SPAN: October 1975

STBAIGE IEWS FBOM JUPITEB "Something unusual goes on in the murky turbulent atmosphere of Jupiter." This is the view .of U.S. scientists who designed' this model of the Jovian interior (above) after analyzing for months the data from two deep-space probesPioneer 10 and 11. Describing what takes place in the solar system's largest planet, the scientists explain: "The giant planet gives off two to three times more energy than it receives from the sun. No one knows why, although gravitational contraction (wavy arrows) has been suspected as a cause. Temperatures are believed to rise from 93 degrees centigrade at the cloud

tops to as much as 11,000 degrees C. at the core. The cloud tops may consist of supercold ammonia crystals, underlaid by a layer of ammonia droplets, under which there may be a region of ammonia vapor. Below this may be layers of ice crystals, water droplets, and water vapor. Below this there is either a solid surface or oceans of liquid hydrogen. Still lower is a region of metallic hydrogen created by high Jovian gravity, with perhaps a core of rocky silicates and metallic elements. By one estimate, the core of Jupiter may be 10 times the mass of the earth."

A LETTER FROM THE EDITOR No one knows when American women first thought about "liberation." Some say it all began in 1776 when Abigail Adams wrote to her husband, John, who was at the Independence convention in Philadelphia, urging him "to remember the ladies" in the laws of the new nation which he was helping to write. (Her advice was ignored.) Perhaps the real beginning of the women's movement in America was the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which banned discrimination on the basis of sex as well as race. Actually, there is no one action that formally inaugurated the movement, but everyone agrees it began in the turbulent 'sixties.

The big question often asked is: What do women want to be liberated from? There are many answers, but perhaps the one on which all women would agree is that they want liberation from the stereotypes that men have forced on them since the dawn of history. From Homer to Norman Mailer, the literature of the West has loved the beauty and tenderness of women, yet laughed at them as inferior and silly creatures. Shakespeare wrote: "She's beautiful and therefore to be woo'd/She is a woman, therefore to be won." The German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer said: "A woman represents a sort of intermediate stage between a child and a man." And Asian attitudes haven't been that different.

Although the laws of Manu state that "wherever women are honored, there the gods are pleased," Oriental literature is rich in aphorisms like that of Bhartrihari in the Sringa Sataka: Women are "the chain by which man is attached to the chariot of folly."

Patronizing and derogatory attitudes about women have been deeply ingrained in .most of the cultures that comprise human civilization. But their prevalence does not make them right. Just as the world has come to realize that race and the color of one's skin should not be a barrier to equality, there is a growing feeling among civilized people that sex ought not to be a basis for any sort of discrimination. It is good to think about these things during International Women's Year, 1975, and this is why SPAN is publishing in this issue a special section on women's liberation.

In one article (page 5), a prominent American sociologist reminds us that freedom from sexual stereotypes means liberation for men as well as women-a fact that very few men or women really understand. Where do these stereotypes come from? A large part of the blame must be placed on children's primers, which have always portrayed women as filling certain definite roles and men filling certain other definite roles. A major effort of the women's movement in the U.S. is the eradication of sexual stereotyping from children's books-and other nonfiction writings-and the article on "sexism" (page 12) tells what one publisher is doing.

As for the women's movement in India, one of its most eloquent spokesmen (spokeswomen?!), Ivy Khan, tells something about it in the interview on page 18. How relevant is the experience of the American women's movement to the Indian women's movement? This question is discussed in the interview with Rita Hauser (page 3) and in Mary Haney's "Reflections of an American Woman Addressed to Her Indian Sisters" (page 22).

The problem of women's liberation is complicated indeed -involving as it does a cloudy intermixture of social, economic, psychological and biological factors. Through the articles on the following pages, we explore some of these complexities. Yet in a certain sense the issue is simplicity itself when expressed by a person like Mahatma Gandhi, who had a great talent for cutting through complexity to reach truth. "If we have no distinctions of class and creed," said Gandhiji, "we have no distinctions of sex either."-S.E.

SP~ 2 3 5 12 14 18 22 24 28 30 32 36 38

Octob" 1975

Why Do American Women Want Liberation?

by Maren Lockwood Carden

A Publisher Fights 'Sexism' Nineteen Women on the Way Up

Reflections of an American Woman Addressed to Her Indian Sisters by Mary P. Haney

Walt Whitman: Man & Myth

by Gay Wilson Ailm

What's New in Science?

What Direction for U.S. Foreign Economic Policy?

by William Diebold Jr.

40 42 45

U.S. Mining Technology for India 'A Vital Hope for a Better Future'

by Henry A. Kissinger

49 Front cover: SPAN artists pay homage to International Women's Year in this montage of photographs. see pages 3-23 for a special section on women's liberation.

Back cover: Artist James Wyeth as he sees himself-part of an exhibition, now touring America, of 109 self-portraits by American artists. See also page 49.

Managing Editor: Carmen Kagal. Assistant Managing Editor: S.R. Madhu. Editorial Staff: Mohammed Reyazuddin, Avinash Pasricha, Nirmal Sharma, Krishan Gabrani, Murari Saha, Rocque Fernandes.

Art Director: Nand Katyal. Art Staff: Gopi Gajwani, B. Roy Choudhury, Kanti Roy, Suhas Nimbalkar.

Chief of Prllduction: Awtar S. Marwaha. Photographic Services: USLS Photo Lab. Published hy the United States Information Service, 24 Kasturba Gandhi Marg, New Delhi 110001, on behalf of the American Embassy, New Delhi. The opinions expressed in this magazine do not necessarilyreflectthe views or policies of the United States Government. Printed by Arun Mehta at Vakil & Sons Private Ltd., Vakils House, Sproll Road, 18Ballard Estate, Bombay 400 038.

Photographs: Inside front cover-NASA. 5, 8-Avinash Pasricha except bottom courtesy Newsweek.

15 second column-Ed Streeky, Camera Five; last column-Nancy Crampton. 16 second columnUPI. 17 second column, bottom-Boston Globe. 18¡19, 21-Avinash Pasricha except top right and bottom by Madan Mahatta. 24-25-Robert D. Moeser. 31-Homi Jal. 32-Piarsall of Brooklyn, N.Y. 41-Bill Miller, courtesy Fluor Corporation. 44-William Albert Allard. 49 (clockwise from top right}-IBM Corporation; Worcester Art Museum, Worcester, Massachusetts; The Art Institute of Chicago; National Museum of History and Technology, Washington, D.C.; Petersburg Press,New York; Collection of the artist; Marlborough Gallery Inc., New York; center-Collection of Mr. and Mrs. R. Wallace Bowman. Back cover--Collection of the artist.

Use of SPAN articles in other publications is encouraged, except when copyrighted. For permission, write to the Editor. Subscription: One year, 18 rupees; single copy, 2 rupees 50 paise. For change of address, send old address from a recent SPAN envelope along with new address to A.K. Mitra, Circulation Manager, SPAN magazine, 24 Kasturba Gandhi Marg, New Delhi 110001.

NEWS& VIEWS PRESIDENT FORD ADDRESSES HELSINKI CONFERENCE A few weeks ago, heads of state of 33 European nations plus the United States and Canada met in the Finnish capital of Helsinki for the Conference on Security and Cooperationin Europe.

U.S. President Gerald Ford addressed the Helsinki conference on August 1.

Excerpts from his speechfollow: I have come to Helsinki as spokesman for a nation whose vision has always been forward, whose people have always demanded that the future be brighter than the past, and whose united will and purpose at this hour is to work diligently to pro~ote peace and progress not only for ourselves, but for all mankind. ' •. my colI am here simply to say leagues: we owe it to our children, to the children of all continents, not to miss any opportunity, not to malinger for one minute, not to spare ourselves or allow others to shirk in the monumental task of building a better and a safer world ....

In recent years, nations represented here have sought to ease potential conflicts. But much. more remains to be done before we prematurely congratulate ourselves.

Military competition must be controlled.

Political competition must be restrained.

Crises must not be manipulated or exploited for unilateral advantages that could lead us again to the brink of war.

The process of negotiation must be sustained, not at a snail's pace, but with demonstrated enthusiasm and visible progress ....

While we must not expect miracles, we can and do expect steady progress that comes in steps-steps that are related to each other and that link our actions with our words in various areas of our relations.

Finally, there must be an acceptance

to-

of mutual obligation. Detente, as I have often said, must be a two-way street. Tensions cannot be eased by one side alone. Both sides must want detente and work to achieve it. Both sides must benefit from it ....

The documents produced here represent compromises-like all international negotiations-but these principles we have agreed upon are more than the lowest common denominator of governmental positions: • They affirm the most fundamental human rights: liberty of thought, conscience and faith, the exercise of civil and political rights, the rights of minorities.

• They call for a freer flow of information, ideas and people, greater scope for the press, cultural and educational exchange, family reunification, the right to travel and to marriage between nationals of different states, and for the protection of the priceless heritage of our diverse cultures.

• They offer wide areas for greater cooperation: trade, industrial production, science and technology, the environment, transportation, health, space and the oceans.

• They reaffirm the basic principles of relations between states: nonintervention, sovereign equality, self-determi'nation, territorial integrity, inviolability of frontiers and the possibility of change by peaceful means.

The United States gladly subscribes to this document because we subscribe to every on~ of these principles. Almost

200 years ago, the United States of America was born as a free and independent nation. The descendants of Europeans who proclaimed their independence in America expressed in that declaration a decent respect for the opinions of mankind and asserted not only that all men are created equal, but that they are endowed with inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

The founders of my country did not merely say that all Americans should have these rights, but all men everywhere should have these rights. And these principles have guided the United States of America throughout its two centuries of nationhood ....

To those nations not participating and to all the peoples of the world: The solemn obligation undertaken in these documents to promote fundamental rights, economic and social progress and well-being applies ultimately to all peoples.

Can we truly speak of peace and security without addressing the spread of nuclear weapons in the world, or the creation of more sophisticated forms of warfare?

Can peace be divisible between areas of tranquillity and regions of conflict?

Can Europe truly flourish if we do not all address ourselves to the evil of hunger in countries less fortunate than we?

• To the new dimension of economic and energy issues that underlie our own progress?

• To the dialogue between producers and consumers, between e,>porters and importers, between industrial countries and less developed ones?

• And can there be stability and progress in the absence of justice and fundamental freedoms?

Our people want a better future.

Their expectations have been raised by the very real steps that have already been taken-in arms control, political negotiations, and expansion of contacts and economic relations. Our presence here offers them further hope. We must not let them down.

If the Soviet Union and the United States can reach agreement so that our astronauts can fit together the most intricate scientific equipment, work together, and shake hands 137 miles out in space, we as statesmen have an obligation to do as well on earth.

History will judge this conference not by what we say today, but what we do tomorrow-not by the promises we make 9ut by the promises we keep.

RITA HAUSER VISITS INDIA, DISCUSSES WOMEN'S LIB Mrs. Rita Hauser (right), a member of the u.s. Advisory Committee of International Education and Cultural Affairs, visited India on a lecture tour a few weeks ago. A partner in a Wall Street law firm, she was chosen last year by Time magazine as one of 19 women who, may "give the United States inspiring leadership in many fields in years to come" (see story on page 14). While in India Mrs. Hauser was interviewed for SPAN by another American involved in the women's movement in the U.S., Mrs. Mary Haney, author of the article on page 22 of This issue.

baloney and fend for themselves-is that teen-age girls seem to learn early to internalize aggressiveness.

Q. Don't you think that when our children become

adults they will have a different way of looking at malefemale relationships and at role expectations?

A. I think so. This is showing up already in young married women and it is having a profound effect on family life. It is something that has not been adequately studied. Many young couples are questioning marriage as an institution. If they do get married, the rules of the game are rather different for them than they were for an older generation. Also, there is a big question about children~about whether one should have children at all, and about how you accommodate children when both parents are active working people. Some young couples opt for having children and working out the problems, but according to reliable statistics ,many are opting not to have children. We are down to zero population growth in America now. Whether this is a good thing or a bad thing is very hard to say, but it is a fact. Many women say that they Q. Mrs. Hauser, if we may start on a personal note, are finding more satisfaction working in a job and competing what made you decide to become a lawyer at a time when than they would as a mother. I personally would rather do both. ,I think you miss something ill your life if you don't it was very much a man's profession in the U.S.?

A. My decision can be explained only in psychological have the experience of looking into the next generation, and terms. I always wanted to be a lawyer. In addition, I had an this is something,you can do only through your children. But incredible drive to succeed, and it was not going to be overcome it's been tough. There are many things you have to give up no matter what. I have thought back to the many instances in order to do this. You cannot work all day, see the children, in the beginning of my professional years when it was very be with them and with your husband, get yourself togethertough, when no one was hiring women. You were told straight without giving up something.

Q. This reminds me of something Ms. Carden says out that you would never be made a law partner and you would never succeed and "Don't bother to come back." Now in her article on page 5 of this issue. She says that even that I have succeeded in a very competitive arena, I recognize women's liberation movement members are losing their how important it is to have this drive-this drive to succeed. originfll optimism. They now seem to believe that for the Q. When you graduated from college, it was very immediate future tangible changes and improvements will

difficultfor women to get into law schools, wasn't it?

A. Oh yes. In 1956 when I went to Harvard Law School there were very few women-one per cent of the class. The Dean had a dinner for the few freshmen girls just after we entered. I sat next to him at dinner and he bluntly said to me: "Why are you here?" It's an extraordinary question to ask a kid who had just come to law school like anybody else.

be primarily in the areas of legal rights for women rather than in society's definition of their roles. Do you agree?

A. I think that attitudes change implicitly as a result of external changes. When you have only one professional woman working in an office, she becomes the "exceptional woman" and nothing much is attributed to her presence there. But when you have an office where 40 per cent of the professional Q. Do you feel that the situation has changed a great staff are women, then you can't take that attitu_de any more. deal since then?

I'm the only woman partner in our firm now, but we have A. Yes, the last five, six or seven years have seen an enor- 'many younger women associates and I assume that within mous change in America, and I cannot help believing that it's the next decade they will work their way up to partnership a permanent change. First of all, there is the sheer volume and become as significant as anyone else. As it is, there isn't of numbers: 30 per cent of the current Harvard law class is much of a sexist attitude among the younger men with whom composed of women. In some other law schools it is 40 and I work. The young men take you straight if you are working 50 per cent. The same thing is happening in medicine, engineer- with them and let them know that you want to be accepted ing, physics and architecture. When you are graduating that as a lawyer. But you have to be able to take the guff.

I often interview young graduates who want to go into law number of women who are bound to go into a profession, and some of them want to start at the top. They don't realize you are going to get an impact .effect. This leads to another question: What are all these women who are trained in the that men start at the bottom too. It's a long way up. You professions going to do with themselves once they finish their have to work hard, sacrifice your personal interests, and be professional education? Will they be able to make it in the willing to be accepted as "one of the guys." Many women want it both ways-to be treated specially in some respects big world where you have to do more than pass examinations, where you have to handle hustling competition, have to make but not in all respects. You can'thave it both Ways. your own way just like a guy has to make his own way, not Q. Is it, perhaps, that women have not yet come to fearing success? Above all you have to be able to be aggressive. grips with the hard decisions and sacrifices that are a necesI think that one of the reasons many girls or women are not sary part of "liberation"-the kinds of tough choices that able to stand up for themselves-not able to take a lot of men have had to make all along?

A. Yes, and some women discover that, in the crunch, they don't want to make these choices. Some of them discover that it's very pleasant to be taken care of by somebody else, and I have no objection to that as long as one is honest about it and doesn't fake one's motivations. Some women discover that doing everything-getting to the hairdresser, looking beautiful, having kids, getting a perfect dinner on the table, being in the office-is impossible. Then you have to decide which of these things mean the most to you.

Q. Also, it seems to me that you have to have a husband who goes along with your decision and helps you carry it out. Don't you think this is true?

A. Absolutely. The husband is an indispensable partner in all this. Frankly, I cannot understand how any married woman could do it without a sympathetic husband.

Q. Up to now we;ve really been talking about middle-

class, somewhat affluent American women. Obviously, they don't represent the majority of the female population in the United States. What about the millions of American women who work because of sheer economic necessity?

A. Yes, it is important to remember that there are huge . numbers of women in the U.S. who do not have the luxury of choice that we have been talking about. Forty-four per cent of our labor force is now made up of women, about 20 million of them are heads of households. Most of these women are in low-paying jobs. These are figures everyone forgets. They see the women's movement as an upper-class affair.

Q. Do you think the women's movement has recently become broader-based, less of an "upper-class" affair?

A. Oh, without question. You see it in the factories now where women are organizing 10 protect their own special interests. Unions have not been very responsive to women's interests. Women have had to press for their own unions.

I think that the basic requirement of equal pay for equal work is widely accepted, and there is really very little resistance to that concept anymore. As a result of pressure from the women's movement, all the big companies now give women the opportunity to train for jobs heretofore restricted to men. This represents a substantial change. Also, some employers are providing on-the-spot child-care facilities.

Q. To move to another question, one is often asked

why it is necessary to amend the Constitution of the United States to include the Equal Rights Amendment. Aren~t women's rights covered in existing statutes, to say nothing of the Bill of Rights and the Constitution itself?

A. Obviously, the 14th Amendment refers to "all persons."

[Note: the 14th Amendment, among other things, guarantees "equal protection of the laws" to all persons and "due process of law" to all persons deprived by any state of "life, liberty, or property."] But up until recently the Supreme Court has been very reluctant to extend that fully. They've been reluctant to say that sex is a "suspect classification" - a legal phrase we use meaning that,¡ as 'with race, if you differentiate on the basis of sex, the differentiation is "suspect" and the burden is on the differentiator to prove that there is a valid reason for that differentiation. Now, it is practically impossible anymore to differentiate anything on the basis of race. For example, you could not differentiate bathrooms anymore on the basis of race. But presumably, if you differentiate _bathrooms on the basis of sex, it would seem to be a "reasonable" thing to do. There are very few things now that the Supreme Court has upheld as being included in that "reason. able basis." Inch by'inch, the Supreme Court has come fairly

close to reg~rding sexual differentiation as a "suspect classification" (as it does race), but not one hundred per cent. Personally, I was not enormously in favor of the Equal Rights Amendment for I thought it would involve a huge expenditure of energy to get it through. I would much rather have seen an attack on existing statutes. That makes it much easier because then you work on specifics, you build your cases, and in the end you have a structure. But now it has become symbolic, and it has lined people up emotionally-too much so, in my opinion-on either side of the question.

Q. Would you say that many of the same problems exist in the United States that one finds in India: The laws are not discriminatory, but the implementation is, and in addition women are ignorant of their rights under the laws and unable to obtain the legal aid needed to plead their cases?

A. Oh yes, we have the same problem in the United States.

Many of the. poorer women, and women in the backward areas, are unaware of what they are entitled to, unaware of where to go for assistance. Poverty and ignorance-in the U.S. or anywhere else-naturally prodiIce a group of people unaware of their rights. This is being changed very much now through education and general propaganda. In our country it's much easier to reach people than it is in a country like India. Virtually everybody has a radio and nearly everybody has access to television.

Q. Do you think there is some justification for the complaint that the concerns of the American women's movement are what might be termed "luxury worries"?

A. I hear what they are saying and I understand the basis for it, but my answer to it is that everyone has to speak about her own condition. It is an impossibility for me to address myself in my daily life to the problems, for example, of Indian village women. I feel that I personally can only try to empathize indirectly with the poverty found in some of the developing countries. It seems to me that one has to concentrate in a serious sense on what one is able to do. Comparisons between one country and another take you no place. I have tried to do what I feel needs to be done in my own country, and I know that there are many women in India and elsewhere who are trying to alleviate discriminatory conditions in their own countries. To be effective, a woman, wherever she may be, has to address herself to the problems about which she has the greatest personal knowledge.

Q. Since you were a U.S. delegate to this year's Women's Conference in Mexico City, couldyou tell us what in your view was most significant about that meeting?

A. The fact that the conference was held is a very significant thing. After all, as much as you may mock it as "the year of the woman," holding an International Women's Year Conference did require every government to address itself to women's problems, a subject that many of them have avoided until now. The failure of the Mexico conference was in the complete inability of the women of the developed and the developing countries to find a common agenda. The women from the developing countries were talking, and rightly so, about women who don't get enough to eat, about women who have to work despite malnutrition and whose children are also uneducated and underfed, about women who are illiterate (illiteracy is enormously high among women in many poorer nations-as high as 90 or 95 per cent in some countries). But women from the developed countries were 0 talking about the right to run General Motors!

WHY DO

AMERICAN WOMEN WANT LIBERATION iI One reason all human beings should want it is that it also means 'men's liberation.' The article overleaf explains how the eradication of stereotyped roles and life styles based on gender will result in a richer life for all of us.

Abridged from Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of The New Feminist Movement,

by Maren Lockwood Carden. iD 1974 by the Russell Sage Foundation.

