(re)CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGE OF C.R.PARK : a research investigation of an ethnic commune on its identi by Spandan Das

URBANISM(s) of PLURALISM (re)CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGE OF C.R.PARK : a research investigation of an ethnic commune on its identity, and a probe towards diversity & pluralism

SPANDAN DAS

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URBANISM(s) of PLURALISM (re)CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGE OF C.R.PARK : a research investigation of an ethnic commune on its identity, and a probe towards diversity & pluralism

PROMOTER: VIVIANA dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;AURIA AUTHOR: SPANDAN DAS (re)CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGE OF C.R.PARK : a research investigation of an ethnic commune on its identity, and a probe towards diversity & pluralism

URBANISM(s) of PLURALISM AUTHOR: SPANDAN DAS PROMOTOR: VIVIANA d’AURIA READERS: BRUNO DE MEULDER KEZIA DEWI JEROEN STEVENS MORE INFO on: MAHS / MAUSP / EMU Master Programs Department ASRO, K.U.Leuven Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee, Belgium Tel: + 32(0)16 321 391 Email: paulien.martens@kuleuven.be © Copyright by K.U.Leuven Without written permission of the promotors and the authors it is forbidden to reproduce or adapt in any form or by any means any part of this publication. Requests for obtaining the right to reproduce or utilize parts of this publication should be addressed to K.U.Leuven, Faculty of Engineering – Kasteelpark Arenberg 1, B-3001 Heverlee (België). Telefoon +3216-32 13 50 & Fax. +32-16-32 19 88. A written permission of the promotor is also required to use the methods, products, schematics and programs described in this work for industrial or commercial use, and for submitting this publication in scientific contests. All images and drawings in this booklet are, unless credits are given, made or drawn by the author.

URBANISM(s) of PLURALISM (re)CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGE OF C.R.PARK : a research investigation of an ethnic commune on its identity, and a probe towards diversity & pluralism

Thesis submitted to obtain the degree of Masters of Science in Urbanism & Strategic Planning in September 2016. BY: Spandan Das under the supervision and guidance of Viviana dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Auria

(re)CONSTRUCTING TH

a research investigation of an e

and a probe towards d

HE E IMAGE OF C.R.PARK

ethnic commune on its identity,

diversity & pluralism

FIG 1: A roadside tea stall in the neighborhood

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I will have a lot people to thank for making me compile my final project. A lot of friends and extended family members, who have always inspired me and motivated through my dull times. I would sincerely like to thank Arijit Paul, Robin Chatterjee, Anurag Dasgupta, Muktish, Rushmica Banerjee, Piyush & Pratyush, Neelangshu, Bharat and a lot of other friends from C.R. Park itself. It goes without saying that I have to thank my family to let me be and always motivating me to do what I wanted to. I would also like to thank C.R. Park, not as a place or a neighborhood, but mostly as a community where I have known everyone and learned from a lot of people there; elders and seniors to me. I would also like to thank my friends from the Architectural school where I have learned a lot from them. Brinda, Janpreet, Bhavin, Niel, Hitesh Suthar, Ravi V, Vijay and a whole lot of peers who had always made me achieve the best. It would be very wrong if I do not thank my mentors from my school because of whom I was able to make it to an institution like ASRO, KU Leuven. I would take a moment and thank Prof. Nirav Hirpara, Neha Sarwate, Jignesh Vyas and all others because of whom I could do my best. And now a whole bunch of friends whom I met at KU Leuven and working with whom I learned a lot of things. I thank you Sven, Thierry, Sheeba, Tanmoy, Elvia, Irina, Parul, Swagata and Studio Indonesia group mates, and also to my elder brothers Tarek Morad and Ashim Manna, who have constantly kept me together through my lowest points (academically and personally). The acknowledgement would be incomplete if i do not thank my fellow batch mate Vipul Verma and block mates Patrick and Anupam. I would also really like to thank some other people from whom I have learnt a lot and got inspired. Faraz Farooq and Prashant Pradhan from whom I have learnt a lot professionally and I feel indebted to them for the guidance they have given me in life. Also I owe a big thanks to my mentors and tutors here in Leuven under whom I have learned a lot in the last 2 years, and to Leuven itself which has made me grow a lot personally and academically. And last, and perhaps the most important thanks to my Promoter Viviana dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Auria, under whom I have been trying to make the best of this research for the last 6 months. I owe this work to her because of her constant guidance and her willingness to learn more about this small place of C.R. Park and her motivation to get me going when I had almost dropped the idea of working on this topic, as I feared that I might not be able to do anything as there is no reference point for the case I am studying. I sincerely feel indebted to her for her guidance, patience and above all tolerance to cope up with my shortcomings as a first time researcher. Thanks a lot.

Thanks everyone and C.R. Park again, I will always be indebted to you.

Acknowledgements Preface

7 10

CH1 INTRODUCION

> > > >

16 20 27 28

1.1_ Introduction 1.2_Study Objective & Research Methodology 1.3_Research Design 1.4_Delhi as a case of Pluralism and Diversity

CH2 UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

> > > > >

40 44 48 56 58

2.1_ Welcome to C.R. Park 2.2_Establishment History 2.3_ The residential characteristics 2.4_ Spatial Transformation of C.R. Park 2.5_Mapping the neighborhood

CH3 CULTURE, ETHNICITY AND IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

> 3.1_Culture, Ethnicity and Identity of C.R. Park > 3.2_Defining Ethnicity-The ‘BONG’ ness about it > 3.3_Ethnicity and its Cultural Geography

76 78 86

FIG 2: Kalibari Temple complex

CH4 DEFINING DIVERSITY & PLRALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF C.R.PARK

100

> 4.1_The tones of diversity [programmatic + social] . . . . . > 4.2_Towards a probe of pluralism > 4.3_What [vices] has diversity and pluralism brought along . . . .

104 126 134

CH5 THE POWER OF PUBLIC SPACE(S) IN DAILY OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD

142

> 5.1_Does inclusive public spaces exhibits robustness? > 5.2_Market spaces as capacitors of activities > 5.3_ The Informal [Hawking & Street Vending] Commercial As Activity Points For Public Life

146 148 156

FINAL NOTES

164

APPENDIX

166

BIBLIOGRAPHY & REFERENCES EMAIL RESPONSES TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE INTERVIEWS LIST OF FIGURES OTHER SOURCES END CREDITS

168 172 188 199 205 206

PREFACE To start off to what is presumably, the final master’s thesis research study of my post-graduation program at KU Leuven, ASRO, a lot of thoughts keep gushing back from the experiences I have had here in the past 18 months of my life. Probably not the best ones, but of course the most important one’s as I feel very fortunate to have been in this great school which has widened my perception and understanding of today’s urban spaces and larger fragments of what we call the spatial structures of cities. Through these months I have studied various interdisciplinary courses like the one that of Human Settlements in Developments which helped me understand and develop the sense of seeing and studying habitat spaces with various examples from throughout the world and also categorization of different types of human settlements. The course of Urban Anthropology was one very different experience for me personally, as it helped me understand a larger physical reality of space through the vision of its users and its inhabitants; the importance of people’s lifestyle and way of living, along with the human behavioural pattern which are the most important tangents of a societal co-existence. Other courses like the Theory and Practice of Urbanism since 1945 was a fantastic learning experience of understanding a process of urbanization and growth of a city or a larger space entity, based on a post-traumatic circumstances, which brought in a new perspective of understanding the structural pattern of growth of cities or a larger urban assimilation. Based on the learnings from the theories of such courses and many others, there was a moment taken to realise of what can become a thorough study case where in I can use the knowledge pool and reflect my learnings over the last 22 months. Suddenly, I realised that one thing which I missed the most, which is my home; my neighborhood; my locality and my identity, and the answer was there in front of me. The study I write a discourse upon, in this master thesis paper will be a reflection of the study and understanding of a neighborhood called C.R.Park (Chittaranjan Park), located in the southern district of Delhi. The study is based on my lived experiences of this neighborhood locality; and the specificity of this locality being an ‘Ethnic Domain’ mainly habituated by the Bengali community, habitants of which actually hails from the Eastern part of India. Being the only Bengali neighborhood in the National Capital territory of Delhi, it does exhibit those strong images of a communal living and yet not fall into the negative connotation of the phenomena of ghettoization. Since its inception it has maintained that balance of socio-cultural ecology and has brought it forward even with the pressures of rapid urbanization.

I have seen it changing; its physical reality and spatial transformation through the last 26 years of my life, and not disagreeing to the dichotomy of various changes it has inculcated within. The spatial and physical transformations were very obvious, reckoning to the fact of the economic and urban growth of the city it sets in, but withstanding the heavy thrusts of the urbanization, this small habitat reminds me of a hamlet, where still the virtues and the values of a community living exists and echoes. However, it is also worthy to note that there has been a very specific cultural and social change as well in C.R. Park, also as a result of fast-paced urban growth. The change I am talking about here is that of the demographics and its diversification, which factually has made C.R. Park a more multicultural society with a lot of new families belonging from different sociocultural backgrounds, have come and resided in C.R. Park. This however is an interesting addition in tones of the society, but then the research heavily stresses upon these ideas of ethnicity and this new diversification of the populace and what has each brought to this neighborhood. I hope to bring all the intangible and invisible aspects of this sociocultural matrix through this dissertation and able to set an example; on a very modest note, about the importance of community living and people and their culture. The dissertation will mainly try to understand the more consequential parts of living in a community through the larger research ideas of ethnicity, cultural affiliation, diversity and pluralism in an ethnic neighborhood in the city of Delhi, which is a result of the settling of NonBengali families into the neighborhood. ‘Pluralism’, ‘Diversity’ – in itself it means more than one or something close to indefinite and multi-layered; which will be perceived in this case as the neighborhood in itself that offers a wide variety of different images of everyday life, different lifestyles based on the livelihood of different social strata’s, variant public spaces as markets, playgrounds and festive grounds as transformative spaces, schools, community centres, temples as sacred worship spaces. Diversity will be particularly seen in 2 aspects of the programmatic spaces which the neighborhood has to offer to its inhabitants and many people who do not live in the neighborhood. It will be also seen in the light of diversity of the social composition of today’s time, which has changed from its original composition from being an absolute Bengali neighborhood to a more diverse neighborhood with the inclusion of Non-Bengali families. With this research, I not only intend to sign off from my academic adventure, but at the same time hope to bring forward an honest representation of this small urban fragment in the city of Delhi and attempt to understand its power and identity as a community, and an example of an communal living.

FIG 3: One of the neighborhood Park area, part of a forest

> > > >

1.1_ Introduction 1.2_Study Objective & Research Methodology 1.3_Research Design 1.4_Delhi as a case of Pluralism and Diversity

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

FIG 4: Early refugee camp at Purana Qila (Old Fort) Delhi.

“WHAT COULD HAVE BEEN THERE COULD HAVE BEEN GREAT; BUT WHAT WAS DONE WAS GREATER”

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

1.1_INTRODUCTION The heavy pressure of urbanization in India, has been ever since the modern India recognised itself as a free country from the previous colonial rule of the British Empire. Delhi being the centre since the colonial rule has seen and received its own benefits of urban development since the British rule. Careful and sensitive planning of urban space is what one may witness today in the centre of Delhi; which boasts of its magnificent architecture and space making during the colonial times and the other harsh reality is seen just towards the suburban parts of Delhi just outside the central Delhi. Since freedom there has been a sudden influx in the urbanization process, and Delhi in itself has seen a lot of problems and hardships with the growing need of the population which was outnumbering the provisional capacity of the city. The postindependence partition aftermaths had led to an undesirable situation in the city and its newly born government. The city of Delhi was receiving thousands of refugees from all over the North-Western frontier of Pakistan and West Punjab (Roy. H, 2012)[1] region in hope of shelter and food. The city then had to accommodate millions of refugees and hence it gave birth to a new socially and culturally driven urbanization trends of forming emergency rehabilitation settlements for the refugees. It would be inappropriate to say that the sudden burst of urban growth without proper planning was hampering the urban situation of the city as it was more of a need based solution rather than a desire. In today’s context these ‘refugee settlements’ has grown out itself spatially; not only aerially but volumetrically as well. Each of the neighborhood settlement has some identity related to it; culturally, socially or physically but each one has its own unique existence and identity. These refugee settlements, formally known as ‘rehabilitation settlements / colonies’ were particularly established and commenced from the perspective of accommodating the displaced people from the partition frontiers of India and Pakistan, most of them were from the North-West frontier, formerly known as the West Pakistan regions of Punjab and Sindh. [1] - Roy, Haimanti. Partitioned Lives: Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and Pakistan, 1947-65. 2012.

[2] - E.P.D.P East Pakistan Displaced Persons

This had immensely added on to the number of North Indian populous into the urban agglomeration of Delhi, but only was there an exception of one of the refugee rehabilitation settlement for the East Pakistan Dispalced Person’s (E.P.D.P)[2], who fled from the East Pakistan province post-independence; now known as Bangladesh. The East Pakistan displaced refugees were the Non-Muslim Bengali community who had their origins from the Bengal region and had fled to Delhi in search of shelter. Since they were a minority in numbers, especially in the context of Delhi it wasn’t an easy access for them to find a place to reside within the capital. However, eventually they were allocated a large area for accommodating almost about 1400 Bengali families in the southern district of Delhi, which is today known as Chittaranjan Park. (Guha, A.K.) [3] (NOTE* - it is based on an interview by Guha, A.K. (Present Chairperson E.B.D.P Association[4] 1st generation inhabitant, Age: 70+. Personal Interview, 13th April, 2016). The case of C.R Park is better known for its socio-cultural identity in today’s time, and regardless of it being an ethnic enclave of the Bengali Community in Delhi, it has not quite fallen under the negative repercussions of being a ‘Ghetto’. The study of this neighborhood is mainly based on the principle of understanding it as a community or a larger habitat mainly domiciled by people of one particular ethnicity and yet the urban fragment exhibits tones of multiplicity, versatility, variety or collectively as a pluralistic urban setting. Pluralism of an urban setting in itself can be perceived as a complex labyrinth of various internal dynamic layers juxtaposed on each other in such a way that they work individually for themselves but for each other as well. One may think that it is about the variation and diversity of people and cultures who add on to the socio-cultural enrichment. This is, in fact, one way of looking at things and how they work, individually and in combination with each other. The ideas of pluralism and diversity, seemingly is difficult to see in such a case of an ethnic domain, mainly habituated by people of just one community, one cultural all having same socio-cultural roots and oblivious to adhere to other cultures and ways of living.

[3] - Guha, A.K. (Present Chairperson E.B.D.P Association),1st generation inhabitant, Age: 70+. Personal Interview, 13th April, 2016).

[4] - E.B.D.P Association - East Bengal Displaced people association

INTRODUCTION

FIG 5: Refugees fleeing in at Delhi through railways.

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

The notion of understanding the realms of diversity and pluralism in such an urban fragment is not only based on the existence of this one particular community of people, but also upon the physical reality of different architectural objects operating different programs for different function; also on the existence of the internal dynamics of activities and public spaces and the people using those spaces. It can be understood and thought that how people living beyond the boundaries of the neighborhood of C.R. Park, can access and use these spaces and the functions they offer, which enunciates an idea of pluralistic urban fragment by allowing people from different backgrounds access the space quite easily. Different spatial fragments, like the built fabric of the housing blocks or the schools, or the religious spots, markets, social housing blocks which caters to a particular segment etc. all can become important in understanding the diversity of [programmatic] space. The visible architectural envelopes of houses and different public buildings also have a story of their own transformation since the time it was built, the traditional and cultural practices of festivals, social bonding over cultural events are but another aspect that brings in more diversity. The core public spaces of the neighborhood like its markets or the religious spots along with its daily activities defines a kind of plural and a robust nature which gives the neighborhood a strong character of community co-existence. On to that the mix of different age groups, from 3 generations since its inception, and a mix of different socio-economic segments defines a lot about the diversity of the society and perhaps gives it a more plural image of multiplicity. With all of the aspects mentioned above Chittaranjan Park even today stands tall in its socio-cultural qualities and as an emblem of an ethnic domain, through its qualitative aspects of life; everyday life. The sense of pluralism and diversity is not only defined by the variation of its architectural amalgamation of a larger ethnic precinct, but more based on its intangible aspects of people [inhabitants + outsiders] and their daily activities, practices of their life, their cultural and religious symbiosis and all the positive aspects of being in a close knit society. FIG 6: Kalibari Temple complex, a premier cultural spot.

INTRODUCTION

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

1.2_STUDY OBJECTIVE & RESEARCH METHODOLOGY STUDY OBJECTIVEBeing the only rehabilitation settlement for the Bengali community who fled from East Pakistan (Bengal), now Bangladesh, it makes itself a unique case for the study of its socio-cultural dynamics and its growth through the time of its inception. In today’s context the settlement stands out as an emblem of an ethnically driven community in Delhi, particularly known for its unique cultural character and shows what a community can do for itself after it has been provided for space in the city, by the government organizations. Also, in concurrence with the physical reality of its transformation, the central core of study will be based on the prime research idea of the understanding the notions of concepts like ethnicity and cultural affiliation and see if there is a possible presence of the notions of pluralism and diversity related to it. The basis of the study is mainly upon the consequential presence of various dynamics and operations that gives the neighborhood locality a very vibrant character through its physical fabric and humanistic activities. The prior understanding of a neighborhood through its activities in market spaces, religious centres, and different community service centres which gives it a very vibrant character in daily life will be an important study apart from the larger conglomerated festivals and cultural events which defines the cultural identity of this settlement. In the last 4 decades it has fantastically encapsulated its cultural identity through practices of their everyday life which manifests in the public spaces, and in its festivities; and has become one of the most sought after localities through a vast range of its programmatic diversity. However, in the last 2 decades there has been a thorough transformation by a new wave of families from different ethnic and cultural backgrounds settling in C.R.Park & resulted into a social diversification and represents a pluralistic society. In this research study about C.R. Park I would primarily like to investigate about ‘How C.R. Park as an ethnic settlement qualifies as a case of diversity and pluralism?’ (Das.S, 2016) [1] [1] - Das, Spandan. Urban Studies 2: Research Methodology. Final Paper Draft. Leuven: unpublished, 2016.

[2] - Originally by Vertovec, Steven. “Super-diversity and its implications.” Ethnic and Racial Studies (2007): 10241054 in Das.S 2016, ibid)

[3] - Originally by Tuna Tasan-Kok, et.al. Towards Hyper-Diversified European Cities: A Critical Literature Review. Research Study Project. Utrecht: Utrecht University, 2014 in Das. S, 2016,

STUDY OBJECTIVE & RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY:Under the scope of understanding C.R. Park in the conceptual framework of ethnicity & cultural affiliation, diversity [social + programmatic (spatial)] and pluralism, it was a very crucial to have well-dispersed fieldwork. Also, this is the first time that the case of C.R. Park is being researched and studied upon for an academic research so it was all the more important to have wide and an extensive time at the field. Not only the extensive field work was important, but it was all the more necessary to spend a long and an exuberant time there, to perceive and understand more of the internal dynamics of the settlement. The people, the society on a broader perspective, the spaces of the settlement and the way the people would use spaces and then, try to document various aspects to draw out the best possible understanding of the space and the social fabric itself. At the same time, because the context is relatively new and have not been studied or researched upon, it brings forth more of the challenges to understand it from all aspects and perceptions; from the point of view of the inhabitants to my self-asserted understanding of the space from my present skill set of being an architect and a student of urbanism. Also the key concepts of research which mainly investigates about the idea of ‘ethnic identity and cultural affiliation’, ‘diversity’ and pluralism(s), which comes up from the recent studies on super-diversity (Vertovec.S, 2007 in Das.S, 2016)[2] and hyper-diversity (Kok. Tuna. T, 2014 in Das.S, 2016) [3] With the challenges of the case and the concepts of research the present set of methodological approaches is mainly transdisciplinary. I will briefly explain you about the different methodological approaches in the following segments.

FIG 7: One of the bigger houses on corner plots

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

1.URBAN / SPATIAL MORPHOLOGICAL &TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS – 1.a URBAN ANALYSIS through MORPHOLOGICAL STUDY “The city is the accumulation and the integration of many individual and small group actions, themselves governed by cultural traditions and shaped by cultural and economic forces over time. Urban morphologists […] they study the outcomes of ideas and intentions as they take shape on the ground and mould our cities. Buildings, gardens, streets, parks and monuments, are among the main elements of morphological analysis.” (Moudon, A.V 1997) [1] Urban morphology or ‘morphogenesis’ (Moudon, A.V 1997) [1], is but the most used and useful methods of understanding the urban space as a composite of different spatial elements, which may be built or unbuilt; like building blocks, open spaces etc. thus defines a specific character of the urban setting which one is studying. Also it is useful in a manner to understand the spatial reality as a result of many transformation throughout the years. One may be able to understand and analyse the patterns of growth and development of a city, or a fragment of the city which is to be studied. In this particular research study, one of the main objectives to see and study the case under the aspects of morphological analysis was mainly to dissect the chosen case into various spatial layers which constitutes a holistic space. From its present figure ground and tissue structures, to its morphology of the street. The motive behind this chosen method was to clearly demarcate the spatial character and form a specific understanding of its spatial characteristics and background, of how it is now, how it was when it was planned and how has it transformed over the years.

[1] - Moudon, Anne Vernez. “Urban Morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field.” International Seminar on Urban Form. Seattle: College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Washington, 1997. 3-10.

FIG 8: examples of urban morphological mapping

STUDY OBJECTIVE & RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

1.b URBAN ANALYSIS through TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS:In support of the methodology of urban morphological analysis, which I use to understand the case in a holistic manner, and the eventuality of the development till now, the typological methods of analysis was to understand correctly the consequences of spaces which corresponds to specific programs designated to it. The prime objective of applying this methodology to understand the research case was primarily to see and understand, that why certain spaces in the neighborhood are functioning in a particular way, or, why different spaces in the neighborhood has different types of ambiances; which in turn gave me more insight about the people, the activities of the people in certain spaces, thus defining specific connotations for each space, whether market(s), or a place of worship, or a park or a garden etc. each of them which falls under the same category of public spaces but are not the same in certain cases. For example, the neighborhood, has about 50 green (open) spaces, but not all of them are same, rather by deploying the typological analysis method, I realised that at least the open spaces could be categorized into typologies of open spaces. One could be rather more private gardens, while the other is of a more supralocal level where large festivals and cultural events are held that accommodates the people from the neighborhood and people from other parts of the city. The above 2 methodological approaches, were part interpretative and partly observation based during the fieldwork. Most of the interpretative mapping has been done prior to the fieldwork, with relevant working knowledge from my present skill set and references from literary works of Philippe Panerai like Analyse Urbaine (1999)[2]. Through such examples and others similar to that, I could understand the way and the importance of morphological and typological analysis. FIG 9: examples of urban typology mapping.

[1] - Philippe Panerai, Marcella Demorgon, Jean-Charles Depaule. Analyse Urbaine. Marseille: Edition Parentheses, 2012.

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

2. ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS:-

2b. SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS-

As this is a new case, I felt that not only the typical urban morphological and typological methodological approach were sufficient as I would not have been able to understand and perceive the internal dynamics of the social functioning or how the people were living together in a community. In order to understand that deeply, I tried to take an ethnographic approach to understand the internal dynamics of the community, and see through the people and their lifestyle, and their lives in this commune.

As the frame of the research mainly resorts to understand the socio-cultural aspects, the changes overtime, and the community dynamics, it was important to assert the position of the inhabitants, and the outsiders as well as important contributors for the image construction of the neighborhood. Hence, there has been an in-depth attempt to bring out the experiential knowledge of the people’s perspective through impromptu conversations and semi-structured interviews.

2a. PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION in FIELDWORK as an INSIDER:“Participant observation is usually taken as the archetypal form of research employed by ethnographers. It is more properly conceived of as a research strategy than a unitary research method in that it is always made up of a variety of methods. In its classic form participant observation consists of a single researcher spending an extended period of time living among the people he or she is studying, participating in their daily lives in order to gain a as complete an understanding as possible of the cultural meanings and social structures of the group and how these are interrelated.”(Davies 2008) [1] In the scope and limits of this research study, I took this opportunity of a long-extensive fieldwork, involving myself in the daily lives of the people and observing the people and the activities from an in-depth view. However, I myself have resided in the neighborhood itself for a long time, so it was not that difficult to site myself in, but because of my limited knowledge in ethnographic and anthropological studies, it was really important for me to indulge myself more into the public sphere of the community. Also the time constraint and lesser knowledge on the key concepts of research, bounded me to have more indepth observations of daily life so as to draw out the nuances of its socio-cultural fabric. (Das. S, ibid)

[1] - Davies, Charlotte Aull. Reflexive Ethnographies: A guide to researching selves and others. Oxon: Routledge, 2008.

*NOTE - The above section is a reproduction of one of the work’s of the author, earlier quoted as Das, Spandan. Urban Studies 2: Research Methodology. Final Paper Draft. Leuven: unpublished, 2016.

The interview’s, I would not say was close to a typical surveying technique, attempting to bring out the quantitative aspects, rather they were just meant purely to understand the sociocultural perspective of the people and the community. There was not a set of questions with which I would approach any interviewee, but a partly structured ranges of questions or the topics rather, which I felt would enhance and elaborate about the research concepts. The interviews were spread over various categories of ‘insiders-outsiders’. The insiders being the inhabitants of the neighborhood, were further categorized into 3 groups, from the 1st generation inhabitants to the present (3rd) generation, to draw out a significant contrast of their outlook and experiences, which would only enrich the formulations of the research and understand them in reference with the key concepts. This was mainly done so as to get a sense of proportion in the descriptions through the process of interviewing, and get a much broader and a variant picture of the same reality of neighborhood. Apart from the insider views, a thorough focus was given to the outsiders as well, who were anyone; from a regular visitor, to a shop-owner or a person who is working in the neighborhood. It was as important as the interviews of the inhabitants, to get a perspective from the outsiders, so as to get a more comparative and a comprehensive outlook of the neighborhood. (Das. S, ibid)

STUDY OBJECTIVE & RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Also, one more important objective of these interviews were to understand the evolution of family(s) and their house(s), which maybe called as â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;house biographiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, is one important tool to understand the present fabric or rather the changing fabric of the community as a resultant of numerous small processes and stories of families and its people. It is attempted to see in light, that the spatial transformation, aerially as well as volumetrically, are a manifest of various personal accounts and stories, rather than a collective economic or political strategies of the city or the administrative part of the city where the neighborhood sets itself. 2c. VISUAL ETHNOGRAPHY As described by Davies 2008, about the 2 methods of visual ethnography, in which the researcher documents the daily life, the space, the people and the activities, through a visual medium of videotaping or filming, still photography, recordings on site, browsing through family items like photo albums etc.; both the methods were attempted to be applied at all parts through the fieldwork. The prime objective of doing so was to create a short film, which I believe would be an important tool to narrate the reality of the neighborhood in a more descriptive manner. The still photographs, would be an important method to see and understand the various spaces and the activities which happen at a particular time, and at the same time would be crucial to figure out important elements at a later stage when writing the final dissertation. However, the deep investigations in the family albums was a very important method to understand how the spatial reality has changed over time and to what it has become now. These methods of visual ethnographies were as important as the interviews, the videotapes etc. as they described a reality of the yesteryears. (Das. S, ibid)

FIG 10: Image showing an outdoor interview

FIG 11: Image showing an indoor interview

FIG 12: Still Photography as an important tool

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

3. LITERATURE REVIEW:As per the present frame of research, which has narrowed down to the core concepts of ‘ethnic identity & cultural affiliation’, which mainly bases on the readings of Nagel (1994)[1]. However the central core of ethnic identity arises also from some other readings of Weinreich, 2009[2] and Berry 1997[3], as well. But apart from these literatures which form the main research framework, the other concepts of ‘diversity’ & ‘pluralism’ are based on some recent works and researches works of Vertovec (2007, ibid), Tuna Tasan-Kok, (2014, ibid) on the research of ‘Towards Hyper-diversified cities’, which talks on the concepts of super-diversity & hyper-diversity. All these readings are mainly inspired to form the main theoretical frame of research, based on which I attempt to perceive and understand the case as consequence of ‘ethnic identity and cultural affiliation’ and anticipate the qualities of diversity and pluralism into the case. Several other literatures on the functioning of public spaces, and on how community spaces work has also been reffered, to strengthen the arguement of the public spaces in C.R. Park.

FIG 13: One of the books of literature readings

4. SECONDARY DATA:Apart from all the core methods of interviewing, spatial analysis, literature review etc. comes the secondary data, which constitutes the old maps, photographs, publications from the administrative association of the neighborhood, newspaper articles or internet blogs on the place, which will give me better insight of the place and can be used in the dissertation as well. 5. EMAIL RESPONSES of QUESTIONNAIRE: With the progress of the research toards it’s final stages there were a lot of new learning from the relevant data source and through numerous readings of literature. There came a stage where i had base my further progress on very direct questions to get direct perspectives of some of the past interviewee’s and some new chosen cases as former residents of the neighborhood. A very structured and a well-organized set of questions were forwarded to various respondents based on whose answers i was able to build a relevant part of my research.

FIG 14: One of the reports of literature readings

[1] - Nagel, Joane. “Constructing Ethnicity: Creating and Recreating Ethnic Identity and Culture.” Social Problems 41.1 (1994): 152-174.

[2] Weinreich, Peter. “‘Enculturation’, not ‘acculturation’: Conceptualising and assessing identity processes in migrant communities.” International Journal of Intercultural Relations 33 (2009): 124-139.

[3] Berry, John W. “Immigration, Acculturation, and Adaptation.” APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY: AN I N T ER NAT IONA L REVIEW 46.1 (1997): 5-68.

RESEARCH DESIGN

1.3_RESEARCH DESIGN The detailed discourse in the dissertation of the research study on C.R.Park, is structured in a linear manner, which would unfold the versatile and diverse character of the case through different chapters, set in a chronological order. The case will be introduced in all aspects of its locational & historical relevance in the city of Delhi, and its cultural values it holds across Delhi. Following the introductory part of the case, in the discourse I intend to bring out the basic spatial and morphological characteristics of the case through deploying the various urban morphological & typological methods as discussed above. The main objective in this segment is to predominantly bring forth the various spatial elements of the neighborhood, and draw out the specificity of its spatial quality with its immediate context, and hence elaborate about the idea of spatial diversity. Similarly, in the following segments of the discourse, the concepts of ‘ethnic identity & cultural affiliation’, will take a priority as the main theoretical framework, and enhance the research from the learnings of the related literature. The main objective in this segment would be elaborate about how C.R.Park as a spatial entity has retained those nuances of their cultural root and identity. By now, I wish to set C.R.Park as a strong case of ethnic community, which has successfully retained their cultural roots over the years; and then I wish to bring in the concepts of diversity [programmatic & social]. Based on the field observation of the neighborhood, it would be interesting to assert, that how C.R.Park stands out when compared to its immediate context, as a case programmatic diversity which would justify the production of variety of spaces within the neighborhood. Corresponding to this segment, the research will start orienting towards the notion(s) of social-diversity & pluralism(s). I would like to bring into notice that the, linear manner of the research discourse, which starts by introducing the context and then understanding the spatial layers, followed by the elaboration on the notions ‘cultural affiliation’ & diversity[programmatic & social] is constantly reckoning to a timeline from the establishment of the settlement till the present. The initial formative years from 1967-68 to present I would like to categorize them into 3 main segments which will correspond to each of the key concepts.

From its inception, till the early 1990’s, one will see the strong notion of the cultural affiliation and the production of their ethnic identity, which from 1990’s starts to diversify socially, when the first wave of new families migrated to the neighborhood, belonging from different ethnic cultures. This time fragment will enunciate the idea of social-diversity more, and try to understand that how people started adjusted and accustomed in the neighborhood. However, through this time frame, there will be a constant referencing of the ethnic & cultural lifestyle of the neighborhood. Lastly, I would really question and investigate about the notion of ‘pluralistic’ character of the neighborhood, if it has attained, or is there a possibility of it becoming one, with consideration of this strong background of an ethnic presence in the neighborhood, which is now getting diversified with the presence of these new families. The last segment will again see in light the present situation; the scenes of everyday life, the scenarios in public spaces and understand how these public cores of primarily an ethnic settlement, is becoming an inter-ethnic platform; and does that qualify C.R.Park as a pluralistic society, or is it becoming one. Through the dissertation, it would be really important to acknowledge the thorough use of the methodological tools, and one will see that how these methodological tools are intertwined with each other. All of the approaches, gets deployed individually as needed to bring out the required information, but at the same time gets entwined by one another as required to bring out the best learnings as possible. Through the discourse of the research design, it will be attempted to intermix the different tools of ethnographies and urban analysis tools to understand C.R.Park in the best possible manner. By this means we can relate the perceptions of the people through interviews, with the readings of spatial study of the community, hence it will be apt to say that the methodological approaches are all intertwined.

