Project Tramways Stuart Steinfort S3137921
Project Tramways Design Pre Major Thesis: Inclusive Design Stuart Steinfort S3137921
1.0
Introduction
2.0
Inclusive Design in Project Tramways
3.0
Automobile ownership and applicable issues 3.1 Introduction 3.2 The automobile and the environment 3.3 The freedom of the automobile 3.4 Messages of freedom 3.5 The automobile role in city planning 3.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy 3.7 Conclusion
4.0
Historical Background of Melbourne Tram Use 4.1 Transport Planning in Melbourne 4.2 Tram application in Victoria 4.3 Living with the motor car: Melbourne context 4.4 Recent developments 4.5 Governmental policy 4.6 Conclusion
5.0
International City Development 5.1 International city planning 5.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning 5.3 Conclusion
6.0 Freight Transportation 6.1 Past freight transportation revolutions 6.2 Freight transport today 6.3 Sustainable freight vehicles 6.4 Conclusion
7.0 Social Tram Perspectives 7.1 Notions of tramways in society 7.2 Tramways and social structure 7.3 Tramways and social interaction 7.4 Tramways and city atmospheres 7.5 Conclusion 8.0 Approach 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4
Participatory Action Research technique Ethnography Camera Journal Conclusion
9.0 Design Refinement and Processes. 9.1 Initial Explorations 9.2 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 1 9.3 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 2 9.4 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 3 9.5 Survey Results 9.6 Camera Journals 9.7 Observational research 9.8 Sketches 10.0 Conclusion of Pre Major 11.0 Bibliography
1.0 Introduction Society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private automobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. Melbourne could feasibly become a car free environment, enabling society to rethink how existing infrastructure can be tailored to suite societies needs. This project will critically examine tram transportation, through Inclusive Design, in order to uncover developing themes of use and contextualise future user needs. The project will use a combination of formal and user group based research in order to find and examine these trends. This will ultimately result in a tram proposal that seeks to address the themes raised if Melbourne were to become a car-free environment.
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2.0 Inclusive Design in Project Tramways Inclusive Design, defined by Ostroff (2001, p.1.3) as “an enduring design approach that assumes that the range of human ability is ordinary, not special.” This is a form of design for all people (Ostroff, 2001), it moves beyond designing for disability. It is applicable throughout society in order to understand and address present inequalities.
Inclusive design allows the broader interests of the community to be brought together to form equable design. The project will look to ethnography and participatory research to investigate current perceptions of what tram travel is and how it could be in a future context. In doing so, the research techniques will develop themes, through inclusive design, to base the design development process from. This will ensure that the design response is not only equable for all, but understands individual’s preferred modes of travel.
Pyramid of Design The particular concept of Inclusive Design that has relevance to this project is the pyramid of needs. Traditionally, the aged and disabled have been viewed within a product sense as incompetent, in decline or without hope (Clarkson, 2003). The resultant products were born from a medical perspective; a mindset which in turn stigmatises the sector of the population rather than enhance their quality of life. The pyramid offers, as Clarkson explains (2003, p.16), a viable solution in that it targets “the broad mass of the population in terms of cost and appearance, while accommodating those with more restricted capabilities in terms of performance and functionality.” This form of transgenerational design seeks the majority to be considered in order to address the minority. An example within a public transport context is mothers’ and their prams; a solution which caters for the majority (the mother’s) can also addresses the minority such as the wheel chair bound elderly. Transgenerational Design Transgenerational design consequently argues that traditional product design does not consider the aged population which in turn has created products which alienate this considerably sized sector (Clarkson, 2003). In response, transgenerational design seeks to design products which cater for a wide range society. Resultantly this design methodology considers individual’s across society who have “vastly differing needs and abilities” (Clarkson, 2003). This technique looks to embrace all age groups through the design process in order to create a product that is applicable to all. This technique not only makes sense in terms of equality for all, it also broadens the scope of a product’s marketplace.
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3.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues 3.1 Introduction
3.3 The freedom of the automobile
The automobile, from its inception, has been frequently described as the bringer of freedom, economic and social progress and independence (Whitelegg, 1999). The automobile has evolved to meet society’s changing lifestyle. This has reached an extent in which it has shaped our lives negatively in a physical and personal sense. An exploration into these issues and associated problems will give context to my project in that Melbourne could become a car free city. This would enable existing transport infrastructure to be tailored to meet society’s needs, creating a sustainable city for future generations.
The automobile has provided the majority of society with a mode of mobility that is considerably effect on social dynamics. David Bannister (2005, p.8) argues that the “power and the addiction to the car has often been underestimated.” This power can be manifested in different manners within social dynamics. Bannister (2005, p6) explores this, contenting that the car offers the individual the ability to ‘escape’ from the “real environment by allowing them to have their own flexibility and freedom.” This freedom has been successfully advertised through selling the dream of individuality and convenience.
3.2 The automobile and the environment
This individuality has been carefully shaped through extensive advertising detailing the virtues of the automobile. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains the automobile in its present form offers “the ability to do what you want (within reason).” This freedom is quite powerful in that the automobile can increase individual levels of mobility that in many ways subordinate competing methods of transportation as well as shaping the manner to which society lives in terms of work, family life etc (Bannister, 2005). On a personal level, individuality in terms of automobile ownership can be seen as a form of status within society. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains “it (the automobile) is the dominant culture that maintains major discourses on the quality of life from its use in films, on the news, and at the centre of much advertising.” This suggests that the automobile has developed an emotion level of meaning within society, going beyond an economic means of convenience to a point of being humanized (Bannister 2005).
As Michael Grubb describes (1999, p.5) “The IPCC produced its first report in 1990… with its key conclusion that rising concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere were caused by human activities and would cause global temperatures to rise, with accompanying climatic changes.” The importance of personal transport becomes relevant to climate change when one considers emissions from transportation. As Bannister (1996, p.2) explains “…the [automobile] sector is responsible for over 25 per cent of the world primary energy use and 22 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuel use.” This large percentage of emissions results in the need to re-evaluate transportation for society. These statistics would presumably effect societies view towards fossil fuel transportation, yet automobile ownership has, according to Bannister (2005, p.11) increased in a global sense “over 31 per cent in the number of vehicles owned (1984-1994), and it is likely that in the next 25 years (to 2020) that number will increase by a further 50 per cent (OECD, 1995).” This dramatic rise in ownership is in contrast to the emissions generated from their use, yet the growth continues. Society therefore must be prioritising the present ease that private automobile ownership affords whilst delaying action on climate change.
*The IPCC is the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate change, which when established in 1988 was authorised to provide an assessment of the current knowledge of climate change at the time.
