Tory victory – even an increased majority. In part, they are basing this on the deep crisis in the Labour Party and the ongoing war of open hostility, fuelled by those same media moguls, against Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader. The local election results, announced on 5 May, seem to back up the narrative. Labour have lost 320 seats and the Tories gained 558. Labour have lost control of Glasgow council for the first time

in 35 years and former heartlands in Wales – including Merthyr Tydfil, where party founder Keir Hardie once sat as an MP. The Tories have benefited from the collapse of UKIP – whose existential crisis has allowed the Tories to consolidate a right vote – and gained in Wales and Scotland, where they could overtake Labour. Local elections – with a lower turnout – aren't strong indicators of likely general election results. However Corbyn and his supporters must act now with a bold, socialist programme that challenges the brutal logic of neo-liberal capitalism – and connects with

the aspiration for a left Labour government. The potential for building a movement for such a government has been shown by the fact that Corbyn has a commanding lead amongst young people, who have registered to vote in their droves in recent weeks. Building a movement The wave of support for Jean-Luc Melenchon electrified the French elections - and for a time struck real fear into the hearts of the establishment. Hundreds of thousands attended rallies in support of Melenchon's surge across France, demonstrating the enormous support that can be tapped

when a left alternative to austerity and the anti-worker EU punctures the debate. The same momentum behind a clear anti-austerity, left programme, swept Jeremy Corbyn into the Labour leadership and has kept him there for 18 months. With a few weeks still to go, the outcome of the election, in many ways, will be decided by which Labour party and which programme is to the fore. Corbyn and his supporters must seize the potential that is there. Failure of Blairism The ghost of Tony Blair is a stark reminder of the kind of Labour

election Britain & north

Why the Tories can be beaten

Party Corbyn's detractors offer. A party of war, cuts and privatisation – a pro-EU conservative party, as committed to neo-liberal, antiworking class policies as the Tories themselves. Over 13 years of 'Blairism', Labour lost five million votes and the rooted support of working class communities across Britain. In contrast, Corbyn and McDonnell can offer a different vision of a society free from the rule of the billionaire. A socialist programme would articulate a Brexit which places workers’ rights and investment at the heart of Britain's exit from the EU; they can turn this election on its head.

North: Reject the sectarian headcount By Kevin Henry

T IS often said that elections in the north are “sectarian head counts”. following on from a bitterly divisive assembly election and continual political crisis this is – as one commentator put it – set to be the “mother of all sectarian headcounts.” There has been much talk of the “Unionist unity” pacts between the DUP and UUP, which will see only one party contest seats such as Fermanagh South Tyrone, North Belfast and now South Belfast, where demographic and voting pattern show that it will be a fight between unionism and nationalism. There is also likely to be a Unionist unity candidate in East Belfast, in order to face off a challenge from the Alliance Party. “Progressive pact” In response it was proposed to have anti-Brexit “progressive pact” ,made up with the SDLP, Sinn Féin and the Green Party. In reality this would have been no more than a sectarian pact with the Green Party providing “progressive” window dressing.

Sectarianism can only be challenged by working class unity

The Green Party were initially open to a pact but decided not to take part because of the SDLP’s

decision to re-run anti-choice conservative Alastair McDonnell in South Belfast. However even con-

sidering such a pact was a serious mistake, even had a sitting MP, like Alastair McDonnell, stood aside in this election that would not have fundamentally changed the character of the SDLP or indeed Sinn Féin. They are hostile to a woman’s right to choose, willing to implement austerity and sectarian. With or without such pacts- the main sectarian parties will engage in attempts to whip up sectarianism in order to mobilise a vote for them. In the last Westminster election in 2015 we saw sectarian pacts ensure that Unionists maintained seats. Sinn Féin resorted to naked sectarian tactics, including by their then North Belfast candidate, Gerry Kelly openly appealing to the electorate of North Belfast to consider their vote on the basis of the recent census results showing Catholics were a majority in the constituency. Since then, we have had two divisive Assembly election campaigns and an ongoing political crisis. Anti-sectarian Left needed The last election in particular marked a turn in the situation, with