*NOTE - The above section is a reproduction of one of the work’s of the author, earlier quoted as Das, Spandan. Urban Studies 2: Research Methodology. Final Paper Draft. Leuven: unpublished, 2016.

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

CULTURAL AFFILIATION & ETHNIC IDNTITY

PROCESS of SOCIAL DIVERSITY BEGINS

as the neighborhood grows and the community develops its spaces for everyday use with preference of their cultural lifestyle a strong idea of SPATIAL DIVERSITY manifests as the public spaces & institutions

1967/68 C.R. PARK ESTABLISHED as an ethnic neighborhood.

1990 onwards The first wave of new families starts moving into C.R. Park

PRESENT Is it a socially diverse and a pluralistic community? OR Can it become one?

ILLUSTRATION 1: ROUGH TIME FRAMES of CHANGES AND MODALITIES OF THE RESEARCH STUDY The above diagram is a rough prejudiced idea of the research design orientation through the timeline of the neighborhood and at what course of time interval i would be questioning or arguing about the key concepts of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Cultural affliation & Ethnic Identityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, Diversity & Pluralism.

1.4_DELHI AS A CASE OF PLURALISM AND DIVERSITY The city of Delhi in itself is a lot composite of diverse cultures and societal classes, which gives it a unique blend and makes it a mixed bag of different cultural realities. It has always been in the centre of attention since the last 10 centuries almost apart from the very ancient establishments, which is known as the first city called as the Indraprastha. Apart from that, since the second half of the 11th century Delhi has seen almost about 7 transformations (Aggarwal. B, 1990)[1] from different dynasties each making different cities and smaller towns during its reign, making it always the centre point of politics and great kingdom successions. Essentially and popularly, the 4 cities of Lal Kot built in 1060 under the rule of Tomar dynasty, followed by the first city made by Muslims against the Mughal invasion named Siri in about 1300 A.D; then the fortified city Tughlaqabad under the supremacy Ghiyath-ud-din Tughlaq and then the last of the ancient cities and perhaps the most popular one was Shajanabad under the reign of Shahjahan iof Mughal dynasty, before the colonisation of the Bristh East India Company in early 19th century. Since then the Britishers were the last foreign rulers on the lands of Delhi and they also formally shifted the capital from Calcutta presidency (now Kolkata) to Delhi in 1911, which saw a major benchmark in the process of urbanization. The infrastructural development and urban space development was all planned and made under the sensibilities of Sir. Edwin Lutyens that is today known as the Central Delhi, where most of the government and political offices and residencies are located till date. [1] - Aggarwal. B, The Political History of India (mapping), 1990, unpublished.

FIG 15: Satellite image of Delhi Urban Area

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

The story however does not ends after the evacuation of the British rule from India, as the freedom came with a cost of Partition of the Indian sub-continent. Especially after the independence in 1947, based on the ill-effects of the India-Pakistan partition which had led to a very dystopian conditions in the country then. The most effected parts were the North-Western border of India. The Punjab and Sindh regions were the most effected and from where the maximum people fled from. Delhi at that time, was already restraining from the independence and was struggling to administrate with its newly formed central government. The sudden inflow of refugees from the Punjab region during the first mass migration post-partition saw almost about a million refugees coming into the centre. And then the mass migration of refugees from East Bengal or East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Due to this sudden rise in the population into the elite areas of Delhi, the city witnessed its first stark of residential and housing urbanization. This gave rise to a new form or urbanity as a consequence of refugee rehabilitation settlements and neighborhoods. Just outside the Victorian and colonial precincts, especially in the southern zone of the city, this new form of urbanity established itself. These refugee rehabilitation settlements were more of a need driven solution responding to the conditions then, and less of what was desired for free Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capital.

Figure 16: Refugee camps at Kingsway camp area

DELHI AS A CASE OF DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM

The establishment of such rehabilitation settlements was a big investment and a chance taken by the capital in itself and thus gave a lot of opportunities to a large populace for a new life. This gave way to not only a new characteristic in the city in terms of its socio-cultural mix but also gave way to development of new services, institutions and a new urban mix. The idea of diverse social environment was thus defined in a more profound manner of tangible aspects of socio-cultural reality, apart from the new architectural and physical reality, that was in contrast of Delhiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s previous colonial spatial fabric. Through all of the discourse above; the long narratives of how Delhi in itself comes of ages, being home to numerous and elaborate dynasties and kingdoms and their eras of rule, which has defined and enriched not only the architectural history of the city but as well as the socio-cultural aspects. The city can be seen as a pandoraâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s box of mixed cultures, mixed society and different physical realities that holds a specific position in the analogy of time and space of the city in itself.

FIG 17: An artistic view of the Shajanabad (Old Delhi).

CH 1 I INTRODUCTION

ILLUSTRATION 2: EVOLUTION OF DELHI THROUGH DIFFERENT DYNASTIES, COLONIZATION AND POST-INDEPENDENCE.

PRE MUGHAL ERA

MUGHAL ERA

BRITISH ERA & NEW

The 4 earlier cities from the earlier kingdoms like Tughlaq dynasty, Khilji Dynasty etc. all made their forts and enriched the historical morphology of the city

Then around 17th century Shahjahan shifted the Mughal dynasty capital to Delhi, where he built Shajanabad and Red Fort, the present day Old Delhi.

Post Mughal era ca British empire, how hi by the Britishers s in 1921. This was th

Qutb-Minar

View of Jama Masjid in Shajanabad

The central vista o

DELHI AS A CASE OF DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM

NEW DELHI EXTENSION

POST-INDEPENDENCE

ame the elaborate period of wever the development in Delstarted only after they shifted he beginning of New Delhi.

After the First phase of developement, came the extension of New Delhi by the Britishers, with expansion of their territory with places like Connaught Place.

Finally post-independence there was burst of city expansion, planned & unplanned, this time saw the establishment of maximum residential growth through refugee rehabilitation settlements all over Delhi, especially in the south

of Kingsway axis

Aerial view of Connaught Place

Metro Station at Lajpat Nagar, New Delhi

W DELHI

FIG 18: A very old map of Delhi in 1956.

FIG 19: Older time view of Connaught Place, Central Delhi.

> > > > >

2.1_ Welcome to C.R. Park 2.2_Establishment History 2.3_ The residential characteristics 2.4_ Spatial Transformation of C.R. Park 2.5_Mapping the neighborhood

CHAPTER 2 UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

FIG 20: Main Street facing house

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

2.1_WELCOME TO C.R.PARK The area of C.R.Park is located on the South East district of Delhi, in the centre of Zone F, out of the 15 Local area Planning zones. This zone is one of the first extensions of New Delhi, during its second phase after the British East India Company shifted its capital to Delhi in 1911. At first the only development were in the elite areas of Chanakyapuri, where currently are housed the embassies and consulates of other countries, along with the houses of the ambassadors. The speedy development then started to happen in in the late 1940â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s where the Delhi Government had setup large housing colonies and enclaves for public housing as well as the government housings. Then the later stage of its development consists of other affluent housing enclaves of Lajpat Nagar, Kalkaji, Greater Kailash 1 & 2 etc. and C.R>Park as well, as a result to rehabilitate the refugees of partition. At present, the area of C.R.Park (Chittaranjan Park) is almost about 1km2, which holds more than 50,000 inhabitants with relatively a medium density residential accommodation. The place has its unique blend and charm of being an ethnic enclave because of the fact that it has been from the beginning a Bengali neighborhood, made especially for the East Pakistan Displaced persons, who were affected due to the partition in the East Pakistan (Bangladesh) side. It is a prominent site for its robust socio-cultural exchanges because of its strong traditional roots to the Bengali traditions. The festivals, the market spaces, the public gardens, the social infrastructure, the sacred places for worships etc. are all a strong factor making it colourful, vibrant and a plural environment. Apart from that the intangible aspects of the people and their behavioural pattern makes it more local and gives it a very chic essence. A place where people really enjoy getting together at public spaces, markets, to spend time over tea and food, on a daily basis makes it more prominent as a very dynamic space. The location of this neighborhood is just adjacent to the main spine of the city known as the Outer Ring Road, precisely has 3 entry points from it. Within the neighborhood there are primarily 2 main spines known as the ISU Darshan Munjal Marg and B.C.Pal Marg where one can find less of a residential character but more of a mixed use character.

The neighborhood is provided with 4 market spaces from the D.D.A (Delhi Development Authority), one main police headquarters, post office, numerous banking facilities, about 4 schools (both state government & municipality level schools), different place of worships from different religions and 3 cultural and community centres. Apart from all the basic and social amenities there are about 2800 housing plots in the whole of its residential quarters divided into various housing blocks and pockets. There are about 16 housing blocks from Block A to Block K, developed in the first phase of its establishment and then from Block M to Block P and Block K-1 instead of Block L, and Pockets 40, 56, 52, 88 are amongst the residential pockets that were formed later in the 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s as a need to accommodate 714 more families. Also the residential pockets of Pocket 56 & 88 are government social housing, especially made for the marginal workers and L.I.G families. Surprisingly there are relevant number of people who are working or running shops in one of the 4 markets in the neighborhood and are residing in these social housing blocks that floats an identity of live-work situation in the neighborhood very strong. In a nutshell, this neighborhood deems of an ideal living condition where one can avail the everyday choices of life with ease of reach and availability in just a few steps away. Also because of the fact that the neighborhood was actually setup as a rehabilitation settlement just for the Bengali community, it has somehow still retained the idea of a close knit social environment through all these years; which can be a resultant of the development of the area from the scratch by the early residents themselves and also because of the way the plotting was done by the government, or else it can be a resultant of the people and their lifestyle and traditional practices of living together in harmony. That is why, somewhere in the preceding chapter I have renounced it as a small hamlet in the larger context of Delhi, where the social structure and living practices are so inclusive that one may even feel that they know everyone else. The case of Chittaranjan Park stands out as an establishment particularly for the Bengali community who hailed from the East Pakistan side of the Indian Sub-continent. Being the only rehabilitation settlement neighbourhood for the Bengaliâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, this case automatically becomes special and unique in itself for the study of ethnicity and its sociocultural aspects and how the whims of pluralism and diversity are related to it.

FIG 21: Fish shop in the neighborhood Fish Market

Lajpat Nagar

Kalkaji C.R.Park

FIG 22: Locational map of C.R. Park with reference to other rehabilitation settlement.in South Delhi.

Malviya Nagar reference for FIG 26 and 27

new delhi railway station

connaught place

central delhi

airport

C.R. Park

FIG 23: Locational map of C.R. Park with important reference points.

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

2.2_ESTABLISHMENT HISTORY After the freedom of India, as described above there was a huge need of providing shelters to huge mass of refugees, affected due to the partition aftermaths, fleeing from the North-West frontier India from the Punjab and Sindh regions. The country saw its largest exodus movement during those tender years of the birth of independent India. The government was however very successful of controlling the situation in a fantastic manner, by planning new residential plots and areas specifically for the rehabilitation of the refugees in the southern district of Delhi outside the central Delhi area. However, there were many refugees who were resettled into the evacuated houses and properties left by the Muslims who lived in the city before partition but finally chose to live and move to Pakistan.

the Punjab and Sindh regions. Less in number these Bengali’s who hailed from the Bengal region were not really able to make a distinctive change to improve their conditions, when a group of high ranking and influential central government employees, who hailed from the same region originally and had also lost their homes there, started to support the association and together lobbied for the allotment of rehabilitation settlement (Guha. A.K, ibid)

The prime focus of the government organizations were mainly given towards the refugees who fled from North-West frontier, however there was very less consideration and recognition given to the people fleeing from the East Pakistan region, now Bangladesh, as they were much lesser in number. The situation of the refugees from East Pakistan was not as bad as the one fleeing from the Pakistani side of the partition but still it was something undesirable. However through many attempts of some great visionaries and influential people from the East Bengal regions, Delhi saw its first and probably the only Bengali enclave or settlement in the latter half of 1960’s. The settlement was originally formed as the E.P.D.P housing which later on went on to become Chittaranjan Park based on the name of Chittaranjan Das, a very prominent and a reknowned political figure from the Bengali community during the British rule. Through the history of the neighborhood; based on textual and empirical research findings, an association named E.P.D.P (East Pakistan Displaced Persons) was formed in 1954 for the help of the refugees who lost their original home, properties and assets in the partition of Bengal as a larger effect of the India-Pakistan divide to attain a refugee shelter through some residential allotment for them as their counterpart refugees who came from

FIG 24:Chittaranjan Das. C.R. Park was named after him.

A SMALL BRIEF ON CHITTARANJAN DAS Chittaranjan Das, popularly called ‘Deshbandhu’, was a major figure in the Indian independence movement. He was a believer of nonviolence and constitutional methods for attaining independence. Chittaranjan Das supported Gandhiji’s Non-cooperation Movement. In 1914, he published Narayan, a literary magazine, and composed several poems. His first collection of poetry titled Malancha received protest from the members of the Brahmo Samaj. He received the title of ‘Deshbandhu’ (friend of the nation) for his devotion to the cause of self-rule. ( From http://topyaps.com/)

ESTABLISMENT HISTORY 45

The association later got renamed from E.P.D.P to Association of Displaced persons gainfully employed in Delhi, as per Mr. A.K.Guha remembers, the current president of the same association now known as the E.B.D.P (East Bengal Displaced Persons). With the help of influential government employees like Mr. R.C.S Sarkar (Chairman UPSC, India), Mr. S.P.Senverma (Chief Election Commissioner of India), Mr. Arun Kumar Roy (Finance Secretary) were some of the many important figures who laid the foundation stone of the settlement.

It was primarily based on the facts that most of the people did not had a certificate to authenticate their status of being a refugee as majority of the people were government employees gainfully employed in Delhi, so in short they were already based in Delhi on temporary basis. People who actually fled from the affected regions of Bengal were somehow still considered for the allotment, but for the people who were already in Delhi it was becoming difficult, as recollected by Mr. A.K. Guha. (Guha. A.K, ibid).

The association lobbied and struggled for almost 6 years until 1960 when they were able to approach Mr. Meher Chand Khanna, the then Rehabilitation Minister under the Government of India, was the most important person for setting up all the refugee settlement before it. Some of the other refugee rehabilitation settlements were almost developed by 1960 when only a land of about 218 (Guha. A.K, ibid) acres in the barren rocky terrain in the Southern district near Kalkaji (one example of the refugee settlement for the displaced persons from Punjab region) was allotted to the association for accommodating some 2000 Bengali families.

He then says that after this it was the ideas of Mr. S.G. Basumallick who suggested that the officers could redeem their stature of being a refugee through proving their loss of properties based on the first page identification data of their service books that encompassed the information of their original addresses. By showing that their original homes had been lost / gone to the newly formed East Pakistan, they shall prove their stature of being a refugee.

Not that the actual inhabitants were already given residential plots by then, but just an agreement was reached between the association and the government. (Guha. A.K, ibid). The families of these government employees during that time were anyhow residing into the government housing colonies in various parts of the city, and some in Noida as well, but very well aware of the situation of partition and their tragic loss, the Bengaliâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s that time came forward and sought considerate aid from the government.

This suggestion was somehow well received by the government and then the story of counting started to happen for verification of identities and scrutinizing the applications for enrolments for land allotments. Guha says that it was Mr. C.K. Mukherjee, another pioneer member of the association, who lead the program of enrolment and took care of all the documentation and verification work needed for the land allotments (Guha. A.K, ibid).

The final allotment was however made in the year 1968, regardless of the fact that the locality of C.R.Park as a residential area was already realised in the Master Plan of Delhi 1962. As said earlier the land which was allotted already in 1960 for the rehabilitation program of the Bengali families in Delhi, especially the government employees, it was still not an easy process of attaining the available plots. NOTE* the above description of the history of establishment of C.R. Park is rendered and elaborated on the basis of the interview from Guha, A.K.on the 13td April, 2016.

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

ILLUSTRATION 3 ROUGH TIMELINE OF THE PROCESSION OF EPDP ASSOCIATION TO FORM C.R.PARK

E.P.D.P association finds success by getting approval for Bengaliâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s working in Delhi as refugees. 1947 onwards, rehabilitation programs starts

1954

1960 l location i of C.R. Park

E.P.D.P association founded and formed

The Government of India approves a rehabilitation settlement as E.P.D.P housing in South Delhi for about 218 acres.

ESTABLISMENT HISTORY 47

Allotments of plots based on the verification of he refugee status and working position starts to happen.

1962

1969 /70

1968 E.P.D.P Housing gets a recognition in the first Master Plan of Delhi in the year of 1962.

People starts to move in and building their houses. E.P.D.P housing changes name to Chittaranjan Park.

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

2.3_THE RESIDENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS The allotments started to happen from 1968, when people started to come to the precincts of the area and owning their lands and started to build their houses on the basis of some subsidy provided by the government. The initial allotment were done for almost about 2147 families, divided into 11 residential blocks from Block A to K, However, there was a sort of segregation and categorization of plots based on the status of the government employee based on their rankings. There were about 3 to 4 categories of plots primarily made on the basis of the service officers ranks as an Upper Class Clerks and Lower Class Clerks and other statuses. Of the first 11 blocks from A to K, blocks A, B, D, H, I & J have one of the the biggest plots of about 234, 320 & 450 Sq.Yd. There are about 435 plots which sizes about 234 sq.yd, whereas about 190 plots are of 320 sq.yd. Surprisingly only 5 plots in Block B are there measuring 450 sq.yd, and they are the only 5 of the biggest plots in the whole neighborhood. In most cases the bigger plots were allotted for the higher division clerks or maybe personnel’s of defence, central government officers. With the change in plot sizes and their location one may see a clear distinction in their architectural pronunciation. The bigger plots with areas of 450, and 533 sq.yards are mostly made in the typical Bungalow style architecture, with deep set houses on the plots leaving a substantial amount of garden space at the front yard sometimes even on the back yards. At present, one might see some of those plots being changed into a fancy modern manifestation, with multi-storeyed apartments with higher density. As an initial part of the settlement development, the original homes were mostly a single storey house or a maximum of double storey, with a smaller ‘verandah’ in the front yard of the house. It would be really common to see houses; smaller dwellings with a front verandah, even in the smaller plots of 234 and 320 sq. yards one.

However through passing times, things have changed so as the outlook of the original houses, which in today’s time, are either extrapolated with floors on top of the original single storey dwellings, or completely refurbished in to multi-storey apartments. This change came especially in the time of late 1980’s and early 1990’s, at the time of LPG system (liberalization, globalisation and privatization), a new economic reformation, which enabled a lot of small private dwellers to take the opportunity of the aging inhabitants and offering them with lucrative revenue benefits in lieu of their properties on which they could rebuild and start selling it to new families for profit marginalization. This power game of the private developers can be relevantly seen inside the neighborhood when one drives through or passes by, the depiction of a new concrete reality upon the original modest dwellings is strongly super imposed. During this time the neighborhood has seen one of the biggest changes socio-culturally as well, as Mr. Anand Mukherjee remembers, who is also one of the first inhabitants of the neighborhood and also happens to have the first house built in Chittarnjan Park. He recalls the times when there were just Bengali’s and the community was very much close to that of Kolkata’s lifestyle, but then migration wave of newer families started to flow in, which was beyond the control of the existing community and original inhabitants. He says that mixing of different cultural or social groups is not a bad idea but when they try to interfere too much into the functioning of the neighborhood, it becomes a hassle for the original inhabitants as they had adapted to a particular way of operations of different things over the years. One of the respondents Mr. Kingshuk Ghosh very directly states that there has been a severe case of infringement from the private developers and builders into C.R. Park. He says- “Major change of Builders Entry in C.R. Park to demolish and eradicate the beauty and serenity of C.R. Park’s sky line which was once adorned with single, personified house hold unit. […..] C.R. Park became more suffocating and dingy at the blessing of Modern Builder Concept.” (Ghosh, Kingshuk. 2nd generation, now outsider, Age: 55+. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 4th August, 2016).

THE RESIDENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS

FIG 25: A photograph shopwing a difference of the architectural character and space quality between an old originally made house and new modern multi-storeyed house

FIG 26: A zoomed in satellite image of C.R. Park and nearby neighborhoods.

KALKAJI

GREATER KAILASH 3

GREATER KAILASH 2

JAHAPANAH FOREST

GREATER KAILASH 2

FIG 27: Satellite image of C.R. Park highlighted.

ALAKNANDA

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

FIG 28: Figure Ground Map of C.R. Park

THE RESIDENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS

FIG 29: Apparent density of housing blocks.

ILLUSTRATION 4: DIFFERENT TYPES OF HOUSES BASED ON PLOT SIZES A - Social Housing from governement for LIG (Janta Housing) at pocket 88. (highly dense) B- An old house with front verandah in I Block (big plot) C - A big plot house with a driveway in A Block (one of the biggest plot sizes)

D - A corner plot house in B Block. (medium sized plots)

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

FIG 30: Overall layout of C.R. Park as of today

THE RESIDENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS

FIG 31: Original Master Plan of C.R. Park as planned

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

2.4_SPATIAL TRANSFORMATION OF C.R. PARK Since the inception of the neighborhood, it was located in the medium density residential zones of Zone F, between the main localities of Kalkaji and Chiragh Delhi. The 3 Master Plans of Delhi since 1962, marked the residential area of C.R. Park, along with the areas of Kalkaji, Greater Kailash 1 and then Greater Kailash 2 were marked in the low residential density zone. In the Master plan of Delhi of 1991, the same areas were marked with an increase of the population from 100 to a density of 400 ppHa. Same for the next Master Plan of Delhi for the year 2021, the major land use of these areas still remain the same as residential zones. Nothing major changed for these areas, on the basis of Land use planning has changed since the last 3 Master Plans of Delhi for development in the last 40 years. Over the last 46 years, the neighborhood has grown out quite a bit with the addition of new residential blocks during the years of 1989-90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. After the initial allotments of the plots the development and construction works started commenced, but the planners so as the E.P.D.P association did not realise the shortage of about 714 families, who were still to be deemed the plots on the basis of their refugee status and being gainfully employed under the central government. This was the time when the neighborhood began to grow out and included new residential blocks and pockets. Blocks M, N and O and pocket K-I (in lieu of Block L), Pocket 40 & 52 were the newer extension developments. However blocks M, N & O were constructed on the lands of original plot of the government school. Also the plot sizes which were made were also not as big as the others, which defines the reality of the situation then, as the planners were then trying to make the best out of what was left, compromising on the provisions of the other important amenities which could have been there today. For example the land parcel where the plots of pocket 40 is situated today was supposed to be a part of a big sports complex, and parts of planned zonal level green spaces of Jahanpanah forest was given to Pocket 52.

Thus, in this matter of urgent situations there were addition of about 714 new plots, divided into formation of 5 new residential blocks. In totality the original size of C.R. Park was about 218 acres, which by the end of 2 more decades in 1990-91 expanded almost 25% of its size and is today almost about 253 acres of land that houses almost 3000 families. However, the demographic diversification due to immense urbanization processes and migration of newer families to the neighborhood has made a little difference of being a 100% Bengali neighborhood in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time. In this long narrative of the establishment of the neighborhood, it already starts expressing a unique identity of the power of a society and community involvement. The categorization of plots connotes an essence of differentiation, variety thus implying a beginning of a plural nature of the neighborhood, though not in a positive manner based on the ideas of rationality and equality, but it does somehow reflects the essence of plural-ness. One may interpret the identity of the different plot sizes also means a difference of residential development and its architecture.

SPATIAL TRANSFORMATION OF C.R. PARK

FIG 32: Block layout of C.R.Park as originally planned

FIG33: Block layout of C.R.Park after the 2nd Phase extension in late 80’s and early 90’s

2.5_ MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD â&#x20AC;&#x201C; different physical / spatial layers of C.R.Park.

In order to have a much elaborate discourse on C.R. Park in the following chapters it really important to understand the basic spatial identity of the case in itself. In the following segment, I will sincerely try and present to you a very basic representation of C.R. Park and its spatial figures, assemblages and physical layers which weave out the urban fragment of C.R. Park. Basic morphological and typological representations of the area is what follows in the following segments and hence gives a very modest understanding of the space. The following segment shall give you a broader insight of the essence neighborhoods physical space only, and not particularly any idea of the socio-cultural dynamics or socio-spatial notions, which is I desire to deal in the next chapters of this book. It is indeed, a quick browse through different spatial entities of the neighborhood, from its residential fabric to the monolithic blocks having particular functions and also try to discover the road morphology and characteristics of green spaces.

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

URBAN MORPHOLOGY

FIG 34: Morphological map showing the bigger monofunctional blocks

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

FIG 35: Morphological map showing all the variations of different urban blocks

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

FIG 36: Bangiya Samaj. One of the Big Blocks in the neighborhood, its a community centre

FIG 37: Market No. 2. Another Big Block in the neighborhood, and an important public space.

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

FIG 38: A row house in I Block. An example of a Linearly arranged Block

FIG 39: Slab housing. A view of one of the L.I.G Social Housing at Pocket 88.

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

BUILDING USE MAP

FIG 40: Building footprint plan with building usage

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

STREET MORPHOLOGY

FIG 41: Street hierarchy and morphology

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

ILLUSTRATION 5 - SECTIONS THROUGH DIFFERENT SPATIAL BLOCKS

SECTION 1 SECTION THROUGH THE RESIDENTIAL BLOCK SHARED GREEN STRIPS

SECTION 2 SECTION THROUGH THE RESIDENTIAL BLOCK WITH INNER PARK SPACES

SECTION 3 SECTION THROUGH THE MAIN ROAD AXIS WITH MIXED USE TYPOLOGY

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

INNER BACK LANE / SERVICE LANE

RESIDENTIAL BLOCK WITH SHARED GREEN STRIP

Residential Commercial in Mixed Use Residential Blocks

MAIN ROAD AXIS WITH MIXED BUILDING USE

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

FIG 42: Map showing the layout of open spaces and green spaces in the neighborhood area

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

FIG 43: Playground used for playing Football

FIG 44: A neighborhood Garden / Green space

FIG 45: View of the Forest Park

FIG 46: Festival celebration in a Maidan

FIG 47: Panaromic view of a maidan

CH 2 I UNDERSTANDING C.R. PARK

ILLUSTRATION 6: C.R. Park in relation with its neighbours.

Reference Satellite image of the neighborhood and its context

Section 1

Section 2

MAPPING THE NEIGHBORHOOD

This particular illustration specifically tries to see the neighborhood of C.R. Park in relation to its immediate neighboring areas of Greater Kailash 2, Kalkaji etc. in respect of its spatial configuration. It is pretty much clear that how C.R. Park has more opportunities of social gathering spaces, be it the temple complex or the market space(s). C.R. Park is fortunate enough to have the liberty of having more open spaces within its vicinity.

Aerial view of the temple

View of Market 1 from outside

> 3.1_Culture, Ethnicity and Identity of C.R. Park > 3.2_Defining Ethnicity-The â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;BONGâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; ness about it > 3.3_Ethnicity and its Cultural Geography

CHAPTER 3 CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

FIG 48: A statue of Lordess Durga during Durga Puja

SOME COMMON RECURRING TERMS IN THE CHAPTER AHEAD . . . ETHNICITY : ethnic quality or affiliation OR a particular ethnic affiliation or group (from merriam webster dictionary) ETHNIC IDENTITY: an identity relating to an ethnic group or a social group with similar / samesocio-cultural backgrounds (based on understanding of readings and literature) OR IDENTITY: sameness, oneness, state of being the same (from online etymology dictionary) CULTURAL AFFILIATION: a process of subscribing to a particular set of cultural backgrounds by an individual or a group of individuals; mostly in case of ethnic settlements where the society tends to follow their cultural roots (based on understanding of readings and literature) ‘BONG’ a slang language used to depict or refer to Bengali’s in general or a way of doing things by Bengali, mainly used by Non-Bengali’s ADDA: it is a local Bengali term used for hanging out or getting together over casual meetings with friends and acquaintance in a neighborhood spot CHAI & TONG: Chai is the local term used for tea and Tong is a small place where one can get tea; Tong is usually referred as the roadside tea shacks.

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

3.1_CULTURE, ETHNICITY IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

This chapter is essentially the most important parts of this elaborate discourse, and attempts to create a very honest and a modest image C.R. Park as an ethnic domain of Bengali community. In the preceding chapter(s) I have already descripted about how the settlement came into existence and what were the reasons of this neighborhood to be formed; this chapter will precisely try and look through the qualities of culture and lifestyle it has because of being a Bengali neighborhood as it was originally made as. This chapter is mainly based upon the understanding of this neighborhood as a ‘Bengali’ neighborhood, and the nuances of its cultural identity and ethnicity traits attached to it. This section will particularly investigate in the light of the cultural and ethnic quotient of the neighborhood, and not particularly on the spatial fabric or its qualities. Also, one may find a lack of consistency in relation to the discourse, which attempts to explore to the idea(s) of culture, ethnic identity etc. and not particularly investigate about the residential fabric in particular. It is definitely a conscious choice, as the understanding of the main research concepts of cultural and ethnic identity is more evident and commonly seen in the public domain and lesser in private, however residential fabric is an important undertone of all the chapters to come ahead. As I had already mentioned earlier that this case is probably the first time being formally researched upon or studied upon, there is an obvious lack resources and literature particularly on the case. However, I found my biggest sources in the form many enthusiastic interviewee’s and respondents, who actively helped me in finding some answers through their experiences and knowledge of the place. Traces of the findings of the interviewee’s and responses through emails, from this chapter becomes my prime source of finding reasons, understanding the nuances of this neighborhood and its cultural identity, which is a known identity to many in the city of Delhi.

The phenomena of C.R. Park of being initially framed as an ethnic neighborhood for Bengali’s who were displaced from East Bengal (Bangladesh), post-independence partition, was just a political deliverable. As described previously about the prime issues and causes of the formation of the neighborhood settlement, it mainly was to contain Bengali families. This is true till date that the settlement still composites a major population chunk of Bengali families, irrespective of various different ethnic background families have come in and settled here. If one sees the origination of C.R. Park as an eventual discourse of an ethnic settlement, one may clearly outline the arbitrary formation or a production of a particular type of cultural identity. As Joan Nagel in one of his works has sublimely argued upon the production of a typical Ethnic Identity and Culture resulting into this barged metaphorical derivation of the socalled ethnic boundaries; it shows and supports the development of this typicality of a an ethnic vibrancy in this settlement. The quotation from Nagel’s work goes as follows, “Identity and culture are two of the basic building blocks of ethnicity. Through the construction of identity and culture, individuals and groups attempt to address the problematics of ethnic boundaries and meaning. Ethnicity is best understood as a dynamic, constantly evolving property of both individual identity and group organization. The construction of ethnic identity and culture is the result of both structure and agency-a-dialectic played out by ethnic groups and the larger society. Ethnicity is the product of actions undertaken by ethnic groups as they shape and reshape their self-definition and culture”. (Nagel. J, 1994, ibid) Through this he sees into light the resonant presence of the values and the roots of any culture that is attached to its people. This, I would argue becomes more prominent in the case of C.R. Park, who were probably just about a handful of some individual’s, quite a few number of families and all of them hailing from one regional expanse. All they had in common was their cultural and traditional roots which were more or less similar, and a one reason for being in a new place in the outskirts of a newly expanding Delhi city to find a habitat for their lives ahead. It were they those, the first inhabitants of the settlements who created this cultural nexus, or more appropriately socio-cultural nexus as they all had one common thread of culture. I would again like to notify what Nagel precisely mentioned or stated by saying that “Ethnicity is best understood as a dynamic, constantly evolving property […]” (Nagel. J, ibid) as it completely makes sense in the

CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

case of C.R. Park as it has seen gradual and an eventful change with which its society, the people has adapted, modified and reappropriated their lifestyles. The festivals and the cultural events have not only glorified over the years, but also modified and expanded in all sense of glamour, commerce and the magnitude. The idea of the cultural affiliation in this case is very much directly linked to the idea of ethnic identity, which together forms one of the main key concepts of this discourse, and perhaps the most important one. I see the existence of a unique character in C.R. Park, of its cultural and social characteristics, as its ethnic identity.