In the late 1960s, a new feminist movement burst upon the U.S. scene. Even those in tune with the decade's protest movements-civil rights, peace, the New Left, antipoverty-found this revival of feminism a startling event. Men and women with traditional views gasped. These protesters must be sick, unbalanced women, or at best, just bored housewives, they said.

Everyone knew that American women were well off; they were spoiled and pampered. What did they have to fuss about?

What were they after? What did they mean by "liberation" or "oppression?"

The press and other mass media had a field day making fun of "women's libbers."

The public reactions they reported were often emotionally highly charged, negative and frequently contradictory. Few observers had any clear idea about the new feminism, and even fewer knew about the groups to which the new feminists belonged.

By now the dust has cleared. "Women's lib" is not just a fad. It has not faded away.

People have begun¡ to realize that behind the bizarre elements played up by the media there is a serious reform movement. .

The new feminism is not out to eliminate differences between the sexes, nor even simply to achieve equal opportunity; it concerns the individual's right to find out the kind of person he or she is and to strive to become that person. _ But many people still ask: "Why did the new feminist movement start with American women, who are among the most liberated in the world?"

After all, they argue, in many developing countries women could be considered far more "oppressed" by their role in society than they are in the United States.

Even in most of the highly industrialized countries the traditional role of women-inthe-home is generally accepted and rarely protested. The answer lies in the personal expectations and aspirations society instills in the American woman.

In developing countries, whatever the authority relationship between husband and wife, women know that their assigned roles bring them certain rights as well as responsibilities. Unlike American middleclass women, they have not experienced severe conflict between society's pressures to "achieve" and its pressures to fulfill their role in the home. Moreover, it can be argued that their role is more satisfying than the equivalent American role because these women are usually necessary to the household in a way that American women are not._ Thus, unlike American women, they have not learned to expect more from society than it can offer.

In industrial societies otherwise generally comparable to the United States, two crucial differences mitigate against development of a new feminist movement at the American pace. First, women in such societies can still perform a significant job even if they confine themselves entirely to being mistress of a home because the job is less socially isolating, more demanding and socially lauded and thus more satisfying than the more sterile task of managing the highly mechanized American household.

Second, the middle-class women who might spearhead a feminist movement have been relatively more successful than U.S. women in finding household help-in the form of relatives or of working-class women-who can free them from the frustrating menial work of the home. (In many industrial countries, however, this household labor pool is diminishing rapidly and, as middle-class women elsewhere become more shackled to mundane tasks at home, their support for women's rights is growing.)

Other factors, too, contribute to the comparatively greater dissatisfaction of American women. Their high educational attainment, the strong U.S. work ethic, their belief (accurate or not) that the United States is a "land of opportunity," and the historical example of the hardworking American "pioneer" woman-all these concepts encourage them to want "to do something" with their lives. While in other countries women in these circumstances can gain personal satisfaction and social recognition by developing talents for gardening, sports, home maintenance or just plain sociability, in the U.S. successful self-expression means paid employment.

"...

Denied easy access to the more rewarding forms of paid employment, and denied sufficient socially applauded alternatives inside and outside the home, American women have initiated, out of their sense of frustration, a revival of feminism.

* * * * *

Much of what the general public hears about the new American feminism concerns the many and varied efforts to introduce social change. The movement's advocates have supported repeal or reform of abortion laws and have opposed legal restrictions on the distribution of birth control devices. Many have objected to what they see as the impersonality and male dominance of modern medicine, whether practiced by the obstetrician, psychiatrist or internist. Child care is also a crucial issue: movement members advocate the establishment of many kinds of child-care facilities.

All forms of economic, job and educational discrimination against women have been attacked through legal, legislative and less direct social pressures. Feminists have sued companies which pay women less than men for the same work and have worked for passage of the Equal Rights Amendment to the U.S. Constitution (the amendment would disqualify any laws or practices that call for unequal treatment of men and women, even those designed to "protect" women, such as labor laws which limit the hours a woman can work). Members have demonstrated against and sued newspapers which list "help wanted" advertisements separately under "male" and "female" headings, have encouraged secretaries and blue-collar women workers to form unions, and have publicized instances

Yours very truly, etc. Type it in triplicate, get it out in this afternoon's mail, and what are you doing for dinner tonight?"

of degrading treatment of women in prisons.

Modern marriage practices also have been attacked. Many feminists have tried to eliminate what are considered legal inequities in marriage, such as a married woman's frequently restricted rights to own and dispose of property, the difference in her rights vis-a-vis her husband's regarding child custody and child support in the event of a divorce, and even the patronizing practice of a former husband having to pay alimony. Inside and outside of marriage, feminists insist that women should not be treated by men and society as sex objects but as complete and equal human beings for whom sex is only one part of their experience.

Movement members argue that any woman who so wishes should keep her birth name when she marries; they protest requirements that a woman vote only under her husband's name; complain to credit card companies that issue cards only in the name of Mrs. John Jones, instead of in a wife's proper first name; and object when banks will not give home finance loans to single women. They advocate the removal from schools and libraries of books which show women only as brides, housewives, mothers, stewardesses or secretaries. They write children's books which avoid sex-role stereotyping, have introduced courses about women in schools and colleges, and have urged that more research be done in women's studies.

Many people view the contemporary feminist movement as a revival and continuation of 19th-century U.S. feminism.

Certainly participants in both movements have worked for female equality; but the two movements differ significantly in the basic argument on which they have based their demands for equality.

Most 19th-century American feminists were firmly convinced that, as women, their biological inheritance included many distinctly "feminine" characteristics and that a woman's natural instincts suited her primarily for homemaking and child care.

However, they argued that these differences by no means justified the unfair treatment afforded them by society. It was, they felt, their human right to be freed from such restraints as those which gave a husband rights over his wife's earnings and allowed women only minimal opportunities for education aq.d denied them the right to vote.

In contrast, today's feminists argue that far too much has been made of the biological differences between men and women.

For them, cultural influences account for a major part of the observed differences in

men's and women's behavior, while biology plays only a minor role. Thus they argue that a vast inequitable system has been built upon the assumption that biological differences are basic and major.

More than their 19th-century predecessors, today's feminists examine and protest the degree to which social institutions, supported by cultural values and expectations, channel women into an unreasonably narrow role. They point out that women are expected to commit themselves primarily, if not exclusively, to being wives and mothers, and that social expectations give them very little latitude even in the ways t)ley can interpret their wifely and motherly responsibilities. The great majority of n~w feminists object not to marriage and motherhood, but to the restraints inherent in these roles. They argue that in a truly equal society women would be in a position comparable to men who can combine occupational and other roles with those of husband and father.

The new feminists believe that consciously or unconsciously almost everyone cooperates in this "oppressive" socialization or "conditioning." Parents, teachers, toy manufacturers and writers of children's books encourage girls to be "feminine."

Girl babies are "pretty," boys are "sturdy." As they grow older, girls are kept home near mother, who teaches them to be passive, disciplined and obedient. Boys, on the other hand, are allowed greater freedom; they roam the neighborhood, climb "dangerous" trees, get soaked in rainstorms and are scolded-but also admired -for their adventurous spirit. Even if parents encourage a girl to be adventurous, other adults discourage the idea.

Feminists charge that as a girl goes through school and college, parents and counselors discourage her from embarking on a career because, after all, they expect her to marry, and they feel it is far more realistic to acquire a good general education and some secretarial training. With such experience she then can move in and out of the labor force (albeit at a low level) whenever her family situation so demands.

Even the adult woman constantly is reminded of her secondary role. In mixed organizations-churches, recreational clubs, community associations, politica~ partiesshe performs essentially the same services she does at home. At work, her typical job as secretary, waitress, nurse or teacher involves helping others (frequently men) and often she works under men's supervision.

Socialization has such a pernicious effect, say most feminists, that American women are forced to suppress the greater part of their human potential.

"Poor kid ... his mother's lib'rated an' his father's a lousy cook!"

A woman caught within these social attitudes finds herself in a vicious cycle: By trying harder to attain the stereotyped ideal, she becomes more passive and subordinate, more preoccupied with physical appearance and less with ideas. She becomes less and less sure of herself and more willing to believe that meJl are superior beings.

The new feminists have pointed out that, over the past 30 or 40 years, not only the mass media, but scholarly discussions regarding the nature of women and of society in general have helped to sustain an unreasonably narrow concept of the feminine role. Recently, however, the assertion that women possess an inherent and profoundly different psychological make-up from men has generated vigorous protest.

Another aspect of this argument-that the American social structure has restrained or "oppressed" women-concerns the way the work force is organized. It is 'hard for anyone, man or woman, to begin or retrain for a career at the age of30 or more.

Stimulating part-time work th~t could lead to other jobs is almost unobtainable.

Very¡ few companies have introduced flexible hours to accommodate the needs of mothers.

When feminists claim that American women are oppressed, they are referring to the practical, social and psychological restraints placed upon women who want to step outside their stereotyped role. They believe that prejudice, discrimination and "male chauvinists" (with their belief that men are naturally superior) contribute significantly to this oppression; but they also assert that everyone contributes indirectly to the oppression through acceptance of

'The great majority of new feminists object not to marriage and motherhood, but to the restraints , inherent in these roles.'

industrial, educational, religious, 'Political uals within the Women's Liberation and and other organizations that operate on the Women's Rights segments of the the assumption that woman's place is in movement.

Prior to 1971,the contribution of Womthe home or in service positions within en's Liberation to the over-all movement such organizations.

Obviously, the new feminists overgen- was primarily through the development of eralize. They recognize that many house- feminist ideology and of public awareness. wives do not center their lives exclusively Small consciousness-raising groups (whose in the home, and that many women have members share mutual experiences, proremained independent and assertive peo- vide each other with social support and ple. But the force of the feminists' argu- develop and stimulate ideas about the ment is that the traditional feminine role movement) were formed throughout the represents a confining standard against United States to encourage independent thinking and, as they proliferated, they which all women's behavior is measured.

In searching for some resolution to these spread the new feminist concepts. Many difficulties, the feminists endorse the tradj- published position papers, newspapers and ti<?nal American faith in progress and in magazines. Ideas were discussed, evaluated the belief that experimentation wiII lead to and enlarged upon at local and national a better way of life. They argue that only conferences.

The U.S. Women's Rights groups, on when we have found out what the unfettered woman can do can we discover what, if the other hand, have paid far less attention any, characteristics are truly "womanly" to theory and far more to practice. The as opposed to simply "human." two oldest groups, the National OrganizaMany participants in the movement be- tion for Women (NOW) and the Women's lieve that if wom- Equity Action League (WEAL), founded en achieve great- in 1966 and 1968 respectively, espoused an er freedom in ideology that was relatively conservative. life styles, other Although they have since adopted more changes must fol- radical ideas, all Women's Rights groups low. Most impor- . have retained their emphasis on producing tant, the tradi- change rather than theory. NOW and tional male role WEAL, together with the National Womwill be modified en's Political Caucus (NWPC) founded as women move in 1971, remain the largest and most iminto the working portant of the several dozen U.S. Women's world and as men Rights organizations.

The characterization of Women's Rights assume duties inside the home. groups as "reformist" and Women's LiSuch changes may beration groups as "revolutionary" reflects have beneficial ef- the dramatic difference apparent in their fects upon both men and women: A man early years. Since 1970, however, both can assume responsibility for his children groups have attracted members from a without feeling emasculated, a couple may broad range of ideological positions, and decide that both would be happier if the the contrasts between them have blurred.

A leading vehicle for the spreading of husband stayed home while the wife \yorked, and men can abandon the impossibly feminist philosophy of both Women's demanding ideals of "masculinity." Men Rights and Women's Liberation is the new need not constantly "prove" their superi- magazine Ms., which was started in 1972. ority or defend their "fragile male egos." Its name comes from the newly adopted In particular, they will be free to adopt appellation which, unlike the titles "Miss" more so-called feminine traits, while wom- or "Mrs.," does not identify a woman acen can take on so-called masculine ones. cording to marital status, just as the title The qualities most feminists would like to "Mr." does not for a man. Started by one see both men and women adopt combine of the leading new feminists in the United parts of the male and female role stereo- States, Gloria Steinem, Ms. magazine has types. All people should be sufficiently self- a circulation of over 400,000 in the United assured to reach out to others; they should States and 17 foreign countries, and in its be self-motivated, adventurous, compe- contents it deals with all phases of the â&#x20AC;˘. tent; and above all, they should be free to feminist movement in a lively way. realize their individual potential.

Beginning in 1970, the new feminist ideology became a serious matter of con* * * * * The basic ideas of the new feminism cern in th~ country at large. Much of what h"ve been developed in a variety of ways feminists proclaimed was accepted by both by different groups and different individ- men and women. The women's movement \

I

"I want you to know, gentlemen, that at this moment I feel I have realized my full potential as a woman."

even galvanized many traditional groups into action. The American Association of University Women stated in 1970: "We believe ... woman is about to flex her muscles, stand tall and seek nothing short of full equality of the sexes." That same year, the American Home Economics Association demanded an end to sex discrimination in education, business, industry and government.

Women members of professional and union organizations also have joined the fight against subtle and overt forms of sex discrimination. Between 1969 and 1973, about 25 national societies in such fields as microbiology, political science, mathematics, library science, psychology, sociology and physics set up women's caucuses or their equivalent to conduct surveys, hold panel discussions and introduce motions i,n favor of equal opportunity. In 1974, union women organized the Coalition of Labor Union Women to represent their interests.

Organizations with broad, liberal goals recently have adopted feminist positions often without direct pressure from feminist groups. The American Civil Liberties Union made women's rights it~ top priority program for 1972. ~ommon Cause,. a nationwide citizens' lobby organization, announced in 1971 its commitment to women's rights, including support for the Equal Rights Amendment to the Constitution.

The political establishment also has responded to a feminist climate of opinion.

In the summer of 1972, the Republican and Democratic parties made serious attempts to increase the proportion of women delegates at the national Presidential conventions. The Federal Government specifically encouraged -women to apply for the prestigious government training grants, the White House Fellowships. The Navy reversed a long-standing tradition by assigning female personnel to duty on

warships.

In the business world, some firms have begun to re-evaluate their use of womanpower. Responding to newly confirmed legal precedents, some have liberalized their maternity leave systems and a few have guaranteed women the right to return to their jobs after childbirth. Some have established child-care facilities. Others are encouraging (or at least permitting) women to move into managemen't posts.

Newspapers and periodicals arc continually listing women's "firsts"'-a police captain in New York City, a Supreme Court justice in New Mexico, a jockey, a president of the National Council of Churches, a rabbi and aU .S. Army general.

Equally common are feature stories on women who hold such traditionally male jobs as field engineer, truck driver, executive, zoo keeper, minister, and air conditioning and refrigeration engineer.

Many liberals outside the feminist movement responded to the demands for women's equality with guilt-triggered alacrity much as they had to demands for black equality. In this respect, the feminist movement was carried along on the coattails of the civil rights movement: People who, a few (or even many) years before, had recognized the inconsistency between the American ideal of equality and the social treatment of blacks now recognized a similar inconsistency in the treatment of women.

Since the first Women's Liberation and the modern Women's Rights groups were founded in 1966, new feminist ideas have been accepted in one form or another by a large number of people. However, because these ideas have spread through the society in a relatively conservative form, many people wiII espouse them while stilI rejecting their immediate source-the new feminist groups. Even antifeminists wiII assert that they believe in equal pay for equal

work and they oppose comic strips and television variety programs whose jokes are made at women's expense. Or they believe that women should be free to take any jobs for which they are qualified.

Again and again, in private or in public, a person will make a long series of statements squarely in line with new feminist ideology, ending with, "But of course I'm not one of those women's libbers." Such people rarely have any accurate perception of the goals of Women's Liberation or Women's Rights groups. "Women's lib," like sin, is bad by definition.

Very few avowed antifeminists have actually organized any opposition to the new movement. One organized group is Stop E.R.A., whose principal objective is to prevent ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

There are 10,000 people reported to be -,members of a group called Happiness of Womanhood (HOW), whose principal objective is to emphasize expressions of womanhood and the art of femininity. The organized antifeminists seem to be primarily middle- and lower-middle-class housewives and mothers between the ages of 30 and 40.

Underlying the antifeminists' attacks on the women's movement, however, is a distinct ambivalence toward the traditional role. HOW asks its League of Housewives to promise "ne,ver again to say, 'I am JUST a housewife,' and to do all I can, within my power, to dispel the idea that HOUSEWIVES are frumpy."

Antifeminists use rationale very similar to that of the feminists as the ultimate justification for their position. They too believe in self-realization and the return to greater humanity in everyday life. The similarities go further: They object to the imposition of society on their personal freedom and urge the cultivation of greater individual responsibility. The means whereby these goals are to be achieved-traditional womanhood or new feminism-are, however, very different.

* * * * *

Most new feminists recognize that the female role cannot be changed in isolation; change also must be introduced in the interdependent male role, in social institutions and in society as a whole. Yet even About the Author: Maren Lockwood Carden is a lecturer in American studies at Yale University; she specializes in research on U.S. social reform movements and the sociology of sex roles. Her book, The New Feminist Movement, has been described as "the definitive study" of the women's movement in America.

members of Women's Liberation have lost most of their early optimism and have reached the conclusion that such large-scale change is very hard to produce. Instead, members believe that for the immediate future tangible improvements will be primarily in the area of women's rights, rather than in society's definition of the woman's role. Such concrete accomplishments enable women to join the "masculine world" -primarily the world of work. There, however, they are caught in a dilemma. By to broaden their accepting opportunities roles, they are trading off despised parts of the traditional feminine role for admired parts of the traditional masculine role. Yet, at the same time, they fear that they may, in fact, also submerge admirable parts of their traditional role and adopt what they consider to be unacceptable parts of the male role.

Aware of these issues, members of Women's Liberation and Women's Rights groups are very sensitive to any suggestion that they wish, simply, to join the male world. Privately, they have always supported a woman's right to be a nonachiever, including being solely a housewife.

They declare, "You don't have to have a career to be a 'liberated woman,''' but they complain that, for decades, society accorded the homemaker role no real esteem.

The need to legitimize the pursuit of human values has been expressed by writers since the industrial revolution when they asked how modern technological society could provide satisfactorily for human needs. Not only have the new feminists recognized this problem, they have actively sought solutions. If the Women's Rights and Women's Liberation groups decide to work primarily for equal rights, then the groups themselves, not just their more conservative ideas, probably will be co-opted by the society at large. Many members

have argued that achievement of equal rights itself will stimulate desirable socia) change. The argument has appeal. However, it lacks any consideration of the mechanics whereby this change will occur.

Other feminists have argued that women can only achieve true equality if legal and legislative change is accompanied by social structural change. For example, a further increase of women in the work force could influence changes in the U.S. economy; if child-care facilities were created by private, government and business groups, children's adjustments to society would be made differently; if more husbands and wives were both employed, public and private housing projects might provide communal restaurants, just as today they provide common laundry facilities and swimming pools. Thus, it is argued, if women do attain equal rights, social structural changes will, necessarily, follow.

In contrast to the pragmatic approach of those who narrow their goals to specifically feminist areas are the heady ideals of the humanist feminists who seek a general improvement in the quality of everyone's life. If their ideas predominate in the new feminist movement, its future will be far more venturesome and far less predictable. And as members recognize, many Women's Rights and most Women's Liberation groups have the organizational and ideological flexibility to pursue the general humanist goal. But to do so involves enormous problems deciding on and pursuing specific objectives. The more radical feminist groups currently are committed to this path. Perhaps their hopes of causing a revolution in human values and so creating a better society for women and men are utopian; even so, many members prefer to seek such a utopia rather than to resign themselves to being watchdogs in the payroll office and the employment center.

0

u.s. COMMITTED

TO WOMEN'S GOALS

At the recent International Women's Year Conference in Mexico City) the head of the U.S. delegation, Mrs. Patricia Hutar) delivered an address outlining the official U.S. Government views on the goals of the conference. Excerpts from Mrs. Hutar) s address follow: I would like to begin by bringing you the personal greetings from the First Lady of the United States, Betty Ford: " ... I wish you to know that the people and Government of the United States are firmly committed to the goals of this conference and to the work that must follow it if those goals are to be reached.

"The high purpose of International Women's Year-to promote the equality of women-truly enhances the equality of us all. As my husband said on the occa¡ sion of announcing our own national commission for the observance of Inter¡ national Women's Year, the search to secure rights for women frees both sexes from restrictive stereotypes. Liberation of the spirit opens new possibilities for the future of all individuals and of all nations ....

"I know that the leaders of the United States delegation will work unceasingly with you in a spirit of cooperation to make the conference on International Women's Year a landmark in the history of women's affairs and of humanity'S search for peace and understanding."

The representative of the United States of America comes to this conference with a deep sense of empathy and solidarity with women in all parts of the world. We desire to work together on the main concerns that are common to us all.