unionism losing its majority for first time since partition. This points in the direction of more instability and division with both Sinn Féin and the DUP consolidating their position as the dominant force in their respective communities. Parties which claim to be an alternative cannot afford to take positions that reflect the views of one side of the sectarian divide. This is unfortunately is increasingly the case with People Before Profit, who for example support the concept of a “border poll” that Sinn Féin is now pushing for. Such a poll would amount to an even greater sectarian headcount and fuel further division amongst working class people Opportunities exist to build an anti-sectarian left alternative as was seen by the several thousands who joined the Labour Party in order to support Corbyn’s leadership. The task for the left is to seek to build a left that stands in the tradition of the labour movement, where people are united by their common struggles for socialist change and can overcome their differences on the basis of mutual respect and solidarity.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

Coveney plans...

news

Public land sell-off for developer greed L

They are only interested in using it to increase profits for developers, landlords and banks as people desperately try to find a place to rent or an affordable house to buy. The human cost of their criminal inaction is enormous and will be long lasting. Government policy sees the private market as the only way to addressing the human need for housing. This stubborn insistence that only the market provides a solution – which means relying on property developers whose only interest is personal profit and wealth – is quickly turning a crisis into a catastrophe. Everyone has a human right to a home. That right should not be sacrificed to generate huge profits for a tiny cabal.

By Ciaran McKenna

aST monTH, Simon coveney announced plans for a total of 2,000 hectares of public land to be sold off to private developers, land that could be potentially be used to build 50,000 social and affordable homes. Instead of prioritising the housing needs of working-class people they are allowing property developers to make a tidy profit from this privatisation of state assets. Worsening crisis It is clear to everyone that as each month passes the housing crisis is worsening. Homelessness has doubled since November 2014. Figures from Focus Ireland for March show that 7,472 people were homeless, including 2,563 children. The present government clearly have no interest in making a serious attempt to address this deepening crisis.

Housing should not be for developers’ profits

Public housing now As is becoming clear, even to rightwing economists, the private market is simply not capable of meeting the huge needs for housing in

Ireland. What is urgently needed is a mass public house building programme. In the early 1970s local authorities built on average 7,000 homes per annum. Last year a pathetic 326 council homes were built. Right now at a time of population expansion, investment in a state funded house building programme in needed. We should ignore any European fiscal rules that might be used to block such a programme. Rent controls and real security of tenure for tenants need to be introduced. Socialists place human need, not private profit, as the core organising principle of the economy. The only realistic solution to the present housing crisis in Ireland is to put this socialist principle into action. This means an immediate mass public house building programme, democratic public ownership of the construction industry and an end to the giveaway of public land to private developers.

Poll shows bubbling youth discontent Low-pay economy: 10% on minimum wage or less By Megan Oglesby

A ReCenT survey of 20,000 young people in ireland found that 54% “would join a mass uprising against the government”. Further to this, a majority of them distrust of the government and the church, with 36% viewing politicians as corrupt and 7880% of men and women reporting they could live happily without religion. This proves a massive cultural and political shift in ireland in the last decade alone. Since 2008, young people have experienced change on all levels, a complete overturn of the Celtic Tiger, and the supposed capitalist victory of the late 20th century, to the years of recession, austerity and disaster for working-class people in Ireland. This has been a historic decade. Desire for change To focus even on the last three years, there has been important change. The near abolition of water charges, in the eyes of young people has been an exciting victory. This was the result of working people taking to the streets and boycotting the charge in large numbers. Since the marriage equality referendum victory of 2015 and the protests, strikes, civil disobedience and the movement for repeal of the 8th amendment, young people have become much more engaged as well. This politicising of the