I see the idea of ethnicity in C.R Park is mainly associated to the various processes of cultural affiliation of the 1st generation group of inhabitants and the way they have developed, maintained, introduced and induced their cultural roots and values within the physical environment of the neighborhood. It would still very uncertain and inappropriate to say that if the strong attachment to the cultural roots by the 1st generation inhabitants was out of their love and respect towards the Bengali culture and way of living, or it was out of sheer resistance towards a probe of acculturation in a complete Non-Bengali domain of Delhi ----------- New Delhi. However, I feel that it has productively worked in a very positive manner that has made this neighborhood one of the most desirable areas in the city of Delhi.

This particularly brings me to say that the role of the people and the community as a whole are indispensable in the whole evolutional process till now, when one actually thinks of the ideas of this presence of strong ethnic presence. I would like to think that is probably more relevantly linked to the eventual process of cultural retention by the 1st generation inhabitants more predominantly and then taken forward by their successors and now by the present generation, who are the main ambassadors of this whole cultural retention and affiliation process(es). The cultural outlook of C.R. Park, from the beginning has tremendously changed over the years but still, what the neighborhood has is very much Bengali or as people, mainly outsiders – Non-Bengali’s would call it a very ‘Bong’ way. “To my experience even though different guys coming here from different communities, this seems to me as a true BONG or a Bengali market, and whenever I am here I feel that I am inside Bengal; if not Bengal but yes in a community of Bengali’s, so that true Bengali culture I can see it here.” (Khanna, Virendra. Personal Interview. Outsider, Age: Unknown. 6th March, 2016) ‘Bong’ in this context simply means Bengali, usually referred as a slang language, mostly by the Non-Bengali people. And ‘Bong’ness in this context and reference of C.R. Park is simply ideating towards a Bengali culture or Bengali way of doing things and has emerged as a local slang language, again mostly used by the Non-Bengali’s or the outsiders.

FIG 49: Proceedings during the Festival

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

3.2_DEFINING ETHNICITY - THE ‘BONG’ NESS ABOUT IT The whole hoopla and glamorization around the social nexus of C.R. Park is mainly because of its ethnic drive and a uniqueness in its vibrancy of the neighborhood. Be it the daily life in the neighborhood or the time of the festivals, C.R. Park has constructed its own meaning and dictionary of its routines of its socio-cultural panorama. The daily street life also bustles up with the number of people every day on their way back from work to have a leisure time at markets, and in the specific corners where one may find all the happiness in reading some newspapers and sipping over some tea (‘chai’), and just around a corner you will find some elderly people indulging in a game of carom. All these different, disperse modes and ranges of activities distinctively branches out as diasporic representations and reconstructions of the Bengali cultural identity, or more appropriately as their lifestyle. Is this all about ethnicity? Or is it just a way of living of people? These are some of the questions which may arise in one’s mind; but based on my personal experience I have not seen these things happening over any other neighborhood in close vicinity. A brief connotation or a remark could be made, not to make a stereotypical representation of the situation here in the markets and street spaces of C.R. Park, but this is something that is very specific to the cultural identity of the Bengalis. To understand the typicality of the situation in C.R. Park, a simple browse over the hoardings or the boards over the shops in the markets in C.R. Park, one may find that most of the boards or hoardings have Bengali scriptures or text written over them, as a subsidiary language, apart from English as the main language because of the ease of acceptance and understanding of both the languages. Maybe these are some really trivial and smaller identification or characteristics, but they are relevant as an observation to emancipate and owe to the love of the community towards their cultural roots.

As Herbert J. Gans in one of his research works tried to derive a position of society and presence of such ethnic groups in the society who avoid ‘acculturation’ and instead stick on to their cultural and traditional ties and ethnic roots, can be also be stated as the ‘ethnic retentionists’. He says that “I will call the people who avoid acculturation and instead retain their ethnic ties “ethnic retentionists”. (Gans. H.J, 1997) [1] By what he tries to say through this, I would really strongly like to second his opinion, when I would refer to the case of C.R. Park, where the situations at the beginning of the settlement were quite adverse to the socio-cultural habitat of those group of Bengali families. The first inhabitants and their families were then ‘rehabilitating’ themselves in the outskirts of Delhi city, the capital city that had its own uniqueness of a very pluralistic societal domain because of the presence of a multi-diverse society, due to various reasons. It was way easier for them to get accustomed and lost in the wide socio-cultural expanse of the city, but gladly they did not. Rather they were so strongly and deeply rooted to their culture and traditional way of living that they not only tried to retain their ethnic and cultural identity with them, but over the years have constantly evolved, produced and reproduced them through different ways of having larger cultural events and conglomerates, festivals. It is reflected through their social structures for the community welfare like the community centres for cheap medical services, or public library’s, yoga centres etc.; which they have erected for the communal use, but not just exclusively for the neighborhood inhabitants but rather they are accessible by the wider society who live outside C.R. Park as well. “Around 50,000 residents of C.R. Park have aka Mini Bengal have stayed connected to their roots here.” (Tripathi.S, 2016) [2]

1 - Gans, Herbert J. “Toward a Reconciliation of “Assimilation” and “Pluralism”: The Interplay of Acculturation and Ethnic Retention.” The International Migration Review 31.4 (1997): 875-892.

2- Tripathi, Snehal. “CR Park throbs with Bengali way of life.” HT South Delhi. New Delhi: Hindustan Times, 08 August 2016.

THE ‘BONG’ NESS ABOUT IT - DEFINING ETHNICITY

Their unique socio-cultural pro-forma can be seen on any regular days in their market spaces, street spaces and other small social spaces which has a very unique blend of this term called ‘BONG’ness. Many people and legacies have that C.R. Park is like true reflection of Kolkata in its own unique way, as things and scenes from daily lives are pretty much similar as one may find in the streets or localities of Kolkata. As one of the respondents from the interviews quotes that “One thing about C.R. Park, as an outside perception is that it is known as MINI KOLKATA, in Delhi.” (Lakhani, Muktish. Insider, Age: 28. Personal Interview, 6th march, 2016). It shows that how strongly the community and its people have tried to hold on to their cultural origins. It is through these small examples from the people which shows a strong relevance of the case to be considered as a strong case of ethnic ties it has with its cultural background which and hence one can consider this as a replication of Kolkata which is the centre of Bengali culture in India. “I have been living here for the last 43 years and I feel very comfortable. Kolkata is 1500 km from Delhi, but in C.R. Park I don’t feel away from home.” (Quoted by Banerjee. A, in Tripathi.S, 2016, ibid) Now that we have already mentioned markets, which is relevantly related socio-economic activities, people, but in this case of C.R. Park it is important to mention about food, because Bengali’s as a community are really fond of the food. The markets in the neighborhood, which are one of the busiest hotspots of the locality, one can see the outdoors of the main market spaces splurging with ‘food and people’, especially during evening times. The most fascinating thing which one can observe is the specificity of food culture and the type of food most of the shops, food joints and vendors are selling; it is majorly Bengali delicacy. From simple Bengali snacks to the tastiest of Bengali sweets, one can find all of them here. However, this culture of open food alleys are only limited to the 2 big markets; Market number 1 and 2. Whereas, the other two markets are a little low profile; Market no. 3 is basically suitable for all the daily life choices, of groceries, medicines, meat etc. and Market no. 4 is also similar. This culture of the market spaces in C.R. Park has been growing as a popular venue, not for the insiders only, but specifically outsiders as well, who frequent the markets very often.

One of the interviewee’s Mr. Faraz Farooq, who is not a resident of C.R. Park, feels that instead of being an ‘outsider’ he never feels uncomfortable and rather feels much at home. - “No, I have never felt like an outsider here. First of all I am non-Bengali, secondly I am not from here, but you know there is a very interesting observation is that when I come to C.R. Park, there are many people who I meet on the way, who greet me and I greet them back. I know a lot of people here and I do not know so many people in my own neighborhood.” (Farooq, Faraz. Outsider, Age: 29. Personal Interview. 13th April, 2016). This shows that C.R. Park is not typically an ethnic boundary demarcating its own physical and mental territory, but is quite receptive and welcoming to anyone who do not belong to the neighborhood, especially in terms of the daily activities and daily life it is very much accessible. Coming back to enunciate upon the ‘BONG’ness quality, and define the realm of ethnicity in C.R. Park; Bengali culture is synonymic to food, fish and sweets, of course, Bengali Sweets. It is a popular legend that the Bengali sweets are one of the biggest trademarks of its cultural identity, as they take pride in their sweet delicacies. Throughout the markets in this neighborhood one will come across various sweet shops and none of them surprisingly sells any non-Bengali sweet delicacy. This is somehow very surprising to see so many Bengali sweet shops, and yet there is no fear of competition or no one even wants to change their business model by offering other Indian sweets as well. Though it is a very intangible aspect that promotes the idea of ethnicity and renounce the realm of ‘BONG-ness’ of the neighborhood, but it is probably a more appropriate and an identical element which constantly redeems and intensifies the sphere of this strong ethnic identity and cultural retention. It is a very intangible approach of looking at the socio-cultural aspect of the neighborhood, but to understand that how a particular cultural character defines its powerful presence and hence represents a strong image of the community itself.

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

FIG 50: Frontage of an authentic Bnegali sweet shop

THE ‘BONG’ NESS ABOUT IT - DEFINING ETHNICITY

FIG 51: Fish Market in Market 1

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

Then comes the famous ‘fish markets’ within the market spaces of Market 1 and Market 2, which start from the late morning period and runs till late evening times. I remember my travel to the ‘La Bouquera’ market square in Barcelona, which also has a very robust local essence, where local vendors and sellers are empowered and they congregate to sell meat, fish, fruits and vegetable all under one roof and at competitive prices. That place reminded me of the fish markets of C.R. Park; just as loud, noisy, busy and vibrant with hundreds of people engaged in some or the other activity, which reflected a strong character of that area. The fish markets of C.R. Park has always been very-very popular, because it was the first local fish market to be operated in this area. Also across Delhi, during the time of its starting it was probably the first neighborhood level fish markets. Mr. Amit Saha, a first generation inhabitant, residing in the neighborhood since the beginning, recalls the fundamental needs of specific Bengali items, for groceries and other materials needed for rituals are only found in the markets of C.R. Park. “Then we had fish markets and all those facilities were there, then vegetables used to come from Kolkata and other things were available here like things people didn’t get elsewhere. And Bengali’s from other places of Delhi used to come to take all these goods which were not available…… even now. Even now things needed for rituals and prayers and all are still only taken from here.” (Saha, Amit. Insider, Age: between 65 to 70. Personal interview. 7th March, 2016.). For him, this defines a case of the strong ethnic values of the place, as he feels that these things can only be found in a Bengali domain. In Kolkata, to find such specific things is not very unusual, but in Delhi one can find these things specific to the Bengali culture only in C.R. Park and hence makes it more popular for the other Bengali’s living across Delhi. “Fish sellers came from 24 south paraganas district of West Bengal in the mid 70’s and set up their shops in small shacks.” (Tripathi. S, ibid) In C.R. Park the fish markets plays a very important role, not only in terms of the amount of socio-economic revenues it brings to the people selling fish there, but at the same time it enables them of their individual capacity to sell to the customers directly. This I feel is an important sense of activity that is slowly fading out from our society, owing to the ‘supermarket’ trend which has come up recently, and quite strongly.

Also these markets brings in a tremendous amount of people together, both the insider and outsiders from other parts of the city, and hence provides a platform for inter-mixing, inter-mingling and provides for scenes social intercourse at a public domain. This also marks the strength of this neighborhood of being an ethnic community, or a territory as many would think of it, due to this presence of activities like fish markets, food joints and shops and Bengali sweet shops. At the very same time these elements and small characteristics which defines the neighborhoods ethnic identity gives an opportunity for this intermixing of a wholesome social composite. By offering such local [Bengali] options and choices to the people, the neighborhood indirectly opens up an avenue for new socio-cultural and socio-economic interactions to take place within its busiest places in the locality. These market spaces and its activities then becomes the ‘hot-spots’ of social diversity or inter-ethnic interacting spots. “I think that in C.R. Park there are a lot of these activities happening, like these neighborhood kids coming to the market, sitting there, having a cup of tea, talking you know and then there are all sections of the society basically, you know all age groups, it’s not exclusive.” – (Farooq, Faraz, ibid) Referring to the above transcription of one of the interviews, the interviewee is an outsider, who thinks that public spaces are not reserved, or designated to certain people or group of people. He says it’s not exclusive, and it is pretty much true as there are no reservations on the spaces, the community spaces in particular. However, I would like to mention that the activities happening there are pretty much exclusive, in sense that they are pretty much a reflection of the ethnic and cultural identities of being a typical Bengali community. Other smaller observation includes the presence of nameplates in front of the houses which still contains Bengali alphabets. It is not something as a major game-changer for the dissertation but yet reckons a very traditional and a nostalgic vibe, regarding the stronghold of the Bengali traditions in the neighborhood. It was pretty much observed that most of the houses having nameplates having Bengali texts, are the one’s that has not yet been transformed into a new multi-storey fancy box building. Having said that, it shall not be understood that every house has Bengali texts written over their nameplates, but yet some of them do, which is something worth of an observation in the modern context of time and space.

Figure 52: A fish seller in Market No. 1

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

FIG 53: A ‘Dashakarma store’ - a particular store with Bengali commodities

These were but a few examples of identifying the ‘Bong-ness’ of the local environment in C.R. Park, and only for a particular reason the occurrences in the markets were exemplified; the reason being that one can easily have a strong affinity for the public spaces more than the private spaces of the neighborhood. It is especially because of these small observed details in the markets that defines the chic ethnic quality of the neighborhood. Everything that is revolving around the Bengali culture makes it more Bong specifically, and not just ethnic if one wants to generalise; essentially because Bengali culture or neighborhoods is not something that is omnipresent across the geographical and spatial fabric Delhi. In this case of C.R. Park, I would like to argue that Bengali culture is at par with the ethnicity quotient it brings along with itself. The small observations of Bengali text on nameplates, or the presence of Bengali food culture, there is however a strong sense of belonging of the community their cultural roots, but it does not make it any less dynamic. So, in this particular case of C.R. Park I would again like to strongly insist upon the fact that there has been a strong case of ‘ethnic identity’ and ‘cultural affiliation’ by the people, especially of the 1st generation, and efforts made by them. Also it would not be wrong to say that they [1st generation inhabitants] or more appropriately the whole community have been strongly resistant towards acculturation, especially during the earlier phases of the neighbourhood’s lifetime and has been pretty much resistant till now when it comes to the cultural dynamics.

At the moment I might be unable to foresee or assume that what would a probable case of [complete] acculturation would have resulted into, but I can surely say that C.R. Park would not have been C.R. Park, the way it is today. It could have been possible that a stronger wave of commercial gentrification could have disrupted the present image of the neighborhood, like it has happened in its next door neighborhoods. One of the respondents of the interview(s) Mr. Virendra Khanna says – “In Kalkaji, you can see a commercial influence, where the things are more upmarket commercialisation, but here in C.R. Park even if you are going to a commercial place the influence of Bengali you can see a lot.” (Khanna, Virendra, ibid) It would be appropriate to say that the whole settlement of C.R. Park still strongly suggests a presence of this intrinsic ethnic domain, without a defined mental and a strong physical boundary. I would call this presence of daily activities and lifestyle in the neighborhood like getting together over a cup of ‘chai’ (tea), or the presence of activities like playing carom at around the corners of public spaces, or discussing over various issues in groups in the market places and availability of fish market(s) and then there are shops serving Bengali delicacy and Sweets which can be a way to see the ‘BONG’ness of C.R. Park.

THE ‘BONG’ NESS ABOUT IT - DEFINING ETHNICITY

FIG 54: A nameplate in front of residence reads Bengali text and mentions the year of house completion

Not to forget the community welfare structures and the ideology with which they serve to anyone and everyone, be it an inhabitant of C.R. Park or elsewhere, as another important aspect of the beauty the Bengali culture holds. Also to mention about the presence of ethnic shops and the houses which still holds some prominence of Bengali identity through the Bengali texts over their nameplates or just colour patterns it has. One can see a lot of Bengali charm and strong cultural influence when one visits the neighborhood themselves. As one interviewee simply puts it across this way - “You must be here to experience it.” (Paul, Arijeet. Insider, Age: 27. Personal Interview. 6th March, 2016). He simply put forwards the notion of experiencing the ‘Bong’ ness of C.R. Park by visiting or staying there, as he feels a shortage of words to explain what all he felt about the place. Whilst this was one of the longest conversations I had with one of the interviewee’s, this was also very exciting as he was all in praise and awe of the place and the interviewee felt a very strong connect to the neighborhood and also states that the one’s social life depends very much on where and how they live. He also said that - “The sense of freedom, the sense of security that you have in this place, I don’t that I can get somewhere else. [………]. Your social life depends a lot on where you stay.” (Paul, Arijeet. Ibid)

Another respondent Mr. Dipak Ghosh, an ex-resident of C.R. Park also responded in a similar way and strongly suggest C.R. Park as a living example of the Bengali Culture in Delhi. He says - “Every culture has its’ own beauty. I don’t know if that can be compared. We know very little of ‘Baishakhi’ celebration; never seen ‘Pongal’ being celebrated; so is with ‘Onam’ ‘Chhat’ and so many… [Indian festivals]. I have lived through the very Bengali culture which I can relate to. Being a Bengali, I certainly feel enriched with the cultural heritage I belong to. From ‘poila boishak’ [Bengali New Year] to ‘Rabindra Jayanti’[Celebration of Rabindranath Tagore’s birthday], ‘Durga puja’[the most popular Bengali festival dedicated to Lordess Durga], ‘goppo’[group discussion], ‘adda’[hangout place], literature, ‘theatre’, ‘cinema’, ‘politics’, ‘football’, ‘fuchka’[Bengali snack], ‘aalor chop’[Bengali snack] and the list goes on and on which together pulling the strings of Bengali culture a pride of honour. Our C R Park has it all. Dwellers of Kalkaji, Govind Puri, Greater Kailash I, II, III & IV, Lajpat Nagar, East of Kailash, Kailash, Mashjid Math… are staring at C R Park for various attractions. Yes, I don’t wish to compare, but yet to say that it is seldom seen a community is having a necklace with so many beads of emotional values.” (Ghosh. Dipak. Currently Outsider, Age: 55+. Response through an Email questionnaire. 8th August, 2016)

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

3.3_ETHNICITY and ITS CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY Following on to the trail of the last section, about the cultural affiliation and the ethnic identity of the neighborhood, is mainly based on the fact of the presence of cultural practices and cultural characteristics. The cultural identity of the neighborhood is strongly reflected through its markets and activities of the people in those public domains. The food and the sweets are but just one strong identity of the Bengali community and their traditional roots. Apart from these daily actives and the hustle bustle of everyday life, another important aspect of this neighborhood which makes it as a very special cultural outpost in the city of Delhi are its festivals, especially the one that of Durga Pujo and the Bengali new year, which sees a huge congregational mass frequenting the neighborhood almost on a daily basis, during the period of the festival. However, the celebration of Bengali New Year lasts only a day while the Durga Pujo festival lasts almost for 5 to 6 days, which transforms the whole ambiance of the neighborhood, close to that of the ‘Kumbha Mela’. Not to exaggerate, the comparison is however metaphorical to that of the ‘Kumbha Mela’, because it is not such a huge mass which the neighborhood receives, but it is atleast more than twice of the whole population of C.R. Park, which is about 50,000 (Guha, A.K., ibid). In this section, the attempt is mainly to understand the difference of the cultural and social practices on a daily basis and temporal basis in the times of the festival. The cultural essence and everyday life are to be taken into account for a very generic outlook towards the neighborhood, where one can understand the importance and specificity of the neighborhoods cultural practices during the times of the festival in a much holistic manner. I believe that the cultural geography of a place is best understood when the more dominant part of the society is inclusive (Berry, 1991 in Berry, 1997, ibid) towards the others apart from their own people. This is how C.R. Park as a neighborhood becomes, especially during the times of its various cultural functions, especially in Dura Pujo, or during the Bengali New year, or at times of Diwali which is the biggest festival nation-wide, or during other times of the year when smaller functions happen.

The whole ambiance of the neighborhood transforms into a massive congregation of people coming from various parts of the city and sometimes even various parts of the country just to witness the celebrations within C.R. Park. Apart from the bigger festivities and celebrations, one may find small temples and places of worships at very specific spots in the neighborhood locality. There is one small temple in one corner of Market 1, which is quite populated at various times of the day and one may understand the devotion of the Bengali community towards the religion. One may also see a small piece of stone just at the backyard of the same market around the cemented pitch of a tree. The bigger temple is anyways a big cultural phenomena belonging to the first generation people, but these smaller religious outposts are a consequence of the peoples believe in religion and cultural attachment to the almighty. One of the interviewee’s Mr. Anurag Dasgupta strongly believes and says that this unique weaving of spaces in C.R. Park are also inclined on spirituality quotient of the Bengali’s, because the Bengali culture is perhaps more driven by their urge to fill their sacred voids, and hence do not specifically believe in creating separate spaces for worship alone. He feels that such spots and spaces for worships are a part of the bigger communal space which can be attached to anything and everything as connotation to coexist. He particularly says - “In C.R. Park if you see, the temples are within the market places, they are right next to the fish shop. It’s not like the religious thing here, if I am going to the temple, right after I can go and have a Mutton Roll after that from the market. So it’s a place where I can be absolutely human, which can satisfy my desire to have a cup of chai (tea), and a mutton roll I can also find a space to address my sacredness, my spirituality and I can go to the temple and everyday there is a practice of ritual which is happening in that place which I really like, so I like the balance of it.” - (Dasgupta, Anurag. Outsider, Age: 27. Personal Interview. 31st march, 2016). This is perhaps an interesting observation by the interviewee, which is very true to the meaning of worship, and sees this neighborhood spaces and communal spaces having an outlet towards sacredness, worship as well along with the other spaces for other activities.

ETHNICITY AND ITS CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY

I really feel that these smaller spaces like these, makes the public and communal spaces a wholesome experience where one can find it all; things for recreational purpose, things from and for the daily lives, spaces for getting together and spaces to reconnect to their sacredness and fulfil their purpose of divinity. He also says about the markets here having more of a Bengali influence by saying – “The only way you can feel that you are in a Bengali place is when you enter the markets. Because when you enter the markets not only it’s about the food, or the temple, also you go through the shops, you will find Bengali things in the shops. You can find Bengali fonts, you find Bengali newspapers, and you find Bengali magazines, you find the fish market, this is what makes it Bengali. You may also find a homeless person living in the market almost every night, but he is being fed there, that’s where he lives, he lives happy there and sitting outside the temple every day. Bengali’s, we are usually very inclusive, that way at least to Bengali’s but maybe we are inclusive of other people from outside community.”(Dasgupta. A, ibid) On the basis of my observation during the field work, and the numerous conversations in form of interviews I had with different people and also during my years of growing up within the neighborhood itself, Hence on the basis of my understanding and perception of the place on the basis of my fieldwork and interviews and also through the lived experience of my last 25 years, I personally feel that this is not about the place / space primarily, but more about the community, the people and their will to collaborate and celebrate festivals and make it bigger for all. The smaller networks of religious and worship spaces are also a representation of strong belief of the people towards religion. The strong cultural identity of C.R. Park is not just a reflection of the cultural identity of neighborhood alone, rather it is also a representation of its inhabitants and their vision of the place.

3.2.1 A brief story of the festivals The history of Durga Pujo goes back at least 46 years back, when it was first celebrated by the first of its inhabitants in the year of 1970, when C.R. Park was already under development through the construction of its very first houses. On the basis of the interview from Mr. Anand Mukherjee, an old veteran of the community and also the first person to build his house in the neighborhood, he remembers how a small group of people got

together and made a small arrangement at one of the parks of Block J, across the present day Market number 1, and celebrated the first Durga Pujo, the sacred festival of the community. On the basis of the interview from Mr. Anand Mukherjee, an old veteran of the community and also the first person to build his house in the neighborhood, he remembers how a small group of people got together and made a small arrangement at one of the parks of Block J, across the present day Market number 1, and celebrated the first Durga Pujo, the sacred festival of the community. The celebration there took place just for the first 3 years and then later started to happen in other places as they felt the space was smaller. He also recalls the fact that the importance of development and establishment of such practices were important to reroute themselves to their traditional and cultural values. However over the years the fashion of celebrating Durga Pujo, became so popular that by 1976, there were 2 venues within the neighborhood where the festival took place. One of them was the temple grounds which was started in 1973, and the second addition in 1976 was the Mela ground (meaning ‘carnival ground’).he also added that by 1977 two more venues were added to the list where Durga Pujo would take place; the K Block cooperative ground, and the playground of Block-B. At present there are about 8 places where the festivals happen every year; however the first 4 venues of the Kalibari temple, popularly known as the Shib Mondir (temple of Lord Shiva), the Mela ground venue and the other 2 of K Block and B Block grounds. In this segment of the discourse it is important to understand that how a festival can become a strong reflector of the cultural identity for a community, especially based on the fact of its organic growth through all these years. Similarly the Bengali New year, is also celebrated in a much elaborated manner, where the rituals and other proceedings start already from an early morning time, which is even before the sunrise. The prime spot for such celebrations are the temples in and around C.R. Park which are also the most important interfaces for all the cultural interactions, on a daily routine basis. The Bengali community are somewhat very obligated to their religious and spiritual believes and it is seen very clearly from the number of religious and sacred spots in the neighborhood.

FIG 55: Volunteers offering food to devotees during Durga Pujo. It is one of the sacred rituals to offer food to the devotees

FIG 56: Prayers being offered in a ritual during Durga Pujo.

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

The biggest temple complex in the neighborhood is vastly used almost throughout the year, for a lot of cultural and traditional practices. The oldest and also one of the biggest Durga Pujo’s are also celebrated in the temple apart from the other 7 grounds in the neighborhood are an important reflection of the number of communal spaces for such practices. The important point of observation is also to understand the capacity of spaces, especially the grounds, to transform themselves into big ‘maidans’[1] for innumerable people at different times of the year. Throughout the year most of these grounds, apart from the one at the temple, are enormously used as playgrounds, holding small zonal level football tournaments as well and suddenly changes into huge festive grounds which sees over a 100,000 visitors over those 5 days of the festivals. It should be brought into notice that how during the time of festivities the same ethnic neighborhood breaks its own shackles of being an ethnic and an exclusive community of Bengali’s, becomes a big platform for a more diverse population. Diverse, in this particular context is an indication towards a more PanIndian populace, and perhaps includes people from different ethnic, cultural and social backgrounds, irrespective of any socioeconomic bias. The festivals especially brings together a lot of different people from different parts of the city and sometimes even the country, it becomes a multi-layered image of mixed identities, and definitely in a good way. In times like these, one can understand that how this particular small community of Bengali’s has so much to offer to the society and the other way round the neighborhood can take the love and respect of the people who visit the neighborhood, just for visiting the Puja Pandals [2] One of the interviewee’s shared his opinion particularly upon the situation of these festival times and laments on how he learned so much by just observing people who had to see this festival. The interviewee Mr. Piyush Goswami said that - “But my feeling towards Durga Puja has changed a lot since the time it had started as we enjoyed a lot for those 5 days. But after a point I started to feel that it’s annoying, because of the number of people which can’t be ignored and then there is no space for you to walk. Like if I have to take my cab to work I will have to go to the main road walking all the way. So that became a little annoying, but also the fact that it was too exaggerated. There are so many people that you just cannot walk, it’s difficult for a

person to walk from one place to another it’s that bad. But then there came a point when I remember that I was standing at a bus stand, waiting for my cab and I saw a lot of people standing the same bus stand. So right next to me there was this family, with a lady with 2 kids and her husband and the kids were creating a ruckus, but I could see the state they were in, but they were really happy and I am pretty sure they were from a far-away place because you just can sense it. And surprisingly I saw a lot of people just like that with their families and I realised how for me it’s right just next to my house and it might not be all that great. But for someone who waits for this time of the year and travel all the way with their families just to see this event, so for them it’s everything. So that’s when I felt that I am being too cynical and it’s a lot more than just the crowd, it’s that festival which brings people together.” (Goswami, Piyush. Outsider, Age: 28. Personal interview. 5th March, 2016). It is now very interesting to see and learn from the experiences of such interviewee’s, who see the neighborhood not only as a singular cultural grounds of the Bengali’s but also as it’s potential to become as an example of diversified neighborhood [temporally] as and when required. It is an important learning in the discourse, to understand the efficiency of the neighborhood as a larger urban fragment; which engrains such traces of cultural practices that includes people from other parts of the city, irrespective of their socio-economic status and their ethnic background; to constitute such ideas of diversity and pluralism, however not in permanence but at least for a small but relevant period of time. The celebrations of such festivals and the capacity of the neighborhood to transform itself as a large receptive space for such socio-cultural intercourses and represents these intrinsic qualities of being a diverse neighborhood as well.

1 - Maidan - A local terminology for big open spaces or more appropriately grounds used for various purposes of playing, cultural events, festivities etc. A big open space which has capacity of to accommodate a large conglomerate.

2- Puja Pandal - It is a temporary shelter erected and raised just for the purpose of holding the Puja / festival or a big cultural gathering. It is usually temporal in nature and is mostly the skeleton is made from Bamboo and textile or canvas is the skin or the covering material.

ETHNICITY AND ITS CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY

ILLUSTRATION 7 SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM SHOWING THE EMERGENCE OF THE DURGA PUJO CULT IN C.R. PARK AND HOW IT GREW. WITH TIME.

1st Durga Pujo festival held in 1970

In 1973 it shifts to the Temple area and Mela Ground a big maidan

In 1976 it expands to B Block and K Block grounds. These 4 are the most popular Puja’s.

In today’s time there are about 8 venues where the festval is held.

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

3.2.2 The establishment of the temple and its importance as a cultural interface The Kalibari temple complex (temple of Goddess Kali), which is also popularly known as the Shib Mandir (Temple of Lord Shiva), is one of the most prominent sites for all the cultural and social events in the neighborhood. It was originally established in 1973, when some priests setup a small tin roofed house for Lord Shiva on the top of the hillock which is currently housing the whole temple complex, also happens to be the top point of the whole neighborhood. Originally, according to the masterplan for development of C.R. Park by the D.D.A (Delhi Development Authority), the hillock was supposed to be developed as a large green entity for making a Rock-Garden as a zonal level green space. However, after the setting up of the small tin temple of Lord Shiva over the hillock, people started to go their offer prayers to the almighty. It made sense during those days, as the people really amended to the act of the priests and interpreted that the highest point of the locality made sense towards setting up of a temple as god shall reside on the highest point. According to Mr. Anand Mukherjee, in 1973 after the temple was setup on the hillock, Mr. Charavorthy along with several pioneers and veterans of the community decided to develop that further into a large temple complex, comprehending to the fact that the rock garden was not getting developed. With some financial contribution from the neighborhood and its inhabitants, people then started to develop every corner of the temple complex. According to the original master plan for the development of C.R. Park there were 2 separate land allotments of about 1.7 acres for religious purposes. However, the people during the early phases of development of the neighborhood consumed about 4 acres of Land on the hillock to develop the whole temple complex. In his interview, Mr. Anand Mukherjee also mentioned about the fact what we as a community was unauthorised as we ‘Grab and Build’ the temple complex, without the formal consent of the authorities. For the first 7-8 years there were no concrete developments made towards the development of the temple complex. In the beginning of 1980’s, the community first started to build and erect the temple roofs. It took them almost 10

years to erect the 3 temples which houses a temple dedicated to Lord Shiva, Goddess Kali and for Lord Krishna. The temple of Goddess Kali came as the first and the biggest one and then came the temple for Lord Krishna and finally the tin roofed temple for Lord Shiva was shifted under the newly constructed temple for Lord Shiva. Since then it took them almost 10 years to completely construct the 3 temples of the complex and finally finish it by 1991. He also recalls the time period of 1997/98, when he was one of the counsellors of the areas and was a member of the ruling party in Delhi, they approached to the D.D.A for legalization of the temple complex. Because of his political linkage and by the help of the government and some influential people he says the D.D.A approved of their development of the temple complex. He also remembers the fact that the Minister of Health, Mr. P.K. Hota, was very happy to see the people of C.R. Park developed the temple complex on their own will and at their own expense. He also comprehended the fact that there has been no efforts from the D.D.A to develop this large land parcel, which was supposed to the Rock garden, and recognised the fact the temple complex is an important public domain for all the religious and cultural events. Mr. Mukherjee then said that it was the Health Minister who supported the development as a useful entity to the neighborhood, and suggested him and other stakeholders to declare the land as ‘landlocked’ on political basis, and register for a license which was equivalent to a lease hold for the benefit of the temple and eventually buy the land from D.D.A. it was the minister who offered the temple association a yearly license charge of roughly about 30,000 INR, in lieu of paying 12 million INR at once to the government, starting back from the year of 1997-98.