In terms of convenience, the automobile offers a freedom which cannot be matched by current competitors. This notion of convenience is described by Whitelegg (1997, p.17) “…the car can liberate the self-imposed soul from its perceived boredom in a limited geographical area.” In direct comparison, other public transport services can offer this freedom of travel, but with the constriction of timetables and routes. This subsequently means the car can be spontaneous and free from apparent constrictions that plague public transportation.
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3.4 Messages of freedom
have to travel much longer distances than before, with space becoming something that you want to pass through rather than stop in.” This idea resonates to a greater extent when one considers the percentage of society who do not have access to an automobile; this new fragmented city becomes somewhat hostile in that some areas are difficult to travel to. Even reluctant users are forced to use their car in this environment, exacerbating the problem of pollution and congestion.
The above mentioned psychological aspects of the automobile have been carefully cultivated by advertising companies which in many ways are detrimental to society. As Whitelegg (1997, p.36) explains “people believe cars offer freedom, power, sexual fantasy and reinforcement of personal esteem and ego. The fact that most of this applies to men and not women has not gone unnoticed in the advertising world and the arcane world of motoring magazines… a motoring correspondent in Top Gear…referred to a new car model he was testing capable of ‘snapping knickers elastic at 50 paces’.” Aside from the rampant sexualisation and subsequent fantasies of women within modern culture, this advertising ploy strikes at a primeval level of being where the car is advertised as fulfilling societies (specifically men’s) needs. The issue here is that if automobiles are being advertised in such an emotive manner how can other forms of transport compete? As Whitelegg (1997, p.37) further discusses “going by bike, walking or catching the bus are not likely to conjure up anywhere near a powerful a cocktail…it is for these reasons that inducements to leave the car at home or use an alternative mode of transport need to be equally powerful.” This is especially hard in a society that is heavily motorised such as Australia, where as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.38) “walking is seen as a deviant activity, cycling is dangerous and fume sodden, and public transport spare to non-existent.” Advertising has successfully created a class gap between the automobile and other transport systems (Bannister, 2005), allowing for other forms of transportation to become psychologically and socially backcast.
Indeed the flexibility from the automobile as mentioned above, has direct physical implications to housing distribution. As Paul Mees (2000, p.37) discuss, “suburbanisation of both the population and activities has been attributed to the flexibility of the car, which enables both residents and activities to spread at low densities in all directions.” The active use of the automobile creates suburbanisation and in turn creates further automobile use (Mees, 2005). This is an example of an advertised attribute of the automobile physically affecting not only our lifestyle but also the layout of our cities.
3.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy The automobile rampant prominence within society suggests it may be responsible for its decline. The automobile has been embedded in society and whether this culture will move onto developing a world of disastrous consequences (Bannister, 2005). As Bannister explains (2005, p.6) “the car may however become a victim of its own success as the means to accommodate it will never expand as fast as ownership levels, so it will become less attractive to use it as congestion increases.” This success story is explained in the ability of the car to morph and transform itself to meet the changing demands of society. As Bannister cities (2005, p.7) “In the early days, car drivers inhabited the roads with the pioneering spirit of freedom and the image of the road….this changed to inhabiting the car, where the car drivers were ‘safe’ in the metal boxes with complete privacy…the last stage is inhabiting the intelligent car, where some of the routine tasks are allocated to the vehicles rather than the driver.” Thus the car itself is a developed being;
3.5 The automobiles role in city planning The exponential rise of the car and its subsequent effect on culture raises the question as to whether technology shapes society or society shapes technology. This has been described by Bannister (2005, p.6) in the manner to which the transport, specifically the automobile has shaped city planning. “…(the) car (has) both socially and spatially divisive as it allows cities to spread with consequences that all people
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it continually updates itself to meet the needs of a changing society. Public transport has not met this transformation, indeed the car culture cannot be underestimated since it does not simply follow the economic world. Single policy strategies are, according to Bannister (2005, p.15) “…limited in their scope,” whereas a package of strategies must be developed in order to communicate to the automobile world the importance of a sustainable society.
3.7 Conclusion In response to the research into the automobile, it has become evident that the automobile has effects which have negatively shaped society in a physical and emotional sense. With the predicament of climate change and rapid population growth, it is clear that society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private automobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained. Therefore in a future context, other means of transportation need to be explored in order to meet societies needs whilst address congestion and pollution. Tram transportation offers potential not only in its current mass commuter setup, but also in how Melbourne’s extensive infrastructure investment can be utilized in a future context.
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4.0 Historical Background 4.1 Transport planning in Melbourne
does not support concentrated flows of commuters required to make public transport sustainable (Mees, 2003).
Melbourne has an extensive system of light and heavy rail which suffers from mistreatment and misuse (Mees, 2003). Within government, the common policy explanation stems from the concept that post war development in Melbourne which created a city of low density. Mees states (2003, p. 114) “the real cause is government transport policies that reduce the attractiveness of public transport while expanding road capacity.”
This concept is flawed in that Melbourne transport planners have not found equality between public transport and road funding. Mees, (2003, p.120) states “their long established approach of discouraging public transport use through declining service quality and expanding the road network…paradoxically claiming that they have no choice but to do so because Melbourne’s urban for, is so car-orientated.” This convenient excuse to appease car interests perpetuate rather than address the real problem within transport planning; the negation of seriously considering other modes of mobility other than the car (Mees, 1994).
The argument that decentralised cities in nature are not suited to effective public transport is nothing new. This idea can be traced to a Chicago Area Transportation Study, which explains:
4.2 Tram Applications in Victoria
“The conditions of land use and density… are the major determinants of the travel market. If the demand is constrained by these factors, it is unlikely that changes in supply will have any great impact on the number of users.” (CATS, 1960).
Public transport in Melbourne was initially served by horse buses and steam railways in the 1860s (Keenan, 1985). Horse tramways were initially proposed for inner city transportation, but as Keenan (1985, p.5) explains “it was the successful development of cable trams in San Francisco. U.S.A., which saw this form of propulsion chosen for Melbourne’s tramway system.” The operation of this system was through a private public relationship whereby the Trust of Municipal Councils provided the track and engine houses and the private company supplied the cars and a housing shed whilst operating the system. The system was first opened in 1885 (Keenan, 1985), which later grew to sixteen by 1891. Maximum capacity reached 1200 dummies over 74 kilometres in 1923 (Keenan, 1985).
In an Australian context, this idea can be illustrated in planning. Underwood comments that (1990, p. 15) “current land use trends in Australian cities are towards continued low density development that cannot be effectively or economically served by public transport.” Underwood suggests alternatives such as flexible car sharing programs and shared taxis. This echoes the common theme within recent Melbourne planning policy in the sustainment of low density cityscapes that are mobile through car-like transportation modes (Mees, 2003). Public transport within this idea offers a supporting role, dealing with niche areas such as school children (Mees, 2003).