Discrimination based on sex is the most widely known kind of discrimination. It is found in all developed and developing societies, either openly or covertly, and is manifested in diverse forms.

The time is long overdue to eliminate discrimination based on sex. No rhetoric, however attractive it may be, should postpone the achievement of equal rights and responsibilities for women ....

We in the United States expect to learn much from the accomplishments of our sisters around the world. In exchange, weâ&#x20AC;˘. offer to share with you the substantial progress made in the United States to further women's rights and responsibilities.

Much has been done, but there is much more that needs to be done to overcome

the limitations and discriminatory practices of the past, reinforced by centuries of laws, traditions and customs. We in the United States are proud of the legislation and government action that has been taken in the past several years to prohibit employment discrimination based on sex.

Such legislation provides for equal pay for work of equal value, nondiscrimination in hiring, discharging and in compensation ....

These antidiscrimination laws and other social changes have come about in our country through the joint efforts of voluntary organizations and the government. Traditionally, the Government of the United States does not plan social change in the sense that some other governments do; it responds to the demands for reform made by citizens and/or voluntary associations and works with them in charting the mechanisms of social change ....

International Women's Year has chosen, as two of its basic goals, equality for women, and their integration in development. These goals are inextricably interrelated. Each is indispensable to the other.

Equality without development means shared misery and frustration. Development without equality may mean a worsened situation for many women, both those who are homemakers and those who are in the labor force. Similarly, achieving one of the goals helps achieve the other. Development creates new situations and changes that make it possible for women to win a new and more equal status. And the full, equal participation of women in the development process can make the difference between success and failure of development itself ....

Women cannot wait, with arms folded, for men to achieve a new order before women can achieve equality. On the contrary, women must continue their worK to achieve a truly equal partnership ....

Women have a strong sense of social responsibility and are searching for opportunities to share their vision of a new society free of hunger and poverty. We must have, though, the understanding and commitment of men to reach the goal of equality. We have heard pledges of such commitment already in this conference in our opening session.

We welcome this pledge of partnership.

The third goal of International Women's Year is to strengthen the role of women in establishing world peace. To achieve it, women must mobilize their potential political power to assure that governments actively pursue the goal of disarmament. ...

In order to escalate the process of they are born, wo~en's role in society has equality for women and for integration in . been dictated by culture and tradition. development, we must devise strategies to This affects the way their role is perceived by men, by society, and by themselves. change attitudes and behavior that have resulted from cultural conditioning. We We must examine and reassess old cannot accomplish this by institutional myths that society holds about the capachange alone. Escalating strategies directcities, potential, and life styles of girls ed at attitudinal change involves not only and women. Self-images for women are the way men see women but also how beginning to change, but the inaccurate women see themselves. and destructive sexist image projected Women are learning that to compete is must be rooted out. all right, for they are looking at themWe must make changes in the porselves in a new light. They are learning trayal of women in program content and commercials in mass media-radio, telethat women must build support systems within existing structures-whether busivision, newspapers. Educational materials ness, government, political, academic, or in the schools-textbooks, visual aids, curricula-all need to be re-examined agriculture. Women must develop support systems to change the degrading sex- and changed to reflect the changing role of women and men in the society and role stereotyping and images of women to eliminate sex-role stereotyping .... in the mass media which perpetuate false depictions of women.

Finally, this conference should serve as a stimulus to men as well as to women A myth prevails that women are not competitive-that they seem to lack mothroughout the world. We hope that tivation to progress and to participate in from this conference men will gain a vision of a more just society in which an all phases of society. by However, we must keep in mind why equality for women and participation them will mean a more varied and equitthis is perceived to be the case. We must able sharing, to the benefit of men as well remember the impact that conditioning has had on women. From the moment as women. . . .

0 Mrs. Gerald Ford congratulates her husband after the President signed an executive order creating a commission for observance of International Women's Year 1975 in the United States.

As Mrs. Ford shook her husband's hand, she laughingly said: "You've come a long way,"

A PUBLISHER FIGHTS ·SEXISM' Mo t of our readers have heard the new word 'sexism' but how many of them know what it means?

It doesn't mean what you think.

Too new to be found in most dictionaries, the word «sexism" was born of the women's movement in America. It was coined by analogy to the word racism, which Webster's Dictionary defines as «a belief that race is the primary determinant of human traits and capacities and that racial differences produce an inherent superiority of a particular race." In its original sense, sexism referred to prejudice against the female sex. In a broader sense, the term now indicates any arbitrary stereotyping of males or females on the basis of gender.

Psychologists have shown that both racist and sexist attitudes are inculcated in people early in childhood through the language and illustrations of children's textbooks-and then perpetuated throughout a person's life by language used in adult books as well. One of the major American achievements of the 1960s was the eradication of racism-subtle and otherwise-from all school textbooks. Before the 1960s, illustrations

in children's primers showed «important people" such as legislators, scientists, schoolteachers, etc., depicted only by whites; in today's primers blacks as well as whites are shown in these roles.

Impressed by the success of the racism eradication program, the women's movement has adopted as one of its goals the eradication of sexismfrom books. To this end, one of the largest publishing houses in the U.S., McGraw-Hill Book Company, has issued a brochure called Guidelines for Equal Treatment of the Sexes for use by its authors and editors. This guidebook represents one of the first serious and organized attempts to eliminate discriminatory and stereotyped attitudes toward women (and men) that are built into the fabric of the English language by common usage.

Below are excerpts from the guidebook, which we hope will explain sexism better than anyone-sentence definition.

We are endeavoring through these guidetfnes to eliminate sexist assumptions from McGraw-Hill Book Company publications and to encourage a greater freedom for all individuals to pursue their interests and realize their potentials. Specifically, these guidelines are designed to make McGraw-Hili staff members and McGraw-Hj]] authors aware of the ways in which males and females have been stereotyped in publications; to show the role language has played in reinforcing inequality; and to indicate positive approaches toward providing fair, accurate, and balanced treatment of both sexes in our publications.

and trades as doctors and dentists, not always as nurses; as principals and professors, not always as teachers; as lawyers and judges, not always as social workers; as bank presidents, not always as tellers.

Similarly, men should not be shown as constantly subject to the "masculine mystique" in their interests, attitudes, or careers.

They should not be made to feel that their self-worth depends upon their income or the status of their jobs. They should not be conditioned to believe that a man ought to earn more than a woman or that he ought to be the sole support of a family.

An attempt should be made to break job stereotypes for both women and men. No job should be considered sex-typed, and it should never be implied that certain jobs are incompatible with a woman's "femininity" or a man's "masculinity." Thus, women as well as men should be shown as accountants, engineers, pilots, plumbers, bridge builders, TV repairers, and astronauts, while men as well as women should be shown as nurses, grade school teachers, secretaries, librarians, and baby sitters.

Women with a profession should be shown at all professional levels, including the top levels. Women should be portrayed in positions of authority over men and over other women, and there should be no implication that a man loses face or that a woman faces difficulty if the employer or supervisor is a woman.

All work should be treated as honorable and worthy of respect, no job or job choices should be downgraded. Instead, women and men should be offered more options than were available to them when work was stereotyped by sex.

* * * * * Women as well as men have been leaders and heroes, explorers and pioneers, and have made notable contributions to science, medicine, law, business, politics, civics, economics, literature, the arts, sports, and other areas of endeavor. Books dealing with subjects like these, as well as general histories, should acknowledge the achievements of women. The fact that women's rights, opportunities, and accomplishments have been limited by the social customs and conditions of their time should be openly discussed whenever relevant to the topic at hand.

We realize that the language ofliterature cannot be prescribed.

The recommendations in these guidelines, thus, are intended primarily for use in teaching materials, reference works, and nonfiction works in general.

* * * * * Men and women should be treated primarily as people, and not primarily as members of opposite sexes. Their shared humanity and common attributes should. be stressed-not their gender difference. Neither sex should be stereotyped or arbitrarily assigned to a leading or secondary role.

Though many women will continue to choose traditional occupations such as homemaker or secretary, women should not be typecast in these roles but shown in a wide variety of professions

* * * * * Both men and women should be shown engaged in home' maintenance activities, ranging from cooking and housecleaning to washing the car and making household repairs. Sometimes the man should be shown preparing the meals, or diapering the baby, while the woman builds bookcases or takes out the trash.

Sometimes men should be shown as quiet and passive, or fearful and indecisive, or illogical and immature. Similarly, women should sometimes be shown as tough, aggressive, and insensitive.

Stereotypes of the logical, objective male and the emotional, subjective female are to be avoided. In descriptions, the smarter, braver, or more successful person should be a woman or girl as often as a man or boy. In illustrations, the taller, stronger person should not always be male, especially when children are portrayed.

Women and men should be treated with the same respect, dignity, and seriousness. Neither should be trivialized or stereQtyped, either in text or in illustrations. Women should not be described by physical attributes when men are being described by mental attributes or professional position. Instead, both sexes should be dealt with in the same terms. References to a man's or a woman's appearance, charm, or intuition should be avoided when irrelevant.

NO: Henry Harris is a shrewd lawyer and his wife Ann is a striking brunette.

YES: The Harrises are an attractive couple. Henry is a handsome blond and Ann is a striking brunette.

OR The Harrises are highly respected in their fields. Ann is an accomplished musician and Henry is a shrewd lawyer.

OR The Harrises are an interesting couple. Henry is a shrewd lawyer and Ann is very active in community (or church or civic) affairs.

Girls should be shown as having, and exercising, the same options as boys in their play and career choices. In school materials, girls should be encouraged to show an interest in mathematics, mechanical skills, and active sports, for example, while boys should never be made to feel ashamed of an interest in poetry, art, or music, or an aptitude for cooking, sewing, or child care.

Course materials should be addressed to students of both sexes. For example, home economics courses should apply to boys as well as girls, and carpentry classes to girls as well as boys. Both should be shown in illustrations depicting career choices.

* * * * *

Women and girls should be portrayed as active participants in the same proportion as men and boys in stories, examples, problems, illustrations, discussion questions, test items, and exercises, , regardless of subject matter. Women should not be stereotyped in examples by being spoken of only in connection with cooking, sewing, shopping, and similar activities.

* * * * *

Members of both sexes should be represented as whole human beings with human strengths and weaknesses, not masculine or feminine ones. Women and girls should be shown as having the same abilities, interests, and ambitions as men and boys. Characteristics that have been traditionally praised in males-such as boldness, initiative, and assertiveness-should also be praised in females. Characteristics praised in females-such as gentleness, compassion, and sensitivity-should also be praised in males.

Like men and boys, women and girls should be portrayed as independent, active, strong, courageous, competent, decisive. persistent, serious-minded, and successful. They should appear as logical thinkers, problem solvers, and decisionmakers. They should be shown as interested in their work, pursuing a variety of career goals, and both deserving of and receiving public recognition for their accomplishments.

In descriptions of women, a patronizing or girl-watching tone should be avoided, as should sexual innuendoes, jokes, and puns.

Examples of practices to be avoided: focusing on physical appearance (a buxom blonde); using special female-gender word forms (poetess, aviatrix, usherette); treating women as sex objects or portraying the typical woman as weak, helpless, or hysterical; making women figures off un or objects of scorn and treating their issues as humorous or unimportant.

* * * * *

J n descriptions of men, especially men in the home, references to general ineptness should be avoided. Men should not be characterized as dependent on women for meals, or clumsy in household maintenance, or as foolish in self-care.

To be avoided: characterizations that stress men's dependence on women for advice on what to wear and what to eat, inability of men to care for themselves in times of illness, and men as objects of fun (the henpecked husband).

Women should be treated as part of the rule, not as the exception. Generic terms, such as doctor and nurse, should be assumed to include both men and women, and modified titles such as "woman doctor" or "male nurse," should be avoided. Work should never be stereotyped as "woman's work" or as "a man-sized job." Writers should avoid showing a "gee-whiz" attitude toward women who perform competently. ("Though a woman, she ran the business as well as any man.")

Women should be spoken of as participants in the action, not as possessions of the men. Terms such as pioneer and settler should not be used as though they applied only to adult males.

NO: Pioneers moved West, taking their wives and children with them.

YES: Pioneer families moved West.

OR Pioneer men and women (or pioneer couples) moved West, taking their children with them.

Women should be recognized for their own achievements. Intelligent, daring, and innovative women, both in history and in fiction, should be provided as role models for girls, and leaders in the fight for women's rights should be honored and respected, not mocked or ignored.

0

Recently 'Time' picked 200 young Americans who, the magazine thought, had the vision and potential to provide the country with leadership in various fields in years to come. Among them were 19 women whose pictures and profiles appear on these pages.

ON THE WAY

UP

In the past several years, a mood of pessimism about the state of the world and the lack of inspiring leadership seems to have become almost globally fashionable. But, said Time magazine recently in a special analysis of leadership in the United States and the world today, "there seems to be something naggingly excessive about such gloom, out of proportion with the great amount of skill, intelligence and energy that exists in America and elsewhere."

In Time's view, "leadership usually begins with a vision of success, a glimmering intuition that solutions are possible," and to back up its judgment the magazine went looking for andfound ÂŤ200 Facesfor the Future"-young American men and women who Time thought had the vision and potential to give the United States inspiring leadership in many fields in years to come.

Although Time's editors admitted disappointment that only 19 of those chosen were women-less than 10 per cent in a population 51 per cent female-they added: "Were a list to be compiled in 1980, say, their numbers would surely be greater."

Karen DeCrow, one of the 19 women and president of the National Organization for Women, wrote to Time: "As one of them, I see the focus for my leadership becoming clearer than ever. Five years ago, no leader of a women's liberation group would have been on your list. Five years from now we plan to be 100 out of 200."

Admitting that their list was fallible, "a sampling to suggest the great diversity of the country's abilities:' Time also explained that an arbitrary age limit of 45 years was used in their selection, and that the touchstone criterion was civic or social impact. Thus novelists, actors and artists, even with wide appeal, were generally excluded as being "basically soloists." Included were politicians and government officials, business people, educators, lawyers, scientists and journalists.

ewell, 45, president of Wellesley CoIlege, is bucking the trend among women's colleges to go coeducational. NeweIl, who took the helm of the Massachusetts school in 1972, is in a good position to judge, since her own background includes a B.A. degree from Vassar CoIlege, which was an all-wornen's institution when she attended, and M.S. and Ph.D. degrees in economics from the coeducational University of Wisconsin. In 20 years of teaching economics, she rarely found more than a dozen women in her graduate and undergraduate classes. Her conclusion: "Coeducation has increased, rather than lessened, male domination of American higher education."

Barbara

Gloria Steinem, 39. "The main ac-

complishment is a change of consciousness and the way of looking at the world," says women's lib leader Gloria Steinem. "But the change in view has yet to take economic and structural forms."

During three years of tireless lecturing about the women's movement, Steinem has done much to change viewpoints, and now she is retiring from the talk circuit to concentrate on writing.

She serves on the advisory board of the National Organization for Women and is a cofounder and co-editor of the highly successful Ms. magazine (circulation over 400,000).

Barbara C. Jordan, 39, began in politics stamping envelopes for the Kennedy campaign in 1960, and six years later won election to the Texas state senate. After sponsoring Texas' first minimumwage bill, she ran for Congress and in 1972became the first black woman ever sent to the U.S. House of Representatives from the old, proslavery Civil War confederation of southern states. In November 1974, Jordan won reeiection with some 85 per cent of the vote. "I didn't get here by being black or a woman," she says.

"I got here by working hard." A Boston University-trained lawyer, Jordan now serves on the House Judiciary Committee.

Barbara Walters, 44. "I didn't have a blazing talent, marvelous beauty or great ease," admits the ubiquitous TV broadcaster.

"I got where I am by hard work and perseverance." Cohost since April 1974of "Today," a national TV daytime news-and-interview Nancy Teeters, 44, is one of Wash- show whose daily audience is ington's most knowledgeable estimated at 10 million, she also people on the federal budget. As conducts her own daily half-hour a member of the Library of Con- show, "Not for Women Only." gress's reference service, she passes This show has broken new ground that expertise on to hundreds of for TV by exploring such controCongressmen and other policy- versial topics as male sexual dysmakers. She studied at Oberlin function and police-community College and the University of relations, and has also probed inMichigan, came to the U.S. capital to the changing social and econoin 1957 as a Federal Reserve mic roles of women. Boston-born, Board economist, later worked Walters graduated from Sarah with the Council of Economic Lawrence College in 1951. From Advisers during President John a series of secretarial and writing F. Kennedy's administration. For jobs she went to "Today" as a three years, she helped produce writer in 1961. Using her talent as the Brookings Institution's series a provocative well-informed interSetting National Priorities-in- viewer, she has become TV's first fluential analysis of the federal lady of talk. budget.

Joan Ganz Cooney, 45, revolutionized children's TV in 1969,when she began producing "Sesame Street" for the Public Broadcasting Service. A former NBC publicity director, she now presides over the nonprofit Children's Television Workshop, Inc., which produces 130 segments of "Sesame Street" and 130of "Electric Company" each year [see February 1975 SPAN, "Schoolroom With Twelve Million Children"]. Elegant and outspoken, she has served on the President's Commission on Drug Abuse and was recently appointed to the media-monitoring National News Council. In 1973-74, she formed two subsidiaries to produce shows for commercial TV and ease "Sesame Street's" reliance on government and foundation funds.

YvonneBrathwaite Burke, 42, had been an attorney for 10 years when, in 1966, she became the first black woman ever elected to the California state assembly.

After three terms, plus television exposure as vice chairman of the 1972Democratic Convention, she captured a Congressional district in Los Angeles, becoming the first woman to represent California in Congress in 20 years. An articulate advocate of consumer and environmental protection, women's and minority rights, she was re-elected in 1974 and will probably take a prominent role in the 1976 Presidential Democratic Convention.

Karen DeCrow (left), 37. "Gender should not be an important aspect of how one functions in society," says the president of the National Organization for Women (NOW), the largest and most influential group in the U.S. women's liberation movement. Protesting unfair wage practices toward women, she joined NOW in 1967, won a degree from Syracuse University's law school five years later. She is the author of The Young Woman's Guide to Liberation and Sexist Justice, published in 1974.

Patricia Schroeder (right), 34. "If businesses were run the same way Congress is, the country would be shut down," says Colorado's U.S. Representative. A Democrat, she is the first woman to be sent to Congress from her state. A former law instructor and attorney for the National Labor Relations Board, Schroeder is a Portland, Oregon, native.

She graduated with honors in three years from the University of Minnesota and earned a Harvard doctorate.

Elizabeth Holtzman, 34, challenged Democrat Emanuel Celler in 1972 for the U.S. House of Representatives seat that he had held for 50 years, and her vigorous campaign convinced Brooklyn's 16th District that it was indeed time for a change. As a House freshman, she brought suit against the U.S. Defense Department and the Air Force to stop the bombing in Cambodia but lost in the Supreme Court. A graduate of Radcliffe College and Harvard Law School, Holtzman spent summers working on civil rights cases in Georgia and served a three-year stint as an assistant to former New York Mayor John Lindsay. Now in her second term in the House, she is a member of the House Judiciary Committee.

Marina Whitman, 40. "I was going to get an M.A. in journalism and one in economics," she recalls, but she chose economics and went on to become celebrated in 1972 as the first woman member of the President's Council of Economic Advisers. The daughter of computer pioneer John von Newmann, Whitman graduated summa cum laude from Radcliffe College and won a Ph.D. degree in economics from Columbia University. A feminist, she got a chapter on women's economic status into the 1972Economic Report of the President. An authority on international trade, she returned to teaching in 1973 at the University of Pittsburgh.

Rita E. Hauser, 40. "Some day there will be a woman on the Supreme Court," predicts Hauser, who was among those mentioned for a seat when Justice John Marshall Harlan retired in 1971. A Republican who has campaigned for both Richard Nixon and Nelson Rockefeller, she was U.S. representative on the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations, 1969-72. A founder of the First Women's Bank & Trust Co. of New York, she now heads the international practice of a Wall Street law firm. Hauser holds degrees from four universities; she earned a Ph.D. degree from the University ofStrasbourg at 21 and a New York University law degree at 24. (See interview with Mrs. Hauser on page 3.)

Eleanor Holmes Norton (left), 38, a black graduate of Antioch College and Yale Law School, enter- Billie Jean King (below), 31. One ed a New York courtroom in 1968 of the world's leading sports to defend Alabama's segregation- personalities, King has won six ist Governor George Wallace's Wimbledon championships. For right to address a political rally in the past three years she has earnthe city. Her skill in winning the ed more than $100,000 annually; case against former city Mayor largely because of her audience John Lindsay's administration so appeal, the once measly purses on impressed the mayor that two the women's tennis tour are now years later he hired her as chair- nearly on a par with those paid to man of the city's Commission on men. In 1973, feminist supporters Human Rights. With her grow- everywhere applauded as she ran ing popularity among New York Bobby Riggs, the male supremaCity's Democrats, she could em- cist, off the court. In 1974, King erge as a candidate for a major and her husband cofounded a state office. new magazine, womenSports.