*NOTE – The above section is thoroughly based on the commentary during a personal interview by Dr. Anand Mukherjee dated on the 4th April, 2016).

FIG 57: Front view of the temple complex during day

CH 3 I CULTURE, ETHNICITY & IDENTITY OF C.R. PARK

This definitely sees a huge success of the community, the people and their cultural sentiments attached to the temple, where the people come together, develop a large place as a huge cultural and religious space, without the consent of authorities, but ultimately gets hold of the legal recognition on the grounds of virtues and cultural well-being. The temple today stands on a large chunk of land of about 2 acres, close to what was originally proposed for religious development, houses 3 temples in continuation for 3 different religious figures. The architecture representation of the temple is very much similar to the typical ethnic Bengali terracotta style, majorly seen in the temples of West Bengal. In front of the temple one can see a beautifully developed garden space, managed and maintained by the temple association with the help of skilled gardeners. This green space adds up to the overall ambiance of the complex and as well as acts as the festive grounds during the Pujaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (festivals) and caters to a large crowd when needed in time of mass congregation for various celebrations. Also in front section of the temple there is a hospice area especially for the travellers in the city. This acts as a huge revenue support to the temple association as it is almost fully booked throughout the year. A small dining mess as an ancillary function to the lodging hospice adds up to the overall realm of the ethnic backgrounds as only Bengali style cuisine is served there at a very nominal rate. Both the dining mess and hospice are offered to outsiders at a very nominal rate and allows the temple to spill over to a larger mass and at the same time adds up to the uniqueness of the place. It can be assumed that the temple complex forms the main focal point of the neighborhood because of its locational advantage on the hillock. At the same time it clearly reflects the importance of religion, culture and social outlook towards place of worship of the Bengali community as it is a very busy space almost throughout the year. The story of the temple setup and its usage throughout the years, not only sets up an example of the power of people and a community but also reflects upon its nature of being a plural space in regards of the multiple activities which happens throughout the year. The way the temple endorses its intrinsic qualitative aspects of being a socio-cultural hub in the neighborhood, it is also linked with its tenacity of being a versatile space used for diverse activities with a vibrant space quality.

FIG 58: Inside view of the temple

FIG 59: View of the temple dome

FIG 60: Night view of the temple

FIG 61: Temple complex full with people during Bengali New Year

CONJECTURAL BRIEF:Towards the closure of this segment which was relentlessly based upon the nuances and the experiences of the socio-cultural notions that one can see and feel in the neighborhood of C.R. Park, it would be an appropriate moment to see it as a fine example of cultural pot. One who has lived or has seen the neighborhood for a long time can definitely see the obvious changes in the neighborhood and how its cultural and festive celebrations has evolved, glamorised and modernised with changing times and lifestyle in the last 45 years of its emergence; but still I would strongly argue that the fundamental reason of getting together to celebrate and be together for the cultural events and activities of the neighborhood, C.R. Park has still contained the authenticity of a true Bengali culture. However, I would also like to add that because of the changing and fast-paced lifestyle of the current world, there has been lesser chances of the at least the present generation to be involved or be in touch with their cultural roots. It is true that we, or the current generation still celebrate the festivities along with our elders and enjoy it as much as them or probably more than them as well, but I would also take a moment and admit that the present generation is not fully engrossed with their culture as much as the previous generation was. The exact reason would be difficult to say but it seems with the changing times and changing society, within C.R. Park itself is also important to consider for such changes. One of the respondents feels very strongly for that and says – “I foresee the original Bengali culture is being polluted and losing its’ original flavour to so called filthy rich money culture. Money is playing the pivotal role in the whole process. Do we get to hear the sound of ‘Shankh’[ a wind instrument] in the evening prayer? How many children of Bengali families are practicing ‘Rabindra Sangeet’[Bengali folk music based on the literature of Rabindranath Tagore] in the evening? Values/culture sprouts from within the families but unfortunately those rich families tend to buy them for showcasing.” (Ghosh. Dipak, ibid) I would again like to quote Nagel who says that ethnicity is a dynamic and a constantly evolving process (Nagel. J, 1994, ibid) which one may be able to see coming into light in the case of C.R. Park as each year passes by. With the incoming of new Non-Bengali families one can or may reason out the possible changes due to them, but then it would be really stereotypical to say so. This changing process of demographic diversification which has occurred in C.R. Park over the last few years will be attempted to bring into light into the next chapter and see what has diversity and probable way towards a more pluralistic society has changed in C.R. Park.

> 4.1_The tones of diversity [programmatic + social] . . . . . > 4.2_Towards a probe of pluralism > 4.3_What [vices] has diversity and pluralism brought along . . . .

CHAPTER 4 DEFINING DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF C.R. PARK

DEFINING DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF C.R. PARK As a continuation to the previous segment, where there has been a constant attempt and trials to setup the foundation of C.R. Park as a strong case of ethnicity, or more appropriately a neighborhood having a strong image of ethnic identity, this segment precisely takes the whole discourse ahead and will try to explore the supporting themes of this research. The following key concepts of DIVERSITY [Programmatic + Social] and PLURALISM will instead be carried ahead in this part of the dissertation and bring into light of this Bengali dominated habitat as a case of having a versatile and multi-layered image through different objects of and spaces of diverse program(s) on hand and secondly how it inculcates and embeds spaces for a possible social mix and spaces for all categories of different socio-economic groups. In the second part of the story of this segment, I will try to bring into focus the idea of a possible pluralistic society and making this case an unique exemplification of an ethnic neighborhood changing with time, with a changing demographic composition and how has this change brought about a change into the neighborhood; both spatially and mentally on the basis of interview and testimonial responses.

DIVERSITY: “an instance of being composed of differing elements or qualities: an instance of being diverse” OR “the state of having people who are different races or who have different cultures in a group or organization.” PLURALISM: “a situation in which people of different social classes, religions, races, etc., are together in a society but continue to have their different traditions and interests” OR “the belief that people of different social classes, religions, races, etc., should live together in a society” (from Merriam-Webster dictionary)

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CH 4 I DEFINING DIVERSITY & PLURALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF C.R. PARK

4.1_THE TONES OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMATIC + SOCIAL] . . . . . In the previous section, where I have tried to establish C.R. Park as a strong case of this ethnic identity which one may think over and see the case as a homogeneous structure of society and spaces. Homogeneous in this context is its particularity of being ethnic, and at one observation one might think that it is still a completely an ethnic neighborhood mostly domiciled by Bengali’s. In no other point of technical or scientific reference I am trying to associate the case of C.R. Park or the case of ethnic vibe in C.R. Park to homogeneity, but just plainly because of its apparent social composition which is majorly of Bengali families. In this particular section I am particularly trying to establish the case of C.R. Park rather as a more ‘diverse’ state of co-existence. Apart from these examples where the markets and the commercial spaces offers a huge leverage to people from different categories of the society, the importance of the traditional and cultural nexus of the community is reflected from the number social and public amenities which has been provided for the people. The community centres and cultural institution play a very major role for the strong identity of the neighborhood. Essentially because it is based on the principles and values of the Bengali culture as whole, and especially for their respect towards the idea of communal welfare in general which is accessible for the people living beyond the bounds of C.R. Park as well. There are primarily 4 main institutions apart from the main temple organizations which offers different services to the people. This is essentially because, first of all these institutions are public and social institutions for the community welfare, offering various services and facilities to the people at a nominal charge. Secondly, these institutions though setup within the domain of the neighborhood and primarily found by various organizations within the neighborhood itself, but it is primarily not exclusive for them; them being the ‘insiders’ – the residents and the habitants of C.R. Park, primarily. It is for anyone and everyone, from any socio-economic group or from any background all the facilities can be availed by anyone. I will now very briefly take you through such different organizations and institutions which are working within the neighborhood as community welfare centres.

First in the list is Chittaranjan Bhawan (meaning ‘the house of Chittaranjan’), based on the name of Chittaranjan Das, which is an autonomous institution setup in the society for the welfare of the public and offers a wide range of health and medicinal services at a very nominal charge, which can be afforded by a wide range of different social classes. This is essentially based on the fact that there should not be any divide or discrimination on human grounds on the aspects of medical and health services. The place offers other services as well for the convenience of the public, as it houses 2 national banks, and spaces for cultural and creative activities especially for the young children, providing them opportunity for overall growth. There are spaces for indoor games, cultural hobbies like music lessons and dance lessons are given to the children at different times of the week, and thus makes the space more valuable for its multipurpose usage. It also has formal spaces for community gathering to hold private ceremonies and events like weddings, seminars etc. Thus, this place becomes one of the most important and legible locations of the neighborhood as it is also one of the oldest setups for the community after the Temple complex that has been described previously. Based on similar ideas, right next to Chittaranjan Bhawan, sits Bangiya Samaj (literally meaning ‘Bengali society’), which offers similar various opportunities of social activities under one roof. Under one roof, it houses a gymnasium, a library (mostly Bengali literature), place for playing Table-Tennis, chess, learning centre for Yoga, Karate and a banquet hall as well, all at very reasonable charges to uplift and encourage societal mix. Mahila Samity (simply meaning ‘Women’s association’), is a charitable trust ran and organized by women, offers health and medical services and other social activities. However, it is open to both the genders of the society, and not primarily for the women only as one may be deceived by the name of the organization. The fourth place that acts as a major socio-cultural outpost is the B.C. Pal memorial, which also houses similar functions and is located right behind Market number 3. However, this place has gained more popularity for its auditorium, where various theatre and stage plays take place throughout the year. Also a lot of other socio-cultural activities like, music shows, poem recitation etc. also takes place there, and hence it helps the Bengali’s from the neighborhood stay in touch with their love towards art and culture.

THE TONES OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC + SOCIAL]

B.C. Pal Memorial

Mahila Samity

Bangiya Samaj

Chittaranjan Bhawan

ILLUSTRATION 8 MAP SHOWING THE COMMUNITY WELFARE INSTITUTIONS LOCATED IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD.

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FIG 62: A stage play being held at the B.C. Pal auditorium.

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“There are always something to do in C.R. Park, like have a tea, go play some sport if you can. And there is a town hall (Chittranjan Bhawan), where as kids we could go and play Table-Tennis, Badminton………………. I think since the inception of C.R. Park, the point of the early settlers was to create that kind of a neighborhood. So examples like Chittarnjan Bhawan or Bangiyo Samaj, you won’t find these kind of places anywhere else in other settlements, which kinds of brings you together like you have chess matches, you will have library for the society, doctors on a smaller fees………….. so that is one thing which makes me believe that it was always the point to have a neighborhood, and just an area.” (Lakhani, Muktish, ibid) The most prominent and important thing regarding all these institutions is that their operations and facilities and services are not exclusively for the inhabitants and residents of C.R. Park but it is open to all. This particular quality engrains a quality of the’ inclusiveness’ of the neighborhood and its community. If we now, quickly recap over all the major institutional and community spaces, excluding the market spaces, one may find a unique system of different spaces corresponding to a variety organised programmatic setups within the neighborhood. Starting from the very big cultural spot of the neighborhood; the Kalibari Temple complex, which houses not only the temple alone but also a small library, yoga learning centre, a hospice or a travellers lodging area and a dining facility within one large area. Of course next to it are the forest park area, and the government school, which together with the temple forms a bigger complex. Then next are the institutional setups of Chittaranjan Bhawan, Bangiya Samaj, Mahila Samity and the B.C. Pal Memorial, and 4 municipality and government schools that makes the whole area of C.R. Park an interesting combination of a diversified settlement; diversified in sense of the programmes and the spaces it corresponds to them. This brings me to the emergence of the 2nd concept of research frame of understanding this ethnic community as a diverse platform; diverse in terms of its programmatic variations and the qualities of it having a social diversity. With respect to the amount of different institutional setups operating differently and providing for different types of facilities along with the 4 community markets and 4 government and municipality schools, C.R Park does caters a wide range of different programmatic aspects.

It would not be inappropriate to say that a settlement, rather an ethnic settlement like C.R. Park is diverse in its own unique way by housing so many different programs, each corresponding to its own spatial quality, and thus qualifies to be called as a programmatic diverse neighborhood. Apart from being home to somewhat 50,000 people it offers one a wide expanse of different spaces corresponding to different programmes, within the neighborhood apart from the residential and the social housing fabric within the whole tissue of C.R. Park. Having said and stated that how C.R. Park is a complex urban tissue that has a well-defined programmatic diversity, I would also like to contest that C.R. Park has a diversity when it comes to its social structure based on its present demographic composition. However, one would still see C.R. Park as an ethnic neighborhood, but in recent times the social compositions have also changed quite drastically. Over the past 2 decades the demographic composition has been evolving and transforming quite quickly, and making it a more a diverse neighborhood. On this one of the respondents Mr. Robin Chatterjee has something very interesting to share, who sees the current change in the demographics in an interesting way. He says – “According to me , culturally , I haven’t seen much changes in Old C.R. PARK as compared to New C.R. PARK, more cultural changes in new C.R. PARK as more and more families from other regional backgrounds and cultures have come and settled there , thus , having a mixed culture there , which is also interesting in its own way as it is a clear indication of ‘ unity in diversity ‘ , whereas older C.R. PARK was still mostly dominated by Bengali families , thus having the same old culture there, as far as development goes , all of C.R. PARK has developed at a similar rate as compared to other similar localities in Delhi , yet preserving the general feel of C.R. PARK.” (Chatterjee, Robin. Insider, Age: 25. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 3rd August, 2016). Another interviewee also confirms the thought of inclusivity of various social backgrounds, age groups etc. and tries to affirm this case of C.R. Park as a good example of being a socially diverse neighborhood as well. He says that - “I think that in C.R. Park there are a lot of these activities happening, like these neighborhood kids coming to the market, sitting there, having a cup of tea, talking you know and then there are all sections of the society basically, you know all age groups come here, it’s not exclusive.”(Farooq, Faraz, ibid).

THE TONES OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC + SOCIAL]

Also the green spaces are another important layer of the neighborhood, as there are a series of different types of green and open spaces. As mentioned in the preceding chapters, some open spaces and green spaces acts as larger congregate grounds during the time of the festivals and celebrations, which completely transforms the space quality during the specific times of the festivals. The different and variant open spaces are important to understand the neighborhoods capacity to retain the huge pressure of bigger mass congregates during the festival times and also to understand the functionality of those open spaces throughout the year on regular basis giving a unique reflection about the transformability of such spaces. Also, these green spaces comes across as a fine examples of programmatic diversity as not all the green spaces acts in the same manner. All of the green spaces delegate different types of functionality through the year on a daily basis and some of them operate on a much diverse and supra scale during the festivities. One of the interviewees says that – “A place like C.R. Pak has more of open area from let’s say parks, and many places in Delhi do not have that much spaces like parks and driveways, alleys…………… In other places of Delhi the space restriction is so much that you don’t get to enjoy that kind of openness.” (Paul, Arijeet. Insider, Age: 27. ibid) The presence of parks C.R. Park also has a relation with its name and in a very interesting way. One of the 1st generation interviewee had something very interesting to share - “The parks are something which everyone (1st generation mainly) of us tried to develop or maintain and do our small bits to develop them. Initially when we decided that we would rename the neighborhood after the Bengali leader Chittaranjan Das, people came up with ideas like C.R. Colony etc. but then I dismissed most of such ideas and I proposed that it should be C.R. Park. So a lot of people questioned that why ‘, or how can an area be named as ‘Park’. So I told them when I used to study in Jadavpur University (in Kolkata), there was an area near that called ‘Jodhpur Park’; so I said if there could be Jodhpur Park in Kolkata, we have almost about 52 parks within this locality so what is the problem in keeping the name associated to ‘PARK’ and call it Chittaranjan Park.” (Mukherjee, Anand, ibid). This segments of the interview excerpts shows that how the community and the in-habitants have this fondness towards the green and open spaces and how over the years they have also developed and maintained it. This is one quality which actually makes C.R. Park distinctive from its similar counterpart’s neighborhoods in the city.

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Just on a quick notation, C.R. Park majorly has a high percentage of middle income and upper-middle income families, but it also houses 2 very prominent social housing structures especially carved out for families who mostly fall on the lower income categories. It is a very mixed type of a socio-economic composition of the society that C.R. Park has. On this one of the interviewees had something very interesting to share. The interviewee says that – “Its upper middle class, middle class and even lower middle class, you will find all of them. That’s the best thing about C.R. Park it’s not limited to only upper or lower, it’s a mix of everything. You go to one side you will find different types of houses, different types of structures; other parts you find different localities; status, class, everything. So C.R. Park has everything”. (Lakhani, Muktish, ibid) I would also like to rethink and take into account the different people coming from outside the neighborhood all hailing from different socio-cultural backgrounds who frequent the neighborhood spaces of markets, or the institutions as mentioned above; or the innumerable school kids coming to the neighborhood schools for their education creates a temporal wave of social diversity. If not a permanence in this idea of diversity, C.R. Park does have a very high temporal nature of being a socially diverse physical domain, where a lot of outsiders [non-residents] do not just passby but come with a purpose to the neighborhood, maybe to work or study, or just spend time in the markets, recreate themselves through the gymnasium and yoga centres, or just to have a leisure time over the cup of chai in around the streets of C.R. Park. As one of the interviewee’s Mr. Virendra Khanna, a resident of Kalkaji which is a nearby locality, says that - “Since the last couple of years I have started coming here more often to have a cup of tea with my other friends, or whenever we get a chance to meet and need to have a place to meet somewhere, as they are also working close by so we try to meet at this place.” Khanna, Virendra. ibid) By saying the above he clearly means to say that being a nonresident he has always found this place really amusing and hence he and his friends often try to meet up in C.R. Park only as they need a place to meet. And through the interview I interpreted that he does not thinks that C.R. Park is exclusive to only its residents but to outsiders as it seems pretty comfortable to find space for their own gatherings in the community spaces of C.R. Park.

FIG 63: Satellite image of C.R. Park and nearby areas

OBJECT OF DIVERSITY: Objects of diversity in this discourse is simply referring to the different spatial figures, which holds different functions and programms, apart from residential fabric. Examples like market spaces, community centres or institutions etc. can be considered as such ojects.which offer such opportunities which can be accessed by people from various backgrounds.

FIG 64: Satellite image showing different object of diversity in the area

FIG 65: Satellite image highlighting C.R. Park

FIG 66: Satellite image showing different object of diversity in C.R. Park

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ILLUSTRATION 9 - AN EXAMPLE OF AN OBJECT OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC]

PATCH 1 MARKET NO. 1, CHITTARANJAN BHAWAN & BANGIYA SAMAJ.

This is one of the better examples of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Objects of Diversityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. Objects in this contexts are nothing but just spatial figures precisely which adheres to different kinds of programs / functions that cater to a large number of people. People from different backgrounds, backgrounds of socio-cultural aspects and also socio-economic aspects. An example of the patch having Market 1, Chittaranjan Bhawan and Bangiya Samaj, is one of the most interesting patches to see in the neighborhood as far when we are trying to understand the quality of diversity, atleast in terms of Programmatic diversity. It induces a wide range of different activities and functions that operates and caters to a wide range of people (both insiders and outsiders), belonging from different socio-cultural background and socio-economic backgrounds. Thus, in this way, this patch is also an example of a space in the neighborhood which involves an idea of social diversity as well, apart from the programmatic diversity, because of the different people it includes in its daily life. These are the spaces which also enables a sense of accessibility to anyone and everyone the neighborhood and develops its character as a more diverse neighborhood and also probably a more pluralistic one.

THE TONES OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC + SOCIAL]

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ILLUSTRATION 10 - AN EXAMPLE OF AN OBJECT OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC]

PATCH 2 KALIBARI TEMPLE COMPLEX, RAISINA SCHOOL AND THE ROCK GARDEN. Another example of another object of diversity; programmatic diversity. It is one of the important spatial figures in the neighborhood as it accommodates one of the most important cultural spot of the neighborhood, the Temple complex. The temple complex itself holds a diverse range of functions. Apart from the temple, it also houses a hospics, a yoga centre and dining mess for the travellers, library etc. Apart from the temple one can see the large green space, known as the rock garden, which actually is a remaining part of the forest which was compromised to accommodate the 714 families during its 2nd phase of development. Today that is one of the most greeenest and perhaps the biggest green space, used for walking, relaxing etc by a lot of people. The school in front is also an important centre for various interactions amongst different kids coming from different socio-cultural and socio-economic backgrounds. It is important to see that how a neighborhood sees such institutional setups as important establishments within the neighborhood premise. This is a government school, and hence it caters mostly to kids from more humble socio-economic backgrounds and hence promotes the idea of diversity and pluralism, even if not permanently but temporally.

THE TONES OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC + SOCIAL]

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FIG 67: Market 2, an object of Diversity [Programmatic]

FIG 68: A green space in the neighborhood, an object of Diversity [Programmatic]

FIG 69: The Rock Garden beside the temple complex.

The pressence of different options in the public space enhances a strong everyday life, where people of different ethnic background and different socio-economic strataâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s come together hence results in a situation social-diversification. This also shows that the neighborhood is pretty much accessible by different categories of people thus enabling some notions of diversity and pluralism.

FIG 70: A lady inhabitant and a vegetable seller; interaction between people from different backgrounds

FIG 71: A lady inhabitant and a snack seller.

FIG 72: A small temple beside one of the markets, a spot for mixing of people from different background(s) and age groups

By now, I clearly would like to say that the neighborhood is also inclusive towards its non-residents on a daily basis, in their daily activities and perhaps it would not be inappropriate to state that the neighborhood is not only diverse programmatically but also it has its phases of social diversity on a daily basis. Well, going by the definition and understanding of the term of diversity which clearly underlines the sense of “inclusion of people from different background”, the purpose of C.R. Park to be helmed as a diverse (programmatic and social) community are indeed very true and sensible to think. It is mainly because one may just think C.R. Park as a complete ‘Ghetto’ as many may think of any ethnic settlement, but it would be indeed a very stereotypical attitude to think of it as one, as ‘Ghetto’ basically connotes to a lot of negative deployments of social living. Mr. Faraz Farooq also seconds this opinion of C.R.Park not being ‘Ghetto’ by saying – “Maybe, it’s because they are from the same cultural background, they speak the same language that does matter yes. I have met so many people who would categorize C.R. Park as a ‘Ghetto’, the manner of settlement as a ghetto, but I wouldn’t for one; because you have people here who are stable here. There are very few homeless people here and you can find people from all strata’s of the society living here.” (Farooq, Faraz, ibid) This statement indeed supports my judgement of C.R. Park of not being a ‘Ghetto’ and also at the same time very inclusive in sense of its social composition. This would also be a very appropriate moment to conclude on the dialog of establishing the ethnic settlement of C.R. Park as one settlement where diversity is very strongly engrained in terms of its Social diversity on one end and spatial and programmatic diversity on the other. Also, it would be an appropriate moment to bring into light the last key concept of the research frame, which mainly concerns with the investigation of the same neighborhood case as a structure of urbanity that also exhibits ‘pluralism’ and perhaps celebrates it.

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4.2_TOWARDS A PROBE OF PLURALISM From the discourses about the various layers of the neighborhood and its intangible aspects about the people of the neighborhood and their lifestyle, socio-cultural aspects and their daily lives, one may understand that the domain of C.R. Park is an ‘ethnic neighborhood’ or more popularly as a ‘ghetto’ of a Bengali dominated located in Delhi. It is, however, a fact that the neighborhood of C.R. Park is an ethnic group of housing settlement, comprehending to the fact that this had been setup exclusively for the Bengali refugees of East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Through years, it has developed like an ethnically driven domain, especially based on the facts of its local development of temples, markets and fish markets, the presence of wide variety of Bengali food and sweets and various other factors like the Bengali festivals. In the previous section’s it has been very relevantly established as well, about the local-ness, and the ethnic ways of the neighborhood through the markets, time and space of public spaces and the activities of the people as well, on a regular daily basis. What is the defining edge of pluralism in general and then in this urban fragment of C.R. Park which has a singularity in terms of its community, dominated by one particular type of ethnic group, due to which the neighborhood has a strong feel of the cultural and traditional roots of Bengali community. Is it important to have a vibrant social mix of different ethnic backgrounds or cultural backgrounds for having a dynamic pluralistic urban domain? By looking at the different socio-spatial fragments of the neighborhood, it presents itself as a very modest case of embedding different types of elements of diversity and pluralism(s), like the mix of different socio-economic groups and the continuous growing number of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood. But then how is it a pluralistic urbanism? These nuances of understanding that situation is solely based upon the perspectives of the inhabitants of C.R. Park, especially the ones who belong to a Bengali family and are either original inhabitants of the place or are decedents of the same.

Mr. Anand Mukherjee, who lived in the first house erected in the neighborhood strongly feels that their social structure of being an absolute ethnic domain of a Bengali neighborhood is not there anymore as it has been very varyingly mixed with new migrating families of different ethnic and cultural background. He says “C.R. Park was also developed like its nearby counterparts like G.K etc. but then it was just for Bengali’s and only Bengali’s used to reside over here, but now a lot of Non-Bengali’s have their own residences in here C.R. Park and they reside over here, which they bought it from the Bengali families.” (Mukherjee, Anand, ibid) To second his statement Mr. Amit Saha and his wife, one of the early settlers in the neighborhood, also shares their experience and brings into light that - “We, Bengali’s are selling our houses, whether it is due to some kind of financial reason, or distribution of property, they are selling off and since Bengali’s they don’t have the capacity……….. Most of us, we are not business class that’s why NonBengali’s are mostly buying their houses and they are coming in.” (Saha, Amit, ibid). By asserting the above two statements from two of the veterans and 1st generation inhabitants of the neighborhood, that how there have been instances of Bengali families who have been moving out of C.R. Park for various reasons and to fill in their places there are mostly the Non- Bengali families. With respect to the fact that there has been a substantial evidence based on the ethnographical investigations during the fieldwork, I am convinced of the fact that C.R. Park is no longer a purely ethnic domain. There are enough descriptions from the transcriptions of the interviews and responses from the e-mail queries I sent to some of the inhabitants, during the field work and post-fieldwork as well, that this domain of Bengali neighborhood has changed and transformed over time and slowly becoming a more diverse in sense of its populace demographic composition and probably a plural society. If one reflects on the counters of the interview transcriptions provided above and in the following parts one may understand relevantly enough that how C.R. Park has been changed and is still changing slowly. In the previous segment I have been attempting to establish that how there is already a notifiable change in the demographics and one may also start seeing C.R. Park as a case of Diversity [social]. However, in this section I am trying to establish it as a case of defining a pluralistic urban fragment.

TOWARDS A PROBE OF PLURALISM

The basic line defining the difference between diversity and pluralism is the very fact that diversity simply means a state or a situation where a society is composed of people from different social, economic and cultural background, whereas pluralism points more towards the complete tolerance and acceptance of the people belonging from these different backgrounds. In this context of C.R. Park it is more like a question of the nuances of which lies in understanding it as an ethnic neighborhood, or a diverse community; or rather an ethnic neighborhood, which is slowly transforming into a diverse one. Even if I am able to convince that this ethnic neighborhood, or more appropriately once an ethnic neighborhood, has changed and transformed into a diverse neighborhood by attaining and accommodating a relevant number of Non-Bengali families coming from different socio-cultural backgrounds, or people who belong from the different socio-economic strata of the society that are already present there in C.R. Park, which has made this neighborhood as a modest example of being a diverse neighborhood, would it be still appropriate to say that it is pluralistic also? Or is it getting on the verge of being a plural urban tissue or is becoming one? Too many approximations and thoughts redirects itself when thinking particularly on this line; but yet I feel that it would be early to state something about it. Through my field work, and experiences in the neighborhood while interviewing people from a diverse range of age groups and their domicile status of being an insider or an outsider of the neighborhood, I feel that there is somewhat a constant repetition of people’s thought process towards the idea of seeing non-Bengali families in the neighborhood. This has particularly varied and changed consistently over different age groups, especially in the terms of the neighborhood inhabitants who majorly form 3 generations of inhabitants each of them having a very particular way of seeing the existence of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood. From another counter of the interview of Mr. Anand Mukherjee where he says and states about the considerate presence of NonBengali families in the neighborhood and how they are coping up with it. He says – “Also earlier it was a purely Bengali residential area, it was 100% Bengali’s who resided here, but now it has changed a lot. Almost about 30% of the total population is Non-Bengali now. The Non-Bengali’s who have resided we have tried to accommodate them

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very nicely but still we try and restrict them somehow to enter into the matters of our cultural affairs and organizational issues.” (Mukherjee, Anand, ibid) It clearly shows that how is less tolerant towards the advances of the new Non-Bengali families especially into the matters of their cultural and traditional matters. He clearly means that he is not completely intolerant towards the Non-Bengali families, but he would not entertain them or like it too much when they would try to interfere into the organizational issues of the neighborhood functioning as far as in cultural events and festivity matters. He also says - “However, we have made peace with that there are a growing number of Non-Bengali families and it is bound to happen. We enjoy a cordial relationship with everyone and we would and we have never denied the Non-Bengali families from enjoying any of the facilities around. For example: the Puja’s or any religious or cultural event, they can attend and they do enjoy and they are most welcome to do so, but what we personally try to restrict is their entry within the association or we try and avoid a situation where a Non-Bengali becomes a member of any association, as they have a different mind-set and different cultural background, plus they might seek for their personal benefits out of the large events so we don’t want that to happen and hence we restrict such things.” (Mukherjee, Anand, ibid) As his other counterpart Mr. Amit Saha, feels that the cultural mix is good thing as it brings a lot of different experience together. He says - “Yeah, that (cultural mix) is good, provided you know that there is no distinction between rich and poor and all that. Because we have very simple kind of livelihood; our main aim is to educate our children and especially because we are not business class community, so most of us are either into studies or services that’s all.” (Saha, Amit, ibid) But at the same time he brings into light an important observation into light, which he sees as a negative connotation of the social mix in C.R. Park as a result of the new families coming in C.R. Park. He says that - “Things used to be very cosy, peaceful and……. And that thing is missing now. There is a slight feel of group-ism happening maybe….. like all the Punjabi’s are together let’s say, and Bengali’s are mostly together; but they do mix up well, it is not like that they are not together, but it is like this you feel it a little sometime.” (Saha, Amit, ibid)

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By looking at the excerpts above one can easily understand that there is not a complete acceptance of the non-Bengali families, at least from the point of view of the 1st generation inhabitants. However, I would not be able to say that there is a strong resistance but also there is not a complete negligence towards their presence. It is just that in some particular matters of the cultural functionality of the neighborhood they are not in complete acceptance of the non-Bengali members of the neighborhood, and I do not know whether if that is a valid reason or not, as I also understand the sentimental and emotional attachments they have towards the cultural background and image of the neighborhood, and probably they are just too worried about the same, and hence do not want to take the risk of tampering with it. With reference of the above statement(s) from these 2 veterans of the neighborhood, it pretty much simple to understand that there has been a slight reservation and hesitance from the 1st generation especially, towards the growing numbers of NonBengali families. However, the fact remains unchanged that the once, ethnically driven neighborhood of C.R. Park exclusively planned for the Bengali migrants from East Bengal region of India during the independence, after 4 decades of its existence has been diluted. The social structure of having the intrinsic and absolute count of all Bengali inhabitants and families are no longer the same. What are the possible reasons for that? And if this changing trend that has led to the state of this ethnic neighborhood transform into a more pluralistic society, is appropriate or not? From my personal experience of being a resident of this settlement for more than 20 years, I have never felt this sense of hesitance or resistance towards the Non-Bengali families and people who are residing in the neighborhood. It maybe because I have had many Non-Bengali friends within the neighborhood since childhood, or even in schools or other areas of the city. It is possible that I have been born and bred totally in Delhi, and never had this strong urge to connect to my cultural origins, and I have always been amongst a more cosmopolitan population who belong from different places, different socio-cultural background and religious backgrounds. In comparison to my elders and my previous generations, particularly the first generation of C.R. Park in this case, they have always been particularly very strongly affiliated to their cultural roots and origins. Even in the previous

sections, I have owed it to the first generation inhabitants, who strongly resisted the process of getting ‘acculturated’ when they moved and settled in this outskirts of the city, which is not even somewhere close to their place of origin. I have also mentioned that this strong presence of ethnic identity and culture which is present in the neighborhood is mostly because of the efforts and attempts of the 1st generation inhabitants of the settlements, who have seen this place develop in front of their eyes and has also witnessed transformation of its spaces and social culture as well. So, I would be pretty liberal to their resistance towards the trend of these new families who are residing in C.R. Park and over the years it has increased and raised a serious question on its durability of being an ethnic community in the coming future. Based on some of the interviews and responses that I got from the 2nd and 3rd generation inhabitants of the neighborhood, it seems that there is not a very strong resistance towards the permanent inclusion of the Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood. Many of the interviewees and respondents have strongly made it clear that this cultural mix of the new Non-Bengali families is indeed a good thing and shall be taken as a positive asset. “I believe it has its positives and its negatives , when there’s a mix of people living in the same area from different ideologies and cultural backgrounds there’s bound to be differences of opinion at some stage , but it’s the duty of our society as a whole to overcome such problems through peaceful dialogue, also , there are positives in the sense that since India is such a culturally diverse nation , all the people living in one neighbourhood from different cultural backgrounds can learn the interesting and positive aspects of their respective cultures from one another.” (Chatterjee, Robin, ibid). One of the other 2nd generation respondent, who now has moved out from the neighborhood, feels similarly about the idea of social mix. He says – “In this regard I would like to quote Swami Vivekananda, Though I could not excerpt word wise, but gist is “Sei Santan Bharoter Mukh Ujjal korbe , jar jonmo hobe Bangali ar Panjabir Oureser Sogmeesrone” (bengali). Because That Santan (Future generation) will acquire Brain & Intellects from Bengali and physical Strength from Sardar/ Panjabi. (translated)So we are not worried at all to mix up with any cast, creed & tribe etc.” (Ghosh, Kingshuk. 2nd generation, now outsider, Age: 55+. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 4th August, 2016).