Electrification of tram lines was initially created in the Eastern suburb of Box Hill between 1889 and 1896 (Keenan, 1985). This acted as a public transport link to the local train station; this though was short lived due to planning matters. The electric tram movement became significant with the formation of an interim board to oversee all operations, which later became the Melbourne and Metropolitan Tramways Board in 1919 (Mees, 2000). With the expiration of the cable tramway compa-
The concept of the dispersed city can be further reinforced when considering the movement of employment. Hall (1990, p.90) describes this as “traditional pattern of movement – radically inward during the morning peak, outward during the late afternoon – has increasingly been overlain by other movements, both reverse commuting and criss-cross commuting.” Consequently the idea of dispersed travel
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The route 86 proposal wishes to create a central tram zone which is a strictly tram only environment. This separation of tram and vehicle traffic is concerned with tram priority as well as pedestrian safety.
ny’s lease in 1922, the board took control with the immediate development of electric tramways in 1925, with the final cable lines closing in 1940 (Keenan, 1985). With the arrival of the 1960s, much development had taken place, yet pressures within government questioned if Melbourne should follow the example of other cities (such as Chicago) and remove trams in view of bus services (Keenan, 1985). This view of inner city public transport did not persist, mainly as a result of the substantial 50 year development program the government had invested in. This decision was reinforced when in 1973 an order was placed that confirmed “with subsequent contracts for more then 300 additional trams.” (Keenan, 1985) The system then expanded with the inclusion of the East Burwood, Latrobe University and Bundoora tram lines.
Central Superstops The Darebin council proposal includes a number of ‘Superstops’ on High Street. ‘Superstops’ are a centrally located platform in the middle of a road. The trams will operate either side of the road, separated from automobiles, which allows a safe entry and exit for users. While it offers an improvement for tram users, it decreases the space available for road users; cyclists in particular. This then incurs further planning problems as to whether cyclists, as Bicycle Victoria suggests should “in-
4.3 Living with the Motor Car: A Melbourne Context Conflict often arises between trams and automobile drivers because they share a commonplace among the Melbourne road network. As Keenan describes (1985, p.9) “it is intended that the effect of traffic congestion on operating efficiency will be lessened by the progressive introduction of traffic management schemes which include sections of street track where motor traffic is segregated full or part time (known as the “Fairway”) and priority given to trams at traffic signals.” This separation of motorists and tram ways has continued with the introduction of super stops which significantly alter the road way in order to create a raised platform hub for high volumes areas.
4.4 Recent development Darebin Council has proposed, in conjunction with Yarra Trams and the Department of Transport, to improve and develop the route 86 tram service. The proposals are predominately concerned with pedestrians, particularly improving the manner to which the public can use the tram system. Plenty Rd – Northern End
figure 4.1 Artisit’s impression of Darebin Super Stop. http://www.bv.com.au/change-the-world/42311/
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corporate signal-advances for the trams and bikes to allow us to get through this squeeze point…without conflicting with vehicles.”
area. Bikes will be allowed to ride up and over the platform in our own dedicated space, when pedestrians are not getting onto a tram. This will separate the cars away from the bikes. This essentially is a narrow ‘Le Bump’ platform without cars. ”
‘Le Bump’ Superstops
Whilst the concept is an improvement for pedestrian users, the integration of cyclists and pedestrians is not a particularly a great development because there is the potential for dangerous incidents caused as a result of the high speed of cyclists. The other element that needs to be considered is tram priority. By combining vehicles and trams into a reduced space, tram services reliability and speed will be affected, delaying the system as a whole.
A ‘Le Bump’ is a tram stop which features a raised road section. This allows tram users to board trams with ease. Typically these bumps are 5 metres in length which is comparable to the length of a tram. The bump is an appropriate development since it doubles as an aid for drivers to recognize a tram stop, increasing the safety of pedestrians since it also slows down vehicles.
figure 4.2 Artisit’s impression of ‘Le Bump’ Superstop. http://www.bv.com.au/change-the-world/42311/
Curb extensions of Super Stops The curb extension of the superstop which is intended to ease the traffic flows of busy roads. As described by Bicycle Victoria, the curb “will be a raising and extension of the curb, coming out to meet the tram. Vehicles will be allowed to follow the tram through this central
figure 4.3 Artist Impression of curb extensions of super stops. http://www.bv.com.au/change-the-world/42311/
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from a French company for three years for $10 million.” The Rail, Tram and Bus Union assistant secretary Lou Di Gregorio states (The Age, 2009),
Bumblebee Trams: Melbourne has recently introduced five new trams onto the busiest tram route; route 96. These trams, nicknamed ’bumblebee’, are “on lease from the French town Mulhouse, under a unique international deal by Yarra Trams through its French shareholder Transdev.” (The Age, 2009). These trams are specially developed to carry large quantities of people in order to address peak time issues on the route 96 tram line. Lynne Kosky, (The Age, 2009), contents that the tram “will help use to meet unprecedented patronage growth ahead of the Victoria government’s long-term tram procurement program.” The trams have the capability to carry 1200 people once in operation.
“The Government recently closed St Kilda ection of the 96 route, and spent $3 million on replacing tracks. To help the trams run more easily…any other route and these trams would derail every day. Put [one] on the West Coburg route with lots of bends and it wouldn’t be able to take it.” The significance of this statement is that Melbourne has adopted trams that are area specific. This goes against the very nature of public transport which uses its vehicles strategically across routes. This allows tailoring of services for different times of demand. In addition, the increased of capacity of these trams doesn’t necessarily equate to improved services. Increase size and weight would result in longer periods in boarding and departing the tram, and the physical weight of the tram could affect the infrastructure. The Bumblebee, while early in introduction, illustrates the governments desire to address the symptoms of insufficient services. Attention should focus on understanding tram travel commuting patterns rather than just a bulk carrying tram. Public Transport Users Association: The Public Transport Users Association (PTUA) sees merit in the existing tram infrastructure and in improvements through minor developments. As described in their transport proposal (It’s time to move, 2002, p. 22), tram services “suffers from some minor deficiencies, in particular the historical legacy of lines that terminate half a mile from train stations and major trip destinations.” The PTUA’s rationale (2002, p.22) behind these extensions is the idea of a feeding system, whereby the “short, inexpensive extensions of these lines would render the network much more effective as a feeder to the rail backbone.” This then suggests that tram transportation is a secondary form of mass public transit, where the train network is the major carrier and it is reliant on trams to feed off its success.
figure 4.4 The new Bumblebee Tram outside of South Cross Station. http://www.theage.com.au/national/union-slams-new-trams-20081027-59ta.html
In contrast, the tram union is disappointed with the introduction of these trams. Firstly, the trams are rented for a significant amount of money. The Age (2009) explains that “the Brumby Government rented
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The PTUA views the tram network as the major feeder to ‘hot spots’. As described by the PTUA (2002, p.22) “Trams have a carrying capacity intermediate between heavy rail and buses, and can therefore serve as access modes to ‘hot spots’ where rail extensions are difficult or not otherwise warranted.” The system, with is extensive infrastructure, allows new, often recently new suburbs access to public transport in a mass sense. An examples cited by the PTUA (2002, p.22) is ”the $22 million extension of the Mont Albert tram line to the Box Hill District Centre (which) is a good example of a useful…tram extension…for the first time, residents of suburbs such as Balwyn and Mont Albert North have convenient public transport access not only to Box Hill Shops, but also to eastern suburban train services.” This allows a single network to prosper through feeding, rather than the separate systems fighting against each other in a form of competition.