Rhoda H. Karpatkin (below), 45.

The consumer movement flowered only in the past decade, but Consumers Union has been advising buyers for 38 years. For 16 of those years Mrs. Karpatkin, a Yale law graduate, served as the organization's counsel. Appointed executive director in 1974, she left her Manhattan law firm to take over a 330-member staff, product-testing laboratories in New York, a Connecticut autotest center, a Washington, D.C., advocacy law office and the monthly magazine, Consumer Reports (circulation 2.2 million).

~1',

Elizabeth Hanford, 38. The days of caveat emptor are past if Hanford, one of five members of the Federal Trade Commission and an experienced consumer advocate, has anything to say about it. An honor's graduate' from Duke University, she took a law degree at Harvard in 1965. She was a legislative aide to President Lyndon Johnson's consumer adviser Betty Furness, became deputy director of President Richard Nixon's Office of Consumer Affairs under Virginia Knauer.

Doris H. Kearns (above), 32. As a White House Fellow in 1967, she danced with President Johnson five days before publication of her New Republic article, "How to Remove L.B.J. in 1968," Johnson might have dumped Kearns.

Instead, he asked this Harvard government professor to edit his memoirs. She did, and also wrote a psychohistory of Johnson subtitled "The Tyranny of Benevolence." A graduate of Colby College with a Ph.D. degree from Harvard, Kearns has her eye on a policymaking position in a future Democratic administration.

Marian Wright Edelman (above), 36. A graduate of Yale Law School, Marian Wright became the first black woman admitted to the bar in Mississippi. In 1968, she went to Washington, soon became chief counsel to the Poor People's Campaign, under the leadersh,ip of black civil rights advocate Ralph Abernathy. Later, as director of the Washington Research Project, a public-interest law firm, she pressed the government to enforce federal agency guidelines in desegregation cases.

She moved to Boston in 1970, is now director of the Children's Defense Fund, a broadened outgrowth of her Washington work.

Her current concern: treatment of retarded, poor and handicapped children by public schools and other institutions.

Matina Souretis Horner, 35.When this expert on feminine achievement was elevated from assistant professor of psychology at Barvard to sixth president of Radcliffe College in 1972, she became an instant role model for U.S. women. Her success has its ironic side-her doctoral research at the University o( Michigan paved the way for subsequent studies revealing that most Amer- ~ ican women fear success. Her major concern: helping women and minority groups achieve equal access to education and jobs.

Women's Year in India

TRADITION vs.

MODERNITY The modern Indian woman, symbolized by the girl at left, is like women everywhere - she lives 'in a kind of twilight zone between ideals and ways of life that appear to be contradictory.'

This is one of the major points made in the following SP AN interview with Miss Ivy Khan, National General Secretary of the YWCA of India. Miss Khan was one of two representatives of the Government of India to the United Nations Consultative Committee for International Women's Year.

QUESTION: Miss Khan, as one who is closely associated with International Women's Year (IWY), can you tel! us if India has any concrete programs, any agenda with certain definite goals for IWY? ANSWER: The International Women's Year may turn out to be just another "year," with the celebrations seldom going beyond conferences, rallies and resolutions-with the action never getting off the ground. There is danger of this happening not only in India but also in other countries unless the broader aims and larger significance ofIWY are realized and the enthusiasm generated does not stop at the end of the year. ' The IWY goals have been defined around the themes equality, development and peace, but time-bound targets must be set if we are to take both the small steps and the big striqes toward these goals. The Year demands in India, as elsewhere, extraordinary initiative, persistent and concentrated effort to help the great mass of women build a more rewarding life for themselves and a more productive life for the country. In this task men and women must work together. Inequality is too wasteful of human potential and too destructive of human hopes to be tolerated any longer. The International Women's Year, conceptually enlarged, can be "the year for the whole human race."

The IWY must not be seen as merely a global extension of the women's liberation movement, which has been primarily of, by and for upper middle-class women in the world's more affluent countries. It is a year for all women everywhere, and particularly

for the women of developing countries.

The main thrust of the Year, seen in this perspective, is not simply toward "equality"; rather, it is toward the adequate preparation of women for responsible partnership, not solely for the betterment of women but for the betterment of all people.

Women everywhere have long been an underprivileged majority, but for women of the low-income countries this fact has tragic implications. Stifled by tradition, crippled by illiteracy, tied down to manual labor and the cycle of child-bearing, women in these countries live completely outside the mainstream of civic, social and economic life, and are only marginally used in speeding up the development process. We simply cannot afford not to 'utilize this tremendous human resource.

QUESTION: Can you tell us, Miss Khan, whaT strategy has been developed in India to achieve IWY goals? After all, the Year is almost over.

ANSWER: The plan of action for the Year has been prepared by a group of women and men representing both the Government of India and voluntary organizations. The focus is on informing, educating and "consciousness raising" at all levels, but chiefly at the primary local level in rural and urban communities. The program is designed to make women understand what their rights are as guaranteed by law and the Constitution, so that when they are violated they can recog- â&#x20AC;˘. nize the acts as a violation. Preparation of simple reading material setting forth the laws affecting women is one of the tasks that have been undertaken in India.

Once the rights are known and understood, the need arises to see that they are properly implemented. For instance, in spite of the Prohibition of Dowry Act, this social evil continues because it is not a cognizable offense.

Another example is the need to amend the law relating to immoral traffic and exploitation of women so that the man who makes prostitution possible is also held liable for the offense.

I realize the difficulties of enforcement, but it is imperative to take a new look at these and other existing laws.

One specific IWY proposal is to involve young people in special programs highlighting the practical possibilities for altering attitudes about women's roles and status. Change lies in the hands of the young who are not yet shackled to traditional patterns of thinking and behavior. They are more prepared to adapt, to set in motion the wheels of change.

QUESTION: Constitutionally and legally, the Indian woman would appear to be better protected than women in most other countries. So the real revolution would need to come in social attitudes which, as everyone knows, are extremely difficult to change.

Do you have any ideas as to how such change can be effected?

ANSWER: It is true that women in India, legally, have most of the rights they could wish for. Technically, they are free to choose any form of education and training, they may aspire to any position in public life. But legal equality is one thing and equality in practice is another. The task of implementing these laws-so that they operate in everyday life rather than as just something on the statute books-is still an unfinished business.

To bring about change in social attitudes is the most urgent-and in a sense the most difficult-task, for it affects the whole range of relationships, the whole social structure. It means changing ways of thinking and behavior, uprooting deep-seated prejudices, and re-educating society.

It is often said that women are their own worst enemies since they not only accept stereotyped images but also pass them on to their children. They have lived for centuries in a culture where woman was in a state of subordination, where business was none of her business, where the working and organization of society did not concern her. Woman was valued but not esteemed.

But the scene is changing today. Women in India have achieved or are struggling to achieve new freedoms, to seek a new place in society. One can discern a new impatience with the gap between theory and practice, between laws and decrees and the cold hard facts of common experience. There is encouraging evidence of discontent among women who no longer wish to live according to precepts and rules laid down solely by men, and

mature in SOCIetIeswhere survival itself is threatened by shortages of food, jobs and basic skills. In such circumstances this kind of "tokenism" can be a gesture of appeasement but not a real contribution to the development of the country. However, women in genuine leadership roles (and their number is substantial in India compared to many counthere are signs of their insistence on being tries) can help bring about meaningful equality participants in making the rules-not only between the sexes. those affecting women but the rules of society QUESTION: Miss Khan, this brings us as a whole. Myths about women that have to a point that we know is of particular conlong been embedded in the culture, that wom- cern to you, that is, the obligation of the en themselves have helped perpetuate, are educated Indian woman to aid her less wel/being rejected. The transition from the old to educated sisters. Could you please say afew the new is not without tears, but the new is words about this? emerging and therein lies the hope for the ANSWER: Educated women in Indiawhether rich or poor, employed or unemfuture. ployed-all belong to the privileged class.

It must be admitted that often the policy governing social change is to make haste Education is a costly government investment slowly. Many reasons are advanced for this, and because of this, women who have been generally by men. It is therefore not enough granted this privilege have an obligation to that women change their ideas about them- fulfill. Illiteracy is the biggest impediment to selves; men must ~hange their attitudes about progress at every step. There are millions of women. To bring this about, men must be women unable to ascend to a level where they can see beyond the daily grind, without opliberated too!

QUESTION: Considering some of the portunities or motivation to develop their changes you have just mentioned, we assume potential. They are unskilled, unschooled and then that there is a ÂŤwomen's movement" in disadvantaged. It is these women who need India, and that this movement is conscious liberation. Who will take up this task of leadof certain goals and objectives. How do ing them out of their ignorance and apathy these objectives differ from those of the and prepare them for schooling and training United Kingdom, Canada, France or the in skills, so that they may ease their household burdens, contribute to family earnings, United States?

ANSWER': There is definitely a very con- and raise healthier children? And beyond this, scious section of Indian women, organized in there is the larger task of equipping them to groups with a long history of voluntary effort, practice on a par with men the entire range of who have worked slowly and steadily toward trades and professions, and to engage in all the goals of equality that are before us as a levels of cultural and political life.

A small but significant cadre of women nation. These groups need a new impetus, a leaders is to be found in this country in every new force to propel them at a more accelerated pace because time is of the essence now. sphere of public life-education, administraBut I think there is a fallacy in comparing the tion, the professions, the arts, and in all scientistatus of women in one country to that in fic fields.

Ifwe consider liberation as being liberation another. We have to look at the status of women in relation to the status of men in each "for" and not just liberation "from," then country, and then get to work to remove the the educated woman has a responsibility disabilities and discriminations that impede which demands action. To be able to respond, the advancement of women. Although the however, she must be a liberated person herproblems of inequality may appear alike self. In practical terms, what does her responeverywhere, the apparent resemblance can sibility involve? Among other things, it means understanding the need for organized be deceptive.

In attempting to bring about desired social group action for change; comprehending new change, one has to recognize that this battle and emerging social values; developing local for sexual equality must be fought not in initiative and leadership; forming pressure terms of abstract ideals, but in terms of the groups outside the legislature; acting as an specific needs and interests of women in speci- opinion molder who by careful lobbying will ficcountries. The real inequality that overshad- bring about suitable legislative measures. Is ows most others in a country like India is the this asking too much of a woman who has had economic one. I would say that a woman the advantage of education and other opporshould not be given a job solely for the sake tunities? I think not, for of those to whom of equal representation-just as she should much has been given, much will be required. never be denied a job simply because of her QUESTION: Are you implying that in consex. Artificially created equality may be pre- temporary India educated women tend to

'The educated woman cannot hold herself aloof from the continuing struggle for change in the status of women.'

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display less oj a sense oj responsibility than they did during the era in which India sought and achieved her independence?

ANSWER: I would say that the kind of zeal that was displayed earlier is weakening. There has to be tremendous prodding by those who feel this strongly. There seems to be a'tendency, especially on the part of educated women who could in a sense be said to have "arrived," to rest on their oars in quiet isolated backwaters instead of making their way out into the turbulent stream of contemporary life. The educated woman cannot hold herself aloof from the continuing struggle for change in the status of women.

Women who have had the privilege of education and training are the nucleus to which the country looks for volunteer leadership.

Voluntary organizations in India have an impressive record of achievement. Some have a long history of pioneering in many fields, blazing new trails, breaking fresh ground, taking risks, constantly seeking-not always successfully, but seeking nevertheless-to

provide a mechanism for social change. They have come far, but they have far to go.

Women's organizations often tend to define social responsibility too narrowly, in terms of "service to the community." Content to carry out established policies instead of helping to determine new ones, they see their proper contribution as physical activity rather than as intellectual effort. Such a definition of their obligation to society-by educated women who to a large degree provide the leadership for these organizations-is inadequate today. It may take decades to effect the necessary change completely. But the voluntary agencies have to continue to take specific steps, however small, that will serve as agents of change. Even when they don't have the answers, they must dare to ask the questions that will stir up social conscience and lead to social action.

QUESTION: Miss Khan) your call 10 social action is interesting) but it is possible that there are instances when it cannot be answered. Take the case oj the single Indian woman-unmarried) widowed or divorced.

It isJelt by some that herfreedom oJmovement is restricted when compared to that oj a single woman in the West. And there seems to be a certain social disapproval oj such a woman as not being quite completebecause she does not have a husband or children. Do you agree that this is the case and) if so) how do you think this inequity can be rectified?

ANSWER: As a single woman myself, I have not felt "incomplete" or in any sense inferior. The married status is the natural and normal way for men and women to find fulfillment, but there are other ways of leading full lives for both single women and single men. True, in traditional Indian society, disabilities are still attached to the "single" tatus of women. The goal we must work for is the acceptance by a woman of herself as a person with the desire to realize her fullest potential intellectually, emotionally and socially. She must do more than adjust to external claims and pressures; her inner integrity must allow her to choose a pattern of living that is right for her. To be a liberated person, she must liberate herself. The scientist Robert Oppenheimer once said:" 0 one sets a man free-only a free man can be et free, because he will set himself free." The same is true of the empowerment of women.

QUESTION: What you have been talking about points up one of the aspects of what is called "sexismJJ-the Jact that a woman is defined solely by her relationships with other people (her parents) her husband) her â&#x20AC;˘. children) and is rarely thought of as a person with a soul) a brain) a potential oj her own.

Do you agree that this is so?

ANSWER: Yes, and this is important be-

cause a woman's role is always considered to be a derivative one. The very word "woman" comes from the Old English "wif of mon"-the implication being that woman must be understood only in terms of derivation. Why should a female be described as "wife of man?" What if she wants to remain single and be the wife of nobody? This unpalatable interpretation of the role of women is far from being old-fashioned or outdated; in many quarters it has a contemporary ring.

Woman is expected and encouraged to play a supportive role to man. Her personality is overshadowed first by the "virgin role," then by the "nurturing role" wherein she is lauded in her capacity as wife and mother.

The rising status of woman is a modernday phenomenon, but the wheels of this revolution were set in motion in India a long time ago. It is significant that the progress made in the struggle for equal rights was supported by eminent men in India, as well as by women.

The struggle for women's emancipation, and the social and legal reforms that accompanied it, gained momentum with the national independence movement and the fight for political liberation. The feminist argument that the improved status of the Indian woman was due solely to the efforts of dedicated women is true only to a limited degree. And because the Indian woman did not have to wrest her freedom from men, she is by and large without antagonism toward them.

Of course, there are still many male-dominated societies where men will delay the empowerment of women by the barriers they set, by the myths they create, by the denial of opportunities.

Even in India, the road ahead is long and rugged, beset with the inevitable problems that arise from the country's size, diversity, and the legacy of age-old traditions.

QUESTION: Speaking of tradition, many Indian women are trying to strike a balance -the balance between the traditional and the modern, particularly with regard to bringing up their children. What are your views about discarding old views, or adapting them?

ANSWER: I personally feel that there is a great deal of muddled thinking about this whole question of tradition and modernity.

It is as if everything traditional in Indian life is antiquated, superstitious, and belongs to the dark ages; and all things modern are progressive, forward-looking, and lead naturally to advancement. Now the question of balance that you have brought up is a difficult oneit is not easy to maintain, it's like walking a tightrope. We have to understand what makes an Indian woman the kind of woman she is today: She has always had certain strengths that have made it possible for the society to preserve certain basic values.

To seek out and nurture that which is of enduring value in our culture and to use it as the foundation for rebuilding society anew-this is the task that faces the Indian woman today. In the enthusiasm for bringing about needed change and in the clamor for equal rights, we have to avoid some of the frustrating "hang-ups" that characterize the militant stance of women's rights movements in some parts of the world. To illustrate the point one might give the example of the attitude toward older people. The honored place that the older generation once held within the extended family in India may have weakened for various reasons, but there is still the reo cognition of and respect for older people.

Surely this attitude needs to be fostered and not discarded-especially when one sees the loneliness and the sense of being unwanted among old people in some Western countries.

The Indian woman is challenged today in a heightened way: to harmonize the enduring values with the changing and the evanescent.

QUESTION: Miss Khan, we feel that women all over the world are, to one degree or another, walking this tightrope that you have just described. Would you agree that this experience is not exclusively an Indian one?

ANSWER: Yes, I would. Women everywhere-whether from the developed or developing countries-are suffering from a common problem: They cling to the old, yet they want the new. As I see the whole question of the "emancipated woman," there is a lost quality to qur lives. We cannot get our bearings-the old landmarks have disappeared.

We struggle between a dying world and one that refuses to be born. Our ideas and our ambitions do not seem to coincide. Old patterns are fading, and we regret their going.

We know that the new must come, but it is slow in coming. We live in a kind of twilight zone between ideals and ways of life that appear to be contradictory. Now women are exhilarated by their new freedom, but not yet quite secure in it. We stand at the confluence of a swiftly moving stream: Tradition has not been entirely abandoned, modernity has not been entirely embraced.

0 Miss Ivy Khan is one of India's most prominent

women leaders and a recipient of the Padma Shri.

National General SeCl'etary of the YWCA of India since 1956, she represented the YWCA on the Indian Committee for International Women's Year. Last March Miss Khan was one of the two Indian representatives to the U.N. Consultative Committee for International Women's Year.

REFLECTIONS OF At As an American woman who, after a year in India, has developed an abiding respect and affection for numerous Indian women, I feel it may be useful to put down on paper some thoughts on what Indians may find relevant in the women's movement in the United States. It is my impression that Indian women are at a take-off point, and that their collective as well as their individual consciousness is moving them toward insistence on genuine and not just legalistic equality. Since a full-fledged, broad-based "women's movement" as we understand it in America is aborning but has yet to emerge in India, it is possible that now is the time to cast a critical if sympathetic eye on the achievements as well as the excesses and misinterpretations of the American experience, I think that the American experience has revealed, among others, the following "general truths": (1) The concept that "sisterhood is powerful" is not only accurate, it is essential.

Here, I have two things in mind: There are few persons Qfceither sex who will or can stand alone in defiance of deeply ingrained traditions and prejudices; most of us need the support ofthose who share our concerns and experience. Also, true "liberation" cannot be selective and only for the educated few who are articulate enough to insist on it. (We have learned this painfully in the United States, and not only in regard to women's demands for equality.) To be genuine, "liberation" must benefit the uneducated, the less fortunate, the truly "unliberated." And it is to these women in India, in the U.S., and elsewhere to whom the hand of sisterhood must be extended.

As philosopher-theologian Mary Daly said in her book, Beyond God the Father: "The beginning to be together is the beginning of the end of female dependence."

(2) It is a misinterpretation, and downright damaging, to confuse "women's lib¡ eration" with sexual promiscuity and irresponsibility. Surely, to seek the elimination of the double standard should not be construed as advocating the elimination of all standards. It was, I suppose, inevitable that the "sexual revolution"-the so-called New Morality-would become synonymous in peo,p!e's minds with the "women's revolution." A growing number oL American women are now beginning to recognize that the "sexual revolution" is, as Mary Daly puts it, "a New Morality of false liberation foisted upon women, who

y AMERICAN WOMAN ADDRESSED TO HER INDIAN SISTERS

by MARY P. HANEY

have been told to be free to be what women have always been: sex objects ..The difference is simply that there is now social pressure for women to be available to any man ... to be a nonprofessional whore .... " There is a growing group of feminists who consider themselves part of what has been called "the second wave of feminism." They seek, again in Mary Daly's words, a women's revolution that "is a sexual revolution in a genuine sense of recapturing the energy that has been wrested from us by sexual politics, including the politics of the male-centered 'sexual revolution.' " (3) The status of women cannot be changed without the understanding and cooperation of men. Rather than picturing it as a winner/loser situation, it should be thought of as presenting both sexes with the opportunity to be the winners.

(4) But to gain something of common value, everyone will have to give up something. Women can no longer expect to enjoy the benefits of dependency. This probably explains the gut antagonism of many American women (some of whom, but not all, are in their 40s and 50s) to the oftenmisunderstood concept of "women's liberation." Having since birth been trained (brainwashed, if you will) to think that their very survival depends on their being submissive, secondary and, above all, attractive (sexy) to the men on whom they must depend for emotional and economic sustenance, it is no wonder that many women react with fear and anxiety when they sense that what is really being asked of them is to shift from a kind of endless childhood to the equally endless demands of adulthood. I know that most Indians consider American women to be, if anything, excessively independent. But unlike Indian society, our society is not a formal, structured one; therefore, a foreign observer may have greater difficulty in detecting the extent to which American girls have, until recently, been conditioned to be emotionally and psychologically "Adam's rib."

(5) Economic independence is not all there is to women's liberation, although it does go a long way toward building selfesteem and providing the wherewithal to resist or escape from dependency. As soon as one hears someone say, "Of course, I am for equal pay for equal work, BUT .. ." one knows that here is someone who does not get the point at all.