TOWARDS A PROBE OF PLURALISM

The excerpts of the interviews from both of the respondents are indeed very interesting to see as they are pretty much optimistic regarding the social mix which is happening the neighborhood. This shows a definite distinction when one would try to compare it with the mixed feelings and responses from the 1st generation inhabitants as illustrated previously. “Now the trend is changing, because outside people are coming in, people are selling their houses and moving out to different places. There is a set of new people coming in who are changing the environment (social), which is for the good and new people are always welcomed over here.” (Paul, Arijeet, ibid) Another respondent feels very strongly in favour of the social mix, due to increasing number of Non-Bengali families and says that it is indeed a positive quality has. She also feel that the originality of C.R. Park is still difficult to compromise irrespective of the new Non-Bengali families moving in. She says that – “I really don’t feel that with the increasing number of non-Bengali families in C.R. Park the social and cultural aspect would change because people are tolerant and everybody enjoys celebrating every festival we Indians have. People respect each other’s culture. According to me, i feel that it is in a way good that we are being exposed to so many different kinds of cultures and getting to know our country better instead of being only with the Bengali community. It is not always good to live in a shell but it would be very difficult to change the originality of C.R. Park because no matter who comes to your house, your house remains your house. New people moving in and old people moving out will never be able to change the originality of C.R. Park because it has a very strong history of being a Bengali colony.” (Banerjee, Rushmica. 3rd generation, Insider, Age: 25. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 3rd August, 2016). Based on the above few excerpts from the interviews and online responses, I strongly feel that the present 3rd generation and also the 2nd generation of the neighborhood are very liberal and are quite receptive to these social transformations which can be very easily seen in the daily lives spaces of the neighborhoods like markets. The markets and fish markets especially see the light of vibrant urban spaces in the locality, and exhibits pluralistic qualities of this particular urban fragment, when evaluated under the spectrum of its routine daily activities. The constant flow of people and small corners adapted by different group of people for different activities or similar activities defines the idea of the ‘inclusiveness’ of the space.

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The road side shacks selling tea and other things revives the whole idea of equality of spaces for everyone within the neighborhood. These are such corners where there various options for everyone who belong to different social strata’s and groups of society. The idea is towards the equal right towards a space for everyone, defines and elaborates the richness of the space and its uniqueness to offer everyone with certain option in their everyday lives. The pluralistic quality of the society or the neighborhood can be well illustrated and understood in and around these small corners, where people from different socio-economic strata’s, different occupational backgrounds, and different socio-cultural backgrounds co-exists together to perform their due of socialising. Also referring to the examples of the community institutions and organizations set above in the previous part of this chapters, where I elaborated about how the presence of these social institutions which enriches the image of the neighborhood as a programmatically diverse neighborhood, they are also a strong example on the idea of its plurality. As I mentioned about the various community welfare services and amenities like the cheap medical facilities, or banks, recreational facilities like the community libraries, the gymnasium or the yoga centres etc. which can be accessed by people living beyond the boundary of C.R. Park, this in itself is a huge sign of tolerance and acceptance of the people who belong outside C.R. Park, or people who are not even Bengali’s. These daily processes of inter-cultural interaction on the prime spots of C.R Park like the markets, or the social institutions or the temple or the religious spots are in itself a better example towards a probe of pluralist society which has accepted, or is accepting the Non-Bengali populace into their daily lives. These stories of everyone and everyday encompasses an exuberant atmosphere within the social spaces of daily life and daily life in the social spaces. To be simplistically virtuous about the presence of sense of pluralism we shall also deeply look into these small accounts from the daily lives of the people in the neighborhood.

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ILLUSTRATION 11 - SPACES FOR EVERYONE FOR EVERYDAY . . . An activity mapping of 3 characrters who were interviewed about their daily lives and perspectives of the place. 2 of the characters are young professional, one is an insider and the other is an outsider. The 3rd character is a veteran of the neighborhood, now retired. One may see that the elder character travels only to parks and temples for he feels at peace there, where as the 2 younger characters have more of a regular work-live-work situation. But what is interesting to see is that all 3 differet characters somehow find out spaces for their own selves to do things in C.R. Park, thus defining a pressence of more diversified spaces with different options.

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The options of spaces of what they find in the neighborhood defines the diverse character of the neighborhood, which also become certain objects of diversity. Also one may understand these spaces not as exclusive but are inclusive of people from any background of culture or any economic strata of the society. What one can see here in the illustration are but, some of the spaces in the neighborhood which cater to a wide range of people in their everyday lives, for different things, and particularly not only from the neighborhood but to outsiders as well. Because of easy access to the services and facilities of the neighborhood it maybe apt to say that there is a probe towards pluralism within this previously ethnic domain.

Work outside neighborhood because he runs a factory

Has an office space at the LIG flats in C.R. Park because of lower rental

the singing tree a popular road side tea shack

their lives mix at this well knowned road side tea shack in the neighborhood. Spots like these become huge interaction points for people of different backgrounds and the neighborhood becomes a little inclusive and exhibits some qualities of a plural neighborhood, whose services or spaces are accessible to anyone and everyone.

work leisure for walking in neighborhood park

for praying at the temple

for some routine work at Market

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In the literature work of ‘Towards a Hyper-diverse European cities’ its authors compile the fact that “Hyper-diversity thus refers to an intense diversification of the population in socio-economic, social and ethnic terms, but also with respect to lifestyles, attitudes and activities”[……..]. People belonging to the same population or ethnic group may show quite different attitudes, for example with respect to school, work, parents and towards other groups; they may have very different daily and lifetime routines.” (Bolt. G et al, 2014, ibid). This predominantly occurs in the urban spaces of C.R. Park, where one may see the people from the same social group or age group engaging themselves in different activities and different spaces at different times, or concurrently different people of different age groups and different social groups engaged in the same activity at the same space. How does the idea of ‘pluralism’ be defined in such scenarios? I still do not have a very strong say about the idea if C.R. Park is a pluralistic society already or not, or if it is becoming one, but I surely do see a strong transformation phase of an once ethnically dominated C.R. Park, now to be a more cosmopolitan or a more diverse society in terms of its inhabitants from a variety of sociocultural backgrounds and socio-economic backgrounds. I would say that it has a strong possibility of being comprehended as one pluralistic society, if not now but definitely in the future it will be. However, it might not be very appropriate to state and say that that it is a pluralistic society, but it would be also very inappropriate say that it is not. On the basis of my observations during the field work and otherwise as an inhabitant as well, a lot has changed or atleast is changing. To be precise, it is apt to say that the mind set over the years through different generation of inhabitants are evidently different and one can see the obvious differences in the excerpts of interview’s and responses in the above segment(s). It is indeed true to say that there is a comparative difference with the thought process of the current generation inhabitants and the earlier generations, especially with the 1st generation inhabitants , there is a huge difference. It is the current generation inhabitants who are more receptive towards different social groups and families belonging to different backgrounds, in a much broader manner. That way i would say that, yes, C.R. Park is definitely becoming more plural - a more pluralistic neighborhood in terms of complete acceptance of different cultures and people from various backgrounds, if one considers the present generation as the future of this neighborhood.

TOWARDS A PROBE OF PLURALISM

FIG 73: A group of people from different (socio-cultural and economic) backgrounds sitting together at common spot in a market.

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4.3_ WHAT [VICES] HAS DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM BROUGHT ALONG As many of the interviewees [mostly 2nd generation and 3rd generation inhabitants] strongly feels in favour of the social mix and the settlement of the Non-Bengali families coming in to reside over C.R. Park, there has somehow been a negative effect on the spatial tissue of C.R. Park as well. The original fabric, or the architectural style and language that was denoted with beautiful small houses with a front yard spaces and back yard spaces has been very heavily compromised. A lot of new structures have come up which are over 3 to 4 storey’s high as a resultant of more and more new families coming in to live in C.R. Park and also the infringement of the private developers and builders in the nexus of C.R. Park. “A major demographic transformation in the gentry as well as the income groups which has caused a change in the architectural language and the landscape of the colony.” (Ganguly, Gourav. 3rd generation inhabitant, Insider, Age: 28. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 2nd August, 2016). The respondent clearly states the evident changes in the social composition of C.R. Park, which has also led to a substantial transformation of the architectural character of the neighborhood. He also shares his experience of a strong social and a cultural change where in confirms that one of the venues of the festivities was later excused due to the inconvenience it caused to the residents living around that venue. He says – “Yes. With the majority of the Bengalis having moved out, on the promise of vast sums of money for their land/ property, or having entered into a collaboration with a developer, more “outsiders” have started entering the colony. Outsiders here refer to those who come after shelling out vast sums of money (which the builders charge in exchange to what they paid for the property) with the mentality of living in a “posh” neighbourhood, but then end up not socialising with any one. The main reason here is that they cannot match the cultural, social or even the verbal frequency of the people around them. A simple example, one of the grounds that was a venue for our beloved Durga Puja was turned into an “ornamental park” a couple of years back and a stay order was issued by the court on the puja committee as the festivities bothered the residents adjoining the park. A fact to be noted was, of the numerous petitions signed, only a

negligible fraction were the Bengalis, who supported the cause due to health issues (Late festivities disallowed the elderly people from a sound sleep).” (Ganguly, Gourav, ibid) who belongs to a Bengali family and are either original inhabitants of the place or are decedents of the same. Every urban and social transformation comes with its own prices to compromises, if one has to say so, which is very much evident in the case of C.R. Park. Things have changed, so as the lifestyle and mind set of the society in general has changed over time. Particularly the specific example of the change of the architectural character and language is one of the concerning issues of this transformation of C.R. Park towards a more diverse and a plural society. However, it is also difficult to accommodate such a large amount of population without the necessary transformation of the volumetric capacity of the houses and residential fabric, but is it impossible to maintain a more familiar and an authentic architectural language of the place? “The drastic change would be the moving in of people other than Bengalis because this has changed the scenario completely. People have started to sell their houses to builders to make buildings, this way more space is being provided to accommodate people because of which there is a lot of problem of parking space for people. C.R. Park does not have very wide roads, hence we have parking problems because of which we have traffic problems especially during festival time. More people more cars less space, that’s the major problem according to me.” (Banerjee, Rushmica. 3rd generation, Insider, Age: 25. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 3rd August, 2016). “Major change of Builders Entry in C.R. Park to demolish and eradicate the beauty and serenity of C.R. Park’s sky line which was once adorned with single, personified house hold unit. Market place became better than before. The C.R. Park became more suffocating and dingy at the blessing of Modern Builder Concept.” (Ghosh, Kingshuk, ibid) One more respondent feels somehow negative towards this change of societal composition and says – “It is always good to have communities live together but not by way of disposing off. C R Park used to be known as a ‘Bengali colony,’ more precisely, it was known as ‘miniCalcutta’. Non-Bengalis intruding in the colony is a clear symptom of disproportionate ratio. Very soon we will mark this as an ‘Indian colony’ rather than a ‘Bengali colony’.” (Ghosh, Dipak, ibid)

WHAT [VICES] HAS DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM BROUGHT ALONG

Based on the accounts of these responses and interviews, it is a lot clear that how things have changed socially and mentally for the residents of C.R. Park, and also physically in sense of the spatial fabric, which are one of the most obvious changes almost every respondent has mentioned about. It is like the more definite and striking changes which everyone, who has lived or have known C.R. park for quite a long time can easily tell. Apart from these obvious changes of the architectural character and the language, there a few other things which a few of the interviewees and respondents have mentioned about, and is interestingly quite recurring in a lot of interviews and responses. The other thing where a lot of interviewees and respondents see or feel the obvious changes are the parks and the culture of kids playing there, which according to many of the respondents is slowly fading out. One of the interviewee’s Mr. Piyush Goswami says - “The parks; I love the parks. Because that’s how I started to come here, because there were basketball courts in the parks. So for me the parks are really important. But if you go the parks now you can see the obvious changes. You would hardly see any kid playing, it’s sort of depressing because I remember, and probably when 15 years ago when I used to go and play the parks used to be full of kids. You could just see people play Volleyball, Baseball, Basketball, Badminton, Cricket all at the same time…………………. I rarely played cricket, because there were so many options that I just didn’t feel the need to play cricket, which is definitely not conventional being an Indian. But now, if you go to a park there is no one. You would hardly see a few kids playing Badminton in the evening, but apart from that I don’t see a lot kids playing.” (Goswami, Piyush, ibid) Another respondent Mr. Arijeet Paul says – “The Number of Parks that have been changed from playing grounds to ornamental parks for the elderly and there is no space for kids to play.” (Paul, Arijeet. Insider, Age: 27. Response through E-Mail Questionnaire. 4th August, 2016). On the basis of the above excerpts from the interviews and the responses one can identify the changing trends in the usage of parks or how the parks have transformed from being a roughly maintained ground used by kids for playing, to beautiful ornamental parks. I do not mean to say that how the changing of the social dynamics and the neighborhood demographics which is becoming more diverse and plural are the prime reasons for the same, but one cannot neglect that it is somewhat related to

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that as well. Maybe it is also because the former generation of the original inhabitants who have become old at present would seek for some less active spaces for themselves to rejoice; but one cannot ignore the fact that the transformation of some of the parks used for playing by kids to beautiful ornamental parks are also a resultant of a more collective mind set which is due to the change in the number of new families. I would again refer to the excerpt made previously by one of the respondents Gourav Ganguly who mentioned that – “…….A simple example, one of the grounds that was a venue for our beloved Durga Puja was turned into an “ornamental park” a couple of years back and a stay order was issued by the court on the puja committee as the festivities bothered the residents adjoining the park. A fact to be noted was, of the numerous petitions signed, only a negligible fraction were the Bengalis……..” (Ganguly, Gourav, ibid). It clearly shows that how the changes in the social composition is also related to the changes in the dynamics of the spaces and activities. However, I would still say that it is too early to be pessimistic (Brody, Baruch.A, 2003) [1], if I was to refer to the changes which are occurring and have occurred already in C.R. Park, due to the changes in the society with the coming in of new [Non-Bengali] families. It is still a matter of understanding and perceiving the fine tunings of the changes that have come in the past few years in C.R. Park, not only spatially but also socially which is seen both in a positive and negative light. Positive in the sense that this new diversity in form of the families from different sociocultural backgrounds coming here and residing in C.R. Park, is also bringing in a diverse cultural atmosphere. And to see it in the negative light if one has to and wants to, the obvious changes seen in the architectural language of the houses which has transformed from beautiful single storey dwellings to a multi-storeyed boxes has somehow tampered the spatial image of the neighborhood as well. And also the changes of the social mind set and transformations of a number of parks from being a playground to the kids once upon a time has now become more restricted in terms of its activities.

[1] - BRODY, Baruch. “PLURALISTIC MORAL THEORY.” Revue Internationale De Philosophie 49.193 (3) (1995): 323-39.

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ILLUSTRATION 12 - A small story of change and a story behind it . . .

Interviewee(s) Mr. & Mrs. Saha, Insider, 1st Generation inhabitant, Age: 65 +

Photographs from family album of the original house as made.

Being a veteran in the neigborhood i realised his potential to help me by just narrating his story. The main objective of the interview was to however take tour through his experience and memories of the place, with which it would be interesting to cite out the reasons for the transformation in the neighborhood; spatial, physical or cultural. However, it was a very long interview, through which i did not only learnt a lot about the history of the place but also traced his family trajectory with the context of his house which has been transformed from its original outset. The small micro-story compilation is just an attempt to percieve and see through the memory retention of the speaker and at the same time jot down his family trajectory that gives us some basis of understanding the spatial transformation in today;s time, through a very individualistic approach. This is a particular case i got interested in particular because of the reason behind the transformation of the house, which was not at all because of the money involved in it but because the owner wanted to settle the property of his father amongst his brother and the daughter of his sister to avoid any family fued over property issues.

Present day house after complete transformation.

WHAT [VICES] HAS DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM BROUGHT ALONG

Mr. Saha comes with his father and sister to the neighborhood. They were alloted one of the bigger plots located in I-Block of the neighborhod. His brother was already outside Delhi by then for his study and work. They developed their house in C.R. Park a fine single torey dwelling.

Their original home that was built by the help of government subsidies in about 1970 / 71 and his father repayed the cost to the contractor in about a period of 3 years. It was mainly erected by his father who were one of the first families to shift into the neighborhood. Soon his father passed away after getting his sister married as he recallls, and by then in 1972 / 73 he got married to his wife.

Soon, after his marriage he and his wife had 2 daughters. They later built up half of the terrace floor for one of her daughterâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s to work, as his wife recalls, their daughter is a designer and she needed to work in isolation and thats when they built up the an extra room on the terrace. This phase marke the first point of volumetric transformation, but for personal appropriation of the family and not changing much of the original identity.

Later, in recent years, they collaborated with a private developer and transformed the house completely. However, it was not for the financial reasons, but to settle down their property amongst his brother and the daughter of his sister who is no more. Because, both of his daughters are settled outside India, and do not plan to live in India anytime sooner and because they were also getting old to take care of the property, they decided it is best to settle it to avoid any conflict in the near future. This completely changed the originality of their home. However, this is but just one case of such stories of transformations of the fabric but it was interesting to know that money was not the main concern in this case.

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FIG 74: A picture of a house that was made originally. A huge open space all around, unbuilt space.

FIG 75: The same house in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time with hardly any place around that is unbuilt.

FIG 76: One of the old time houses still unchanged.

CONJECTURAL BRIEF:As far as the story of diversity and plurality goes in context of C.R. Park, it is pretty much understood that how the changes have occurred in its social composition over the past few years. On the basis of the above descriptions of the excerpts from the interviews and the email responses to the questionnaires, I assume to have relevantly establish that the domain of C.R. Park is no longer an absolute ethnic [Bengali] neighborhood at present and demographics have been changing since quite a long time ago. However, it would be still very uncertain to say that if the neighborhood is plural; plural in literal sense of the complete acceptance of the new families by the existing Bengali families in every way possible. With the notions of the activities which are already happening in the neighborhood, for example like the easy accessibility to the community centres or the cheap medical facilities by the people living beyond C.R. Park, and it is not exclusive for the residents of the C.R. Park only, this itself makes C.R. Park quite plural in terms of letting its service open to outsiders. By the notion of presence of such facilities and activities it automatically gets its portion of receiving a diverse range of population, on a daily basis. Be it the markets places, or the fish markets, or the festivals C.R. Park has always been open to people coming from other neighborhoods, other socio-cultural backgrounds and hence makes itself accessible and available to everyone. I would say that this in itself is a modest example of a C.R. Parkâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s probe towards pluralism and exhibiting some tones of diversity. However, it is also important to know that how the change in society has also inculcated a few undesirable modifications and transformations, such as the case of entry of private developers into the nexus of C.R. Park, which has run-down the spatial quality for sure as described by the interviewees and the respondents. Also that there has been drastic shift towards the culture of usage of parks in recent times, as more number of parks have been converted to more elegant and ornamented green spaces, restricting them to be used for playing kids. Relevant counters of this has been evident in the above preceding sections and it does not have only a reason of new Non-Bengali families but also due to the ageing of the elders of the neighborhood. It would be inappropriate to say that if all these negative transformations are solely due to settling on new Non-Bengali families only or also a consequence of the original inhabitantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s getting older or moving out of C.R. Park for various reasons of money, or a less crowded area. Reasons are ample and shouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t pounded upon on just one; the one that of the settling of Non-Bengali families.

> 5.1_Does inclusive public spaces exhibits robustness? > 5.2_Market spaces as capacitors of activities > 5.3_The Informal [Hawking & Street Vending] Commercial As Activity Points For Public Life

CHAPTER 5 THE POWER OF PUBLIC SPACE(S) IN DAILY LIFE OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD . . .

With the preceding chapters discussing on the ethnic identity and the cultural affiliation of C.R. Park and then the ideas of diversity and pluralism which is inculcating in C.R. Park; this chapter tries to look specifically towards the public spaces of the neighborhood. Public spaces in the neighborhood, precisely points mainly towards the markets of C.R. Park, what all qualities do they have within themselves and what meaning do these public spaces hold for the inhabitants and other people from outside who uses them. However, one may feel a sense of repetitive arguments as there has been quite a few exemplifications of market spaces in the preceding chapters, but it was mentioned in order to support the research concepts of those particular chapters. As it is pretty much clear that how Bengali culture manifests more in public domains and how the Bengali as community are pretty much outgoing people, who love to indulge themselves in public activities, this chapter precisely just attempts to build up on that and looks specifically into these public domains of social activities. Also this chapter will try to see public spaces in the light of its quality of being robust in nature and how they affect the lives of the people of the neighborhood and as well from outside on a more regular basis.

FIG 77: One of the neighborhood markets during daytime. One can see how people have adapted to spaces for different purpose.

146 CH 5 I THE POWER OF PUBLIC SPACE(S) IN DAILY LIFE OF THE NEIGHBORHOOD

5.1_DOES INCLUSIVE PUBLIC SPACES EXHIBITS ROBUSTNESS? “What attracts people most, it would appear, is other people” (Whyte, W.H, 1980) [1] . Referring the gravity of the quote above the author very clearly states that the fundamental quality of a well-defined public space is where people see other people and sees things happening around, or at least feel that there are things happening around them. The inclusiveness and the vibrant qualities of a public space are important to define the vividness of a space. It is always important to read a space not through its design and spatial qualities, but also through the people and the activities it caters to and hosts. One may also be able to see that the most fantastically designed public spaces, for example like huge and massive plaza’s, may also lack some sort active environment throughout the year, whereas even a basic functionally made market spaces, which lacks any prudent qualities of architectural thought process remain super busy. And by saying busy, I do not mean only on the commercial purposes, where people come in and buy things for day-to-day life, but really spend time there. It is always important to understand a particular context, its tangible and intangible aspects of people, the culture and their way of living and the activities related to it. Not always the legibility and understanding of the spatial and physical aspects are the indicators of the success of a well-‘defined’ public space. It is more about these non-physical aspects related various cultural aspects of a society that comes into play for encouraging such spaces, which are defined by people, and more people along with their activities. In the particular context of C.R. Park, the quotation by William Whyte, mentioned above; follows quite well, as it is a closely knit fabric of the people by the people and their activities that comes together in a particular space and defines the uniqueness of the space. It is to do with the understanding of the space as just a resource and the will of the people to adapt it differently at different spots, and at different times which brings in about a sense of a robustness of the space.

The idea of robustness in this particular context about public spaces and primarily not about the design and architectural perspectives, but it has got more to do with the uniqueness and the viability of such spaces existing in the neighborhood of C.R. Park. The smaller activities related to the formal retail operations, and the informal [hawking and street vending] commercial operations as well, adds up to the whole idea of a public space being of being robust in nature, as it offers the users more choice (Bentley, I et.al, 1985)[2] of using the same space in ample number of ways. In C.R. Park one may find different ambiances created on road sides through a line of informal commercial networks; like tea stalls or shacks selling different food items, vegetables etc., which operates from early morning to late in the evening, and caters to people of different social backgrounds. Auto-Rickshaw (a paratransit mode of travel) drivers, to office going professionals and young students all would land up on the same platform, just to enjoy a cup of tea or coffee with their friends and spend a long time there. Such spaces adheres to no kind of discrimination based on social class, or religion or economic backgrounds and serves to all as equal. A small corner around the market spaces may also hold similar spaces, where some people have made it their permanent ‘adda’ (slang for a space to hangout) to indulge in a game of carom after their office hours and also watch a cricket match through a small television installed there. The ladies of the households might come every day to the shops at the market for their daily groceries, and usually end up meeting others as well, whom they know from before or may know them through their daily trips to the markets. The smaller temples in and around the market spaces and streets are also an important aspect as it enunciates the quality robustness, based on the variety (Bentley,I. ibid) of different choices that these markets offers a single space which is accessible very easily to everyone and anyone.

[1] - Whyte, William H. “Introduction,”“The Life of Plazas,”“Sitting Space,” and,“Sun, Wind, Trees, and Water.” The urban design reader (2007): 348-63.

[2] Bentley, Ian. Responsive environments: A manual for designers. Routledge, 1985.

DOES INCLUSIVE PUBLIC SPACES EXHIBITS ROBUSTNESS?

The robustness of these public spaces are not only limited to the smaller spots on the streets but also invariably felt in larger spatial elements like the temple complex, which is the cultural and religious centre of the neighborhood. One may see a number of people on a daily basis in the temple complex; in the morning and evening times, regardless of there being any cultural event or not. “It’s a very nice place (the temple); and throughout the year everyday there is something or the other ritual happening, there is yoga class, library or some other activity, or some or the other festival which keeps on happening. Shiv Mandir (Temple of Lord Shiva) is a really nice place worth visiting. No doubt that is a very nice place.” (Saha, Amit. Ibid) The inclusiveness of these spaces adds up to the whole charm of the neighborhood, as these spaces become the more prominent landmarks for the outsiders, and not the residential blocks. From my personal experience living in this neighborhood I have seen many outsiders who are trying to find some particular address, they would come up to me and ask about the address and refer to one of these prominent landmarks. They would ask me to navigate them to this particular address which is near to, let’s say the Temple complex, or Market number 1 or Market number 2 etc. Funnily even I have adapted to such practice of guiding outsiders finding address based on the locations of these numerous landmarks, over the past few years. It is however, not a very strong argument which I want to put before the reader, but over the years I have realised the importance of such spatial figures which are of robust nature, because of some interesting activities and choices it offers to people, and has number of reasons to be called as a modest example of a robust public space which people can relate to. I believe, that the quality of a space of being more inclusive also defines the sense of belonging of that space for its users; the sense of ownership a community has towards such spaces makes such spaces robust in nature. The robustness is an important aspect to know and understand when looking at a particular urban fragment, especially when looking at its public spaces, because the way the public spaces work and behave it represents the essence of a particular society, its people and their cultural lifestyle. FIG 78: Boundary of the market spaces are the most active edges

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5.2_MARKET SPACES CAPACITORS OF ACTIVITIES

“Shopping malls and the multinationals contained within them, it is argued, have killed the high street and the local shops traditionally located there.” (Watson, 2009)[1] However the main objective of this discourse is not about demeaning or lamenting upon the ‘shopping mall’ culture and its adversities, but it is more oriented and focussed towards bringing out the factor of how people see these community level market spaces. It is more driven towards finding out how local markets and street life of neighborhoods are an important element in the everyday life of people. As described and illustrated earlier in the preceding chapters that the neighborhood of C.R. Park is a well elaborated neighborhood with numerous public amenities and services, the market plays a very crucial role in the public life on a routine basis. These market spaces serve as one of the most important public spaces and domain for various social intercourses. These are basically local level community shopping areas, which provides choices for people’s everyday life and these markets also become the most important zone of public amalgamation on a daily basis. “A public place is a place for everyone. It is a place in which you do not have to know anyone or do anything in particular, except be there. Public places serve an important role as the most easily accessible places to meet people and to take part in public life. “(Gehl, 1989)[2] Referring to the gravity of the quotation above, it encloses a strong meaning and importance of public life and space for it. In the context of India and specifically in C.R.Park, it becomes more important for the choices that one needs for their everyday life and activities. Markets in this sense; not malls precisely, comes as a perfect solution for the bustling everyday life of the people with more choices and sufficing the criteria for affordability. There are primarily 4 community markets, of which 2 are the most important ones which are Market No. 1 and then Market No.2, which become the biggest public spaces almost every evening after office hours. These two markets have numerous shops for daily life starting from general and provisional stores

for everyday items, but at the same time it also includes big fish markets. These fish markets are a really important hub of socio-economic activities within the neighborhood. It is mainly because the fish is one of the most important staple diet food for the Bengali community, due to which it is often very busy, for most of the people try to find and get the best fishes for their households, and thus these fish markets are always bustled up with people and more people. Because of the speciality and specificity of finding fish markets in the neighborhood, one may see a lot of outsiders frequenting these market spaces; maybe not on a daily basis but on routine basis a lot of outsiders come in just to buy fishes. This becomes a prime interface for all the socio-economic exchanges between the insiders and the outsiders. Anurag Dasgupta also feels same about the market spaces in here and says that - “So……… what makes C.R.Park so special, you know I guess it’s the markets.” (Dasgupta. A, ibid). As described and documented in the earlier chapters of the discourse, about how Bengali people have love and fondness towards eating, it is clearly reflected through the food avenues and kiosks in the front yard of the markets, especially Market 1 & 2. It is important to adhere to these qualities of the community, that these food places and restaurants are able to survive and operation in full swing. Not only the Bengali’s and people from other ethnic backgrounds, living in the neighborhood of C.R. Park enjoy to eat outside here; but there is a huge flow of people coming from outside the neighborhood as well. One interviewee particularly mentioned about the markets in a very simple way and described their qualities. He says – “I frequent any place that has a lot of food, so that makes it particularly Market no. 1, Market no. 2 and Market no. 3. Market 3 is not on the main road, so it is frequented less by the people and the market is smaller as well and it does not have so many places of food and you know street food like that; and right now I am remembering these lines from Jane Jacobs that if you want activity, then put out food. And then Market no. 1 and Market no.2 are pretty much the same except the fact that I don’t go so much to Market no. 2 because my friends live here nearby.” (Farooq, Faraz, ibid) [1] - Watson, Sophie. “The Magic of the Marketplace: Sociality in a Neglected Public Space.” Urban Studies 46.8 (2009): 1577-1591.

[2] - Gehl, Jan. “A Changing Street Life in a Changing Society.” Places (1989): 8-17.