Moreland City Council: Once a year the Moreland city council holds a street festival by closing Sydney road off to traffic. This then allows vendors to create a marketplace on the road whereby pedestrian’s have complete access to the road. The closing off of the road to traffic also results in tram services being redirected for the entire day. This hence makes the Sydney street festival a difficult case study because vendors only need resources for a day of trading before normal services resume the next day. This is compounded by a lack of tram transport through the festival, making it difficult to gauge how tram networks and traffic dynamics could be affected if trams had complete solidarity on the road.
4.5 Government Policy Development
4.6 Conclusion
Densification of Tram Lines:
The exploration into tramways and Melbourne has illustrated the strong relationship between the two. Tram travel has been a cornerstone of inner city mobility for more than a century. This has allowed the system to be held in high regard within the community, and thus the government. While public transportation has not been held as first priority within government, recent developments show a willingness to improve tram mobility for all. The project will use the knowledge gained from international city examples to vision a future for trams. Here care consideration will apply to understanding Melbourne’s relationship with trams and how this could evolve to meet future use patterns.
Current government policy in view of tram transportation is focused on the density around existing infrastructure. As described by Geoffrey London (The Age, 2009) “The city of Melbourne and the state government are interested in exploring the densification along tram corridors and that has, I think, real potential.” The idea central idea is the redevelopment of buildings around the tram lines. As London explains (The Age, 2009), “it makes great sense to make proper use of transportation nodes and corridors. A lot of them are single storey for great lengths of the roads.” This would then have the transfer effect of moving the density away from public transport poor areas; in turn enabling small green belts to prosper. In a broader sense this allows a capitalisation of infrastructure that has had over 100 years of investment, as well as reducing automobile related problems which plague efforts to make Melbourne sustainable for future generations.
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5.0 International city development 5.1 International city planning London and the development of Congestion Taxes. The city of London, England, has introduced measures to reduce traffic congestion through taxation. The system works on a scale whereby commuters are charged a fee for entering the central business district of London. As Santos and Shaffer explain (2004, p.1) “On February 17, 2003, the London Congestion Charging Scheme came into effect. Preliminary results show a significant response to the €5 (U.S. $8) charge.” From this point, any motorist wishing to drive and park within the zone of central London has to pay a fee. The rationale behind the tax system is to reduce congestion and pollution. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.179) “the preliminary results suggest that the London Scheme has so far succeeded in achieving the stated congestion reduction targets. Traffic decreased by more than expected.” The reduced traffic allowed an increase of traffic speed through the city, as Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.169) “ the average travel speed in the charging zone in the first few months after the Scheme was implemented, was 17 km/hour…(which) compares with the average speed recharging, which was 14 km/hour.” The reduction in traffic has the added benefit of transferring to some these passengers, who would normally use an automobile to commute, into the public transport system. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.171) “TfL predicted that approximately 20,000 individuals would switch from car travel to public transport during the morning peak period as a result of the scheme. Of this number, 5,000 were expected to use the Underground system; 14,000, the buses; and the remainder, rail system without transfers to bus or underground…this increased in line with expectations.” This increased level of usage is managed by the investment of the congestion charge in public transport. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.178) “The mayor’s transport strategy, as well as congestion reduction, also includes objectives such as investing in the Underground, improving bus services, and integrating National Rail with other transport systems.” This reinvestment allows an effective
absorption of previous automobile users into the public transport area, providing a sustainable shift in transportation. Car-free Living in Bremen Bremen, a small town in Germany, has developed the first car-free living environment in 1992 (Whitelegg, 1997). The residents who live on the estate are banned from owning a personal automobile. Only a small amount of car parking is available in the community, where a car-sharing system operates for large trips in and out of the community. This only caters for the minority journeys, since as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.141) “it is assumed that most journeys will be undertaken by public transport, walking or bicycle.” A bus feeder network exists for residents who wish to travel outside of the town, and a new tram network is being developed once population levels rise (Whitelegg, 1997). The immediate results of the town illustrates the success of car free policies; demand for living on the estate is very high (Whitelegg, 1997) since space has been freed up through the absence of large roads, garages and car parking spaces. These spaces, which traditionally dominate town planning, have been replaced with green spaces, a kindergarten and a dedicated space for children to play. Lothian regional council The Lothian council, located in Britain, has created a detailed proposal for a car free environment within the city of Edinburgh. The proposal looks to redevelop a disused rail yard. In its place would be 120 carfree residential units which would house much of the cities population. The benefits of this proposal are explained by Whitelegg (1997, p.141). -“improved quality of life: more space to live in, more pleasant surroundings with no traffic congestion; -Safety: no car traffic, no road accidents; -A good place to bring children up with more contact with other residents and a strong sense of community; -Clean air and a clean environment, with no intrusive noise from engines and the slamming of car doors;
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-Being part of an exciting new development; -Financial savings: the average cost of running a 1000cc petrol driven car, including depreciation, fuel and insurance, is around €3,117 per year (AA information hotline). The cost of renting a small car can be around €1.50 per hour.”
From another perspective, this type of development offers benefits to developers because this method of planning reduces land wastage. As a result of the significant reduction of automobiles, fewer roads and their associated infrastructure requirements need to be constructed. This in turn maximises the efficiency of space within the community, allowing greater profit margins (Whitelegg, 1997).