(6) Superficial comparisons with other societies and other cultures are misleading.

This does not mean that one cannot learn from the experiences of others. But women in each society have to start from where they are and not from where they wish they were or where they seem to be with respect to some other society. For example, many Indians concerned with the status of women in their country stress the need for greater access by women to educational and training opportunities so that more of them may achieve economic independence. On the other hand, a primary concern of feminists in the U.S. is the provision of more low-cost neighborhood day-care centers for young children because so many women have been forced to postpone (or give up entirely) careers for which they have been trained, in order to devote themselves to housework and child-rearing in their servantless society.

(7) To throw out the good with what one deems to be the bad in one's culture represents a tragic waste. Family ties can be one of the greatest strengths of a society.

If certain aspects of the family structure are seen to be crippling, it would be foolish not to discriminate between what is valuable and what is less so.

(8) Despite the need to be serious and single-minded about one's objectives and to be able to withstand a certain amount of harassment, it is essential to maintain a sense of humor and perspective. Surely, to be able to laugh at oneself is a sign of the beginning of maturity in social movements as well as in individuals.

(9) It is important not to be diverted by the example of some "successful women" in power-wielding and decision-making positions. These exceptions do not prove the rule.

(10) In order to eliminate the kind of mentality that fixes people in a "caste" or group mold-whether it be in regard to race, sex, or social and economic originthe most important changes must occur from the neck up-attitudinal changesand these are a part of a conditioning process that begins at birth. Much attention must be paid to the stereotypes and expectations that parents transmit to their children, schools transmit to their students, and society transmits through the mass media: advertisements, textbooks, filmsall forms of communication.

(11) If permitting all persons the possi-

bility of choice is the primary objective of any freedom movement, then care must be taken not to be intolerant of those women whose "path to liberation" is the more conventional one of child-bearing and childrearing.

(12) Women must become aware that they have bought and succumbed to tlle stereotypes. They are more often than not willing but unwitting victims. One of the most successful ways used in America to take the "unwittingness" out of women's victimization is the sp?ntaneous formation of small consciousness-raising groups-first for women and now for men and womento which Ms. Carden refers in her article on page 5. As is the case with most inherited social attitudes, much of the discrimination against and putting down of women does not reflect a calculated intellectual decision but an unconscious attitude passed on by parents to their children.

(13) For centuries women have had ,their sexuality defined for them by male poets, novelists, historians, sociologists, psychologists, gynecologists, biologists, philosophers, clerics, gurus, couturiers, hairdressers, and marriage counselors, Now-in India, the United States and elsewhere-women are beginning to do the defining for themselves. It is to be hoped that this self-analysis will bring with it an affirmation by women of their own sexuality and the opportunity for each individual man and woman, as Ms. Carden says, "to find out the kind of person he or she is, and to strive to become that person."

0 About the Author: Mary P. Haney, an American residing in India since July 1974, is an ideal person to write the conclusion to this issue's special section on women's liberation because of her experience working for both the American and the Indian women's movements.

Mrs. Haney became involved in the women's movement in the U.S. in 1968 when she retllrned to Washington, D.C., after spending 12 years living in Eastern Europe, Africa, and Southeast Asia with her husband, an American Foreign Service Officer, and their three children. She worked with the Task Force on Women established by the Episcopal Diocese of Washington.

While in India, Mrs. Haney has been associated with the Indian Social Institute, assisting in organizing a series of seminars on the roles, status and future place in society of Indian urban and rural women. She is also helping organize a study of "sexism" (see article on page 12) in English-language textbooks.

S lEI F I.

Opposite page: First-grader at a school in Fairfax County, Virginia, learns elementary laws of mechanics from one of the simplest science study kits. Top left: Girl connects wires to a battery to light a bulb. Top right: Sixth-grader proudly displays a meal worm on whose growth and behavior she did a two-month study. Above: Student finds out how many lead weights balance a jar of peas, then calculates how many peas are in the jar.

I BE

Caterpillars prefer hollyhock leaves to celery; brine shrimp gravitate toward light; a minor explosion can be touched off by mixing vinegar and soda. These and a hundred other scientific facts are being discovered by American schoolchildren using kits specially designed by the Elementary Science Study project. By doing things for themselves, the children find that school can be as much fun as anything else.

Above: Girl adjusts the mirror of a simple microscope.

Left: Student experiments with iodine and its effect on different powders.

Top: Two students study properties of various minerals.

SCIENCE CAN BE FUN! continued

A butterfly fascinates children (right) in a Failfax County, Virginia, school.

Top: In this class students learn how various chemicals mix with water ..

Above: Two little girls have fUll adding ice cubes to a CUpof water and then measuring the drop in temperature.

D

an offers his caterpillar some grass, lettuce and celery leaves that he brought from home, along with hollyhock leaves he had grown himself right there in his class. He discovers that the caterpillar eats only the hollyhock leaves.

In another classroom, Kathy and Lynn, working with a balance they constructed from soda straws, discover that a flake of breakfast cereal is not as heavy as a tiny metal weight, but that it takes six of those weights to balance a piece of peppermint candy.

These are three elementary school children in Virginia's Fairfax County who are learning science by doing it. They're also learning that "learning science" can be fun. They're using the "science kits" of the Elementary Science Study (ESS) curriculum project, a new program for teaching young children science.

ESS was developed in 1962 by the U.S. National Science Foundation after they had put teams of actual scientists into school classrooms to study precisely how young children could best be taught science in general and scientific method in particular.

ESS kits are available to all American public schools, but some school systems use them more than others. Introduced into Fairfax County in 1970, kits on a variety of science subjects are now

available for everyone of the county's 70,000 elementary school students. And Fairfax's success with ESS kits is being watchedand emulated-by many other school systems in the U.S. Fairfax County schools have 56 ESS kits available-on almost every elementary science subject from "Pond Water" to "Kitchen Physics" to "Caterpillars and Butterflies." A kit contains all the equipment (live and inanimate) necessary for the student to conduct experiments. The Kitchen Physics kit contains a medicine dropper, a funnel, blotting paper, tubing, bottles of solution, and other apparatus. One of the many things this kit enables a child to do is learn the meaning of viscosity by setting up a "race" between two drops of water down a slanting pane of glass-one a drop of plain water, the other a drop of soapy water.

The kit called "Making Things Float" contains, among other things, a clay boat and a clay chunk. The child learns that the clay boat will float but the clay chunk won't. He learns about buoyancy and about volume-weight relationships in determining the amount of cargo a boat will support.

Teaching science with ESS kits is not as easy as it sounds.

Teachers must acquire new skills. They must break om of old

roles-such as the traditional pedagogical role of ommSCIent 'guardian of all the answers. They must learn, instead, to pose the kinds of questions tbat stimulate the children into discovering answers for themselves. The teachers are aided by a "teacher's guide" that accompanies every ESS kit.

When you walk through the Fairfax schools during the science periods,(photos on these and the preceding pages), you'll find a horde of very active children-moving, tinkering, talking, communing with the "things" and with each other, measuring, recording, predicting, conjecturing. Their first probings often tend to be shallow and unproductive, and the teachers must resist the temptation to tell the children what to do with their kits. Soon the children begin to devise their own experiments, make observations and keep records. In the higher grades they learn to establish a hypothesis (they've even learned th~ word!)' and then test to see whether it will stand up.

One first-grader named Joan was given a simple balance scale and a packet of small "surprises" of different shapes and sizesrubber ball, lead fishing weight, clothes pins, etc. She decided . that what she wanted to do was devise a method for arranging

J

Clockwise from top: Science kits enable children to study the remarkable metamorphosis from caterpillar to chrysalis to butterfly. Fairfax County has 10,000 caterpillars flown in from California as part of its science teaching program.

the objects by weight! Chris, a third-grader, decided to write down the results of his experiments dripping vinegar, iodine and water, in turn, on to cornstarch, plaster, baking soda, sugar and salt. He had "discovered" the method-and the joys-of quali. tative analysis! Roger, a sixth-grader, flashed light into the dish containing his meal worm (he knew it first as a larva) and started a series of experiments to answer the question he had asked himself: Is meal worm behavior random or not?

The children's enthusiasm for the ESS project is contagious, and even teachers who disliked science teaching now regard it as their favorite subject. As for the parents-they love watching the eyes of their kids light up when they discover that the black eggs in the aquarium have become tiny brine shrimp, or that the caterpillar has turned into a beautiful butterfly. The parents like the ESS project because they see their children as part of an adventure in discovery in which learning has become an exhilarating experience.

New ideas in education? Perhaps, but it's all very reminiscent of an ancient Chinese proverb: "I hear, and I forget. I see, and I remember. I do, and I understand."

0

J

WALT WHITMAN IN THE 1970s America's great epic poet of the 19th ceptury is a major literary influence in the United States todayand in much of the world as well.

"Mr. Whitman is an American writer who some years back attracted attention by a volumeof so-called poems which were chiefly remarkable for their absurd extravagances and shameless obscenity, and who has since, weare glad to say, been little heard of among decent people."

This was written in the London Satur,day Review in 1876. Many other 19th-century British critics dismissed Whitman in summary fashion. But if those who hated his poetry did so with a vengeance, those who admired it wt}re similarly unrestrained in theirpraise. Among the latter was the British poetAlgernon Charles Swinburne who wrote ofWhitman, also in the 1870s: "As an originaland individual poet," it is "hardly possible to overrate him. As an informing and reformingelement, it is absolutely impossible."

The great debate continued, in England and America, into the 20th century. "His crudity is an exceeding great stench," wrote Ezra Pound of the great American bard. Yet such a towering literary figure as D.H. Lawrence called Whitman "the greatest modern poet."

Whitman's stock rose and fell periodically inthe Anglo-Saxon intellectual market place, and his reputation in the United States was seldom lower than in the golden age of the "New Criticism"-the decades of the 'forties and 'fifties. It was an era when the classics were being re-examined not for ~hat they said but for how they said it, and many Established Writers of the Past were being consigned to the junk heap for their lack of meticulous craftsmanship. Henry James, of course, was one of the heroes of the New Critics, and James had said that Whitman's The color portrait of Walt Whitman at left,

by SPAN's Art Director Nand Katyal, is a copy of the photograph that Whitman

himself chose for the frontispiece of his original 1855 edition of

Leaves of Grass.

"poetry" reminded him of the story of the college professor who looked at a venturesome youth's theme done in blank verse and reminded the student that it was not customary, in writing prose, to begin each line with a capital.

But a Whitman renaissance was long overdue, and eventually it came. It began in the late 'fifties in San Francisco when the "beat poets"-Allen Ginsberg, Lawrence Ferlinghettil Gregory Corso and others-began their revolt against the academicism of the New Critics and turned to Whitman's Leaves of Grass for inspiration. One of the most eloquent spokesmen of the new movement was poet-critic Kenneth Rexroth who maintained that Whitman's verse had tremendous influence on all cadenced verse that came after it. Rexroth argued, however, that in spite of Whitman's influence on modern poetry, there has never been anything like his poetry because he is one of the most original writers in history. "What differentiates it," Rexroth wrote, "is the immediacy of the substantial vision, the intensity of the wedding of image and moral meaning."

Whitman's stock rose steadily through the 1960s, as his autobiographical and "confessional" modes found their way into the mainstream of American poetry, in such major poets as Robert Lowell and Sylvia Plath. Today, halfway through the 'seventies, Whitman is once again acknowledged as one of the giants ofliterature. To almost all of the movements in American poetry in the 1960s and 1970s-confessionalism, the resurgence of political engagement, the adaptation of the forms of avant-garde music to poetry-the influence of Whitman is paramount. Most of the better young American poets of the 1970s acknowledge themselves as descendants of Walt Whitman. This would include Louis Simpson, Jill Hoffman, Michael Harper, Adrienne Rich, Stanley Plumly, Robert Creely, Denise Levertov, Paul Blackburn,

Gary Snyder, Imamu Amiri Baraka and a host of others. In almost all of their worl,<:, these poets attempt, as did Whitman, to relate their lyricism and deep subjectivity to a larger intellectual vision which, like Whitman's, always has a¡definite political dimension. Like Whitman, they do not look at poems as "straight lines" but rather, in the words of critic M.L. Rosenthal, they "think of a poem as moving among radiating centers of energy, through a series of emotional tones that create its shifting dynamics."

One of the most perceptive analysts of Whitman and of his tremendous influence on the new American poets, Rosenthal wrote in an essay last year: "Whitman is the American wellhead of modern poetry, though it has sources in European R0manticism and French Symbolism and other sources going much further back. Whatever his weaknesses, he broke away from the confineme!1t of closed, self-limiting structures based on conventional metrics."

And what is Whitman's stature today outside of his homeland?

A year before he died in 1973, one of the greatest modern poets, Pablo Neruda, the Nobel laureate of Chile, made the following remarks at a P.E.N. dinner in New York: "For my part, I, who am now nearing 70, discovered Walt Whitman when I was just 15, and I hold him to be my greatest creditor.

I bear with me always this great and wonderful debt which has helped me to exist. I must start by acknowledging myself to be the humble servant of a poet who strode the earth with long slow paces, pausing everywhere to love, to examine, to learn, to teach and to admire .... There are many kinds of greatness, but let me say (though I be a poet of the Spanish tongue) that Walt Whitman has taught me more than Spain's Cervantes: In Walt Whitman's work one never finds the ignorant being humbled, nor is the human condition ever found offended."-S.E.

···LEAVES OF GRASS .

ON'THE KERALA COAST In this very personal memoir, a famous Indian poet tells how as a young girl in the lush green Malabar countryside she chanced upon Walt Whitman's epic book and discover~d that, 'Afterward there was no poet to influence me so greatly.'

When I was a child; growing up in my ancestral home in South . Malabar, I was fond of stealing into my grand-uncle's study while he took his afternoon siesta in his bedroom above our gatehouse.

My grand-uncle, Nalapat Narayana Menon, was at that time a poet admired by the intellectuals of the state. He had in his formative years dabbled iri theosophy. Later, becoming a Sanskrit scholar, he studied the Hindu scriptures and kept a private journal into which he poured forth his discoveries. Soon after he completed his last book, his magnum opus, Arshagnyanam (The Wisdom of the Orient),. he died of a heart attack, lying on his soft opulent bed in the narrow room of the gatehouse from which one could hear the sea at high tide hour.

Every afternoon as a child I went into his study which was merely a grilled balcony shaded by the branches of the mango trees that grew around it. In the bookcases rudely made out of yellow wood were the books that made me breathless with excitement: the old Sanskrit ones which I could not at that time understand, with their stylized illustrations; and the manuscripts on palm leaves tied up with red string, which were supposed to contain the esoteric texts of the mantras which healed, bewitched or killed their victims. On the lower shelves-were stacked Anatole France, Turgenev, Nietzsche and Maurice Maeterlinck. Among this groupI chanced one day to come upon a book of poems by Walt Whitman, first edition, with the poet's face as a frontispiece.

The bearded face reminded me of the Christian God in my schoolbook of catechism, who stood behind some clouds gesturing angrily to Adam and Eve to get out of the Garden of Eden. And Eve, to escape the terrible glare of His eyes, stood hiding her face on her mate's shoulders. I stared at Walt Whitman's face for a long time before I began to read his poetry. If I had spent all my childhood in a city and gone only to city schools where the school marms taught the children to recite the nursery rhymes, cutely gesticulating, I would not have had the sheer ecstasy of reading geniuses like Maeterlinck or Whitman. From nursery rhymes I would have graduated to Hans Anderson and the· Brothers Grimms. But at my grand-uncle's place, living as part of a matriarchal, matrilineal society, I ripened fast on adult diet. The first poem that caught my fancy was one which narrated the sad story

of an Alabama bird who had lost his mate. Seated•.in the nest where their light green eggs lay, the bird began to cry, calling out to his mate, begging all to be quiet, even the husky sea, because he believed that his she-bird was responding to his call, so fainl that he must be still be still to listen .... Singing uselessly uselessly all the night. If 1 did weep then for the bird, I was later comforted by the poet who said and I will show that nothing can happen more beautiful than death.

I believe that all of us have a couple of parents at the beginning of our lives giving flesh and form, but that our real parents are chosen by us after we grow old enough to make such a choice.

My father working in a British-owned automobile firm iriCalcutta seemed at that time far more distant than Walt Whitman who spoke to me answering all the unasked questions lurking in my mind. I went into his poetry as one enters a new continent, with expectation and always a little out of breath. I learnt then about the good people whose drink was always water and whose blood was clean and clear. It hinted at a purity which I could not then comprehend, but I knew that it was necessary to be pure. When he talked of the forenoon purple of the hills I looked out of the grill and saw· my green estate, my palms,my mango trees and the deeper green. that hid the sea from me. All the riches of the world which I was to see later were poured into my mind. The illuminatedface of the mother of many children, a murmuringfateful giant voice out of the earth and sky, voice of a mighty dying tree in the redwood forests, dense, the summer growth, innocent and disdainful above the strata of sour dead, the curious sense of body and identity and the eternal star beyond the camp fires of a traveling I looked at mothers in a strange new light and they army ....

seemed like goddesses. I looked at the tall trees that brought forth their fragrant blossoms in spring and began to worry about their death. I learnt that wars are only light troop movements on the gigantic face of our world and that they cannot even bruise the eternal loveliness of the universe. Whitman said: Behold, I do not give lectures or a little charity When I give, I give myse(f.

I am large, I contain multitudes, I sound my barbaric yawp over the roofs of the IVorld....

A good man was large. He contained multitudes. I felt at times that the poet from the far-off country was looking down with hypnotic eyes from the sky above our red-tiled house.

Consider you who peruse me whether I may not in unknown ways be looking upon you You furnish your parts towards eternity Great or small you furilish your parts towards the soul.

He had a wide sweep. He wanted like Atlas to hold up the wQrld.

But the growing knowledge of the world humbled him. o I see now that life cannot exhibit all to me, as the day cannot, I see that I am to wait for what will be exhibited after death.

When my father came on leave and thought aloud that I had become a villager, I did not fret about'his reproach. Walt Whitman sustained my pride.

A great city is that which has the greatest men and women If it be a few ragged huts it is still the greatest city in the whole world.

I adored my grand-uncle, not only because he was the best looking man of the locality but because he was famous and caused the best intellectuals of the state to gravitate toward him. Writers came in droves to be ou! house guests for weeks. They were enthralled by my grand-uncle's wit and brilliance. When he found himself alone he worked on his books, seated on his easy chair, with a writing board placed across it. Above his head was a crude fJunkhah, a fan made out of a single plank of wood covered with . red frilly calico which a 'servant, hidden behind a pillar, worked, lUgging its long string with his toes. Next to my grand-uncle's chair was a nictiolU'lry .on an iron stand and a low table burdened with books of reference. At his feet was a hookah, a hubblebubble, which my beautiful grand-aunt filled with care. When my grand-uncle sucked at it the sweet aroma of tobacco and rosewater filled even the distant rooms of the zenana. The visiting writers did not speak much in our house. They were awed by his presence.

The grandeur of his mind made them speechless so that if they talked at all they stuttered like imbeciles.

One day while he was trimming the branches of his white roses, he turned toward me in surprise when I recited a poem that I had written about roses. Who taught you to write poetry in English, he asked me. Walt Whitman, J said. Then washing his hands and wiping them clean, he took the gray book out of his shelf and

presented it to me. I feel a sob rising in my throat when I recollect that morning, his pink finger tips and the weight of the book laid across my hands. My grand-uncle had acknowledged me as a poet. It was a great moment in my life. Then I began to fill my notebook with poems which I showed my grand-uncle who clapped his hands and laughed happily ....

Afterward there was no poet to influence me so greatly. Probably Wilde's "Ballad of Reading Gaol" did impress me but not the others who were fashionable in my early youth. I tried not to read much, for I wanted to evolve my own style before knowing of others. When I was made the poetry editor of The Illustrated Weekly of India a few years ago my utter ignorance of the current meters made my friends anxious for me. But I come from a family of poets. Like an infant recognizing its mother by pure instinct, T recognize poetry when I read it. I sense it immediately. I cannot perhaps give reasons for my choice. I do not worry about the architectural novelties of the poem that I am to judge. I expect a certain discipline certainly, a certain integrity of thought. If craftsmanship counted much, I would not have loved Walt Whitman's earlier poems which were loose-knit like the shuffling walk of a tramp. But the discipline of a great mind showed through it, lighting up for his descendants the only lovely path that writers must tread-that of purity. Ralph Waldo Emerson called him the greatest literary figure of his time. But poetry is timeless.

Relea~e him from the framework of time, make him deathless. although he cried once: 1 am a man who sauntering along without fully stopping, turns A casual look upon you and then averts his face Leaving it to you to prove and define it .Expecting the main things from you ...