MARKET SPACES AS CAPACITORS OF ACTIVITIES

It is probably because of the fish markets and these food joints, that these 2 markets (Market Number 1 & 2) are so popular amongst the people from the neighborhood, and people outside the neighborhood as well. One can find a wide variety of food here in these markets, but still somehow one may see more prevalence of food joints selling Bengali snacks and cuisine. This aspect of the market spaces in C.R. Park not only defines the potential of the market spaces as prime public domains but also as prime capacitors of the neighborhood, which caters to hundreds of people on a daily basis, irrespective of their domicile status of being an ‘insider’ or ‘outsider’, or for that matter be the people of any socio-cultural background. This is one factor, which symbolises the community as a whole and renders the quality of a pluralistic urban space for everyday life. Then the shifting image of these market places are also very interesting to observe, which transforms itself diurnally. For example, in the day time, the markets usually operates at a very domestic level of providing the basic household commodities, and hence one may feel the mundaneness of the local market spaces. But just as the day starts to set, the same space gets transformed into a more a vibrant atmosphere. The same space which in the morning is not used at all, becomes the seating area for the small restaurant operations, within the same domicile, simultaneously with the same retailing activities which go on throughout the day. It is also linked to the concept of ‘permeability’ (Bentley. I, ibid), which makes these spaces very easily accessible to all. It is very interesting to see that how the same space gets transformed within a single day and how with the people and different activities, the space is animated as a different spatial entity. To support the qualities of robustness, it is important to learn that these markets are not exclusively for the daily basic needs and food only, but it also houses fruit and vegetable sellers and vendors, that expands the scope of defining the sense of inclusion of people from different socio-economic groups within the same space. This perhaps also engrains the faint ideas of diversity [social] and because of ease of accessibility and its openness to receive people from different neighborhoods, who would come there and use the facilities of C.R. Park it also gives hints towards a more pluralistic society as well.

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Apart from the main retail activities there are ample number of outlets which offer a variety of skill oriented services like tailors, barber / saloons, cobblers etc. which perfectly demonstrates the presence of service class workers present into the neighborhood, and perhaps adds another layer or element of having a more diverse populace, at least in terms of workforce which is present in C.R. Park. What’s important to learn here is the fact that so many different things are offered to anyone and everyone, under the same precinct of market spaces, there is not one beneficiary. Everyone who owns the shops, are the main stakeholders and benefits from their own business. Like we particularly see in the Western context, that almost everything is offered under one big-box roof, usually has just one stakeholder who benefits the most. Here in this local context of this neighborhood, and even on a much broader level of India, this culture of market spaces are uniquely exuberant. Now, for me as an observer for many years, as an inhabitant of the neighborhood myself, I have just seen the same old space with the same old function of a community market, being transformed physically from a more vernacular build-up of shacks to a concrete block built up. The quality of the space has drastically been changed and altered in the past so many years, but the activities and the lifestyle of the people has not quite changed. It sometimes, clearly distinctly marks out the cultural lifestyle of the neighborhood. Being a Bengali dominant community, the way the people use the residual and the leverage space in and around the markets, and adapt them in such a way that it feels that those smallsmall spaces become ‘their own public space’. To add on to the spatial manifestation of the market spaces and the socio-cultural dynamics Mr. Faraz Farooq says that - “So a very important difference in the markets of C.R. Park, the community areas of C.R. Park, compared to the rest of the community areas of Delhi………… it’s a huge difference basically. What is happening here is that there are very well designed community centres, which I believe are not so much of community places, as they have developed into destination markets, like you know there are very popular food stores there, people from the entire N.C.R (National Capital region) to spend an evening maybe. But, yes C.R. Park it has more of the community activities happening and it has more of the neighborhood people involved, and I think that these people have played a major role in shaping these community centres.

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For example if we look at this market it is not very well designed, you know it is just a set of rectangular rooms as shops. But apart from that you can see a lot of things like you can see people playing carom here, there are people coming to feed the dogs every day, there are lot of these little stories which weave in and out of C.R. Park. So I see a very brilliant example of the urban and the socio-cultural fabric working together. And we intersperse with each other being one so ta say, so that is a very major difference. I could go on about how they are different, I think I have made my point here.” (Farooq. F, ibid) This clearly reflects upon the fact that irrespective of having any well planned market or community spaces, the sense of the space is more meaningful due to the surrounding socioal activities happening in and around the corners of the markets spaces and street spaces. He believes that these small activities which happen are majorly due to the influence of the culture of the Bengali’s but at the same time it has developed as spaces for inclusion of everyone, which again brings me to say that such modalities indeed support the idea of pluralism and inclusion.

Greater Kailash 2, 3 & 4 and Alaknanda. In market number 3 & 4, the options are very generic and actually small-scale, as it only responds to the very basic needs of everyday life of the people, and personally I think it is good to have a distinction between the variety of options in all the 4 markets because of the needs of the neighborhood and their individual locations as well. I think, if all the 4 markets would have worked exactly the same way in terms of their scale of operations and varieties of options then none of them would have defined their identity of being what they are today. Identity, here simply is related to the popularity they have, where the simple definition resorts down to the scale of operations of each market and the choices they offer to the public, hence making Market no. 1 and 2 more supralocal and the other two markets Market no. 3 and 4 more of neighborhood scale. Had all been the same then probably there would have been more chaos, as well as none of them would not have their individual identities and perhaps this difference of identities in the markets also contributes to the diversity of programmatic spaces.

Apart from the bigger markets there are 2 smaller markets in the neighborhood which are market number 3 & 4, where one may not find that exclusive and variety of different commodities, as they are primarily smaller in sizes and mostly houses general stores of groceries etc. However, Market no. 4 becomes an important community shopping centre because of the basic utilities and services of a Bank and also the area post office, which makes it an important landmark, as this post office is the only one in the whole of the C.R.Park, as well the nearby areas of

The markets, the shops and the activities are an important component in the everyday social life of this neighborhood. At least with the spontaneous and the vibrancy of these market spaces have every evening. Although, how strongly one may say that these market spaces are strong conductors of social and economic confluences, but it totally remains unimaginable without the plug in of the informality story which I try to narrate in the following segment.

FIG 79: Casual spots for getting together - an example of ‘adda’

FIG 80: Different options attracting different people

MARKET SPACES AS CAPACITORS OF ACTIVITIES

FIG 81: Space for anyone and everyone

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FIG 82: Variation of activities in the same space - Talking about some typical choices of Ethnic culture and the cultural lifestyle of present.

MARKET SPACES AS CAPACITORS OF ACTIVITIES

FIG 84: Different options for eating at a market, gives it a more robust character and hence also attracts more people.

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FIG 85: Daytime character of a market inner court, usually filled with retail activities.

MARKET SPACES AS CAPACITORS OF ACTIVITIES

FIG 86: The shifting image of the same space in the night, with small restaurants operating and catering to the visitors of the market. Multiple use of the same space inclusive of more people and giving dynamic character of the market space.

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5.3_THE INFORMAL [HAWKING & STREET VENDING] COMMERCIAL AS ACTIVITY POINTS FOR PUBLIC LIFE “It is difficult to understand hawkers outside of the dominant discourses used to describe them. They are frequently described by civic activists, municipal officials and journalists as a “nuisance”; and are seen to represent the chaos of the city’s streets and the cause of the city’s notorious congestion. On the other hand, to others they represent an undeserved claim of the poor on the city’s public spaces.” (ANJARIA, 2006) [1] The markets, the shops, the shopping activity is all fine and smooth for a successful flavour of a good public space. Of course, the element of people and their lifestyle are also equally important for an inclusive and an interactive public space. But more importantly we tend to forget and do not take important notice of the indispensable component of the ‘informal commercial’ sector and the allied activities related to it. It is mostly these informal sector units and the street hawking activities which adds on to the value of the overall ambience of the public space; especially and in the case of C.R.Park it is pretty much true. “These informal spaces that have been set up, have been done so with respect with the congregation of the groups of people and vice-versa. So they definitely suit the everyday choices very well, either that, or we adapt to their locations.” (Ganguly. Gourav 3rd generation, Insider, Age: 27. Response through email questionnaire. 6th January, 2016). The 2 big and the most important markets are surprisingly attracted and surrounded by a very diverse and different economic activities in the form of encroached spaces, street hawkers and small kiosks selling and offering different things. These diversification of choices and activities related to it produces different of dynamics of the public activities as well as the space created and made by the people themselves, corresponding to the type of activities. [1] - Anjaria, Jonathan Shapiro. “Street Hawkers and Public Space in Mumbai.” Economic and Political Weekly 41.21 (2006): 2140-2146.

[2] - Das, Spandan. “THE IMPORTANCE OF PEOPLE AND INFORMALITY IN ASSESING PUBLIC SPACE: A CASE of C.R. PARK, NEW DELHI.” Urban Studies 1 (2016): unpublished.

One may see numerous hand-carts and kiosks in and around the 2 big markets of the neighborhood, selling and offering various things to the people and consumers precisely. From fruits and vegetable vendors, to small fast food items, tea stalls (tong’s), kiosks selling cigarettes and other consumable beverages etc. one can see this wide spread choice of items. And of course, with such a neighborhood, where the lifestyle of the people makes it a compulsion for themselves to indulge in public / social activities every day, the logic of such informal street economy networks makes a very logical sense. From a very personal experience, I would not be able to relate to the neighborhood without the existence of such markets, and these markets for me would not be the same without the existence of such ‘informal commercial network’, which makes it possible for the whole market place to brighten up its vivacity all throughout the day. It would be really important to see this existence of such street vending and hawking activities and its coherent relationship with the ‘formal’ and organised part of the markets, while one purviews them under the domain of ‘socio-economic’ clusters. Just because of this one reason of the mutual habitation of the ‘formal’ part and ‘informal’ part of the shopping and public activities one can actually feel the difference precisely. To make a proper notice of the quality of environment or the ambience from a fully organised and formal economic sector to a more robust but local and a downscaled community economic hubs, the social life of the people and the vibrancy can be felt more in the latter part, where things are left more up to the adjustment and the choices of the people. In a neighborhood like C.R. Park it is even more important to see these commercial vending and street activities as an important component that is already plugged in to the ambiance of the market and the shopping areas. People talk, interact, eat, drink tea and coffee at small spots and corners, they smoke and gather in huddle, they sit in groups and do some activity; and to be precise upon these spots and gathering spots would be the spaces that someone won’t even expect are not even designed for the activities it holds. A small bench around the corner or just composition of stone sleepers could also be an activity point, and this is what the actual magic of these informal economic points is all about. (Das. S, 2016) [2]

FIG 87: A popular road side tea stall. Spots like these around the main market spaces compliments the market activities and enhances its qualities.

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Anurag Dasgupta, an outsider, who has previously lived in the neighborhood feels very strongly for the neighborhood and its market spaces, and the various opportunities to avail different things. He says – “In C.R. Park we get together regardless of personal events, we get together because we can, because we want to, and not only because we want to but because we have these places right out, like beautiful tea shops or markets, where we can sit and just have some chai (tea). You know it’s an inclusive thing in these market area.” (Dasgupta. A, ibid) It is truly because of these small informal plug-ins (Das. S, 2016, ibid), which emancipates and brings up the whole quality of vibrant atmosphere in the neighborhood domain. In such points where informal activities happen it clearly reflects the outlook of the society as well how the society adapts to such spaces existing in the neighborhood. At the same time it supports a lot of small households for these marginal workers where they have the opportunity to offer their services to the public and the people gets an opportunity to be together and spend time without a heavy wreckage to their pockets. Also because of the existence of such operations, the lives of the people tend to become easier within the neighborhood as the people don’t have to travel outside C.R. Park for finding out similar services at a competitive price. It is because of these informally oriented activities that forms the core of the public life, and hence emancipates the usage of the available space and gives a vibrant ambiance to the public realm. The informal setup is not something that is very specific to the Bengali culture, as it is very strongly present throughout Delhi, or rather say throughout India; but with the presence of such activities the neighborhood benefits completely as it makes life easier for people, make the street space more interesting and engaging. The variety of options and things that one can avail in this nexus of the informal commercial activities within the neighborhood adds on to the overall realm of the neighborhood of being a plural urban space.

FIG G 88 88: 8: A Another no not nother o her te tea ea stal s stall ta l insi tal iinside nside ns d the de he ma marke market rke et spac s spaces, paces, pac es, s gi g gives ves e wa way ay to cer certain rtai ta ain adap a adaptation d tat dap t ion on by y th the e inha iinhabitants nhabit b ant bit ants s as as p play playing laying lay ing sp spots pots for fo or games gam e like es lik li ik ke C Carom. aro om. m. Itt is s ver very y inte iinteresting nteres nte restin res tin i g tto o see see suc such uch h iinformal nforma nfo rm ma al commercial activies giving certain group activities. com mmer me cia ciial a ctivie cti vies sg ivi viing v n way y to o ce certa rta rtain ain gro oup act activi ivitie t s. tie

THE INFORMAL [HAWKING & STREET VENDING] COMMERCIAL AS ACTIVITY POINTS FOR PUBLIC 159

FIG 89: An outdoor snack shop, providing more options to the visitors and a sense of variety too.

FIG 90: An outdoor bookseller in the market, who still sells Bengali newspapers and magazines. It holds an important place to the inhabitants at least of the 1st and 2nd generation inhabitants.

FIG 91: One of the local provisional stores

CONJECTURAL BRIEF:As I have tried to constantly reckon to the quality of market spaces in almost all the preceding chapters, including the current one, it is very much definitive to say that Bengali people actually do enjoy to indulge in outside spaces, in their everyday lives. I would not be able to say that if the market spaces in the original masterplan, were allocated knowing this particular character or not, but in any case it is good that the neighborhood is allocated with so many options of market spaces. It has indeed worked quite well in favour of the neighborhood and the people of the neighborhood, that there are ample options of buying different things, from fish and meat to the smallest item of daily household usage everything is available here. At the same time these market spaces act as the robust space of the neighborhood and bustles up the whole image of the public life, which is more than one can expect on a neighborhood scale. Lastly, I would again like to reframe the learning of the preceding chapters and bring it here again, that because of the viability and robust nature of these market spaces, it attracts a lot of â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;outsidersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; as well. And precisely because of this particular reason of easy access without any strong restrictions or inhibitions from the inhabitants of the neighborhood, these market spaces become the premier interface of social intercourse amongst different sociocultural groups and hence establishes as a platform for various pluralistic discourses.

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FINAL NOTES

Over this long elaborate discourse on C.R. Park and I have been very strongly and strangely attracted towards its identity as an ethnic settlement, or more appropriately to say as the only Bengali neighborhood in the capital city. I have tried to see through the skin of the neighborhood and understand its quality as an ethnic neighborhood in the beginning chapters and then very briefly but earnestly looked it as a changing society, where the idea(s) of ethnicity and its identity is compromised.

Firstly I would strongly say that C.R. Park, is still a very strong case of how a community living can be a fruitful example of urban co-existence, through strong affiliation towards a particular culture. It still remains as a strong case of an ethnic domain in the city, or more appropriately it should be valid to say that it has created a strong image of itself on the cultural realm of the city at least, that is specific to Bengali culture. Hence, one can still see C.R. Park as an ethnic domain.

I have attempted very earnestly and humbly to bring out a very realistic image of C.R. Park through many interviews, a long fieldwork and of course through my own memories of the place, as I had no other sources to do so, as this is probably the first time there has been a formal study made on C.R. Park. Through the discourse I have considered the 3 main frames of Ethnicity and cultural identity, Diversity [Programmatic + Social] and lastly Pluralism as my 3 main guiding concepts. With descriptions made above, I would sincerely and rather more strongly would like assert a few conclusory notes of the case of C.R. Park and reconstruct its image as a ethnic domain.

Secondly, I would also like to see C.R. Park as a more diverse neighborhood in todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s time, based on the fact that it is no more an absolute Bengali neighborhood. Based on the transcripts of the interviews made in the relevant segments of the discourse it is indeed appropriate to say that it has become more diverse in terms of its social composition, and it was already a programmatically diverse neighborhood from the beginning. However, it would be still not appropriate to say that it is a strong case of a pluralistic urbanism, in relation to the etymology of the word â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;pluralismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, which adheres to a complete acceptance of people from different socio-cultural backgrounds.

FINAL NOTES 165

The character of the neighborhood as an ethnic neighborhood is evolving over the different generations, and is still transforming. Though C.R. Park as a neighborhood, has a lot to offer to everyone and anyone, through its cultural celebrations and festivals, or its markets and community welfare centres, it is definitely a more open neighborhood that affirms the idea of a more diverse neighborhood, but still I see that there is a probe towards pluralism. This is a process which is taking place now, the mind-set is changing with the newer generation(s) and probably will completely change in the coming years and hence there will be a much better and a complete appreciation of a more plural social composition through complete acceptance of their presence in neighborhood. As a gist I would like to say that the ethnic society of C.R. Park is changing and transforming and so as the ethnicity related to it, as explained by Nagel, that ethnicity and identity are however a dynamic process. The way by which the neighborhood has become more diverse socially, in the past few years, I see a light in the future that it will become a more pluralistic society with the coming of new generations in the neighborhood, but at the same time I would

personally like to question it, on the basis of the accounts of how things have changed spatially and culturally with the passing time. Do we (or any neighborhood having a particular character and identity) need this change and become more plural in sense of society? OR How does a more pluralistic transformation of a society, not compromise the authenticity of a neighborhood or more appropriately a community in the case of C.R. Park ? OR Or likewise is it possible to have this pluralistic transformation of a society without compromising on its values and identity?

APPENDIX BIBLIOGRAPHY & REFERENCES EMAIL RESPONSES TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE INTERVIEWS LIST OF FIGURES AND OTHER SOURCES END CREDITS

SOURCES: Delhi Urban Art Commission (DUAC) Delhi Development Authority (DDA) East Bengal Displaced Person Association (EBDP Association) Google Earth Sattelite imagery Maperative - for reconstruction of maps and other map sources

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Anjaria, Jonathan Shapiro. “Street hawkers and public space in Mumbai.” Economic and Political Weekly (2006): 2140-2146. Bentley, Ian. Responsive environments: A manual for designers. Routledge, 1985. Berry, John W. “Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation.” Applied psychology 46.1 (1997): 5-34. BRODY, Baruch. “PLURALISTIC MORAL THEORY.” Revue Internationale De Philosophie 49.193 (3) (1995): 323-39. Cosgrove, Denis, and Peter Jackson. “New directions in cultural geography.” Area (1987): 95-101. Czerniak, Julia, George Hargreaves, and John Beardsley. Large parks. Princeton Architectural Press, 2007. Das, Spandan. “The Importance Of People And Informality In Assesing Public Space: A Case Of C.R. Park, New Delhi.” Urban Studies 1 (2016): unpublished. Final Paper Draft. Das, Spandan. Urban Studies 2: Research Methodology. Final Paper Draft. Leuven: (2016), unpublished, Final Draft Paper. Davies, Charlotte Aull. Reflexive ethnography: A guide to researching selves and others. Routledge, 2008. Ganguly, Gaurav. Indian Habitat: Chittaranjan Park. Academic Dissertation. New Delhi, 2012, unpublished. Gans, Herbert J. “Toward a reconciliation of” assimilation” and” pluralism”: The interplay of acculturation and ethnic retention.” International migration review (1997): 875-892. Gehl, Jan. “A changing street life in a changing society.” Places 6.1 (1989). Gehl, Jan. Life Between Buildings: Using Public Space. Copenhagen: The Danish Architectural Press, 2006. Gospodini, Aspa. “Urban morphology and place identity in European cities: Built heritage and innovative design.” Journal of Urban Design 9.2 (2004): 225-248.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND REFERENCES

Hayden, Dolores. The Power of Place: Urban :Landscapes as Public History. Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1997. Hall, Stuart. “Cultural identity and diaspora.” (1990): 37. Iveson, Kurt. “Vision Statement on Public Space and Diversity.” Kaur, Ravinder. Since 1947: partition narratives among Punjabi migrants of Delhi. Oxford university press, 2007. Ken Worpole, Katharine Knox. The social value of public spaces. London: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, n.d. Kim, Dongsei. “Learning from Adjectival Urbanisms: The Pluralistic Urbanism.” ACSA Annual Meeting. Ed. John Stuart & Mabel Wilson. 2014. 439-447. Low, Setha. Behind the gates: Life, security, and the pursuit of happiness in fortress America. Routledge, 2004. Low, Setha M. On the plaza: The politics of public space and culture. University of Texas Press, 2010. Lucas, Raymond, and Ombretta Romice. “Assessing the Multi-Sensory Qualities of Urban Space: A methodological approach and notational system for recording and designing the multi-sensory experience of urban space.” Psyecology 1.2 (2010): 263-276. Moudon, Anne Vernez. “Urban Morphology as an emerging interdisciplinary field.” International Seminar on Urban Form. Seattle: College of Architecture and Urban Planning, University of Washington, 1997. 3-10. Nagel, Joane. “Constructing ethnicity: Creating and recreating ethnic identity and culture.” Social problems 41.1 (1994): 152-176. Nash, Catherine. “Performativity in practice: some recent work in cultural geography.” Progress in human geography 24.4 (2000): 653-664.

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Oranratmanee, Rawiwan, and Veera Sachakul. “Streets as public spaces in Southeast Asia: Case studies of Thai pedestrian streets.” Journal of Urban Design 19.2 (2014): 211-229. Peters, Karin, and Henk de Haan. “Everyday spaces of inter-ethnic interaction: The meaning of urban public spaces in the Netherlands.” Leisure/Loisir 35.2 (2011): 169-190. Petkova, Natalia, Paula Petkova, and Bernardo Robles Hidalgo. “A Storeys’ Tale At Petrzalka :”. Robleshidalgo. com. Web. 18 Jul. 2016. Philippe Panerai, Marcella Demorgon, Jean-Charles Depaule. Analyse Urbaine. Marseille: Edition Parentheses, 2012. Quercia, Daniele, et al. “Smelly maps: the digital life of urban smellscapes.” arXiv preprint arXiv:1505.06851 (2015). Roberts, Les. “Mapping cultures: A spatial anthropology.” Mapping Cultures. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. 1-25. Roy, Haimanti. Partitioned Lives: Migrants, Refugees, Citizens in India and Pakistan, 1947-65. 2012. Sachakul, Rawiwan Oranratmanee & Veera. “Streets as Public Spaces in Southeast Asia: Case Studies of Thai Pedestrian Streets.” Journal of Urban Design (2014): 211-229. Sharma, Maina. Refugees in Delhi. No. 229. Working Paper, 2009. Smith, Stuart Tyson. Ethnicity and culture. na, 2007. Stevens, J. “The Urban Ecology of Matonge. A Research on Porosity.” Master of Human Settlements, KU Leuven (2012). Sharma, Maina. Refugees in Delhi. No. 229. Working Paper, 2009.

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Smith, Stuart Tyson. Ethnicity and culture. na, 2007. Tasan-Kok, Tuna, et al. “Towards Hyper-Diversified European Cities.” A Critical Literature Review. Zenodo 10 (2014). Thwaites, Kevin. “Experiential Landscape Place: an exploration of space and experience in neighbourhood landscape architecture.” Landscape Research 26.3 (2001): 245-255. Tripathi, Snehal. “CR Park throbs with Bengali way of life.” HT South Delhi. New Delhi: Hindustan Times, 08 August 2016. Weinreich, Peter. “‘Enculturation’, not ‘acculturation’: Conceptualising and assessing identity processes in migrant communities.” International Journal of Intercultural Relations 33.2 (2009): 124-139. Watson, Sophie. “The Magic of the Marketplace: Sociality in a Neglected Public Space.” Urban Studies 46.8 (2009): 1577-1591. Vertovec, Steven. “Super-diversity and its implications.” Ethnic and racial studies 30.6 (2007): 1024-1054. Vertovec, Steven. “Towards post multiculturalism? Changing communities, conditions and contexts of diversity.” International social science journal 61.199 (2010): 83-95. Whyte, William Hollingsworth. The social life of small urban spaces. 1980. Wood, Denis. “The anthropology of cartography.” Mapping Cultures. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. 280-303.

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A SET OF QUESTIONS WERE FORWARDED TO A FEW RESIDENTS AND EX-RESIDENTS TO GET AN INSIGHT ON THE IDEA OF DIVERSITY AND PLURALISM, WHICH HAS INCULCATED OVER THE PAST FEW YEARS.

EMAIL RESPONSES

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RESPONDENT: GOURAV GANGULY, 3rd generation inhabitant, AGE: 28. Response through Email Questionnaire. 31st July, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? Have been living here for the past 26 years. Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? A major demographic transformation in the gentry as well as the income groups which has caused a change in the architectural language and the landscape of the colony. Security issues have brought about more gates and barricades most of which operate unbeknownst most of the residents causing much havoc and unrest in the wee hours of the morning and the night. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Yes. With the majority of the Bengalis having moved out, on the promise of vast sums of money for their land/ property, or having entered into a collaboration with a developer, more “outsiders” have started entering the colony. Outsiders here refer to those who come after shelling out vast sums of money (which the builders charge in exchange to what they paid for the property) with the mentality of living in a “posh” neighbourhood, but then end up not socialising with any one. The main reason here is that they cannot match the cultural, social or even the verbal frequency of the people around them. A simple example, one of the grounds that was a venue for our beloved Durga Puja was turned into an “ornamental park” a couple of years back and a stay order was issued by the court on the puja committee as the festivities bothered the residents adjoining the park. A fact to be noted was, of the numerous petitions signed, only a negligible fraction were the Bengalis, who supported the cause due to health issues (Late festivities disallowed the elderly people from a sound sleep). Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? Yes. Refer to the above for the details. Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. Yes, and no. Yes because we need to look beyond. We are not a bunch of refugees anymore, who live in a closed box with our own. We are citizens of this country and of this city where everyone needs to understand the cultural and social aspects of the city. It falls as a bane as well (refer above for details) Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? Bengalis are social animal if I may be allowed to say so. They prance on the chance whenever they get to hear the word “socialise”. But given a market place, they turn wild. The best example is that of a Fish Market. They only reason a fish market is noisy, is because there are a gazillion Bengalis in a small area discussing a variety of topics ranging from politics, family gossips, sports and well…the fish.This poses a problem from the outsiders, most of whom are vegetarians. Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). With more people wanting to flock in and real estate prices exploding out of the roof, the play grounds that we saw as children are being converted into Ornamental parks, where the now senior citizens can do their yoga and meditate while at certain places, these have been reduced to accommodate more parking spaces. Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q10. How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighborhood? Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R.Park still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? Ref Q4

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PARTICIPANT 2: SOUMITRA DASGUPTA. Currently an outsider, AGE: 55+. Response through Email Questionnaire. 3rd August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did youchoose to move out of C.R. Park? a. From last 30 years. b. No. c. 15 years back Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes,then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) It is an old hangout place for us. Ofcourse a flavour of bengal, tea stall, fish market, typical bengali vegitable and special bengali herb,Comudity place of bengali Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? Grown out of proportion and lost his identity because sold there property to non bengalies , Durga Puja ( God Durga s worship. Became an event no more devotion. Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Yes it is. Socially: because of property handover to Non Bengali’s , inter-cast marriage,Convenience of speaking a common language instead of mother tounge,Generation unable to transfer culture.Culturally: it is not only C R Park but it is in all over India .because of many outlet many type of entertainment , many ways of interaction and many other socio reason it difficult ,rather impossible to keep a grab on Culture. Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? Yes.And it is obvious, but all is not negative , You have to adopt a place according to the circumstances Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. World changes evolutionary or revolutionary ,it is a on going process , making and breaking, otherwise nothing new will happen Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? DURGA PUJA Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). Multistory building +crowded+Electricity problen+ water proble+pollution+ crime+ …………. Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) No , I will not. Q10. How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighborhood? Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R.Park still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? Not sure , and no idea

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PARTICIPANT 3 ARIJEET PAUL. 3rd Generation inhabitant. AGE: 28. Response through Email Questionnaire. 4th August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? I have known and lived in C.R.Park for more than 23 years . Yes i am still living in C.r.park . Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? The Changes in the scene by me over the years are the Changes of : 1) Infrastructure has changed Slum Occupied market places into Organized , Well constructed

Market Places where one does not have any problems in

shopping and their is whole lot of open areas which are useful for sitting chatting , having a cup of tea or just meeting friends after a long day of work . The Roads have improved ( Not all ) but yes major work has been done to ease the peoples life . Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Yes The Social and cultural scene in Chittaranjan park has changed but ethically it has the same old base structure to it . By old structure i mean is the belief of the people in the society and the different types cultural events that use to happen still happens but at a different level . In the old days there was a time when i was 14yrs of age and we use to stay the whole night outside our houses in the time of durga puja (Cultural festival ) . Now we don’t. have the time and due to increase in population of people attending the durga puja and the security issues we only stay out till the it is possible for us to enjoy. But the spirits are the same but age has changed . Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? Yes in recent years there has been a large number of migration of non- Bengalis in the society but as in the numbers of the Bengali families are still more and don’t think it will hinder that much until 50% of cr park is filled with non Bengalis and that is not going to happen any time in the future . After shifting to chittranjan park even the non Bengalis take part in the social and cultural events that are organized in their societies and community centers . Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-Bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. I don’t believe there will be problem because we are never going to leave C.R.Park and its h history and cultural beliefs and yes there will be differences but in today’s age everything can be sought through sitting and discussing it . Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? The most interesting spaces for a strong potential of social mix to me would be the playing grounds allover C.R.Park very strategically placed .

and the markets which are places

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c.r.park is more culturally and socially active .

But One thing can never change the one fact that every Bengali likes to do is sit drink tea and chat. This will never change as we connect as Bengalis during the small cup of tea and head full of politics or random things to converse on . So the Markets have big and prominent role in defining the social trends of C.R.Park and yes it is one of its major strengths from other localities .

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PARTICIPANT 4: DIPAK GHOSH. Currently an outsider, AGE: 55+. Response through Email Questionnaire. 9th August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? I know C R Park since 1979. I started living in this place from day 1 of my arriving in the city, i.e. 4th May, 1979 and continued till 20th September, 1994. The primery reason of moving out of the place was to have and stay in a self owned accomodation. Owning an accommodation in C R Park was beyond my reach. Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) There are multiple reasons make me visit the place: •

Feel that being connected with the root (Bengali)

•

Friends/realatives

•

Cultural events

•

Fish/rasagolla/fuchka market

•

Special evening snacks of Bengal

•

Availability of traditional items (dashakarma/groceries)

•

Kalibari/rituals

•

Old bank accounts

•

Adda

Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? Primarily, it was non-Bengali families who started buying properties from Bengali occupants. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) •

Today C R Park has earned the status of a posh colony.

•

With the advent of modernisation, the place has got a new look.

•

Lesser number of bengalies, more number of moneyed non-bengalies

•

More crowded

•

Old values and emotions are missing

•

Gradually turining out to be a commercial hub

Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Modernisation is changing everything. May it be social or cultural? It is more like the old wine packed in a new bottle. The same ‘prasad’ now is being served on a ‘thermocol plate’ than on a ‘shaal pata/bannana leaf’. Convenience and comfort is taking over the pleasure of hard labour. Gradually, the ‘bengali’ cultural values are sacrifised to ‘punjabi culture’.