5.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning Zurich: Beschleunigungsmassahmen Central Europe, specifically the German city of Zurich, offers insight into how tram services can be drastically improved to meet the needs of society. As described by the public transport user group (PTA, 2002) “This comprehensive approach to tram priority was pioneered in Zurich between 1975 and 1985.” Here all impediments to tram travel were removed in order to create a reliable system that did not depend on congest levels to operate successfully. The result as published by the PTA (2002, p.19) is that “patronage increased from 32% of travel to 42%.” As described by the PTUA (2002, p.19), the elements of the Zurich tram policy: -“Traffic signals that respond to trams as they arrive, interrupting the ordinary cycle to allow trams straight through.” -“On intersections where absolute tram priority is not feasible, short signal cycles to prevent long delays to trams.” -“Effective barriers on wide streets to separate trams from cars.” -“Traffic signal changes, partial road closures and other measures to prevent long queues of traffic forming on streets to narrow for trams to be completely separated from cars.” -“Traffic islands, turn bans, hook turns and other measures to prevent turning
traffic obstructing trams.”
Melbourne’s own tram network is comparatively sized to Zurich, offering potential to rival these established system. Melbourne is a car orientated city, which is evident in tram priority. As the PTUA describes (2002, p.19) “Far from allowing trams through quickly, many traffic lights have special right-turn phases that delay trams carrying fifty or a hundred passengers, in order that one or two bars can turn right from an adjacent land.” Train and Tramway integration: In order to address the significant costs of initiating tramways, movements within Europe see an integration of trains and trams. Forsdike & Jeffcott (2001, p.15) describe this as “the flexibility offered by tramtrain vehicles able to operate on light and heavy rail lines makes them uniquely placed to provide a solution for future urban transport needs.” This though is contrasted will little, if any plans to construct such as system. Rather than technical issues, the main problem is the initial investment in construction. An example of such a system exists in Karlsruhe, Germany. This was constructed to advertise the cost effectiveness of such as system. Forsdike & Jeffcott (2001) explain its benefits: “potential capital cost savings, provided alignments are favourable… better city centre penetration afforded by on-street running…better modal integration, for example at major station interchanges, and the ability to add more stations interchanges, and the ability to add more stations to the network without compromising journey time because of improved vehicle performance. The main reason this system hasn’t been implemented in any cities is its integration with existing infrastructure. The German example was specifically built without any competing services (Forsdike & Jeffcott, 2001). This in turn makes the system difficult to implement within an established city environment. The German example feeds off the estab-
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lished rail network, this then makes regions response for transportation. This is of significant importance since “German Rail (DB) is keen to find cheaper ways of operating loss-making regional routes.� Forsdike & Jeffcott (2001). Significant cost seems to be the main hurdle in a world of unstable financial markets. An example can be seen in France, a proposal has been made to convert the route from Lebach to Sarregnemines. Forsdike & Jeffcott (2001, p.15) states that the �estimated cost at DM 418.8 million ($US 192 Million). This can be seen as abortient amount considering the process is develop not creating infrastructure.
5.3 Conclusion This investigation into international city and tram development has shown the importance of tram travel. The stated examples illustrate that current trams are important within inner and outer city environments. Zurich has understood this, and has subsequently introduced policies that remove impediments in tram travel. The example of tram-train development in Europe shows how the effectiveness of tram travel has seen it integrated in the broader reach of train travel. Overall trams offer significant importance of the world of travel, especially Europe. As with Melbourne, Europe has a vast history in trams that continues to the present. They too see the need to embrace this system across society in order to develop equitable and efficient public transportation system. The project is briefed by this knowledge, reinforcing the notion that tram travel is a viable mode of mobility for current and future cities.
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6.0 Freight Transportation 6.1 Past freight transportation revolutions
society had moved on from animal powered transport.
Rail Revolution: British Rail; 1830 to 1850
This technological development allowed the newly formed rail network to prosper. The network commenced operation on the 15th of September 1830 (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). In contrast to the initial expectation, the rail network’s major market segment was passengers. As Gilbert and Perl state (2008, p. 20) “The expectation that more would be earned from freight than from passengers turned out to be wholly wrong.” Initial forecasts looked at 305,000 tones of freight and 90,000 passengers, yet in the first six months the network had moved 188,726 passengers and only 36, 400 tones of freight (Garfield, 2002).
The industrial revolution saw Britain reliant on the movement of freight. The empire relied on raw and finished materials being freighted between cities (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). These materials were shipped in large volumes, requiring an extensive canal network for the numbers of barges required (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). As Gilbert & Perl described (2008, p.16) “Despite the significant profits generated for canal owners, canal capacity was not expanding as fast as the demand to move goods, and something more was needed.” An example of this exponential rise in freight movement can be seen in Liverpool. In 1820 the number of vessels that docked was 4746; by 1825 this had rose to a total of 10,837 (1969, p.21). The resultant revolution in freight transportations related to railways. The first steam railway constructed in Britain was between Stockon and Darlington in 1825 (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). This railway was constructed to freight coal to Stockon, with the immediate effect of lowering the cost by more than 50 per cent (Garfield, 2002, p.95). This in turn led a number of industrialists and merchants to vision a rail service that would meet the need of the ever expanding system. After much backlash from proponents and the public, the British Parliament approved the Liverpool and Manchester’s rail charter (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). While this caused a division within general society, major landholders embraced this concept in the hope that their land and its produce would be worth more since the railway would reach new markets. From a technological standpoint, the creation and development of the steam locomotives allowed the freight revolution to exist. A significant landmark was the Rainhill steam locomotive trails of 1929. The ‘Rocket’, a steam locomotive designed by George Stephenson, caused much excitement by moving heavy loads and reaching a top speed of 48 kilometres per hour (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). Whilst this may not be of significance to modern society, the event illustrated that
The interesting effect this had on transport landscape was how the marketplace adjusted around the dominant railway. Freight canals initially lowered rates while looking to transport freight that was, as Gilbert and Perl state (2008, p.20), “less time sensitive and more price sensitive than the goods moving by rail.” This allowed a niche marketplace to form, since at the time the canal was still competitive in small, less time conscious products. While the coach sector was decimated since the rail network was significantly faster and matched the coach pricings (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). The coach industry that grew out of the ashes of the former looked to form around the railway. This involved basing services within townships as well as transporting goods from train stations. The revolution that occurred within British railway illustrated a milestone in efficient, rapid and high volume transportation. The introduction of this network was bred from an expanding freight marketplace. This, as Gilbert and Perl explain (2008, p. 22) encouraged “the integration of available technologies such as iron rails and steam engines to produce faster, more reliable and cheaper inland mobility over long distances.” High Speed Rail: 1960 to 1985 With the rampant rise in automobile ownership and aviation travel,
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long distance trains were in decline. Indeed, the Beeching Report in the UK proposed restructuring the rail network so that the “industry must be of a size and pattern suited to modern conditions and prospects” (British Railway Board, 1963). Indeed even a US Interstate Commerce Commission also emphasised the point that the rail network was suffering with the mass exist of passengers to other forms of mobility.