That averted face, that casual look, was enough to cause a disturbance that must last a lifetime. With him I exult in being alive physically, in being able to see the world as he saw it possessing the good of the earth and sun, exulting in my identity received by my body, exulting in the fact that 1 do not crave for riches safe and palling nor the tame enjoyment ....

Whitman released American poetry from the clutches of the British tradition and made it native and pure. And as poetry has no special country of its own, no caste, no community, it moved me to tears when I first read it at my home in South Malabar.

0

About the Author: Kamala Das, one of India's leading poets and writers, has won a number of national and international awards including the Asian Poetry Prize from the P.E.N. Center, Manila, and the Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award. She also writes short stories in Malayalam under the pen name Madhavi Kutty and has published 13 books in that language. Her books in English include Summer in Calcutta, The Descendants and The Old Playhouse.

WALT ••

&MYTH All the myths about Whitman and his poems contain some truth, says the author in this article on the great 19th-century poet. Pointing out that Whitman was deeply influenced by Hindu thought, Allen calls 'Passage to India' the capstone of his poetic mythology and says that many of Whitman's paradoxes become intelligible in the light of Vedantic mysticism.

After a century of strangely contradictory abuse and worship, Leaves of Grass finally, by the middle of the 20th century, attained

almost universal acceptance as America's greatest single book of poems. Not all critics rank Walt Whitman as the first of American poets, but he is almost invariably named as one of the two or three best that America has produced-and frequently as the best. But for this very reason it is more difficult today to read Whitman's poems with the excitement they gave his first readers, who thought they were without precedent in literature. Someone has remarked that the greatest works of art have to create their own audiences, which is to say their own criterions for judgment; it is only the mediocre work of art that wins immediate acceptance-and then is usually soon forgotten. Of course, this observation is not always true, but many examples can be found in sculpture, painting, music, and literature to support it.

The curious thing about Leaves of Grass is that none of its early readers was indifferent. They either hated it or were fascinated by it (sometimes both at the same time), and either reviled or immoderately praised the poet. In this respect he was like the "revolutionary" leaders in American politics: Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, and the two Roosevelts, who were adored by their followers and irrationally hated by those opposed to their politics and actions.

This was so true of Whitman in his lifetime that it is still difficult to get two critics to agree about him, even though they both admire his poems. Since no reader today can be entirely uninfluenced

by Whitman's reputation, either as man or as poet, it is difficult to read his poems without some bias, to have a completely honest response to them. For this reason it is instructive to see the first edition of Leaves of Grass through the eyes of its first critics.

The book entitled Leaves of Grass, a thin quarto of 95 pages bound in green cloth elaborately embossed with flower designs, was first advertised for sale on July 6, 1855. The frontispiece was a well-executed steel engraving, made from a good daguerreotype photograph, of a young man with a short beard prematurely tinged with gray, wearing a heavy black hat slightly pushed back on his tilted head, posing in shirt sleeves, with shirt open at the collar, revealing the top of his undershirt, his right hand resting on his hip and his left hand thrust into his work-jeans pocket. The posture was both nonchalantly informal and self-assured. To understand how this frontispiece cpuld shock anyone, it should be remembered that this was a period of formal dress (think of Lincoln only a few years later in his stovepipe hat and long-tailed coat) and dignified manners in literary circles: the "gentle" and gentlemanly Longfellow was America's favorite poet of this periodand one of Queen Victoria's favorites in England, too.

Putnam's Monthly, the leading literary magazine of the time, carried an anonymous review of Leaves of Grass in its September number. The reviewer, later revealed as Edward Everett Hale, a Unitarian minister in Boston and future author of Man Without a Country, began: Our account of last month's literature would be incomplete without some notice of a curious and lawless coIlection of poems, calIed Leaves of Grass. and issued in a thin quarto without the name of the publisher or author. The poems, twelve in number, are neither in rhyme nor blank verse, but in a sort of excited prose broken into lines without any attempt at measure or regularity, and, as many readers will perhaps think, without any idea 'bt sense or • reason. The writer's scorn for the wonted usages of good writing extends to the vocabulary he adopts; words usualIy banished from polite society are here employed without reserve ....

The review then quotes from Whitman's preface to illustrate his theory of expression, which asserted: "Nothing is better than simplicity.... To speak in literature, with the perfect rectitude and the insouciance of the movements of animals and the unimpeachableness of the sentiment of trees in the woods, is the flawless triumph of art." This theory of "simplicity" aroused mixed emotions in the reviewer: The application of these principles, and of many others equally peculiar which are expounded in a style equally oracular throughout the long preface, -is made passim, and often with comical success, in the poems themselves, which may briefly be described as a compound of the New England transcendentalism and New York rowdy .... What must be surprising to both these elements, they here seem to fuse and combine with the most perfect harmony.

The vast and vague conceptions of the one, lost nothing of their quality in passing through the coarse and odd intellectual medium of the other, while there is an original perception of nature, a manly brawn, an epic directness in our new poet, which belong to no other adept of the transcendental school.

In this second paragraph especially, the Reverend Mr. Hale shrewdly perceived Whitman's indebtedness to Emerson, which had yet not hampered his virile originality. The reviewer gives no indication that he is aware that Emerson had written the poet a few weeks earlier, congratulating him on "the most extraordinary piece of wit and wisdom that America has yet contributed."

Emerson had found in it "courage of treatment" and "large perception," and greeted the poet "at the beginning of a great career, which yet must have had a long foreground somewhere, for such a start." . A second major review was published in the January number of the North American Review, a magazine of limited circulation but of considerable prestige in New England. Although the review was not signed, it was written by Charles Eliot Norton, later to win fame as professor of art at Harvard and translator of Dante.

We would expect him to be shocked by Leaves of Grass, and he was, but it was also, in Poe's phrase, "the shock of recognition": Everything about the external arrangement of this book was odd and out of the way. It bears DO publisher's name, and, if the reader goes to a bookstore for it, he may expect to be told at first, as we were, that there is no such book, and has not been. Nevertheless, there is such a book, and it is well worth going twice to the bookstore to buy it. Walt Whitman, an American-one of the roughs,-no sentimentalist,-no stander above men and women, or apart from them,-no more modest than immodest-has tried to write down here, in a sort of prose poetry, a good deal of what he has seen, felt, and guessed at in a pilgrimage of some 35 years. He has a horror of conventional language of any kind .•.• One reads and enjoys the freshness, simplicity, and reality of what he reads ... the book is a collection of observations, speculations, memories, and prophecies, clad in the simplest, truest, and often the most nervous English .... For all that, it is a pity that a book where everything else is natural should go out of the way to avoid the suspicion of being prudish.

Though Charles Eliot Norton is too refined to say so, he is disturbed by the frankly sexual references and descriptions in the book, for one of Whitman's major themes was that sex is pure and wholesome because it is natural.

By the time the second edition appeared in 1856, augmented by 32poems, the unsavory reputation of Leaves of Grass had received widecirculation. The Christian Examiner, supported by the more orthodox Unitarians in Boston (who frowned on Emerson's heresies),commented:

We are bound-in conscience to call it impious and obscene .••• It sets off upon a sort of distracted philosophy, and openly deifies the bodily organs, senses, and appetites, in terms that admit of no double sense. To its pantheism and libidinousness it adds the most ridiculous swell of self-applause; for the author is "one of the roughs, a kosmos, disorderly, fleshy, sensual, divine inside and out."

But the Christian Spiritualist, a Swedenborgian magazine, saw Whitman's poems as a transition from "the diseased mentalities of the past" to a new and purer "Spirit-life": He accepts man as he is as to his whole nature, and all men as his own brothers. The lambent flame of his genius encircles the world .••• There is a wild strength, a Spartan simplicity about the man, and he stalks among the dapper gentlemen of this generation, like a drunken Hercules amid the dainty dancers •••• His style is everywhere graphic and strong, and he sings things before untouched in prose or rhyme, in an idiom that is neither prose nor rhyme, nor yet orthodox blank verse. But it serves his purpose well•...

That in 1856 Whitman's poems could both repel and attract an intelligent reader was most interestingly revealed by the reviewer of the second edition in the New York Times. He professed sympathy with the poet's desire to turn his back on all shams and pretenses, to "fling off all moral clothing and walk naked over the earth," but he feared "the time is not yet come for the nakedness of purity," and that men are "not yet virtuous enough" to read Whitman's poems aloud to their children and wives.

"What might be pastoral simplicity 500 years hence, would perhaps be stigmatized as the coarsest indecency now-we regret to think that you [Mr. Whitman] have spoken too soon."

Aside from revealing what aspects of Whitman's poems most affronted the literary and moral sensibilities of mid-19th-century Americans, these critics were also responsible for fostering several myths about the poet and his book, some of which have persisted down to the present time. One myth was that his shocking eccentricities were the result of ignorance; he was like a self-taught fireman or bus driver who had read and partly understood Emerson. He offended good taste because he did not know what good taste was. Many educated readers assumed that his strange verse form, his bold language, and his daring metaphors could not have been created by anyone who knew established standards.

Critics also thought that Whitman wrote unashamedly of sex because he was depraved-a second myth. Even the Times critic, who credited the poet with intentionally exposing moral sham and pretense, said Whitman was guilty of poor judgment which would doom his book to failure.

Whitman had, indeed, received little formal education, but he had read widely before writing his 1855 edition. He was the son of an unsuccessful and embittered carpenter and had grown up in the slums of Brooklyn, but in printing offices and later as editor of several newspapers, including the important Brooklyn Eagle, he had acquired considerable knowledge both of the world and of books. Though in his leisure hours he preferred to associate/ with firemen, omnibus drivers, and pilots of boats and ferries, he was also avidly fond of the theater and Italian opera.

Both in mind and in character he was an extremely complicated man. His sexual psychology was also puzzling, and biographers later discovered that he was homosexually inclined, psychologically if not in practice-on this point there has been wide disagreement. But though contemptuous of organized churches and creeds, Whitman was deeply religious, and he always regarded

In 'Passage to India,' Walt Whitman 'asks rhetorically whether his soul is prepared for such flights to "more than India," to sound "below the Sanskrit and the Vedas" ... to plunge to the ultimate origin of the intuitions of these sacred writings.'

religious motifs in his poems as their leading characteristics.

A third myth Whitman was primarily responsible for creating and perpetuating himself, and this is also a complicated subject.

In the summer of 1855, when reviews of his book had scarcely had time to appear, Whitman began secretly writing his own reviews. This practice has also been attributed to his ignorance, but the ex-editor and journalist of wide experience knew the game of publicity only too well. Yet at the same time one must admit he believed so strongly in his message, regarding it as so urgently needed by his country, that he was unwilling to trust to chance for its reception. Convinced that America had not yet achieved a literature of real value, he taunted the established authors in his 1855 preface, and probably expected them either to ignore or to denounce him. Like Norman Mailer a century later, he resorted to advertising himself, calling attention to his role as the spokesman of American democracy. Yet in the 1855 poems themselves, nationalism is not especially conspicuous, and recent critics have been impressed by the mystic, or simply the lyricist, who wrote these poems, rather than "the poet of Democracy."

A myth, like a caricature, is based on reality which is intentionally distorted to gain emphasis or emotional appeal. All these myths about Whitman and his poems contain some truth, and, intelligently interpreted, they yield insight into the poet and his work. But, if taken too seriously, they may also obscure the work, as a century of biography and criticism have demonstrated time and again.

"Passage to India" is the capstone of Whitman's poetic mythology-not his finest poem (he never really surpassed "Song of Myself"), but the one in which all his theories of the function of poetry and his own ambition to be a "poet-prophet" received final and most nearly coherent expression. One might even say that here he comes nearest to being the "epic" poet some critics have tried to find in his Leaves of Grass.

However, his "Passage to India" can hardly be called an epic poem except for its range of subject, and Whitman himself intended it only for an introduction to a collection which would have (if ever completed) something like the body of an epic.

Published separately in 1872, it was added to Leaves of Grass in 1876and retained thereafter as a thin cluster. In his 1876 preface Whitman explained that "Passage to India" gives "freer vent and fuller expression to what, from the first, and so on throughout, more or less lurks in all my writings, underneath every page, every line, every where." This poem, then, might be said to epitomize Leaves of Grass.

"Passage to India" begins as a topical poem, celebrating three recent epoch-making events: the opening of the Suez Canal, the spanning of the North American continent by railroad, and the completion of the Atlantic cable. Whitman was not alone in looking upon these great engineering feats-"Our modern wonders, (the antique ponderous Seven outvied,)"-as at long last making possible an age of universal peace and brotherhood

among the peoples of the world. He begins his poem by "Singing of the great achievements of the present," but they remind him that "the present [is] after all but a growth out of the past"; and in section two he turns to the past, takes passage in fantasy to India, the cradle of mankind (as historians then assumed), origin of the oldest myths and fables, of "deep diving bibles" and "the elder religions":

o you templesfairer

than lilies pour'd over by the rising sun! you fables spurning the known, eluding the hold of the known, mounting to heaven!

You lofty and dazzling towers, pinnacfd, red as roses, burnish'd with gold!

Towers offables immortalfashion'dfrom mortal dreams!

You too I welcome andfully the same as the rest!

You too with joy I sing.

o

The earth to be spann'd, connected by network, races, neighbors, to marry and be given in marriage, The oceans to be cross'd, the distance brought near, The lands to be welded together.

Therefore, "A worship new I sing," joining to his celebration of explorers, architects, and machinists, the worship of "God's purpose" revealed in their achievements. Once more using musical structure, Whitman envisions the material accomplishments in images of the contemporary newspaper accounts. In section three he sees and hears "the locomotives rushing and roaring, and the shrill steamwhistle" reverberating on the plains, over the rivers, through the mountains clear across the continent to the Pacific Ocean. In section four he salutes the explorers who in seeking a passage to India discovered America and hastened the end of "man's long probation." Section five, a paean to the "vast Rondure swimming in space, / Cover'd all over with visible power and beauty," was actually written before the other sections of "Passage to India," and it contains the central idea of the whole poem.

In his fantasy of looking down upon the earth from a point high in space (anticipating the astronauts of the 20th century), he feels that he begins to comprehend the Divine "inscrutable purpose, some hidden prophetic intention ... ": Downfrom the garden of Asia descending radiating, Adam and Eve appear, then their myriad progeny after them, Wandering, yearning, curious, with restless explorations, With questionings, bl1jJled,lormless,leverish, with never happy hearts.

With that sad incessant refrain, Wherefore unsatisfied soul? and Whither 0 mocking life?

Ah who shall soothe these feverish children?

Who justify these restless explorations?

Who speak the secret of impassive earth?

Who bind it to us? what is this separate Nature so unnatural?

What is this earth to our affections? (unloving earth, without a throb to answer ours, Cold earth, the place of graves.)

In section two, Whitman invokes his "soul" to take passage with him back to India and the beginning of history, though until section seven the invocations are little more than a literary device.

But in section seven this backward journey becomes more personal and psychologically motivated. The poet is still in fantasy circumnavigating the world, back to "primal thought," the "realms of budding bibles," back to "innocent intuitions," but this journey becomes in section eight a quest for more than an imaginative understanding of man's intellectual and religious origins. The poet's spiritual self begins more and more to resemble the Christian concept of "soul." Whitman is now thinking more of his own approaching physical death than the return to the India of "budding bibles," and his poem becomes a religious lyric-meditative, prayerful, a searching for personal consolation.

o we can wait no longer, We too take ship 0 soul, Joyous we too launch out on trackless seas, Fearlessfor unknown shores on waves of ecstasy to sail, Amid the wafting winds, (thou pressing me to thee, I thee to me, 0 soul,) Carolingfree, singing our song of God, Chanting our chant of pleasant exploration.

With laugh and many a kiss, (Let others deprecate, let others weep for sin, remorse, humiliation ,) soul thou pleasest me, I thee.

o

Ah more than any priest 0 soul we too believe in God, But with the mystery of God we dare not dally.

o

soul thou pleasest me, I thee, Sailing these seas or on the hills, or waking in the night, Thoughts, silent thoughts, of Time and Space and Death, like watersjiowing.

Bear me indeed as through the regions infinite, Whose air I breathe, whose ripples hear, lave me all over, Bathe me 0 god in thee, mounting to thee, I and my soul to range in range of thee.

The God to whom the poet prays is of course the same creator of the "vast Rondure" of section five:

o

Thou transcendent, Nameless, the fibre and the breath, Light of the light, shedding forth universes, thou centre of them, Thou mightier centre of the true, the good, the loving, Thou moral, spiritual fountain-affection's source-thou reservoir,

(0 pensive soul of me-O thirst unsatisfied-waitest not there?

Waitest not haply for us somewhere there the Comrade perfect?)

Thou pulse-thou motive of stars, suns, systems, That, circling, move in order, safe, harmonious, Athwart the shapeless vastnesses of space, How should I think, how breathe a single breath, how speak, if, out of myself, I could not launch, to those, superior universes?

This "spiritual fountain" concept of God has traces of Buddhism (God is an unknowable mystery), of Deism (God the maker and mover), of Pantheism (God as breath and pulse), but it is no less anthropomorphic: God is "the Comrade perfect" (a "Calamus" motif) and the "Elder Brother," into whose arms the Younger Brother (the poet) melts, almost as in a Christian heaven. However, this final journey with the soul also resembles the Vedantic return to Brahman, because the poet's soul, his "actual Me," masters the orbs (stars and planets), mates with Time, smiles at Death, and fills "the vastness of Space."

In section nine the poet asks rhetorically whether his soul is prepared for such flights to "more than India," to sound "below the Sanskrit and the Vedas." That is, to plunge to the ultimate origin of the intuitions of these sacred writings. Convinced that it is, the poet then bids it to unleash its "bent" (power held in reserve for this purpose), to cut the hawsers, unfurl the sails, and steer for "deep waters only"-into "the seas of God." Others have found Vedantic parallels in Leaves of Grass, but V.K. Chari in Whitman in the Light of Vedantic Mysticism was the first to bring to the study of this subject an intimate knowledge of the whole Vedantic literature. He makes no attempt in his book to account forWhitman's surprising familiarity with Vedantic perceptions, though he does suggest that he got hints from essays and poems of Emerson, who had some knowledge ofVedantic thought.

Dr. Chari's primary effort is to show that many of Whitman's paradoxes and ambiguities become intelligible "in the light of Vedantic mysticism," which reveals a consistent unity in his whole poetic experience: "Mysticism, as it is understood by the Vedantist, and as it finds expression in Whitman, is a way of embracing the 'other'-the objective world-in an inclusive conception of the self. In other words, it is a way of finding the world in the self and as the self, thus negating the opposition of the me and the not-me. lt is the power to 'enter upon all, and incorporate them into himself or herself,' as Whitman has expressed it in a slightly different context ['Thoughts']. lt is such an expansive, dynamic, and exultant conception of the self that constitutes the central element of meaning in Leaves of Grass. Any interpretation of Whitman must take note of this unified point of view that lends cohesion and consistency to his poetry. Though Whitman made no attempt to formulate a philosophy, his writings spring from a unity of poetic experience. The whole of his poetic effort was centered in the exploration of the nature of the self."

0 About tbe Author: Gay Wilson Allen, Professor Emeritus of English at New York University, is one of the world's leading authorities on Walt Whitman. He is the author of many works on the 19th-century poet including Walt Whitman Handbook; the well-known biography, The Solitary Singer; and A Reader's Guide to Walt Whitman, from which the article on these pages is excerpted.

Every week, 52 weeks a year, thousands of new thingsdiscoveries, devices, products, processes-come out of America's science laboratories.

We cannot hope to keep SPAN readers informed of all these scientific breakthroughs, but we would like in this new feature to provide a sampling of the most interesting recent developments in U.S. science and technology.

A PHOTO OF THE

END OF THE UNIVERSE

BAD NEWS FOR FORGERS Expert forgers in America can no longer cash in on their skill. The Stanford Research Institute in Menlo Park, California, has developed an electronic pen system that detects forgery instantly.

The picture above shows the system at work. Its inventor, Dr. Hewitt Crane, uses the electronic pen to duplicate the signature of a colleague, and his attempt is promptly branded a "forgery."

The pen is connected to a computerized identification system that recognizes the motions and pressures of a person's hand as he writes his name. (Like fingerprints, these motions and pressures are distinct for every individual.) The electronic pen will be useful in many situations that require signature verification, such as the cashing of traveler's checks, stock exchange transactions, voter registration and access to security areas.

A 'MISSING LINK' SUBATOMIC PARTICLE A new elementary particle that may help explain some of the basic forces of nature has been discovered simultaneously by two teams of U.S. physicists working independently. One team, headed

by Professor Samuel Ting of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), detected the particle during a routine experiment at the Brookhaven National Laboratory. Dr. Ting is seen in the picture above, with a graphic representation of the particle in the foreground. With him are members of the team.

The other group, headed by Professor Burton Richter of Stanford University, found the particle by accident while operating the 3.5-kilometer-Iong Stanford

Linear Accelerator in California.