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Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? I foresee the original Bengali culture is being polluted and losing its’ original flavour to so called filthy rich money culture. Money is playing the pivotal role in the whole process. Do we get to hear the sound of ‘Shankh’ in the evening prayer? How many children of Bengali families are practicing ‘Rabindra Sangeet’ in the evening? Values/ culture sprouts from within the families but unfortunately those rich families tend to buy them for showcasing. Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. It is always good to have communities live together but not by way of disposing off. C R Park used to be known as a ‘Bengali colony,’ more precisely, it was known as ‘mini-Calcutta’. Non-Bengalis intruding in the colony is a clear symptom of disproportionate ratio. Very soon we will mark this as an ‘Indian colony’ rather than a ‘Bengali colony’. Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? I don’t see any space available today, even in ‘Kolkata’, which can be solely used by Bengalis’. Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). A total new look can be observed in Market-I and Market-II. The security cordoning is another drastic change that has changed the place. The free movements have been restricted by the barriers placed all over the colony. The most disgusting change is the restrictions of play in the parks/playgrounds. Where has the ‘Football’ gone? ‘Mela Ground’ now is looking more beautiful than before by way of not allowing children to play. I see this is the reflection of rich ‘money’ culture. What happened to those all day long tournaments (15th August)?! Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Yes! I would, provided I could afford. Reasons are stated in answer to Q.2 Q10. How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighborhood? Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R.Park still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? Every culture has its’ own beauty. I don’t know if that can be compared. We know very little of ‘Baishakhi’ celebration; never seen ‘Pongal’ being celebrated; so is with ‘Onam’ ‘Chhat’ and so many… I have lived through the very Bengali culture which I can relate to. Being a Bengali, I certainly feel enriched with the cultural heritage I belong to. From ‘poila boishakh’ to ‘Rabindra Jayanti’, ‘Durga puja’, ‘goppo’, ‘adda’, literature, ‘theatre’, ‘cinema’, ‘politics’, ‘football’, ‘fuchka’, ‘aalor chop’ and the list goes on and on which together pulling the strings of Bengali culture a pride of honour. Our C R Park has it all. Dwellers of Kalkaji, Govind Puri, Greater Kailash I, II, III & IV, Lajpat Nagar, East of Kailash, Kailash, Mashjid Math… are staring at C R Park for various attractions. Yes, I don’t wish to compare, but yet to say that it is seldom seen a community is having a necklace with so many beads of emotional values.

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PARTICIPANT 5: JAYANTA DAS. 2nd generation inhabitant, AGE: 54. Response through Email Questionnaire. 6th August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? Yes.For last 35 years. Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? Population has increased phenomenally, all the single unit houses turned into multi storied and become individual flats, which increased the population too, more cars and traffic. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Yes of course it has changed a lot culturally and socially as well coz it was allotted to only Bengali community and only Bengalis use to stay there now all the single unit house which turned into flats which the builders has sold to any one so many people from other community has come in and started living so naturally social perspective has got changed like in any occasion we participate jointly like Durga puja, Diwali we all celebrate together which is a positive sign I feel, we too participate in their occasion like Maata ki chowki and Jagrata, holi we celebrate. Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? Yes it may be, if it goes out of proportion then it may have a concern of yours might and right. Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. In a way it’s good as I describe above. It’s good for both way, one can learn lot of good things of other community about their culture food and social habits. Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? In Q4. Have discribed, No I don’t think neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s. Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). Culture has changed a lot and what we see now is a cosmopolitan culture.

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Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Q10. How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighborhood? Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R.Park still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? As we all know Bengali community has a mark as culturally enriched community so if you are there in C. R. Park you feel at home being a Bengali when you hear people to speak your own language, you get to see lot of things which is only used by Bengaliâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s like fish and few typical things which only used by Bengalis and culturally which touches your life almost daily like drama, songs music, library football tournaments and most important Bengali ADDA which energise you, which is missing in other neighborhood.

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PARTICIPANT 6: Kingshuk Ghosh. Currently an outsider, AGE: 55+. Response through Email Questionnaire. 6th AUgust, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? Ans: I have lived in C.R. Park 30 long years (1984-2014) Shifted to Dwarka last one year due to better accommodation in lesser cost . Since Dwarka planned & developed not more than a decade it’s much better modern satellite township, much more wider motor road, more green patches in every sector, planned shopping & market complexes, better landscape , more open area within society as well as over all Dwarka . Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place well as quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Ans: Yes I do have to come C.R. Park 5 days in a week reason being my office in C.R.Park. Being a typical Bengali love to visit C.R.Park Fish Market , it’s a treat for visual as well as test buds. Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? Ans: Major change of Builders Entry in C.R. Park to demolish and eradicate the beauty and serenity of C.R. Park’s sky line which was once adorned with single, personified house hold unit. Market place became better than before. The C.R. Park became more suffocating and dingy at the blessing of Modern Builder Concept. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out?(Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Ans: Within one year all basic amenities for a normal life of C.R. Park has deteriorated due to Builders infringement. Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Ans: Socially & Culturally it has drastically changed due to so called modernization. All builder’s house became either a Show Room or A Hotel losing out the beauty and peace of “HOME”. Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighbourhood? Why? Ans: I do think otherwise, Bengali Culture are so Profound, Eternal, Scientific & Noble has the capacity to Percolate, Transform at any associate culture around us. Our Culture is so Strong & Serine were never being threat at any ages. Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why do you think so. Ans: In this regard I would like to quote Swami Vivekananda, Though I could not excerpt word wise, but jist is “Sei Santan Bharoter Mukh Ujjal korbe , jar jonmo hobe Bangali ar Panjabir Oureser Sogmeesrone” . Because That Santan( Future generation) will acquire Brain & Intellects from Bengali and physical Strength from Sarder/ Panjabi. So we are not worried at all to mix up with any cast, creed & tribe etc. Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? Ans: I do not see any space like for social mix and I do not hold any conservative Vies as mentioned by you in the second part of your question.

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Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). Ans: Related to the physical spaces of the neighbourhood, social behaviour, cultural idea’s, traditional aspects in every respect has changed according to cycle of the natural evaluation. Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Ans: See answer one . Q10. How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighborhood? Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R.Park still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? Ans: Specially Food, Festival’s flamboyancy & Ad PARTICIPANT 7: ROBIN CHATTERJEE. Currently living outside, AGE: 25. Response through Email Questionnaire. 3rd August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? I have been living in C.R. PARK since 1991 , pretty much since birth . I am not living there anymore due to my different working location/country . Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) Yes , i am very much related to C.R. PARK as my parents live there in our family home and all my childhood friends live nearby, also since I’ve spent most of my childhood there, i feel that a part of my soul resides there , so i go there to catch up with myself Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? According to me , culturally , i haven’t seen much changes in Old C.R. PARK as compared to New C.R. PARK, more cultural changes in new C.R. PARK as more and more families from other regional backgrounds and cultures have come and settled there , thus , having a mixed culture there , which is also interesting in its own way as it is a clear indication of ‘ unity in diversity ‘ , whereas older C.R. PARK was still mostly dominated by Bengali families , thus having the same old culture there, as far as development goes , all of C.R. PARK has developed at a similar rate as compared to other similar localities in Delhi , yet preserving the general feel of C.R. PARK. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) I haven’t noticed any significant changes since I’ve moved out . Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Yes , social changes in terms of , the fast paced life of the city has sought up with the working class residents , due to which some old customs of generally having a good and cordial relation with most neighbours is almost non-existent , but its the same case in most big cities and everyone complains of not having enough time , cultural changes as well , due to integration of people from other cultural backgrounds of India , such as Punjabis , Sindhi’s etc into the locally predominant society of C.R. PARK that mostly comprises of Bengali’s .

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Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? Not at all , every neighbourhood across the globe, have their own way of life, living and local habits and ways, according to which people in that neighbourhood live by , similarly , people who chose to come and live in C.R. PARK , know of these ways of this neighbourhood and live by them . Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-Bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why you think so. I believe it has its positives and its negatives , when there’s a mix of people living in the same area from different ideologies and cultural backgrounds there’s bound to be differences of opinion at some stage , but it’s the duty of our society as a whole to overcome such problems through peaceful dialogue, also , there are positives in the sense that since India is such a culturally diverse nation , all the people living in one neighbourhood from different cultural backgrounds can learn the interesting and positive aspects of their respective cultures from one another . Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? Definitely that different markets at C.R. PARK are hotspots for people to socialise , also the parks in C.R. PARK are a good place for people to socialise , but i feel more can be done at the parks , in terms of development (landscaping, toilets, etc) , I feel a social mix is good and important for social integration of the society as a whole . Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). One of the most striking changes for me is the architecture style of C.R. PARK , it has been changing a lot since the past 10-15 years , the architecture style was very different and spacious when old Bengali families used to live in single plots , with just single story building and a garden etc . ever since, these people have started to sell their houses to contractors/builders, for more money or other reasons, they break down the old building and make a new commercial building with 3-4 floors and parking and which can accommodate more families , however the buildings they make are taking away from the charm of the simple yet elegant old style architecture of C.R. PARK Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) If i get a chance , then definitely YES , i love that place , I’ve grown up there and my family and friends are there and i love the food there , Durga Puja ! and C.R. PARK has a soul of its own , what more a reason could be better

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Q10. a) How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighbourhood? b) Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R. PARKark still has a lot

cultural quotient

as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? a) C.R. Park is a good example of a culturally enriched neighbourhood; b) Examples:- If you were to take a stroll in the evening in your locality, you can vividly smell, fresh fried fish or other Bengali foods being cooked - Also, the smell of a particular incense sticks can be smelt across Bengali neighbourhoods. - the gathering of the same Bengali folk around different tea stalls every evening , almost like a ritual , mostly talking about the same stuff every evening - Bengali snacks in the markets, also, both the major markets sell raw fish, which is a major part of Bengali food preparations, which is not quite common in other localities in Delhi. - The clothing and the way to wear it is quite obvious when you look at the local people - The dominant language across the whole neighbourhood is still Bengali - Big Time Durga Puja Celebration every year ! PARTICIPANT 8: RUSHMICA BANERJEE. 3rd Generation inhabitant, AGE: 25. Response through Email Questionnaire. 7th August, 2016. Q1. How long have you known and lived in C.R. Park? Are you still living here? If no then why did you choose to move out of C.R. Park? I have been living in c.r. park since 1991 and since then i have been there, hence, i know that place since i was 1year old. Yes i am still living in c.r. park. Our family never thought of moving out. Q2. Are you still somehow related to C.R Park in the sense that you visit the place quite often? If yes, then what are the reasons for your visits? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) NA Q3. What are the major changes which you have seen during your stay in C.R. Park? One of the major changes that i have seen in c.r. park is that all the old markets (fish, vegetable and grocery) were broken down and were given a better and organised infrastructure, also construction of various important organisations like the police station and banks were made for the public. Things became really convenient and safe for the public because of such development. Q3.1. What are the major changes that you see now after you have moved out?(Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) NA Q4. Do you feel that C.R. Park has changed socially & culturally from the earlier times? If yes, please elaborate the possible reasons for the same? Being in one of the best and safest parts of New Delhi, C.R. Park has begun to attract more and more people. Earlier times this area use to be known as the Bengali colony because the major population of this colony use to be the bengalis. Since this place gained a bit of popularity amongst the other regional group of people, the social and cultural form of c.r. park changed. So YES i feel c.r. park has changed socially and culturally from the earlier times.

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The reasons would be a) Safety b) Location (30 minutes away from airport, 30 minutes to the railway station, 30 minutes to any major bus stand, very close to most of the major popular shopping malls etc.) c) Rent is relatively cheaper. d) Popularity. Q5. Do you think that with a lot of Non-Bengali families in the neighborhood at present, there is a serious concern on the question of the C.R. Park’s cultural & social aspect of being a Bengali neighborhood? Why? I really don’t feel that with the increasing number of non bengali families in c.r. park the social and cultural aspect would change because people are tolerant and everybody enjoys celebrating every festival we indians have. People respect each others culture. According to me, i feel that it is in a way good that we are being exposed to so many different kinds of cultures and getting to know our country better instead of being only with the bengali community. It is not always good to live in a shell but it would be very difficult to change the originality of c.r. park because no matter who comes to your house, your house remains your house. New people moving in and old people moving out will never be able to change the originality of c.r. park because it has a very strong history of being a bengali colony. Q6. Do you think this social mix of different non-Bengali families coming in to live in C.R. Park is good or not? Please elaborate why you think so. I think mixing is good. It teaches us a lot of different new things that we were not exposed to. Exposure is always good. otherwise we would not be any less than North Korea. Exposure gives us experience which in turn makes us wise and helps us to deal with different kind of people in different kind of situation and India being such a diverse country and us being indians then why not take full advantage of it. Q7. What are the most interesting spaces of the neighborhood where you see a potential of a strong social mix? Do you think that is good or you strongly feel that the neighborhood should be solely used by Bengali’s? The two most interesting spaces of the neighbourhood would be a) the market and b) the parks. Market is the place where from young teenagers to old citizens come out in the evening to spend some fun time with their friends. They have so many things to talk about like discuss about the world, whats happening in their lives, movies, games etc. Its good to see even now that we have places like these which let people to take out time out of their busy life and help them laugh a little and be stress free. The location and architecture of the markets are quite ideal for the residents as it is easily accessible to them and there are adequate seating arrangements. Parks, yes we still do have parks and not just one but many where kids can go and play, adults can exercise, old people can come out for some fresh air and greenery.These places help us meet different people and make friends so using this place solely for bengalis would be a very selfish and introvert thing to do. Q8. What according to you have changed drastically over the past years in C.R. Park that is striking to you or which you see as the most drastic one? (it can be anything related to the physical spaces of the neighborhood, or social behaviour., cultural idea’s or traditional aspects. Anything that you find the maximum change in). The drastic change would be the moving in of people other than bengalis because this has changed the scenario completely. People have started to sell there houses to builders to make buildings, this way more space is being provided to accommodate people because of which there is a lot of problem of parking space for people. C.r. park does not have very wide roads, hence we have parking problems because of which we have traffic problems especially during festival time. More people more cars less space, thats the major problem according to me.

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Q9. Do you still want to move back and resettle in C.R. Park? Why? (Only if you have moved out from C.R. Park, as per Q1.) NA Q10. a) How do you see C.R. Park as an example of a culturally enriched neighbourhood? b) Give some examples from daily life if you have or share your own experiences of daily life that makes you feel that C.R. PARKark still has a lot cultural quotient as compared other neighborhoods in Delhi or what according to you makes it so Bengali? I guess by now you must already know what i feel. I feel that c.r. park is one of the most lucky neighbourhoods because it has everything, love of delhi, sweetness of bengal, spice of punjab, biryani of nawabs, ma durga to jai mata di, coconut of south, teas of the world, youth rejoicing, old citizens blessings, police to protect us, banks for money, fish is the best, what else does a person wants in his life. A very important aspect in a bengalis life is food, that is what will never change about this place and that will keep the originality of c.r. park intact. so even though it is culturally enriched but one thing that will never change it from being bengali is that c.r. park has the best fish market in delhi, hence it will always remain a bengali colony RESPONSE USED FROM A PREVIOUS PAPER (URBAN STUDIES 1, JANUARY 2016) PARTICIPANT: GOURAV GANGULY, 3rd Generation inhabitant, AGE: 28. Dated: 7th January, 2016. Q1. For you how important it is going to the markets in CR Park on a daily basis and for what particular reason do you go? It’s quite important. You know, for basic needs like the groceries and other daily needs. And apart from that, It’s a pretty decent spot for us (friends) to sit and interact with food and tea/coffee/ soft drinks. It is a religion to go to the markets everyday to meet the same usual faces and catch up on the occurrences of the day and exchange experiences with them. Q2. What is the most interesting thing about going to the markets in your neighborhood? The markets are not just markets. People don’t go there to just shop and buy things. They socialise there. And it is not with respect to any social strata. Shopkeepers, fish sellers, government employees, scientists are what each group usually is known to comprise. Q3.Do you prefer spending time there or at other places around CR PARK like M-Block market or coffee shops at and around Nehru Place? Every place has its own charm. There are four market places in CR Park and each is different from the other. When we have requirements from one market, Like the example of Nehru Place or GK II M Block, then we make a visit there. But for a regular meeting purpose, we stay within CR Park itself as it becomes easy for everyone to reach and access. Q4. Do you feel that the informal network in and around the market places are good for everyday choices or not? Why do you think so? (* By informal I meant the one which is not organized, which is not fixed and can be moved any day, anytime. The tea kiosks, food kiosks and cigarette kiosks can be considered under informal network) These informal spaces that have been set up, have been done so with respect with the congregation of the groups of people and vice-versa. So they definitely suit the everyday choices very well, either that, or we adapt to their locations.

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Q5. Do you feel that there is a lack of a well-designed public space or you like the way it is? According to you how can it be improved? Yes, we lack it in a major way. Although these markets have been improved from what they have been in the past, they still lack the basic relation between the vehicular and pedestrian spaces where either encroach on the other and eventually the services happen on the public spaces or on the main roads. vehicles, the people walk down to these market places in CR Park. Q6. What are the advantages that you see having these neighborhood markets and their activities, both formal shops and informal activities? Basically, these keep the neighbourhood alive. And that is very important here, as in most places we know people to be going out to socialise in cars and motor vehicles, the people walk down to these market places in CR Park. Q7. Please express yourself regarding the understanding of the neighborhood of CR PARK and its daily life and if you feel there is a strong connection of the market activities in everyday life. CR Park, or Mini Calcutta as it is commonly called, shares the same psychology with itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s parent, i.e, Kolkata. Tea time discussions, evening and morning meetings involving politics and all other topics are extremely prevalent in shaping the community. This clubbed with the fish market, presents itself as a major hub for Bengali â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;addaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; and discussions.

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THE FOLLOWING PAGES SHOWS THE TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE INTERVIEWS DONE AND RECORDED DURING THE FIELDWORK. THESE INTERVIEWS, ARE PERHAPS MY BIGGEST AND THE MOST IMPORTANT REFERENCES.

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Quotations from Mr. Muktish Lakhani.3rd generation, AGE: 29. Personal Interview. 6th March, 2016. “I love C.R. Park, mainly because – yes, because of the emotional attachment of the fact that I have been living here for the most of my life and also that it has so many trees……………….. That is one thing I personally like. And plus because of the roots it is majorly a Bengali settlement and it’s easier to communicate and everybody understands each other and it’s like a small family.” “I have been living here 15 years so if I go to the market I already know people around there. So personally if you ask me, yes I love the place, everybody knows everyone, so it’s quite a nice living here.” “It is an early East Pakistan displaced persons colony, but now lot of people from other religions, sects are coming in and you will find a lot of mix of culture. Yes, majority is still Bengali but now C.R. Park isn’t what it used to be earlier because there is a lot of mix of culture.” “Food culture, is one thing that has changed a lot in C.R. Park. Initially you couldn’t find as many shops as you wanted to but now that has become more urbanised or commercialised” “One thing about C.R. Park, as an outside perception is that it is known as MINI KOLKATA, in Delhi.” “ So one thing that I personally like is Durga Puja;………………………….no cars can enter C.R Park and people are walking on the road at about 1’o’ clock in the night, and it’s like hustle-bustle, it’s like a mela happening………….. it’s like the whole C.R. Park completely changes…………. So that is one thing I absolutely adore about C.R. Park. “I would not like to move-out of C.R. Park if given a big house; houses are ample enough, what matters is the people that are around” “I know a lot of families who are living on rent probably, just for the fact that it’s a lifestyle that would not be available somewhere else even though a bigger house might be available there” “Its upper middle class, middle class and even lower middle class, you will find all of them. That’s the best thing about C.R. Park it’s not limited to only upper, lower, it’s a mix of everything. You go to one side you will find different types of houses, different types of structures; other parts you find different localities; status, class, everything. So C.R. Park has everything”. “There are always something to do in C.R. Park, like have a tea, go play some sport if you can. And there is a town hall (Chittranjan Bhawan), where as kids we could go and play Table-Tennis, Badminton………………. I think since the inception of C.R. Park, the point of the early settlers was to create that kind of a neighborhood. So examples like Chittarnjan Bhawan or Bangiyo Samaj, you won’t find these kind of places anywhere else in other settlements, which kinds of brings you together like you have chess matches, you will have library for the society, doctors on a smaller fees………….. so that is one thing which makes me believe that it was always the point to have a neighborhood, and not just an area.” “Yes, there is cleanliness around but especially in the market area the shop owners, individually in the market area they don’t quite keep up the place.” “On a good note you find a lot of parks here, so that is one good thing. But times are changing now…. as a child living here I used to go to any park and play any sport that I wanted to. But now what is happening is that young generation don’t want to play and the older generation do not encourage kids to play.” “As population increases cars also increases, so parking is an issue at least in some colonies.”

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Quotation from Mr. Arijeet Paul (3rd generation, AGE: 27. Personal Interview. 6th March, 2016. “The sense of freedom, the sense of security that you have in this place, I don’t that I can get somewhere else.” “Your social life depends a lot on where you stay.” “Culturally it’s a very diverse, a very wholesome place because from childhood I have seen this place there have been festivals, from Holi to Diwali to Durga Puja, everything is been celebrated here, and it’s a very close knit community that we have over here.” “A place like C.R. Pak has more of open area from let’s say parks, and many places in Delhi do not have that much spaces like parks and driveways, alleys…………… In other places of Delhi the space restriction is so much that you don’t get to enjoy that kind of openness.” “There are parks in the neighborhood where you go to play; you make your social life over there from childhood……. In holidays or even during school we would play in the parks the whole day where we were socializing at that point of time when we were growing up of what I know…….. I don’t know about the next generation or next to next generation.” “Because of the cultural mentality we have over here a cup of tea brings a lot of people close, than anywhere sitting having beers.” “Once you are out of C.R. Park you feel kind of disconnected……………… Where you stay you create an identity, or a sense of feeling that you want to go back there every day, your home is where you stay.” “As you that world is a small place, it applies in C.R. Park a lot, because let’s say your father must be knowing my father through some other person so that’s why let’s not say it’s a community it’s a family.” “Now the trend is changing, because outside people are coming in, people are selling their houses and moving out to different places. There is a set of new people coming in who are changing the environment (social), which is for the good and new people are always welcomed over here.” “I have friends who have come from other places like Baroda, Mumbai etc. and they have fallen in love with this place, because [they at their place they don’t have this sort of social culture that after their daily routines you go out and sit with friends or don’t have the opportunity and at many places a people think that it’s evening let’s go home because they don’t have enough spaces to spill outside] – translated from Hindi. What happens in C.R. Park is that we have designated spaces like market spaces and parks where people can go and sit and nobody will bother them. There is no sense of ‘insecurity’.” “It is a very secured place, like in night it becomes a fortress and nobody can enter C.R. Park from anywhere, there are blockage everywhere, cops at every end. And another reason for that security being high is the elderly population in C.R. Park.” “It’s the sense of belonging to the place that one craves for and comes back here and live here and enjoying your life in a much better way.” “C.R. Park is also known as the MINI CALCUTTA so people from all over Delhi come here to eat and buy Fish or other Bengali delicacy.” “There are many places designated for things like we have the temple, the Markets ,fish markets for buying fishes, then community halls in which most of the societal functions happen and then there are parks where people play cricket or soccer.” “Over here if something happens the whole community comes together and helps each other.” “C.R Park has always been very green, people here are against cutting trees and all.” “No I would not move out this place. It doesn’t makes sense, even if it’s a better house, who would I talk to, where I would go. If I move out, I don’t know If the people are cordial, if they will accept me or not. I know it sounds like a very mundane explanation or resistant towards moving out. I would simply say that people who stay here likes this place because in the end at the end of the day you want a peace of mind. If I move out to a place getting that peace of mind might take me 10 years, might take me 15 years or might take me forever.” “People are moving out to Noida, Gurgaon, many of my friends have moved out, but they came back, because they do not find that peace of mind. They would work half way across Delhi but they want to stay here.” “You must be here to experience it.”

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Quotation from Mr. Virendra Khanna. OUTSIDER, AGE: between 40 to 45. Personal Interview. 6th March, 2016. “The main that I started coming here is the reason to see whenever there is a typical Bengali Festival here so that’s a place to visit.” “Since the last couple of years I have started coming here more often to have a cup of tea with my other friends, or whenever we get a chance to meet and need to have a place to meet somewhere, as they are also working close by so we try to meet at this place.” “Market no. 2 is when I go out with my family and want to have food I go there. And market no. 1 is just for one reason to have a cup of tea with my friends.” “To my experience even though different guys coming here from different communities, this seems to me as a true BONG or a Bengali market, and whenever I am here I feel that I am inside Bengal; if not Bengal but yes in a community of Bengali’s, so that true Bengali culture I can see it here.” “Since it’s a good colony to live in, it’s a good infrastructure I would say, and if my pocket allows to be here, live in I would definitely try to come here.” “Yes, on comparison, Kalkaji where I am living you can see a lot of Punjabi influence, in C.R. Park definitely it’s Bengali, not just influence but a Bengali community, so you can see 2 major difference into these 2 colonies. Also In Kalkaji, you can see a commercial influence, where the things are more upmarket commercialisation, but here in C.R. Park even if you are going to a commercial place the influence of Bengali you can see a lot.” “If you go to Kalkaji which is like a Punjabi colony, you can see a lot of commercial chains like McDonalds, Subway’s etc which are international chains and becomes a commercial complex. Though they are mostly Punjabi’s they are mostly influenced by high-end commercial activities…….. but compared to C.R. Park even in a commercial place you cannot see any big chains, they mostly have a major influence of Bengali culture. It’s not glamorised, it’s a very typical Bengali market. The markets no. 1 & 2 are moving towards more commercial trend but yet has kept the tradition alive. I think it’s a perfect mix of both” “But to add on I think one should not or one cannot stick to their traditional roots. Even to empower your tradition, you have to expose to some others so that the others can see it, either appreciate it or either give suggestion. So I also think you cannot just lived in closed society’s in today’s time, so you have to start opening up somewhere and expose yourself.” “Why I am saying that they have to step in towards opening up themselves because I can feel myself initially or even today, if I am trying to get in a community which is all enclosed by Bengali’s I feel that I am slightly an outsider to them, and there is a little bit of hesitance of accepting me……………. It’s kind of like a mental block. That is why I say that tradition is good but opening up is also important.” “Rigidness needs to be removed and it has to be a mutual respect, and if not disturbing anyone with my behaviour or by my language then I should be welcome, or even if it not welcome then at least be accepted and it is not just for the Bengali’s but for everyone.” “During Durga Puja, which is an annual ritual, I always love to be here, I love the whole area, I love the whole energy and the whole traditional thing of Durga Puja and I feel privileged to be here because I live very close.”

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Quotations from Mr. Piyush Goswami. OUTSIDER but lives very close, AGE: 28. Personal Interview. 5th March, 2016. “We are in a market, so the background noise that’s what makes C.R. Park so famous, the fish markets. At the moment it’s closed but usually it’s really loud. The definition of fish market is loud. No, I don’t find it disturbing because I grew up here, I have got used to it……………. And for me it’s very normal. Maybe because of the chaos with which I grew up with.” “The parks; I love the parks. Because that’s how I started to come here, because there were basketball courts in the parks. So for me the parks are really important. But if you go the parks now you can see the obvious changes. You would hardly see any kid playing, it’s sort of depressing because I remember, and probably when 15 years ago when I used to go and play the parks used to be full of kids. You could just see people play Volleyball, Baseball, Basketball, Badminton, Cricket all at the same time…………………. I rarely played cricket, because there were so many options that I just didn’t feel the need to play cricket, which is definitely not conventional being an Indian. But now, if you go to a park there is no one. You would hardly see a few kids playing Badminton in the evening, but apart from that I don’t see a lot kids playing.” “If I talk to someone from West Delhi, East Delhi, I get embarrassed, I genuinely feel stupid, because I haven’t gone to most of those places; that’s how comfortable in this space. This place being here, everything I needed as a kid or growing up, everything that I could imagine was available to me. Everything is very close by, so I never felt the need to go to West Delhi or East Delhi and I hear about places that people talk about which are rarely heard I never go.So that’s how much I am attached to C.R. Park.” “When I step into C.R. Park, I know people are conservative and I could call most people introverts but I don’t see that as a problem, because I think people are happy with their own space and their own lives so I feel free to do anything I want. I can step out at night and I don’t feel the need to be scared or be aware of something bad, because in the last 28 years I have never seen anything bad happening.” “When I was about 11/12 I would usually ask my mother that if you about Durga Puja and I would be late. My mother usually never allowed me to stay overnight at a friend’s place because I was too young to be doing that so she was quite particular about that. But I remember this well because that was the first time when my mother said it’s okay you can come late. So during that period when I first started attending Durga Puja, as in its definitely not the first one I attended, but for the first time I stayed up till like 4am/5am, chilling with my friends and that was some experience. And since then till now my mother knows that if it’s Durga Puja I can stay up till like 4 or 5am in the morning.” “But my feeling towards Durga Puja has changed a lot since the time it had started as we enjoyed a lot for those 5 days. But after a point I started to feel that it’s annoying, because of the number of people which can’t be ignored and then there is no space for you to walk. Like if I have to take my cab to work I will have to go to the main road walking all the way. So that became a little annoying, but also the fact that it was too exaggerated. There are so many people that you just cannot walk, it’s difficult for a person to walk from one place to another it’s that bad. But then there came a point when I remember that I was standing at a bus stand, waiting for my cab and I saw a lot of people standing the same bus stand. So right next to me there was this family, with a lady with 2 kids and her husband and the kids were creating a ruckus, but I could see the state they were in, but they were really happy and I am pretty sure they were from a far-away place because you just can sense it. And surprisingly I saw a lot of people just like that with their families and I realised how for me its right just next to my house and it might not be all that great. But for someone who waits for this time of the year and travel all the way with their families just to see this event, so for them it’s everything. So that’s when I felt that I am being too cynical and it’s a lot more than just the crowd, it’s that festival which brings people.”

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Quotations from Mr. Anurag Dasgupta (Control Case 1) (OUTSIDER AGE: 27) “In C.R. Park if you see, the temples are within the market places, they are right next to the fish shop. It’s not like the religious thing here, if I am going to the temple, right after I can go and have a Mutton Roll after that from the market. So it’s a place where I can be absolutely human, which can satisfy my desire to have a cup of chai (tea), and a mutton roll I can also find a space to address my sacredness, my spirituality and I can go to the temple and everyday there is a practice of ritual which is happening in that place which I really like, so I like the balance of it.” “So……… what makes C.R.Park, you know I guess it’s the markets. The only way you can feel that you are in a Bengali place is when you enter the markets. Because when you enter the markets not only it’s about the food, or the temple, also you go through the shops, you will find Bengali things in the shops. You can find Bengali fonts, you find Bengali newspapers, and you find Bengali magazines, you find the fish market, this is what makes it Bengali. You may also find a homeless person living in the market almost every night, but he is being fed there, that’s where he lives, he lives happy there and sitting outside the temple every day. Bengali’s, we are usually very inclusive, that way at least to Bengali’s but maybe we are inclusive of other people from outside community.” “In C.R. Park, you can be much by yourself; you go to markets and you want to eat your food and sit and chill you can do that. And you can find a space to talk to people……. I mean I am constantly going back to the market.” “And coming back here I realised that there is something unique about being a Bengali as it comes from an acknowledgement of your own self, sometimes. It comes from finding something, that is maybe intellectual and also it comes from a space of being at peace, what I would essentially say is that Bengali’s are peaceful.” “We are a community in C.R. Park; and we are a community in the capital of the biggest democracy in the world, it’s one of the busiest cities of this planet, with the highest number of cars and maximum amount of pollution…………………… Yeah, we have pretty much of all the vices of urban living in this city from sexual misconduct to mass disparity, excessive air pollution and everything is pretty much in a bad state; but we are sitting in this beautiful park in C.R.Park.” “My personal part to look at this project is to understand that how am I finding the joy by being at this place. I have lived in other part of the city and in C.R. Park and now in Kalkaji next to C.R. Park, but as soon as I go to Kalkaji, it’s a different place, it’s not a community there. It’s fragmented, you can feel it. I live in a gated community in an apartment complex in Kalkaji, but as soon as I walk out of the area I realise that it’s not a community, it is just that a few people who knows each other from childhood maybe still doing things together. But that everyone coming together for something which is not just a personal event is rare; people socialise because of certain personal events there like you know if someone is getting married, or somebody’s birthday or something. But in C.R. Park we get together regardless of personal events, we get together because we can, because we want to, and not only because we want to but because we have these places right out, like beautiful tea shops or markets, where we can sit and just have some chai(tea). You know it’s an inclusive thing in these market area.” “This arises from previous generations, if you understand in Bengali’s people tend not to get married out of caste, somehow we are extremely racist people, irrespective of that we are intellectual people, but how do you avoid that fact, but you can be a better human being definitely and you can change but you can’t change your identity as a racist person. So now I think with our generation there is a possibility of it happening. Maybe through this project more people from our generation are aware and understand that these things exists in our blood, in our cultural setup of judging people based on their backgrounds.” “But C.R. Park is a small community within that city of nobody’s, its almost like being Old Delhi, which has a mark of its own and C.R. Park is pretty similar to that, which I don’t think anywhere in South Delhi you can get that.” Quotations from Suraj Da, Tea seller . OUTSIDER AGE: 35 to 40. Personal Interview. 13th April, 2016. “Yes, I was in always working in this Market area. I was earlier into the Catering line working under someone and then for the last 3 years I have been doing my own work (selling tea). I come all the way from Tughlaghabad area (outskirts of Delhi). Yes, if I find something very reasonable in here I would shift here. But I haven’t been able to find anything according to my budget” “Here everyone knows me very well, everyone have seen me for a long time so that is why I have opened my shop here at Market no. 1. I like this particular spot at the backyards of the market because people more often come from here from their houses. No, the smell of the fish market, or the dirt around does not affects my customers. They themselves take the tea and sit around.” “I work from morning 8 to late night 11 every day. The earning are just sufficient but during the winters it is more because of the season. That is why to attract more people I have installed a T.V set so that people sit for long watching the matches.” “I have always worked and have been related to Market no. 1 so that is why I like this place. That is why I did not try to open the tea shop at any other market. I am satisfied with whatever I have and do not want to increase in size of the shop. I really like the people who come here every day and that is why I am here.”