At the end of World War Two, Japan redirected all industrial resources away from aerospace and military development under American decree. This set the scene for technological developments that revolutionised train travel. This is explained by Gilbert and Perl (2008, p.41), “in the early 1950s, some of Japan’s top electrical, mechanical and civil engineers were drawn to the Railway Technical Research Institute (RTRI), the scientific arm of the old rail bureaucracy that had become part of JNP.” This allowed Japan to be at the forefront of train technologies whilst other nations concentrated on new aerospace and atomic technologies (Bannister, 2005).
“the inescapable fact…seems to be that in a decade or so (the passenger train may take its place in a museum along with the stagecoach, the sidewheeler and the steam locomotive…(T)his outcome will be due to the fact that the American public now is doing about ninety percent of its travelling by private automobile and prefers to do so.” (United States Interstate Commerce Commissio,1958) In contrast to the anticipated decline of locomotive transportation, recent developments have realised the opposite. At the core of the train revolution was the introduction of cutting edge technology in order to improve the efficiency of travel. This application was specific in terms of short to medium travel distances along population corridors. In contradiction to the forecast, such train services as Train a Grand Vitesse (TGV) and Shinkansen recast train travel. These services were the result of incremental developments that prompted a new relationship with the user. This is explained by Gilbert and Perl (2008, p.38) as “between the train technology that had evolved over more than a century in delivering universal mobility, on the one hand, and the specialized technology that had been developed to move people rapidly over the busiest travel corridors, on the other hand.” In the case of the Shinkansen train system, it sought to redefine the relationship with the user by complementing the existing transport network. As Gilbert and Perl describe (2008, p. 38) “the Shinkansen was designed to add new capacity to Japan’s busiest transport route, the corridor between Tokyo and Osaka.” This gave the project purpose, which in turn lead to the significant investment from the government.
The train service has realised all intended benefits to users while creating a revolution that has spread across Europe and America. It had become the core of the Japanese intercity rail system (Bannister, 2005) while addressing the growth of Japanese economic expansion in the 1970s (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). Currently the service provides 30 percent of all inter city, while competition from airlines such as Japan Airlines’ dropped by 50 percent in the first year of the trains operation (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). The success of high speed railways illustrates the benefits that can be gained when mobility is reconceptualised. The collaboration between government and industry led to both technical and organisational breakthroughs that looked beyond the present train system. This not only allows a repositioning of the service, but a recreation of what the train actually is and provides. Air Freight: 1980 to present Air Freight began as soon as planes became commercially available. The first recorded commercial air freight was in India in 1911 (Gilbert & Perl, 2008); a flight from Allahabad to Naini carried over 6000 letters and postcards. Air freight as a viable commercial proposition was realised in 1918 when the US postal service created a delivery route between New York and Washington DC. Before World War Two, the majority of air freight was based on emergency and military supplies.
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The concept of air freight grew to prominence as a form of mobility with the arrival of the 1980s. Federal Express introduced a ‘hub-andspoke’ concept of a network. Dedicated aircraft flights were integrated with a network that featured local trucking distribution. This created a door-to-door system of transportation that creates, as Gilbert and Perl (2008, p.47) explain, “(a) transport revolution (that) expanded to cover and connect all continents.” The revolutionary aspect of this network is it reconceptualises the system as a whole. Manufacturing, retailing and distribution all need to be redesigned in order to capitalise on air freight possibilities.
generated revenue of $32.3 billion in the 2006 financial year (Bannister, 2006).
At the time Federal Express (soon to be FedEx) was created, the majority of freight was transported in commuter aircraft bellies. This affected freight in that the scheduling catered for commuter (Upham, 2003). This resulted in shippers being obliged to deliver the freight either by themselves of by courier. Consequently the system that “could move freight faster than ordinary mail, railway express or trucking, by they did not provide the guaranteed expedited delivery that people now take for granted and rely on.” (Gilbert & Perl, 2008, p.48). Fedex pioneered a system whereby cargo plans were dedicated to freight while integrating door-to-door services. Founder, Fred Smith, funded two independent studies which illustrated an “untapped market for express delivery of small packages in the order of $1 billion… $4.9 billion in 2007 dollars.” (Gilbert & Perl, 2008, p. 48) This system started in operation on the 17th of April 1973, with 14 planes flying to 25 cities. Here the hub and spoke mentality was realised, “186 packages were collected directly from shippers, driven to the nearest airport where a FedEx jet was waiting, flown to the carrier’s Memphis hub and sent on to destination airports where truck completed their delivery the next morning.” (Gilbert and Perl, 2008, p.49). This system expanded in an exponential manner after initial problems. Presently FedEx works in 375 airports in 220 countries. With their 672 planes, FedEx can handle over 6.5 million freight units daily, which
The revolution for FedEx was in the development of their COSMOS system. COMOS is an acronym for Customers, Operations and Services Master Online System. This is a centralised computer database which manages the complete FedEx business system. This includes people, packages, vehicles and weather scenarios; all within a real time environment. The adaptive nature allowed complex for tracking systems which are based on a barcode system. Each barcode contains all the information required in the delivery of the parcel. The advent of a holistic air freight system has not only evolved the process of freight transportation; it has altered the products it moves. The relationship with new information technology allowed technical innovation to take place. Now the service is integrated into one system to streamline the process. The Cargo Container and Cargo Ship The cargo container was born, as Gilbert and Perl explain, (2008, P.16), “on April 26, 1957, a crane lifted fifty-eight aluminium truck bodies aboard an aging tanker ship moored in Newark, New Jeresy…the Ideal-X sailed into Houston sailed into Houston, where fifty-eight trucks waited to take on the metal boxes and haul them to their destination. Such was the beginning of a revolution.” While this simple, aluminium or steel box looks decidedly utilitarian in form, it has revolutionised the transport of freight. The value of this object is not in terms of form or shape, rather the manner in which it is used (Gilbert and Perl, 2008). The container is a small but important part of an automated shipping system. The benefit of this system, described by Gilbert and Perl (2008, p. 16) is that if can move “goods for anywhere, to anywhere, with a minimum of cost and complication on the way.” The real advantage of the system, above all else, is the ability to be moved between modes of freight mobility. This allows con-
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their capacity.” This freight transport can be focused in that the majority of it is localised. An example of this idea can be seen in a recent study in Edmonton, Canada. In a town of some 850,000 people, it was found that “93 percent of commercial traffic trips began and ended within the urban region, 5 percent began or ended elsewhere, and 2 percent involved vehicles that were passing through.” (Gilbert & Perl, 2008, p. 99)
tainers to be loaded, trucked to a waiting ship and vice versa without being opened until delivery. An example of how this efficient and effective system changed the manufacturing landscape can be seen in the automotive industry. In combination with powerful computer systems, companies such as Toyota and Honda can viably produce through just-in-time manufacturing (Gilbert and Perl, 2008). This technique is where manufacturing is made to order. It allows products to be produced in quantities demanded, avoiding the distribution network holding large quantities of stock. Gilbert and Perl (2008, p. 17) describe this as having “such precision…has led to massive reductions in manufacturers’ inventories and corresponding huge cost savings.”