By Léa Vallence

Young people radicalised by decade of capitalist crisis

youth is the direct reason for approximately half of young people stating they would be willing to join in an uprising against a government which they do not trust, and a church that they do not believe in. The main institutions of our society, so it seems, are old, irrelevant and backwards. This is a clear and frightening reality to the capitalist establishment. Not only is this poll saying that 50% of young people would not vote for establishment parties, but that they would rise up against them. This shows the possibility of major social upheaval in the coming years. need for a socialist left However, a section of young

people dissatisfied with the establishment could also be persuaded by the populist, right wing supposedly “anti-establishment” politicians such as Le Pen in France and Trump in the US. It is the responsibility of the socialist left to prevent this. This means raising the need to get rid of the inequality and exploitation of capitalism that has been hindering the 99% for so long. Fundamentally the aspirations and desires of young people for fundamental social change and opposition to economic inequality are coming into collision with the regressive nature of the system we live under. History has shown that a youth revolt can act to spark a broader challenge to the rule of the 1%.

n THe 26 april, the central Statistics office (cSo) published the figures of the Quarterly national Household Survey (QnHS), which found that over 10% of people surveyed reported being paid at the minimum wage or less in the last three quarters of 2016. As it stands, the minimum wage of €9.25 is way below the recommended living wage of €11.50. The QNHS reported that four out of five people with wages at or below the minimum wage worked in the service sector, especially in wholesale and retail, motor repairs services (25.9%) and the food and hospitality industry (24.7%). Low paid workers Almost 38% of those were young people between the ages of 15 to 24 and a majority were women, exposing these groups to a significantly increased risk of poverty. Part-time employees and non-Irish nationals also reported being amongst the lowest paid workers. This is significant in the context

of an ever increasing cost of living and the worst housing crisis the country has ever seen with increasingly unaffordable rents for most people. Added to this is the lack of affordable healthcare and childcare and rising costs of third level education for instance which contribute towards the rising living costs. organise now The Low Pay Commission reported in 2015 that over a quarter of employees earned less than the living wage, while the report is two years old, the recent figures from the CSO confirm the prevalence of low wages in the economy. Many are being pushed into increasingly precarious situations, with little or no job security, temporary contracts or low paid internships. It is crucial that the trade union movement takes up this issue and organise amongst workers for better pay and conditions. We demand that the minimum wage be increased to €13 per hour for all workers combined with demands for free and affordable healthcare and childcare, rent controls and public investment in social housing.

May 2017

THE SOCIALIST

Why you should be a socialist By Jess Spear & Cillian Gillespie FRoM MARRiAGe equality, defeat of the water charges and successful strike action, to the growing movement to repeal the 8th amendment and separate church and state, there’s a growing desire to win real change. on the other side, for those in power – the 1% who defend the profit-driven system of capitalism – there is a growing awareness and fear that the 99% can’t be forced to obey unjust laws in the usual ways. 1. There is a clash of aspirations between the 1% and the 99%. There is a bubbling discontent in Irish society with an aspiration for equal, secular society, with a decent standard of living for all. Instead of this we are getting a race to the bottom in our wages and conditions, a housing crisis with soaring rents. Meanwhile the super-rich have double their wealth from €50 billion to €100 billion. All of this is taking place in the context of three and half years of economic growth-capitalism is simply not capable of meeting our needs. Added to this, our regressive ruling class has given us blasphemy laws, church control of schools and hospitals and a

news

“the day has passed for patching up the capitalist system; it must go” – James Connolly

constitution that polices women’s bodies. While we march for repealing the 8th and separation of church and state, they seem determined to maintain this backward status quo. We need fundamental system change if the needs and aspirations of workers, women and young people are to be met. We must challenge the rule of this capitalist establishment in Ireland that worships at the altar of the market economy and is adamantly opposed to fundamental progressive change. 2. But they are organised with immense resources available to fight us. While we march in the streets, occupy buildings, and rally outside the Dáil to make our demands heard, the ruling class have at their disposal numerous instruments to maintain their rule. In the case of the Jobstown defendants, the Garda, the courts, and the state-owned media were all made available to target, vilify, and eventually indict peaceful protesters with serious criminal charges. The blatant bias in the media coverage, as well as the millions allocated to investigate and prosecute the case so far by the Garda Síochána and the DPP demonstrates that these institu-