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Quotations from Mr. Faraz Farooq.OUTSIDER AGE: 29. Personal Interview. 13th April, 2016. “I have been here since the last 5 years and I first came here when I was working in an office nearby in Kalkaji, and we use to go out and eat and have something to drink there only. But then one day I discovered C.R. Park, my employer he brought me here and since then I have been a fairly regular visitor. He brought me to this one office in C.R. Park with whom we were collaborating and since then I have found my own spots and I have been coming in and going from here.” “This has become sort of my social comfort zone and actually I frequent C.R. Park more than my own neighborhood, I come here to chill every evening, hang out with friends and I have made friends here.” “I frequent any place that has a lot of food, so that makes it particularly Market no. 1, Market no. 2 and Market no. 3. Market 3 is not on the main road, so it is frequented less by the people and the market is smaller as well and it does not have so many places of food and you know street food like that; and right now I am remembering these lines from Jane Jacobs that if you want activity, then put out food. And then Market no. 1 and Market no.2 are pretty much the same except the fact that I don’t go so much to Market no. 2 because my friends live here nearby.” “And when it comes to differences between the community areas, these small little markets of C.R. Park compared to some of the best designed neighborhood community centres throughout Delhi, there is a very marked difference. And a lot of improvement that I see here and there is a lot of improvement that I see here.” “So a very important difference in the markets of C.R. Park, the community areas of C.R. Park, compared to the rest of the community areas of Delhi………… it’s a huge difference basically. What is happening here is that there are very well designed community centres, which I believe are not so much of community places, as they have developed into destination markets, like you know there are very popular food stores there, people from the entire N.C.R (National Capital region) to spend an evening maybe. But, yes C.R. Park it has more of the community activities happening and it has more of the neighborhood people involved, and I think that these people have played a major role in shaping these community centres. For example if we look at this market it is not very well designed, you know it is just a set of rectangular rooms as shops. But apart from that you can see a lot of things like you can see people playing carom here, there are people coming to feed the dogs every day, there are lot of these little stories which weave in and out of C.R. Park. So I see a very brilliant example of the urban and the socio-cultural fabric working together. And we intersperse with each other being one so ta say, so that is a very major difference. I could go on about how they are different, I think I have made my point here.” “I think that in C.R. Park there are a lot of these activities happening, like these neighborhood kids coming to the market, sitting there, having a cup of tea, talking you know and then there are all sections of the society basically, you know all age groups come here, it’s not exclusive. Plus, I think there is a very big difference as far as the safety of the women is concerned, because I think I have never seen women, unescorted women, sitting in a community market till 11 in the night anywhere in Delhi. But that does happen here, people you can see going out around for a walk late into the night, people know each other very well. There is you know a sense of the neighborhood of being a cohesive community here.” “No, I have never felt like an outsider here. First of all I am non-bengali, secondly I am not from here, but you know there is a very interesting observation is that when I come to C.R. Park, there are many people who I meet on the way, who greet me and I greet them back. I know a lot of people here and I do not know so many people in my own neighborhood. You know they are not so communicative, they don’t like to mix up that much, but here people are very warm and yes it is right that they have maintained a sense of community here. Maybe, it’s because they are from the same cultural background, they speak the same language that does matter yes. I have met so many people who would categorize C.R. Park as a ‘Ghetto’, the manner of settlement as a ghetto, but I wouldn’t for one; because you have people here who are stable. There are very few homeless people here and you can find people from all strata’s of the society living here.” “I did try to find an accommodation here and this is about 1.5 years back. Yes, it didn’t work out and for very interesting reasons. The thing is that I am half Bengali, my mother is a Bengali. And the time when I came I went to this property dealer, I found a property on magicbricks.com, this is a website which collects information on different properties for rent or to be sold and it advertises as well. I found one such property on magicbricks and then I traced the property dealer and then he said that it was already sold off or whatever. So, then I searched about such property offices here, and I went to such people, and the first office where I went to they welcomed me, and then for some reason they asked me whether I was Indian or not. Maybe they thought that I don’t look Indian or what, so I told them that yes I am an Indian. Then they asked me if I was a Bengali, I said I was half Bengali and that thing made them happy. So they ask me about my requirements and everything and then they told me that what I was looking for was not available at the moment, but it would soon be available. So they asked me for my contact details and they would get in touch with me. I wrote down my name; I am a Muslim by the way, and I wrote my name as Assistant Professor Faraz Farooq, Jamia Milia Islamia, and I gave them my email id and my phone number. So as soon as the guy took the piece of paper, he read my name and he asked me that are you a muslim? I said yes I am and without the slightest hesitation he told me sir that it’s going to be very difficult for you, because people usually do not like to lease their property out to a Muslim. And for a moment I was very taken aback, and not actually for a moment I was actually very much taken aback; because I had heard about such things happening in other cities like Mumbai and Pune. But I had never thought that would happen in Delhi, one; and I never thought that it would happen to a person like me, you know, I am fairly educated person, I am a professional and I am from a very educated family. Even though I was a half Bengali I was denied an accommodation because I am a Muslim. And, in that moment I just could not react, I did not knew how to react, I said okay alright if something works out then do let me know and then I just came out. I discussed this with some of my friends I have, who lives In C.R. Park, who are not Muslim but are Bengali’s and they were very furious with this person and they wanted me to take action or something. But I believe that there was no point because it’s not just one person, it’s a mindset you know and changing a mindset needs a lot of time I believe. And then, I could

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have gone after that one person but then it wouldn’t have helped in a long run. Though I would admit that I felt very humiliated and embarrassed and disgraced that day and i never approached a property dealer again. It was sort of a very…. It’s deep scar and then I did asked some of my friends who lives here, of whether they could get me something arranged for me and they said that they would try but then I didn’t pursue them, then I changed my plan so anyway I didn’t try any more. But, no, I don’t have any bias against C.R. Park or any of the people in here, because to some extent I can understand people who make stereotypes, and I don’t think that they are all bad. It’s just that, you know that’s the way they have been brought up, it will take time to change but I hope it will.” “Oh, yes, of course I do enjoy coming here. I mean 4 days out of 7, in a week, I am here, I am hanging out with my friends, talking to them, I am having tea, I am going around, you know, people know me, you know it feels very nice, I feel very welcomed here.” “I think there are many things to be said about C.R. Park, I have been coming here since the last 5 years and it’s been wonderful for me, because this is sort of my stress buster. When I am tired of work or you know when I am exhausted and I come here to relax, to take my mind off things and have a cup of tea and organise my thoughts. And I have thought a lot about C.R. Park, and why it makes me feels so welcomed; one, I believe I can connect very strongly to the kind of the neighborhood this is, because I have been brought up in a similar neighborhood in my home town. And I think this is the essence of an Indian neighborhood, because what planning has given us, especially in the N.C.R (the national capital region of Delhi), I think it’s not up to the mark and I think there are a lot of things left unsaid, lot of things left unresolved. But here I believe the community took hold of the situation; this was a refugee colony, they were given a piece of land and I feel, I don’t know why but I feel the sense of pride in my own people, you know that they took something which they were given and they have made a lot out of it. You know it has been a brilliant development I believe, the true essence of a neighborhood is to be seen in very few neighborhoods in South Delhi, and it is here in C.R. Park. You have all kinds of people, all kinds of food joints, you have things which are very affordable even to the lowest of the economic groups and which are you know catering to the higher economic groups, to the richer people to the more affluent. And I think that everybody has made peace with their situation, which is at the end of the day very important to live in a place, to feel part of a place, to feel like you are a stakeholder, to feel responsible and to feel that you have some certain responsibilities and duties towards your neighborhood. And at the end of the day that is something very important. “ “I think there is a lot to learn…. There is something called evidence based design and when we teach architecture we want our students to do case studies, we tell them that it’s important. Why is it important- Taking this as a case study, I think everybody or people like me or people who are involved with architecture and urbanism, you know how the society is functioning around the built environment, I think for us it is important,…. All of us acknowledge that this is a brilliant place to be in, but at the same time it is important to understand and identify and analyse, why these things are happening if they are. So that we can take this opportunity to learn and implement and transfer and extrapolate some of these things somewhere else maybe. You know, it’s very important for us to understand.”

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Quotations from Mr. & Mrs. Amit Saha. INSIDER 1st Generation, AGE: Between 65 to 70). Personal Interview. 7th march, 2016. “We, Bengali’s are selling our houses, whether it is due to some kind of financial reason, or distribution of property, they are selling off and since Bengali’s they don’t have the capacity……….. Most of, we are not into business class that’s why Non-Bengali’s are mostly buying their houses and they are coming in.” “Yeah, that (cultural mix) is good, provided you know that there is no distinction between rich and poor and all that. Because we have very simple kind of livelihood; our main aim is to educate our children and especially because we are not business class community, so most of us are either into studies or services that’s all.” “Then Bengali’s had fish market and all those facilities were there, then vegetables used to come from Kolkata and other things were available here like things people didn’t get elsewhere. And Bengali’s from other places of Delhi used to come to take all these goods which were not available…… even now. Even now things needed for rituals and prayers and all are still only taken from here……………… But now population increased, so as the house numbers and I think that’s why things are becoming bad.” “Things used to be very cosy, peaceful and……. And that thing is missing now.” “There is a slight feel of group-ism happening maybe….. like all the Punjabi’s are together let’s say, and Bengali’s are also mostly together; but they do mix up well, it is not like that they are not together, but it is like this you feel it a little.” “I want to shift from here that is because I want to settle my property. That is the main issue. If I had a son or my daughter, whoever would have lived here and she was working here and settled here, then I might have not. But now, since my daughters are not here, and they are not likely to come 95%; then I have to move out, I might go to my daughter’s or I might go to as I told you to a smaller place where old people can be taken care of, or maybe to brother-in-law’s place or some other place where I maybe looked after and here nobody is there so.” “It’s a very nice place (the temple); and throughout the year everyday there is something or the other ritual happening, there is yoga class, library or some other activity, or some or the other festival which keeps on happening. Shiv Mandir (Temple of Lord Shiva) is a really nice place worth visiting. No doubt that is a very nice place. But there are other organization as well, and quite a lot of places which are there like for cheap medical services. For example for doctors if you go anywhere these days, any M.D Doctor it’s a minimum of 700-800 INR………… (From the lady in between) But one thing, everybody now wants to come and stay in C.R. Park; they always say that it is very peaceful colony and it is a peaceful colony, there is no doubt about it. (From the man in between) Because of Bengali’s, the people who are coming in they knew that they are very soft and cultured. That’s why we have a reputation that C.R. Park is quite a nice place. And then especially who is fond of Bengali fish and food, so there are people who did try to come in here, and now also I understand that why people want to come here, because the price is also more reasonable than G.K and other good colonies.” “You know there is a proverb that ‘the other side of the river always seems nicer’(translated from bengali) so now after staying for 45 years or so, I might be really pissed off. I am thinking if go to Pondicherry, Goa or somewhere if I go, I think oh, that will be very nice, but when I go there I might realise that it’s like that, the same I feel. So, of course we will miss this place.”

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Mr. Anand Mukherjee (INSIDER, 1st house to be build, 1st Generation, AGE: Between 75+) – all translated from Bengali. Personal Interview. 4th April, 2016. “C.R. Park was also developed like its nearby counterparts like G.K etc. but then it was just for Bengali’s and only Bengali’s used to reside over here, but now a lot of Non-Bengali’s have their own residences in here C.R. Park and they reside over here, which they bought it from the Bengali families.” “In 1970, there was one ‘Pujo’, which was celebrated in the triangular park opposite Market no. 1, then in 1973 it was shifted to the park of C-block, then in 1976 there were 2 Puja’s, one in Mela ground, and the other in j-Block park, then in 1977 there were 4 places where Puja was celebrated, one in the Temple area, one in the B-Block grounds, one in the K-Block co-operative ground and one in Mela Ground again, which till date are the major one’s in the neighborhood. And now there are about or over 8 places within the neighborhood, which celebrates this festival all across C.R. Park.” “There is a 100% change now, completely things have changed. Initially, all one could see were individual residential dwellings of 1 storey or at most 2 storeys. The area around was very empty, as things were progressing slowly, it was almost like a jungle. But now, things have changed completely, there has been a huge pressure of infrastructural development, like roads, electricity etc. and plus there has been a huge pressure of population growth due to which one only sees buildings of 4 to 5 storeys these days. Also earlier it was a purely Bengali residential area, it was 100% Bengali’s who resided here, but now it has changed a lot. Almost about 30% of the total population is Non-Bengali now. The Non-Bengali’s who have resided we have tried to accommodate them very nicely but still we try and restrict them somehow to enter into the matters of our cultural affairs and organizational issues.” “However, we have made peace with that there are a growing number of Non-Bengali families and it is bound to happen. We enjoy a cordial relationship with everyone and we would and we have never denied the Non-Bengali families from enjoying any of the facilities around. For example: the Puja’s or any religious or cultural event, they can and they do enjoy and they are most welcome to do so, but what we personally try to restrict is their entry within the association or we try and avoid a situation where a Non-Bengali becomes a member of any association, as they have a different mind-set and different cultural background, plus they might seek for their personal benefits out of the large events so we don’t want that to happen and hence we restrict such things.” “The parks are something which everyone (1st generation mainly) of us tried to develop or maintain and do our small bits to develop them. Initially when we decided that we would rename the neighborhood after the Bengali leader Chittaranjan Das, people came up with ideas like C.R. Colony etc. but then I dismissed most of such idea’s and I proposed that it should be C.R. Park. So a lot of people questioned that why ‘, or how can an area be named as ‘Park’. So I told them when I used to study in Jadavpur University (in Kolkata), there was an area near that called ‘Jodhpur Park’; so I said if there could be Jodhpur Park in Kolkata, we have almost about 52 parks within this locality so what is the problem in keeping the name associated to ‘PARK’ and call it Chittaranjan Park.” “No, I don’t want to move out, rather I encourage people, who have may have sold their houses and moved out, I ask them to come back here.”

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A TESTIMONIAL OF THE ESTABLISHMENT HISTORY FROM INTERVIEW TRANSCRIPTION OF Mr. A.K. GUHA (present chairperson of the E.B.D.P Association). PERSONAL INTERVIEW ON THE 13th APRIL, 2016. After partition of country in 1947, country was divided into Pakistan India and East Pakistan. People from East Pakistan were to shift India. During those days few Bengalis were working in government service in central government many of them had houses in East Pakistan. So they became displayed from their original homes. Then it was thought by those few Central government employees of Delhi in 1947 and onwards that they should form an association to get land or explore the possibility of getting land in Delhi because they were displaced person. This was on the understanding that people who had come from West Pakistan were given some land in Rajendra Nagar, Lajapat Nagar and some other regions. So they form an association with very few of Rs 2 monthly contribution. But they found the response is very poor because the condition of the central government employees (Bengali) Association of displaced persons of central government employees and they found after few months that number is very less. They thought that it should be broad based then they changed the name of the association. “Association of displaced persons gainfully employed in Delhi” i.e. people not only the central government employees but may be state government etc., so they could get more number of people. This was in 1954, the association was born of displaced persons gainfully employed in Delhi. Then they started enrolling people. Over a period of time lot of people tried to help the association because the idea was to get land in Delhi. Though I refused to say there is no land here then came some of the important personalities of Bengal located in Delhi or parliament and I will name some people important people (1) R.C.S Sarkar was the chairman of UPSC (2) S.P. Senverma-first chief election commissioner of India (3)Arun Kumar Roy-finance secretary at that time (4)SG Basumallik secretary at that time C.K. Mukherjee and few others they contributed by approving various authorities the approach was even made to Jawaharlal Nehru by saying that land has to be given. So time passed all these people were putting in influence to the government. A stage came in 1960 with all these people put in influence, at that stage Minister of Rehabilitation of the Government of India was Meherchand Khanna. He announced that 218 acres of land would be given in a rocky area in between Kalkaji and Chirag Delhi for the rehabilitation of the East Pakistan refugees. He announced it after he talked to Nehru and all. Now this was one part land has been allotted. It was rocks fields. Then government gave the work for development to Bharat Seva Samaj. They found it very difficult to plain this rocky area also government found that they are not doing it properly. So they gave it to CPWD to develop Chittaranjan Park (after 1960). In 1960the Minister announced the land to be given and after that slowly development work started. The other side of it was the list of about 2000 members who reached at that stage; there was one late Shri Mr. C K Mukherjee who took lot of pains to enroll the entire members. He is one of the pioneers for founding this EPDP colony. He gave this list of about 2000 people to the Ministry of rehabilitation said this is the list of people from East Pakistan and they are all genuine people and they should be given land so the list is with Ministry of Rehabilitation. They have announced that 218 acres of land is been given for redevelopment and work has started. Scrutinizing of list is required to find the genuineness of this and at that time working in Delhi from East Pakistan did not have the refugee certificate. S.G. Basumallick played an important role he said that those people are working, in the first page of their service book, people write their name, fathers name, originally from, present address, past address etc. now wherever needed if original address was given East Pakistan then they should take as authentic proof that they belong to East Pakistan. This he could do because of his position and make government accept that those who do not have refugee certificate can give first page of their service book. So thereafter once the land is will be developed and the first allotment of land was done in 1968 onwards. To the various people who are eligible for this. DDA rehabilitation had categorized plots like 160 sq yards, 220sqyards, 320 square yards, depending on their salary etc. they started allotting land. Originally 2108 people allotment was made for the EPDP colony in 1968 onwards. People were asked to pay in installment a nominal amount to Ministry of rehabilitation. After this also list was not over, pending list was made in 1990. Another 714 people were allotted plots of smaller size in various pockets like P, K2, 40 etc. but main area was already covered in 1968 onwards and this was in 1990. These were all made to genuine east India people after verification by ministry of rehabilitation. All this work was done through EPDP. They started holding their own elections; people started holding their own elections for president, secretary and office bearers. The main function was only rehabilitation because they were all refugees people and didn’t have land.. Some of them didn’t even have money so for that another society was formed EPDP cooperative housing society. They were not that important but all they used to take housing loan from DDA and help construct houses. This is the history of EPDP association and C.R. Park.

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LIST OF FIGURES

LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS NOTE* - ALL THE IMAGES, DRAWINGS AND ILLUSTRATIONS UNLESS SOURCED AND REFERRED ARE MADE BY THE AUTHOR. CHAPTER 1 Figure 1: A roadside tea stall in the neighborhood Figure 2: Kalibari temple complex Figure 3: One of the neighborhood park area, part of a forest. Figure 4: Early refugee camp at Purana Qila (Old Fort) Delhi. SOURCE: newyorker.com LINK: http://www.newyorker.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/150629_r26683-1200.jpg Figure 5: Refugees fleeing in at Delhi through railways. SOURCE: thehindu.org LINK: http://www.thehindu.com/multimedia/dynamic/02530/partition_2530959f.jpg Figure 6: Kalibari Temple complex, a premier cultural spot. SOURCE: indianexpress.com LINK: http://images.indianexpress.com/2015/10/kali-mandir.jpg Figure 7: One of the bigger houses on corner plots Figure 8: Examples of Urban Morphological mapping SOURCE: wordpress.com LINK: https://touf2011.files.wordpress.com/2011/11/assignment-1-dlaw-urban-form6.jpg Figure 9: Example of Urban typology mapping SOURCE: blogspot.com LINK: http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-lZ3UqPdmcSI/UaQk2QyoI3I/AAAAAAAAASU/txEeJHNTze0/s1600/Mopho-topological.png Figure 10: Image showing an outdoor interview Figure 11: Image showing an indoor interview Figure 12: Still Photography as an important tool Figure 13: One of the books of literature readings Figure 14: One of the reports of literature readings ILLUSTRATION 1: ROUGH TIME FRAMES of CHANGES AND MODALITIES OF THE RESEARCH STUDY

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LIST OF FIGURES AND ILLUSTRATIONS NOTE* - ALL THE IMAGES, DRAWINGS AND ILLUSTRATIONS UNLESS SOURCED AND REFERRED ARE MADE BY THE AUTHOR. Figure 15: Satellite image of Delhi Urban Area SOURCE: DUAC (Delhi Urban Arts Commission) Figure 16: Refugee camps at Kingsway camp area Source: sikhgurusandgurdwaras.info LINK: http://i0.wp.com/sikhgurusandgurdwaras.info/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/110009-Kingsway-Camp-Delhi-India.jpg Fifure 17: An artistic view of Shajanabad (Old Delhi) SOURCE: upload.wikimedia.org LINK: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/d/dc/Delhi-lond-illust-1858.jpg ILLUSTRATION 2: EVOLUTION OF DELHI THROUGH DIFFERENT DYNASTIES, COLONIZATION AND POST-INDEPENDENCE. Figure 18 - A very old map of Delhi in 1956. SOURCE: Ashim K. Manna Figure 19: Older time view of Connaught Place, Central Delhi. SOURCE: outlooktraveller.com LINK: http://www.outlooktraveller.com/common/uploads/article/2014/FS_092137104A10048001-Delhi-then-adn-now2.jpg

CHAPTER 2 Figure 20: Main Street facing house Figure 21: Fish shop in the neighborhood Fish Market Figure 22: Locational map of C.R. Park with reference to other rehabilitation settlement in South Delhi. SOURCE: DUAC (Delhi Urban Arts Commission) FIGURE 23: Locational map of C.R. Park with important reference points. SOURCE: DUAC (Delhi Urban Arts Commission) Figure 24: Chittaranjan Das. C.R. Park was named after him. SOURCE: upload.wikimedia.or LINK: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/ec/Chittaranjan_Das.JPG ILLUSTRATION 3: ROUGH TIMELINE OF THE PROCESSION OF EPDP ASSOCIATION TO FORM C.R.PARK

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FIG 25: A photograph showing a difference of the architectural character and space quality between an old originally made house and new modern multi-storeyed house Figure 26: A zoomed in satellite image of C.R. Park and nearby neighborhoods. SOURCE: Satellite image from D.U.A.C Figure 27: Satellite image of C.R.Park highlighted. SOURCE: DUAC Figure 28: Figure ground map of C.R. Park. Figure 29: Apparent density of housing blocks. ILLUSTRATION 4: DIFFERENT TYPES OF HOUSES BASED ON PLOT SIZES Figure 30: Overall layout of C.R. Park as of today Figure 31: Original Master Plan of C.R. Park as planned SOURCE: Gourav Ganguly Figure 32: Block layout of C.R.Park as originally planned Figure 33: Block layout of C.R.Park after the 2nd Phase extension in late 80’s and early 90’s Figure 34: Morphological map showing the bigger monofunctional blocks Figure 35: Morphological map showing all the variations of different urban blocks Figure 36: Bangiya Samaj. One of the Big Blocks in the neighborhood, its a community centre Figure 37: Market No. 2. Another Big Block in the neighborhood, and an important public space. Figure 38: A row house in I Block. An example of a Linearly arranged Block Figure 39: Slab housing. A view of one of the L.I.G Social Housing at Pocket 88. Figure 40: Building footprint plan with building usage Figure 41: Street hierarchy and morphology Illustration 5 – Sections through Different Spatial blocks

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Figure 42: Map showing the layout of open spaces and green spaces in the neighborhood area Figure 43: Playground used for playing Football Figure 44: A neighborhood Garden / Green space SOURCE: Gourav Ganguly Figure 45: View of the Forest Park Figure 46: Festival celebration in a Maidan SOURCE: Gourav Ganguly Figure 47: Panaromic view of a maidan ILLUSTRATION 6: C.R. Park in relation with its neighbours. References: Google Earth for the ground profiles and Wikimedia.org.

CHAPTER 3 Figure 48: A statue of Lordess Durga during Durga Puja SOURCE: Gourav Ganguly FIG 49: Proceedings during the Festival SOURCE: Gourav Ganguly Figure 50: Frontage of an authentic Bnegali sweet shop Figure 51: Fish Market in Market 1 Figure 52: A fish seller in Market No. 1 Figure 53: A ‘Dashakarma store’ - a particular store with Bengali commodities Figure 54: A nameplate in front of residence reads Bengali text and mentions the year of house completion Figure 55: Volunteers offering food to devotees during Durga Pujo. It is one of the sacred rituals to offer food to the devotees Source: Gourav Ganguly Figure 56: Prayers being offered in a ritual during Durga Pujo. Source: Gourav Ganguly ILLUSTRATION 7 SCHEMATIC DIAGRAM SHOWING THE EMERGENCE OF THE DURGA PUJO CULT IN C.R. PARK AND HOW IT GREW. WITH TIME. Figure 57: Front view of the temple complex during day Figure 58: Inside view of the temple

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 59: View of the temple dome Figure 60: Night view of the temple Figure 61: Temple complex full with people during Bengali New Year

CHAPTER 4 ILLUSTRATION 8 MAP SHOWING THE COMMUNITY WELFARE INSTITUTIONS LOCATED IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD. Figure 62: A stage play being held at the B.C. Pal auditorium. Figure 63: Satellite image of C.R. Park and nearby areas Figure 64: Satellite image showing different object of diversity in the area Figure 65: Satellite image highlighting C.R. Park Figure 66: Satellite image showing different object of diversity in C.R. Park ILLUSTRATION 9 - AN EXAMPLE OF AN OBJECT OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC] ILLUSTRATION 10 - AN EXAMPLE OF AN OBJECT OF DIVERSITY [PROGRAMMATIC] Figure 67: Market 2, an object of Diversity [Programmatic] Figure 68: A green space in the neighborhood, an object of Diversity [Programmatic] Figure 69: The Rock Garden beside the temple complex. Figure 70: A lady inhabitant and a vegetable seller; interaction between people from different backgrounds Figure 71: A lady inhabitant and a snack seller Figure 72: A small temple beside one of the markets, a spot for mixing of people from different background(s) and age groups. ILLUSTRATION 11 - SPACES FOR EVERYONE FOR EVERYDAY . . . Figure 73: A group of people from different (socio-cultural and economic) backgrounds sitting together at common spot in a market ILLUSTRATION 12 - A small story of change and a story behind it . . . Figure74: A picture of a house that was made originally. A huge open space all around, unbuilt space.

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FIG 75: The same house in today’s time with hardly any place around that is unbuilt. Figure 76: One of the old time houses still unchanged.

CHAPTER 5 Figure 77: One of the neighborhood markets during daytime. One can see how people have adapted to spaces for different purpose. Figure 78: Boundary of the market spaces are the most active edges Figure 79: Casual spots for getting together - an example of ‘adda’ SOURCE: delhibyfoot.com LINK: http://delhibyfoot.in/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/11226_10151582659126455_1495646716_n.jpg Figure 80: Different options attracting different people Figure 81: Space for anyone and everyone Figure 82: Variation of activities in the same space - Talking about some typical choices of Ethnic culture and the cultural lifestyle of present. Figure 83: Variation of activities in the same space - Talking about some typical choices of Ethnic culture and the cultural lifestyle of present. Figure 84: Different options for eating at a market, gives it a more robust character and hence also attracts more people. Figure 85: Daytime character of a market inner court, usually filled with retail activities. Figure 86: The shifting image of the same space in the night, with small restaurants operating and catering to the visitors of the market. Multiple use of the same space inclusive of more people and giving dynamic character of the market space. Figure 87: A popular road side tea stall. Spots like these around the main market spaces compliments the market activities and enhances its qualities. Figure 88: Another tea stall inside the market spaces, gives way to certain adaptation by the inhabitants as playing spots for games like Carom. It is very interesting to see such informal commercial activies giving way to certain group activities. Figure 89: An outdoor snack shop, providing more options to the visitors and a sense of variety too. Figure 90: An outdoor bookseller in the market, who still sells Bengali newspapers and magazines. It holds an important place to the inhabitants at least of the 1st and 2nd generation inhabitants. Figure 91: One of the local provisional stores

APPENDIX Figure 92: Team Growling Pixels.

OTHER SOURCES

A RECENT NEWSPAPER ARTICLE ON C.R. PARK IN A LEADING NEWS DAILY CITED AS: Tripathi, Snehal. “CR Park throbs with Bengali way of life.” HT South Delhi. New Delhi: Hindustan Times, 08 August 2016.

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FIG 92:TEAM GROWLING PIXELS

END CREDITS

END CREDITS AND A FINAL THANKS TO TEAM GROWLING PIXELS. On a special end note i would i like to convey my deep regards and appreciation for Team Growling Pixels, a team of young, creative and enthusiastic film makers. Thanks a lot to Anurag Dasgupta, Bharat Chauhan and Abhinava Bhattacharyya, who allowed me to intrude into their creative studio space and helped me during the fieldwork. They also agreed to collaborate and help me in producing a short film on C.R. Park, which will be a venture to continue after the thesis, and i really look forward to bother them again and learn a lot at the same time. Thanks a lot guys for everything!!!! CHEERS!!!!!!!!

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THANK YOU FOR YOUR PATIENCE TO GO THROUGH . . .

Over the past 6 decades, Delhi has grown as a city and has accommodated a large pool of people belonging from different backgrounds. Delhi as a city, has its own sense of pluralism and diversity, likewise Mumbai, Kolkata and its other counterparts, but what mostly goes neglected is the fact that Delhi was probably the only city to accommodate a large number of refugees and migrants since the very first wave migration occurred due to the partition.

Probably, because it is the only settlement which was manifested specifically for Bengali’s gave it some extra leverage, but at the same time it was the community and especially the first generation inhabitants who are to be appraised for such development of this settlement of it is today. Today, it is one of the most looked upon neighborhoods in Delhi, through its strong cultural and ethnic vibe, yet however, in today’s time it no longer stands as an absolute ethnic neighborhood of Bengali’s.

Delhi’s out of proportion urban growth, is not only a factor of the present population influx, but is probably a result of a much needed post-traumatic urbanism after the partition of India. The first of its justified urban sprawl(s) is marked by the emergence of these ‘rehabilitation settlements’. It had accommodated thousands of refugees from the Pakistan side of the partition mainly hailing from Punjab region. C.R. Park is also a part of such rehabilitation settlements, but however, it was not so easily formed, because the main patrons of this settlement hailed from East Pakistan or the East Bengal region. It was probably because of the fact the Bengali’s who had lost their properties in the partition were handful, and most of them engaged in Central Government as employees. It took almost 20 years post-partition, when the Bengali’s were able to manage and successful in obtaining a rightful shelter as refugees who had lost their properties in East Pakistan and led to the establishment of C.R. Park.

Through the passing years, there has been a huge variation and mix of different social groups and people coming from different socio-cultural backgrounds, and hence made it a more diverse society. There are definitely a lot of reasons, such ageing of the original inhabitants, mobility of younger generations, shooting prices of the properties etc., which has led to a huge demographic diversification of the neighborhood.

Over the past 4 decades, unlike its other counterparts of ‘rehabilitation settlements’, it has gained a wider popularity and recognition, for various reasons of cultural practices and having a much adored Bengali aura.

This discourse is an earnest and a humble effort to bring out the true characteristics of C.R. Park as an ethnic commune of Bengali’s and its cultural values, which has probably made it a more popular settlement across the city. Also the discourse is meant to see through irrationally on the concepts of ‘diversity’ and ‘pluralism’ as a phenomena of this recent change of societal composition of C.R. Park and assess if the society or the neighborhood is diverse enough or if one can call it a pluralistic society as off its present day situation.