6.3 Sustainable freight vehicles Grid connected vehicles in mining
6.2 Freight Transport today From a broad perspective, freight transportation makes up 47 percent of all transport energy used (Bannister, 2005). This substantial level of energy investment is often ignored within popular culture. An example of this can be seen in the Canadian Government’s 2002 climate change plan, where one-quarter of reductions was concerned with freight. Yet between the years of 1990 and 2002, “freight contributed over half of the increase in greenhouse gas emissions from transport.” (Gilbert and Perl, 2008, p.95) Within the generic description of freight, shipping makes up over 95 percent of total freight (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). This leaves road, rail, pipeline and air make up the remaining percentage. This can be contrasted when considering the value of freight. Here, on a value basis, water freight contributes only 50 percent (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). The majority of goods, roughly a third, relates to oil and is subsequent bi products (UNCTAD, 2006). Freight within an urban environment is characterised by truck use. Gilbert and Perl (2008, p. 98) describe this as “nearly all local freight movement is by lorry, often in small vehicles carrying loads well below
Grid connected vehicles have used within many environments to transport freight in an environmentally improved manner. Electric vehicles have used within the Quebec Cartier mine in order to assist heavy freight movement. As Gilbert and Perl described, (2008, p. 156), “These trucks were in effect hybrid vehicles with electric motors powered from overhead wires that provided additional traction when heavy loads were carried up steep slopes.” The generator for this electricity is diesel powered, which had the results, as Gilbert and Perl (2008, p. 156) explain, of “87 percent decrease in fuel consumption and a 23 percent increase in productivity.” The importance of this example is the movement of heavy loads. The Quebec example illustrates that electric propulsion can be vastly more efficient when compared to the generic internal combustion engines. This can be correlated to this project because it shows that trams have a solid and proven foundation to work upon. Personal Rapid Transport (PRT) Personal Rapid transport is a concept of fully automated light vehicles that travel on reserved guide ways (Bannister, 2006). The system is based on small vehicles that carry between one and six persons (Gilbert & Perl, 2008). The most recent assessment of PRT was conducted for the European Commission’s Fifth Framework Programme, Energy, Environment, and Sustainable Development.
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“The ideal target of cities is a self financed public transport system. PRT has a relatively low capital and operating cost, e.g., lower operating cost per passenger-km and lower capital cost per track-km than light railway. PRT can cover its operating costs, and has the potential to even cover capital costs depending on the type of network, the discount rate and a reasonable fare…in the longer-term, large-scale implementation and mass production of PRT will lead to reductions in cost.” (NETMOBIL, 2005, p.35) The advantage of this system is that is reactive to society. It offers the ability to create a personally catered transport system that is reactive to certain situations within daily lives. Peter Calthorpe (2005, http:// www.cities21.org/conspirations.htm) describes this as “if you think about what you’d want from the ideal transit technology, it’s PRT a) stations where you are, within walking distance, b) no waiting.” The disadvantages of such as system is the substantial infrastructure required to realise this form of mobility. The minimum requirement for such as system is overhead wires; this would require substantial investment in order to reach the majority of citizens even in a dense city environment. This though was a similar scenario the automobile found itself in at the start of the 20th century. The exploration into PRT as a personal transportation device offers interesting insight into current public transport and its failings. In many ways they offer a futuristic vision of trams from an automobile perspective. This fixation on personal transportation as the major travelling manner contradicts the basis of public transport.
6.4 Conclusion This exploration into freight transportation has educated this project as its past, effects and future visions. The revolutions in the freight transport industry offer insight into their origins and how this affected the established system. This educates the project as how design solutions could work within current and future transport environments.
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7.0 Social Tram Perspectives 7.1 Notions of Tramways within society Within the paradigm of tram usage in Melbourne, there are numerous rationales as to why trams are used. Aside from general commuting, is there an emotional attachment to trams? Is this born from Melbourne’s traditional heritage for trams? This in turn suggests this emotional attachment influences the manner to which society uses trams. An example of how tramways are intertwined in society can be seen in their inclusion in play writes. Tramways create the central theme of the White Whale Theatre companies Melburnalia No. 2. David Mence, director of the production, states (The Age, 2009) “Melburnalia No. 2… has given five writers…a brief to write about Melbourne places. This time it’s Birrarung, Maribyrnong, Caulfiled, Preston and Mentone. The proviso is that each piece must include ‘tramways.” Melbourne’s deep relationship with trams has created a level of affection. This has resulted in trams being class beyond just a utilitarian object, rather a key factor in the social fabric of Melbourne.
7.2 Tramways and social structure The absence of class systems within tram travel can be seen as a reflection of social structure. Tram structures integrate society in a manner which reflects the multicultural society Australia has build. As Chakrbarty (2005, p. 186) states, Melbourne trams “carry the ‘multicultural’ crowds of new Australia. No class distinction here…middle class men and women rubbed shoulders with their working-class compatriots.” This can be contrasted with an equivalent city with tramways such as Kolkata. As Chakrbarty explains (2005, p.182) “Trams expressed some of the social distinctions of colonial Kolkata…trams spoke of subtle distinctions of gentility and status and also of the undemocracy that usually went with such feelings.” The sheer structure of the Kolkata tram network echoed this concept; two articulated carriages contained a class system which segregated the population. This is evident in he childhood memories of Chakrbarty (2005, p. 183) “we middleclass people, on the other hand, would avoid travelling in the second-
class car…when we did that sometimes…we would be desperate to avoid the glances of people we know. How quickly a child imbibes ideas of status and class.” The segregation of community within public transport offers an interesting comparison to Melbourne. The Melbourne Tram network is a multicultural representation of society. Whilst the Kolkata system was established in the mould of British imperialism, its present existence illustrates divide within a public domain. While there is no cultural divide within Melbourne’s tram network, a social divide exists in terms of physical ability. This can be seen in the minority of super stops; these a raised platforms which address the needs of disabled of wheel chair bound citizens.
7.3 Tramways and social interaction A tram journey can be considered more than a utilitarian trip to a destination. Trams as Wearne (2005, p.208) explains, “invite people to be ‘travellers’, yet now we are treated as merely ‘customers’ or ‘commuters’. Tramways are complex and intricate networks which interconnect and bind the city into one. This large area of range allows trams to enrich the community through moving travellers to places (Wearne, 2005). The idea of travellers going places leads to a concept which Weave describes (2005, p. 214) as “moving public place.” Trams are more than just a transportation object, rather a mode that binds a city together in a common place. This place transports people to places and activities, as well as contributing to the actual experience.