The new particle may be the "missing link" that will help relate four basic forces known to science today into a single unified field theory-a goal that physicists have been pursuing ever since Einstein first mentioned the possibility. The four basic forces are gravity, electromagnetic force, the strong nuclear force that binds particles together inside the atomic nucleus, and the weak nuclear force related to the process of radioactive decay. The last force is the least known, and the new particle may shed light on its properties.

The particle has been designated "]" by the MIT group and "psi" by the California group.

Which is the galaxy farthest from the earth? Astronomers at the University of California at Berkeley have discovered one "at the end" of the known universetwice as distant as any yet identified-and have named it "3Cl23."

Calculated to be some 8,000 million light years away from the earth, it is a giant-some five to 10 times larger than our Milky Way galaxy.

In the extraordinary research photograph above, taken by the Berkeley astronomers, 3Cl23 appears as the dim spot between the arrows.

It seems unlikely that we'll learn much more about 3Cl23.

Why not? Because it's moving farther and farther away from us, traveling at 45 per cent the speed of light. Take a good look at the black spot of 3Cl23 in the photo.

You'll never see it so large again.

:I' ---------------NUCLEAR WEAPON IN THE WAR AGAINST CANCER

Scientists are perfecting a new tool that will generate miniature "nuclear explosions" to kill cancer cells. The technique is expected to be three times as effective as conventional X-ray treatment in destroying malignant tumors. Moreover, it will cause little or no damage to healthy organs.

The new wonder tool is called a "medical pion generator," and the photo at left shows the gen. erator connected to a high-energy linear accelerator. When the latter is focused on a titanium target, it produces subatomic particles called "pions." The escaping pions are brought together by

magnets and directed against the malignant tumor.

As the pions strike living tis- . sue, they slow down and are eventually "captured" by nuclei in the atoms of living cells. The "capture" generates an explosIon, and the resulting "nuclear fragments" destroy the tumor.

Pion therapy will be of inestimable value in attacking cancers that are now difficult to treat. These are cancers of the mouth and throat, certain tumors of the brain and lungs, and those that resist conventional radiation.

Three to five years of experiments are planned before doctors begin to practice pion therapy.

Everyone agrees that the guy who talks better gets ahead faster.

But how does one get to talk better? The speech physiology laboratory at the University of Washington in Seattle has invented a machine that will help (photo at left)-the latest speech research tool. The long sensitive-looking "antennae" trained on the man's lips and chin are called strain gages, and they are mounted on

¡flexible metal sensors. As soon as the man starts talking, the gages begin collecting data on his lip and jaw movements, on sound volume and air pressure.

All this' information, interpreted by speech experts, will help the man become aware of the strengths and weaknesses of his talking style. In short, the great orators of the future may be products of the laboratory.

Luzette Marie Creppel, a 17-yearold Louisiana girl (left), smiles happily as she' listens to her heartbeat. She is the first person to use a new heart device developed recently by two surgeons from the Ochsner Foundation Hospital in New Orleans. Both of them are seen in the pictureTerry King (left) and Noel Mills.

The device, shaped like an umbrella, is meant to' correct a specific heart defect in children-

a hble in the wall between the upper chambers of the heart. It is introdllced into the patient's body through a large vein in the leg, by means of a tube. The device travels to the heart and seals the hole, ensuring a normal flow of blood in the heart.

Introducing the device into the patient's body is a simple 90minute procedure and obviates ~ the need for dangerous openheart surgery.

WHAT DIRECTION FOR U.S. FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICY tinuity. Practice was not perfect, but on the whole the system worked that way. The barrier began to break when the U.S. came to question the justice of the system and the fairness of the rules of the game.

If the system of international economic cooperation is now to be rebuilt and successfully changed, it will have to be regarded as a foreign policy aim. It may also be necessary for all nations to establish a certain self-abnegation in diplomacy so as to let There is an old cliche to the effect that economic policy is the the measures of economic cooperation work, day in and day out. handmaiden of foreign policy. There is a new cliche to the effect This may be more difficult than before for two reasons. Previously, that the major content of international relations in modern times the major question was what would be done in the economic -and, therefore, presumably of foreign policy-is economic. The realm by the United States. Now, what others do is also a major issue does not seem worth fighting about to those who never sup- factor. The same kind of economic restraint long exercised by posed that economics and politics were very far apart. During and the United States will need/to be exercised by others who see after World War IT, the building of a properly functioning world economic power as a major source of their influence in the world. economy was a major element in American foreign policy and Another factor that will have to be taken into account in rebuildwas clearly seen to be so. The partial dissipation of that vision ing a successful international economic system is the increase in by the late 1960s was related to substantial changes in the Ameri- the relative importance of two sets of economic relations which can position in the world and the position of other countries as for a variety of reasons cannot easily be depoliticized. These are well, that is to say, to the fundamentals of foreign policy. This the relations of the industrial market-oriented countries first means economic policy as well. with the communist and second with the developing countries.

What progress can be achieved in these matters depends heavily American relations with the other industrialized, noncommunist countries involve not only political and psychological on whether the European Community, Japan, Canada and the frictions, but also economic frictions. And, where there have been United States continue to have a sense of common interest and innovations in foreign policy-as in the broadening of relations purpose of the sort that helped shape their past economic cooperation. That is too large a subject to be dealt with here. I am with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of Chinachanges in economic policy have been closely associated. The one of those who do not believe that the U.S. should radically stresses and strains of the energy crisis and the anticipation of alter its policy toward these countries. But this does not mean that further difficulties with supplies of food and raw materials are all future relations will be like those of the past. A new balance both political and economic. The debate as to whether coopera- of responsibility to match the changed balance of economic power tion on oil supplies should be among consumers alone or between is a vital condition for the rebuilding of a system of international consumers and producers, whether nations should act singly or economic cooperation. Yet, it seems as if neither the Europeans i'n concert, poses fundamental questions about international rela- nor the Japanese themselves have as acute a sense as Americans of the size of the role Japan will have to play in the future. tions which are also questions about the international economy.

On the other side of the world, the slackening of American inStill, there is something to be gained from conventional verbal distinctions even when we are not concerned with the few c1ear- terest in European integration may be largely an epiphenomenon of Europe's own attitudes and performance, rather than a fundacut cases in which one pays a more or less identifiable "economic" price for a hoped-for "political" advantage. One of the features mental recalculation of U.S, interest. In my view, the United of the fairly successful international economic cooperation of the States need neither prod nor hamper European integration but 1950sand 1960s was a certain insulation of most economic issues simply stand ready to deal with the Europeans as a unit or not as at least from day-to-day diplomacy and to a considerable extent a unit, whatever they are ready for, while insisting on getting on from all but the most basic foreign policy pressures. The reason with the world's business.

These issues for the future are more complicated than a few for this was not that "economic" ends were valued more highly than "political" purposes, but that most economic activities only sentences can suggest. To them one must add the issues inherent bear fruit if they are pursued with some consistency and con- in the probable course of development of American economic

Discussing the complex relationship between foreign political policy and foreign economic policy, the author outlines 'three quite different attitudes' that might animate future U.S. economic policy.

policy toward the rest of the world. In one sphere, past U.S. reluctance to build up economic relations with the U.S.S.R., the People's Republic of China and the smaller communist states of Eastern Europe has given way to a major effort now to build just such contacts. Although there remain important obstacles in the way of creating a truly self-sustained flow of exchanges owing to a considerable extent to differences in the types of economic systems, we may expect to see a good deal of attention being given to this problem in the United States. It is far from clear, however, whether an important part in this process will be assigned to bringing the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China more fully into the processes of multilateral cooperation.

In another sphere, it would be surprising if in the next two decades there were not substantial changes in American relations with what we can still call, for convenience only, the Third World.

The old stand-by of aid coupled with a marginal adjustment in trade is likely to give way to more complex alternatives. In some cases, the key questions will be whether the United States, along with other relatively well-off industrialized countries, will continue to accept increasing quantities of manufactured goods from the industrializing countries if this involves dislocation in the importing country's economy. In relations with producers of raw materials, that issue may concentrate on shifts in the processing industry and be linked with broader issues of production and trade such as those involved in "security of supply." For a few countries, the key issue will not be need for funds but how, with them, to achieve development. On the other hand, aid, in some form, will still be needed for the poorest nations and people.

No one can say with any assurance how the United States will respond to these changing and continuing problems, but at least in part some of the factors explained above will have an influence in shaping what will be economic policy and foreign policy as well.

To summarize the situation is simple. The conditions that made past American policy possible no longer exist. They cannot be re-created. The range of what is possible in the new circumstances is quite wide. A reasonable man looking ahead-and mindful that the circumstances themselves will change-can conceiveseveral alternative broad lines of development. They all have in common the fact that the character of U.S. policy will do much to shape the character of the world economy.

Broadly speaking, there are three quite different attitudes that might animate-future American policy in these matters.

First, a major and continuing effort might be made to build a new system of international economic cooperation adapted to the changed distribution of power in the world and capable of dealing with new problems left unattended or inadequately dealt with in the past but retaining some of the features of the arrangements that served the world rather well from the late 1940s to the late 1960s.

Second, Americans might accept the view-stated often enough in late 1971 and sometimes since-that the United States is "just like any other country" and must "look after its own interests."

Those interests-in this approach-are conceived in rather narrow conventional terms, nationalist and mercantilist, responsive to domestic pressures and with an occasional admixture of shortrun foreign policy concerns.

Third, American foreign economic policy might be thought of mostly as an instrument of American power, to b~ used to strengthen the American position in the world (whatever that might be taken to mean at any given time), with the promotion of economic welfare, global or national, subordinated to the use of American economic influence to shape the structure of power in the world.

The choice among these three attitudes rests largely with the

American people, but the choice may not present itself at all clearly. The first attitude-the cooperative approach-requires a fairly high pegree of consciousness of what one is doing plus a clear objective. What the third attitude-economics as a power lever-might result in depends on what range of possibilities develops. The possibilities could include-among others-close cooperation between two superpowers on key issues, or a world of blocs, or a restoration of multilateralism among nations. Attitude number two-the "safeguard national interests" approachis the one that will dominate if there is no firm choice in favor: of the first and no strong enough political imperative to establish the third. It follows that elements of the second attitude are likely to appear in American policy quite frequently. In the absence of a clear goal and purpose, a democratic nation-state tends naturally to fall into the second attitude, whereas the existence of clear goal and purpose can impart an awareness of the implication of actions that will give a direction to policy at least much of the time.

What choices the American people make among these attitudes will be heavily influenced by the state of the American economy and the world economy, the play of American politics, and the currents of opinion in the United States. The most likely result of this interplay is, for better or for worse, some degree of protectionism, mercantilism and the management of the U.S. economy in ways that impede or distort the international flow of trade and payments. Only policy based on a broad conception of national interest, one that sees the limits of the traditional protectionist and mercantilist view, could overcome these "natural" tendencies.

Such a conception would put some emphasis in the long run on the diversity of interests within the United States and on the importance of maintaining a high degree of flexibility and adaptability in the economy. It would at least tacitly recognize the need for continuity if productive economic arrangements are to be built up. Inevitably, it would lead to awareness of the need for international cooperation and the development of systematic relations and procedures.

Accepting the third attitude-desirability of a world system of economic cooperation-would entail the need for governments to act as guardians of the system. The United States will clearly remain one of the countries best able to fulfill this function. That is true whether the new system is seen as a rectification or an improvement of the old, in which quite different degrees of cooperation were achieved among the industrialized market economies and the rest, or whether it is a more nearly universal system, or whether quite different groupings take shape (as might happen if the raw materials/food/energy issues become dominant).

It is not at all unthinkable that the United States might once again adopt such a cooperative policy. To some of us, it seems plain that only in this way can one maximize welfare in an interdependent world. Even so, it will take conviction, sustained leadership, political ability and a good bit of luck to fashion and carry out such an approach. And it cannot be done by the United States alone. If at least several other major countries did not adopt the same approach, U.S. efforts would fail. And if the U.S. Administration should take a serious initiative and be rebuffed, or find reluctance and negativism where it might reasonably expect serious concern, then there is little doubt that for some time American policy would be made up mostly of 'other kinds of measures, those dominated by mercantilism and politics, domestic and foreign, and heavily influenced by protectionism.

D About the Author: William Diebold Jr. is a Senior Research Fellow of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and author of a number of books, the most recent of which is The United States and the In-

dustrial World: American Foreign Economic Policy in the 19705.

U.S. ENERGY POLICY

COMEBACK

FOR

The answer to the world's energy problem may lie in the vast untapped reserves of coal, a good part of which are in the United States. This article describes the massive drive now on in America to mine more coal and to convert it i~to cleaner forms of energy-oil and gas.

Coal is back in the energy limelight -after nearly two decades of relative obscurity.

For more than 200 years, coal drove man's machines, transported his goods, lighted his cities, warmed his homes. But it went out of favor during the middle of this century when petroleum and natural gas-both cleaner, cheaper, more convenient to handle than coal-became abundant. Last year, coal supplied only 17 per cent of America's energy, petroleum and natural gas 77 per cent. ,But now that petroleum and natural gas are no longer abundant or cheap, the U.S. is calling on coal, the "old reliable," to reinforce its energy supplies.

America has the world's largest coal reserves, some 430,000 million tons, according to a U.S. Government study.

They contain the "energy equivalent of many Saudi Arabia,S," and could take care of America's entire energy needs for at least 100 years. The u.s. is also the world's second largest coal producer, with current annual production exceeding 600 million tons. (Top producer is the Soviet Union, with 684 million tons.) One-tenth. of U.S. production is exported-to Canada, Japan, West Europe and South America. . The U.S. has undertaken a vigorous drive to produce more coal. It plans to spend $3,500 million on coal during the next five years~for expanding annual production from 600 to 960 million tons and for setting in' motion the largest and the most wide-ranging program of coal research ever undertaken. (A good part of this money comes from Project Independence-the multimillion dollar plan to make America self-sl:lfficientin energy by

1980.) Private companies, it is expected, will spend a matching amount of $3,500 million on coal production and research.

The coal industry requires such massive investments because the barriers to its use, both environmental and technological, are formidable. Both methods of mining now adopte~-strip or surface mining, deep or underground miningare under fire. Strip mining churns up forest and mountainside, leaving in its wake "lunar landscapes" and silted streams. To many Americans, it epitomizes man's readiness to devour the landscape to keep air conditioners humming and needless lights blazing. Responding to pressure from ecologists, many states have imposed stringent curbs on strip mining or banned it altogether. Underground mines have their critics too. Such mines pose problems of health and safety such as lung-blackening dust and explosive methane.

But coal authorities are confronting these issues head-on. New strip-mining methods are being encouraged, new ways of reclaiming strip-mined areas are being explored. Local authorities are being persuaded to regulate strip mining rather than ban it, to strike a balance between the concerns of ecology and the compulsions of energy. As for underground mines, they have a good record of minimizing accidents through increasing use of sophisticated machinery. Coal research is concentrating on new devices and tools to strengthen safety in mines and reduce human labor and hazard. As a coal-mine manager put it: "If we have to send men underground in this space age, we will send them first class." And complete

automation of underground mining may become possible in the not-too-distant future.

Apart from streamlining existing mines, the U.S. plans to open 250 new mines in the next five years to tap fresh coal deposits. It will also build new railroads to transport them. But extracting and transporting more coal will not ensure greater use of it, so long as coal is a "dirty fuel" that cannot be burned without polluting the air. The key to widespread use of coal -to making its abundance synonymous with acceptability-lies in its conversion to c1eaner liquid and gaseous forms.

That's the most exciting and challenging task of coal research today-to make coal a better product than nature did.

Research on coal conversion is pressing toward three goals: producing a highenergy synthetic gas (which can be sent through pipelines to replace natural gas); producing a low-energy synthetic gas with a high generating efficiency (to replace the various fuels now burned in electric power plants); and producing a variety of synthetic oil products, ranging from crude to gasoline.

Since coal is a highly complex substance, the carbonized remains of ancient plant matter, coal conversion is a long and arduous engineering job. The many varieties of coal (lignite, subbituminous, bituminous, anthracite)-each with varying properties and varying amounts of carbon, and with such constituents as chlorine and sulfur-make coal a difficult fuel to manipulate chemically.

But American technology can "lick" the problems of coal conversion, thanks to the steady flow of funds and the new

'KING COAL'

cOlltlil/led

sense of urgency imparted to coal research

by Project Independence. There is the added advantage that research in coal gasification has been under way for many years-since 1960, when the U.S. Office of Coal Research (OCR) was set up.

OCR has studied 700 proposals so far and narrowed down its support to some 40 projects in the laboratory and six approaching the pilot plant stage-most of which test new techniques in chemical technology. The peculiarities of coal are such that no matter how promising a process may be in the laboratory, it cannot really be tested unless it is built into a large pilot plant costing from $15 million to $30 million. Furthermore,' a process cannot be proved economically feasible until a larger demonstration plant is built, putting out some three million cubic meters of gas a day and costing up to $200 million.

Two successful pilot plants are presently being operated jointly by OCR and the

American Gas Association. One of them, in Chicago, is developing the Institute of Gas Technology's process to produce highenergy pipeline-quality gas from bituminous and other coals. Another, at Rapid City, South Dakota, is testing what is known as the carbon dioxide process. Neither of these is expected to become commercial before 1980.

Commercial gasification of coal could begin in 1977-78, however, if the U.S. Federal Power Commission approves two giant plants proposed to be built by two companies independent of each other-the El Paso Natural Gas Company and the Western Gasification Company (Wesco).

Both will be in New Mexico, both will cost about $800 million each, both will use technology developed in Germany during the 1930s to convert coal into a mediumenergy gas. This gas will then be "methanated" to inGrease its heat value and bring it on par with that of natural gas.

The EI Paso company hopes to produce

288 million cubic feet of gas a day, and Wesco, 250 million cubic feet of gas a day.

A dozen other gasification research projects are being carried out with OCR support, some of them by universities. The University of West Virginia, for instance, is directing a computer analysis of the best design and operating conditions for coal-conversion technology.

What about oil from coal? The most significant coal-to-oil experiment today is a pilot plant being operated jointly by the OCR and the FMC Corporation in Princeton, New Jersey. Fed by a variety of coals, the plant yields not merely synthetic crude oil, but also medium-energy gas and char. Some experts think that this project is the first step to what could be the ultimate solution to the energy crisis: big, coal-conversion complexes built at mineheads to produce pipeline gas, power gas, chemical by-products, crude oil, gasoline and low-sulfur coke fur the metal industries.

u.s. Mining Technology for India "India no longer represents a developing economy; it is a changing economy," says Monroe E. Aderhold of the U.S. Department of Commerce, who visited India late last year as deputy director of a 16-member American mining ma~ chinery mission.

Aderhold said that India has vast natural resources, an' army of skilled labor and an increasingly sophisticated industrial base.

There is, therefore, enormous scope for mutually advantageous commercial collaboration between America and India.

American technology has been active in India's mining and allied industries for several decades. Machinery made by the world-famous Caterpillar Tractor Company is used in reclamation, irrigation, mining and construction projects all over India.

Ingersoll-Rand's drilling machines have been tapping water resources in Indian villages and exploring the country's mineral wealth. Christensen-Longyear's diamond drills and water rigs are also used by mineral development organizations in India.

The 1974visit of the U.S. mining mission pointed up new ways in which American technology can accelerate India's development. The most prestigious U.S. business group to have visited India in more than 10 years, the mission included representatives from America's foremost firms in mining, mine plant processing, earth-moving and construction equipment. The size and composition of the mission reflected, as a member pointed out, "the confidence of 'American business in India's economy, its capabilities and its future." .

The visit of the mission could not have been more appro-

American mining technology is the most advanced in the world.

U.S. mining machinery exports have risen steadily in the past few years.

priately timed because the Indian Government, following the worldwide energy crisis, had only recently decided to accord mining the highest priority in its development programs. The government's welcome to the mission was most hospitable and it evinced keen interest in meeting and negotiating with the mission. In this way, mission members were given the unique opportunity to relate effectively their over-all objectives to India's specific needs and to explore areas of business and technological cooperation.

The mission toured major mining centers such as Nagpur, Dhanbad, Hyderabad, Jamshedpur and Ranchi, met businessmen in Delhi, Bombay and Calcutta, and held a series of "intensive

New research areas now being/explored include: conversion of coal to gas below the ground; conversion of coal energy into electricity; conversion of coal into a low-sulfur fuel known as "solvent refined coal"; a process to remove sulfur from coal smoke with ferric sulphate and naphtha.

What does all this research boil down to? How far will synthetic fuels go? How much of U.S. energy needs can they meet?

Experts say that the immediate goal established by President Ford, of production of one million barrels of synthetic fuel and shale oil per day by 1985, will definitely be met. As for future possibilities, U.S. Commerce Secretary Rogers c.B. Morton (formerly Secretary for the Interior) merely points out that America's convertible reserves of coal represent the equivalent of four trillion barrels of oil10 times the world's proven oil reservesand the equivalent of 32,000 trillion cubic feet of pipeline-quality gas, approximately

20 times the world's known reserVes of natural gas.