Capitalism means disaster for the majority or people on the planet and the planet itself

tions are not actually objective. They are political tools for the 1% to maintain their rule. 3. yet, we are many, they are few. The defeat of the water charges by people power clearly shows that if we organize and stand together, we can push back the neo-liberal policies demanded by the 1%. But, we also must recognize that the attack on Jobstown and the right to protest is just the beginning. Continued growth in people power movements will provoke the political establishment fur-

ther. We too must be organized and resolute in our demand for a more just society based on need not profit. 4. organise against their rotten system, join the socialists! From low-wage jobs, increasing levels of deprivation and inequality, mass poverty, incessant war, sexism, racism, and environmental destruction, capitalism has been a massive failure for workers and young people around the world, not just in Ireland. More and more people are coming to the conclusion that it doesn’t have to be this

way. Socialists believe it’s entirely possible to live in a society where the vast wealth and resources can be directed to ending poverty by taking the vast wealth out of the hands of the 1%. This will ensure that everyone has a high standard of living; and the movements for justice growing here in Ireland and worldwide are a glimpse of the potential power of workers and young people when we are united in our millions. Join us, get active in the fight to defend Jobstown, the right to protest, and for an equitable, socialist society.

Review: I Am Not Your Negro directed by Raoul Peck Reviewed by James McCabe

aVInG fIrST read the works of James Baldwin at the age of 15, Haitian filmmaker, raoul Peck wanted to ensure that his new film, I Am Not Your Negro was solely based on the words of Baldwin, “I didn’t want any talking heads, I didn’t want anybody to interpret him, to speak for him… it’s about his words and how impactful and important those words are today.” Those words are brought to life by footage of interviews and speeches Baldwin gave, but the film centres around the notes of an unfinished work he began shortly before he died called Remember This House. This piece, delivered by Samuel L Jackson, focuses on three political leaders of the civil rights movement; Medgar Evers, Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr., all of whom were killed before the age of 40. Having lived in Paris for a number of years during the 1950s, Baldwin describes how he was driven to go back to the US when he saw photos of a young woman braving a racist mob in an attempt

easily with American nationalism: “A black man who sees the world the way John Wayne, for example, sees it would not be an eccentric patriot but a raving maniac.”

to desegregate schools in Charlotte, North Carolina. He describes how he was not an organiser in the civil rights movement, but that he travelled from place to place to witness and write about the struggle. As an unrelenting critic not only of the officially segregated South, but of the entire US establishment, he caught the attention of the authorities. under surveillance His FBI file contained 1,884 pages of documents by the mid 70s. The film quotes an official FBI report from March 1966 which stated that, “information collected clearly depicted the subject as a dangerous individual who could be expected to commit acts inimical to the national defense and public safety of the United States in times of emergency.” The mass protests for civil rights, abortion rights and the movement against the Vietnam War, across the US and internationally, in the 60s instilled fear into the defenders of the status quo.The FBI’s COINTELPRO counter-intelligence campaign, originally set up to disrupt the Communist

Party,focused on infiltrating and repressing Black rights’ organisations in the late 60s. Thirty-eight members of the Black Panther Party were eventually killed by the

police. Baldwin describes the racism and poverty that African Americans experience and argues that their experience doesn’t tally

A rotten system The film shows the disagreements between Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, but states that “By the time each died, their positions had become virtually the same position.”It doesn’t describe what these positions were, but both had arrived at clear, anti-capitalist conclusions. Malcolm X said, “I don’t see any American Dream; I see an American nightmare.” The American Dream has always been a fantasy for most African Americans. It has now become a sheer utopia for the overwhelming majority of Americans. The film ends on quite a pessimistic note, but the footage of Black Lives Matter protests shows that the struggles that drove Baldwin have reignited. The mass struggles of the future will outdo even the momentous struggles of the 60s, and could overturn the whole, racist, capitalist system.

PaPer of the SocialiSt Party

iSSue 108

May 2017

Enough is Enough!

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