But what percentage of U.S. energy needs synthetic fuels actually meet will depend on decisions U.S. authorities Jake after 1980, as they weigh various energy options and allocate resources among them: It is believed, however, that coal as coal will continue to play an important part on the U.S. energy scene for many years.

Coal's future has been brightened by an agreement signed last June between the U.S. and the United Kingdom (another coal-rich nation) to cooperate in research.

The agreement covers all aspects of coal mining, liquefaction, gasification, airpollution control and advanced power systems. It will give coal "a higher place in the energy spectrum," said Rogers Morton.

The U.S. already has an energy cooperation agreement with the U.S.S.R. It has also discussed cooperation in

and excellent talks" with officials from government and public sector bodies. It discussed with the Central Water and Power Commission its short- and long-term earth-moving and construction equipment needs and with the Railway Board the equipment needs of the Ministry for the construction of underground masstransit railroad systems in Calcutta, Delhi, Bombay and Madras.

It also met with the Minister for Industry and Civil Supplies, T.A. Pai. The mission thus observed at first hand the working of mining and allied industries in India.

Dr. Benjamin Hunton, leader of the mission, gave three examples of how American technology could speed up India's development projects: • India spends $300,000 a day importing nonferrous metals.

American machinery and know-how can tap India's mineral wealth-lying dormant in the earth-and use it to manufacture nonferrous metals, thus totally eliminating such imports.

• India exports manganese ore. The export earnings can be multiplied tenfold if the ore is processed before export into ferroalloys and castings which command a much higher price than ore. American companies can help process the ore.

• American companies can help India raise the productivity of its coal mines. (In fact, in the wake of.the oil crisis, the worldwide drive to boost coal production has intensified demand for American mining machinery. Its exports are expected to rise from $257 million in 1974 to $288 million this year.)

Minister T.A. Pai told the mission that American investments in India had in the past functioned profitably and would always be welcome in the future within the broad framework of India's industrial policy.

Discounting theJear among foreign investors of nationalization and appropriation, Pai said India was the only country in the developing world with such a high degree of "complementarity" between the public and private industrial sectors. He

energy with Poland, West Germany, Sweden and Saudi Arabia. Since India is one of the world's top 10 coal producers (annual output is nearly 90 million tons, and reserves exceed 80,000 million tons), the U.S. and India could both benefit through a similar agreement. American experience and know-how in coal-mining machinery, for instance, can help India tap its coal reserves quickly and efficiently. (See "U.S. Mining Technology for India," below.)

Thus the world of coal is in happy ferment. "Coal ranks with soil and water and air as a vital necessity of 20th-century man," said a 1948 essay in the Scientific American by Raymond E. Janssen, a noted geologist. He went on to describe coal as "man's chief ally in his scientific conquest of the physical world." That statement seems extravagant today, but no one can deny that the comeback of "King Coal" has given man a strong ally in his war on energy scarcity.

D

urged missio.n members to evaluate global business and investment possibilities for their companies in the context of geopolitical and socio-economic changes. "If you do that, you will not take much time to appreciate that India is going to be, for years to come, one of the most potential areas of growth."

Talking about American investment in India, Stephen DuncanPeters, then Counselor for Commercial Affairs at the American Embassy in New Delhi, told newsmen that U.S. businessmen would opt for those countries that offered the most attractive terms. As many as 130 countries were interested in American investment; the 800 U.S. companies willing to invest abroad therefore had many options to choose from.

Following the mission's visit, several Indian companies and public sector corporations are negotiating the purchase of U.S. machinery. G.P. Gogia, chief executive of Salgaocar Engineers, an Indian marketing organization that represents some American firms, says that the public sector Bharat Coking Coal has issued a letter of intent for buying 12'tractor shovels worth Rs. 60 lakhs from Clark International Marketing, Chicago. The National Mineral Development Corporation, Hyderabad, may buy a Rs. 6 lakh tractor-trailer and a Rs. 7.5 lakh "loader" from the same company. The Uttar Pradesh Electricity Board has already ordered five tractors costing about Rs. 50 lakhs from Paccar International of Seattle, Washington. Hindustan Copper,' Calcutta, another public sector undertaking, is negotiating the purchase of six "dumpers" from the Eimco-Envirotech company of Salt Lake City, Utah.

All this, however, brings to India only a fraction of the America~ machinery for which demand exists. It is expected that after India's present foreign exchange constraints ease, American technology will be able to playa more vigorous and productive role in helping develop mining and other allied industries in India.-S.R.M. D

'KING COAL'

continued

America sits on a vast storehouse of energy-430,000 million tons of coal-which can keep its cities lighted and its industry humming for at least 100 years. The U.S. has /lOW set about putting these resources to work. More coal mines are being opened, the largest coal research program in history has been set into motion, and working conditions are being improvedfor America's 150,000 miners (some of wI10m are seen in the pictures at top and top right). The use of sophisticated machinery in underground mines has been intensified (above), and transport of coal, through rail and huge river barges and sea-going colliers (right) , is being streamlined.

44

~VITALHOPE FOR A BETTER FUTURE' The hope is the United Nations, and in the speech excerpted here the U.S. Secretary of State gives his 'candid assessment of how the United States Government views the contemporary U.N. -its capacities and its limitations, its promise and the trends which threaten future progress.'

On July 14, 1975, U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger addressed the Institute of World Affairs at the University of Wisconsin in Milwaukee.

Excerpts from the speechfollow: The world in which we live is poised uneasily between an era of great enterprise and creativity and an age of chaos and despair. We have, on the one hand, developed weapons that could destroy us and our civilization; we have, on the other, created a world economy that could-for the first time in history-eradicate poverty, hunger and human suffering....

Our nation has come to symbolize man's capacity to master his destiny. It is a proud legacy that has given hope and inspiration to the millions who have looked to us over the past two centuries as a beacon of liberty and justice.

Today's generation of Americans must be as true to its duty as earlier generations were to theirs. When weapons span continents in minutes, our security is bound up with world peace. When our factories, farms and financial strength are deeply affected by decisions taken in foreign lands, our prosperity is linked to world prosperity. The peace of the world and our own security, the world's progress and our own prosperity are indivisible.

We have a proud foundation on which to build. We have maintained stability in the world, ensured the security and independence of scores of nations and expended blood and treasure in the defense of freedom. Our economic support helped our major allies regain their strength; we contributed to a global trading and monetary system which has sustained and spread prosperity throughout the world. With our encouragement, the new nations took their place in the international community and set out on the path of economic development. At our initiative many long-standing disputes were settled by peaceful means.

Conflicts were contained and global 'war was avoided.

We have provided more economic assist-

ance than any other nation in history. We have contributed more food, educated more people from other lands, and welcomed more immigrants and refugees. We have done so because we are a generous people -for which we need not apologize-and because we have understood that our selfinterest is bound up with the fate of all of mankind. . . .

All of us-allies and adversaries, new nations and old, rich and poor-are part of a world community. Our interdependence on this planet is becoming the central fact of our diplomacy. Energy, resources, environment, population, the uses of space and the seas-these are problems whose benefits and burdens transcend national boundaries. They carry the seeds of political conflict- over the coming generation; they challenge the capacities of the international community with new requirements for vision and statesmanship.

Much of our current agenda is therefore global in nature and must be dealt with on a global basis. Within a few weeks there will be two major meetings of the most prominent international organization, the United Nations. A special session of the General Assembly will be devoted to economic issues and the 30th regular session of the General Assembly will address the broad range of international problems.

Therefore, I would like to use this occasion to place before you and our fellow members of the United Nations a candid assessment of how the United States Government views the contemporary U.N.its capacities and its limitations, its promise and the trends which threaten future progress.

Thirty years after the founding of the United Nations, its achievements have been substantial and its promise is great.

Most of the world is at peace. Beyond the absence of armed conflict, there has been a transition from a preoccupation with security to a new concern for the economic and social progress of all mankind.

Yet, at the very time when interdependence impels international cooperation and.

when the membership of the U.N. is most universal, the international organization is being tested by a new clash of ideologies and interests, and by insistent tactics of confrontation. Such tendencies diminish the prospect for further achievement and threaten the very institution itself.

Let me place these tendencies in historical perspective.

The end of World War II brought on a period of idealism and hope. Victory in war against tyrannical regimes-by nations united for that purpose-seemed as much a triumph for liberty as for peace. The end of the colonial era was shortly to begin, and was clearly in prospect. The awesome power of nuclear weapons ironically gave hope that the imperatives of collective security and peaceful settlement of disputes would at last impress themselves on mankind.

The League of Nations had failed, but the cost of another failure now seemed so overwhelming that it was possible to hope that the nations of the world would be obliged to make the U.N. succeed.

No nation embraced this hope more genuinely than the United States. No country more seriously looked for the United Nations to replace force and domination with cooperation. No government more earnestly sought to create a world organization with a capacity to act. It is worth recalling that a year after the San Francisco Conference, when the United States was the sole possessor of nuclear weapons, we. offered to turn this entire technology over to the United Nations.

Even then American spokesmen were careful to insist that there were realistic limits to the scope of the new organization.

Of these limits the most important, even if perhaps the easiest to overlook; is that the U.N. is not a world government; it is an organization of sovereign states ....

The founders"hope for peace rested not on a naive belief in the perfectibility orman . but on the hope that the major powers, given a dominant role in the Security Council, would be able to concert together to keep the peace. This hope, of course,

'Dag Hammarskjold once predicted that the day would come when people would see the U.N. for what it really is -not the abstract painting of some artist, but a drawing done by the peoples of the world.'

proved stillborn when the U.N. became an arena for confrontations of the cold war.

A generation later, its record in maintaining the peace shows both success and failure. There have been local wars, yet there has been no general war. More than once, small conflicts which had led in the past to great ones have been contained through the efforts of the U.N ....

The United Nations, originally concerned primarily with issues of peace and security, has been the focus of increasing attention to economic and social issues. The U.N. Charter contains a commitment "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples." Today, roughly nine-tenths of expenditures within the U.N. system relate to economic and social cooperation. We welcome this evolution and have contributed generously to it.

Indeed it is in these fields that the work of the U.N. has been most successful and yet the most unheralded. Its specialized agencies have been effectively involved with countless areas of human and international concern: speeding decolonization; spreading education, science, and technology; organizing global cooperation to combat hunger and disease, to protect the environment, and to limit population growth; regulating international transport and communication and peaceful nuclear power; advancing human rights and expanding international law among nations and in outer space and on the seas; preserving the priceless cultural heritage of mankind ....

Yet with all these achievements, the future of the United. Nations is clouded.

Much that has transpired at the United Nations in recent years gives us pause. At the very moment when great power confrontations are waning, troubling trends have appeared in the General Assembly -and some of its specialized agencies. Ideological confrontation, bloc voting, and new attempts to manipulate the Charter to

achieve unilateral ends threaten to turn the U.N. into a weapon of political warfare rather than a healer of political conflict and a promoter of human welfare.

The U.N. naturally mirrors the evolution of its composition. In its first phase it reflected the ideological struggle between the West and East; during that period the U.N. generally followed the American lead. Time and again in those days there were some 50 votes in support of our position and only a handful of communist bloc members against.

Ten years later, when membership had grown to more than 80, our dominance in the General Assembly no longer was assured. Neither East nor West was able to prevail. In the Security Council the American position was still sustained, while the Soviet Union was required to cast veto after veto in order to protect what it considered to be its vital interests.

But with the quantum leap to the present membership of 138, the past tendencies of bloc politics have become more pronounced and more serious. The new nations, for understandable reasons, turned to the General Assembly in which they predominated in a quest for power that simply does not reside there. The Assembly cannot take compulsory legal decisions. Yet numerical majorities have insisted on their will and objectives even when in population and financial contributions they were a small proportion of the membership. In the process, a forum for accommodation has been transformed into a setting for confrontation.

The moral influence which the General Assembly should exercise has been jeopardized and could be destroyed if governments-particularly those who are its main financial supporters-should lose confidence in the organization because of the imposition of a mechanical and increasingly arbitrary will.

It is an irony that at the moment the U.S. has accepted nonalignment, and the value of diversity, those nations which originally chose this stance to preserve their sovereign independence from powerful military alliances are forming a rigid grouping of their own. The most solid bloc in the world today is, paradoxically, the alignment of the nonaligned. This divides the world into categories of North and South, developing and developed, imperial and colonial, at the very moment in history

when such categories have become irrelevant and misleading.

Never before has the world been more in need of cooperative solutions.

Never before have the industrialized nations been more ready to deal with the problems of development in a constructive spirit. Yet lopsided loaded voting, biased results and arbitrary tactics threaten to destroy these possibilities. The utility of the General Assembly both as a safety valve and as an instrument of international cooperation is being undermined. Tragically, the principal victims will be the countries who seek to extort what substantially could be theirs if they proceeded cooperatively.

An equally deplorable development is the trend in the specialized agencies to focus on political issues and thereby deflect the significant work of these agencies. UNESCO, designed for cultural matters, and the International Labor Organization have been heavily politicized.

An egregious recent case came in the World Food Council in Rome where the very nations who desperately need and would most benefit from food assistance threatened to abort its work by disruptive tactics unworthy of an international organization. This Council grew out of the American initiatives at the World Food Conference last year. It reflects our deepest humanitarian concerns; it represents a serious effort on our part to eliminate hunger and malnutrition. Abuse by those whom we are trying to help, attacks on our motives by the beneficiaries of our efforts threaten to undermine the very fabric of cooperation in a field of crucial long-range importance to mankind.

We realize that those of us who wish to surmount the current crisis must show some understanding of its origins. The major powers have hardly always set a consistent example of altruistic or ben~ volent behavior. The nations which would seek to coerce the industrialized countries have themselves been coerced in the past.

History haunts us all. But it is precisely to transcend that history that the United Nations was founded. And it is precisely to arrest such trends that the United States is calling attention to them today.

The process is surely self-defeating. According to the rules of the General Assembly, the coerced are under no compulsion to submit.

To the contrary, they are given all too many incentives simply to - depart the scene, to have done with the pretense. Such incentives are ominously enhanced when the General Assembly and specialized agencies expel member nations which for one reason or another do not meet with

their approval.

Our concern has nothing to do with our attitude toward the practices or policies of the particular governments against which action is being taken. Our position is constitutional. If the U.N. begins to depart from its Charter, where suspension and expulsion are clearly specified prerogatives of the Security Council, we fear for the integrity and the survival of the General Assembly itself, and no less for that of the specialized agencies. Those who seek to manipulate U.N. membership by procedural abuse may well inherit an empty shell.

We are determined to oppose tendencies which in our view will undermine irreparably the effectiveness of the United Nations.

It is the smaller members of the organization who would lose the most. They are more in need of the U.N. than the larger powers such as the United States, which can prosper within or outside the .. institution.

Ways must be found for power and responsibility in the Assembly and in the specialized agencies to be more accurately reflective of the realities of the world. The United States has been by far the largest financial supporter of the United Nations; but the support of the American people, which has been the lifeblood of the organization, will be profoundly alienated unless fair play predominates and the numerical majority respects the views of the minority. The American people are understandably tired of the inflammatory rhetoric against us, the all-or-nothing

stance accompanied by demands for our sacrifice which too frequently dominate the meeting halls of the U.N. The United States, despite these trends, intends to do everything in our power to support and strengthen the United Nations in its positive endeavors. With all its limitations and imperfections the world body remains an urgent necessity.

We are eager to cooperate, but we are also determined to insist on orderly procedures and adherence to the Charter. The U.N. was never intended as an organization of like-minded states, but rather an arena to accommodate and respect different policies and different interests. The world needs cooperative not arbitrary action; joint efforts, not imposed solutions. In this spirit the United States will do what it can to make the United Nations a vital hope for a better future ....

This September's special session 9f the General Assembly will focus on the new global economic concerns.

It will be an early and important test: Will the rich nations and poor nations identify common goals and solve problems together, or will they exacerbate their differences? Can we turn our energies from rhetorical battles to practical cooperation?

Will nations strive for empty parliamentary victories or concrete progress?

The United States has made its choice.

We believe strongly in a cooperative approach. We believe that the time has come to put the technological and economic genius of mankind into the service of progress for all. We will approach the special

session with determination to make progress; we intend to make concrete and constructive proposals for action across a broad spectrum of international economic activities such as trade and commodities, world food production and international financial measures ....

In this spirit let me speak directly to the new nations who have pressed their claims with increasing fervor. We have heard and have begun to understand your concerns.

We want to be responsive. We are prepared to undertake joint efforts to alleviate your economic problems. Clearly this requires a posture of cooperation. If nations peal with each other¡ with respect and understanding, the two sessions this fall could mark the beginning of a new era in which the realities of an interdependent world economy generate a global effort to bring about peaceful and substantial change.

At the same time we are obliged to speak plainly to the question of what works and what does not. We believe that economic development is in the first instance an internal process.

Either societies create the conditions for saving and investment, for innovation and ingenuity, for enterprise and industry ~hich ultimately lead to self-sustaining economic growth, or they do not. There is no magical short-cut and no rhetorical substitute. And to claim otherwise suggests a need for permanent dependence on others.

In this quest for development, experience must count for something and ideology is an unreliable guide. At a minimum, we know which economies have worked and

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---------------------which have failed; we have a record of not expect us to make only politicaf deciwhat societies have progressed economical- sions, with no thought for economic conly and which have stagnated. We knowsequences. If they want truly to serve their. from our own experience-that investment peoples, there must be practical concern from abroad can be an important spur to for effective results.

If the industrial world wants to overdevelopment. We know also that it is now in short supply. In the future, as in the come the attitude of confrontation between past, there will be competition to attract nations, it must offer equitable solutions for capital; therefore those who do not wish the problems of the less fortunate parts of investment from abroad can be confident the world. Just as we are rightly concerned that they will not receive it. By the same about the economic impact of exorbitant token those countries which are eager to oil prices, so we should show understandindustrialize must also be ready to create ing for the concerns of producers of other the conditions that will attract large-scale raw materials whose incomes fluctuate investment. radically. As for the operation of our comThe voting records of the blocs in the panies abroad, we consider it in our inGeneral Assembly simply do not reflect terest, as well as in the common interest, to economic reality. The family of less de- promote an environment of mutual benefit, veloped countries includes both producers in which our international businesses can and consumers of energy, importers and continue to be profitable and beneficial exporters of raw materials, and nations to the countries in which they operate. which can feed their populations as well as Above all the industrialized countries those which face the specter of famine. must recognize that many developing These divergent interests must be ac- countries have had frustratingly slow rates commodated and reflected in practical of growth. Rather than a comfortable marmeasures; they cannot be resolved from gin of progress, they face an abundance of the unreality of bloc positions. obstacles and a surplus of despair.

At the same time the industrial world The future of international politics over must adapt its own attitudes to the new the next generation-the kind of world our reality of scores of new nations. At bottom children will inherit-will be determined by the challenge is political, not economicwhat actions governments take now on whether the interests and weight of the less this s~ctrum of economic issues. developed nations can be accommodated Dag Hammarskjold once predicted that in the international order. Their political the day would come when people would objectivesoften represent legitimate claims. see the United Nations for what it really Yet at the same time the new nations must is-not the abstract painting of some art-

ist, but a drawing done by the peoples of the world. And so it is-not the perfect institution of the dreamers who saw it as the only true road to world harmony; and not the evil instrument of world domination that the isolationists once made it out to be.

Rather it is, like so many human institutions before it, an imperfect instrument -but one of great hope nonetheless. The United States remains dedicated to the principles upon which the United Nations was founded. We continue to believe it can be a mighty and effective vehicle for preserving the peace and bridging the gap between the world's rich and poor ....

But the past decade has also surely shown that-strong and prosperous as we are-we cannot remake the world alone.

Others must do their part and bear their responsibility for building the better world we all seek ....

In this endeavor, the United Nations plays a central role. It is there that each nation, large or small, rich or poor, can-if it will-make its contribution to the betterment of all. It is there that nations must realize that restraint is the only principle that can save the world from chaos, and that our destinies are truly intertwined on this small planet. It is there that we will see whether men and nations have the wisdom and courage to make a reality of the ideals of the Charter, and in the end, to turn the parliament of man into a true expression of the conscience of humanity.

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Artists . 'Paint Themselves

How do American artists see themselves? The answer is provided in an unusual exhibit which has been touring the United States for the past few months. Assembled by art scholars Alfred Frankenstein and Ann Van Devanter, "American Self-Portraits, 1670-1973" begins with a 17th-century painting that is possibly the first self-portrait in American art. The exhibit's 109 works vary greatly in style, ranging from simple pen-and-ink sketches to elaborate seven-color lithographs, to the unconventional pumpkin head oil painting by James Wyeth (see back cover).