7.4 Tramways and city atmospheres Tramways and their infrastructure contribute to the overall atmosphere and dynamic of cityscapes. Mick Douglas (ed., 2005, p.234) describe trams as a mode of conveyance that “facilitate particular types of street-based social experience whilst contributing their extraordinary character of lines, textures, rhythms and sounds to the urban landscape.” This concept stems from an idea that no one form of trans-
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portation is based from one point to another (Douglas, 2005). Here trams offer interesting comparisons with trains and automobiles in their heritage and embedded nature in Melbourne. This deep embedded nature is a result of tramways being at the heart of Melbourne for a significant time period. In many ways their very nature is held at a subconscious level (Douglas, 2005) which in turn does not represent their significance to society. The automobile is prevalent within society in turn of social systems and
7.5 Conclusion The exploration into Melbourne’s relationship with trams and tramways has illustrated trams are more than just transport. Trams represent Melbourne as a whole; a multicultural community that does not base itself on a class system. Resultantly, the project has been briefed as to how important trams are the makeup of Melbourne. Consideration will be made in the design process as how to communicate Melbourne’s rich cultural past with visions of future use patterns.
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8.0 Approach 8.1 Participatory action research technique
Wadsworth (1999, p.6)
PAR with perspectives that have evolved out of a refusal to accept theory, research, and ethical perspectives that ignore, devalue, and erase women’s lives, experiences, and contributions to social science research.” This framework helped articulate how this new form of feminist inspired PAR could be applicable across a multitude of contexts (Kanhare 1980, Lykes 1989, Maguire 1987).
Historical Background
Participatory Action Research and relevant ethical challenges
Participatory action research (PAR) has, stated by McIntyre (2008, p.1)
Before examining specific modes of PAR, it is necessary to construct a frame work that addresses ethical challenges found in PAR. The main concern is focused on the duty of care with the participants. This is to allow a respectful space where individual who previously have not had the opportunity to share their experiences can do so without prejudice or bias. As McIntyre states (2008, p. 12):
“Participatory Action Research involves an imaginative leap from a world of ‘as it is’ to a glimpse of the world ’as it could be’.”
“underlying tenets that are specific to the field of PAR… (a) a collective commitment to investigate an issue or problem, (b) a desire to engage in self- and collective reflection to gain clarity about the issue under investigation, (c) a joint decision to engage in individual and/or collective action that leads to a useful solution that benefits the people involved, and (d) the building of alliances between researches and participants in the planning, implementation, and dissemination of the research process.”
In other words, PAR is a type of research where the participants become the researchers through the course of the research. This can take place through a number of forms of research, whether discussion based, photography, or the manner to which this project proposes; a three dimensional toolkit. Participatory action research has no sole origin; it draws from a multitude of “principles, methodologies, epistemologies, and characterization” (McIntyre, 2008) in order to create a research methodology. As McIntyre states (2008, p.2) an early examples of PAR within a social context was “in the late 1970s and 1980s, for example, Tandon (1981) and Kanhare (1980) initiated PAR projects in India that addressed adult education and women’s development, respectively.” Since then, the applications of PAR have broadened to political realms, addressing violence related issues, general community issues and feminist policy. Feminism, particularly has contributed substantially to the development of participatory action research (McTaggart, 1997). Feminism has as McIntyre explains (1997, p.3) “enhanced the field of
1.Participants engage in all aspects of the project. 2.Practitioners have and appreciation of the capacity for individuals to work together to effect change. 3.Practitioners participate with participants in the overall PAR process, contributing resources and knowledge when necessary. 4.Attention is given to reducing barriers between participants and practitioners of PAR. That includes construction of consent procedures, documentation of data, and ensuring that the language used in the research project is understood by participants. 5.Participants are encouraged to learn about the research methods that are appropriate to the project. 6.Practitioners make a distinction between professional ethical considerations and contextually specific ethical considerations, which can be negotiated and modified to best serve the participants. 7.Practitioners take every precaution to protect the confidentiality, privacy, and identity of participants. 8.Practitioners do not disseminate any research data without the explicit consent of those involved. 9.Practitioners are trustworthy; scrupulous in their efforts to give primacy to participants’ goals; responsible for the well-being of all involved; fair, just, and willing to relinquish their agendas if they conflict with participants’ desires.
McIntyre’s ethical structures allow the research project to specifically
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focus on the needs of the participants. This is highly important because these perspectives, realties, truths come from people who have not had, as McIntyre states (2008, p.12) “the opportunity to speak their truths into public life and therefore must be provided with a space to do so.” The framework by no means alleviates any related issues or problems that arise from this reflection/action based research technique. Rather, the structure of PAR insures researchers and participants work closely together in order to create a relevant and empathetic project. Participation in definition: Participation, and the recognition of its relevant, is crucial to the research technique achieving a tangible result. As McIntyre states (2008, p.16) in a recent PAR project involving underprivileged young adults, “I invited them to discuss how they would define participatory action research.” This resulted in a dictionary definition being sought in order for the group to discuss and define their own framework of the project. This framework was further developed by the group moving to install attendance and group involvement regulations in order for maximum participation. The basis for this suggestion was as McIntyre explains (1999, p.17) “the process of linking the meaning of participation to the actualization of participation was slowing and time-consuming.” This example has relevance in the application of the three dimensional toolkit because the participants need to, as a group, realise that they are crucial in the exercise of accomplishing a result. This recognition is fed by the idea that though the participants have the power to change there issues, first they need to become critically aware of the issue and its associated problems. Precedents in the application of 3D Participatory Action Research: The use of three dimensional forms in the process of participatory action research has precedents. The process was used by McIntyre (2002) in the exploration of women in Belfast and their experiences of war. These women, as McIntyre (2008, p. 41) explains “wanted to
present a version of their experiences as women growing up in and surviving a war that spoke to the multidimensionality of their individual lives, as well as to their collective commitment to maintaining and sustaining a community of well-being.” This process of exploring the experiences needed, as McIntyre explains (2008, p. 41) a “place where the women felt comfortable revealing their experiences to outsiders was a process intertwined with issues of power, authority, and identity.” This in turn allowed women a place whereby stories and experiences can be shared without conflict. The particular method McIntyre used in order to share these experiences was 3D modelling through clay (2002, p.41). “I invited the women to use clay as a way to tell stories about their lives. I asked them to silently picture themselves sitting against a tree. On the other side of the tree was a storyteller. The storyteller was there to tell each of the women a storey that she wanted to hear. I told the women it could be historical story, a mystery, a fantasy, and/or a story about any person, place, or thing that came to mind. The women sat silently for about 5 minutes imagining the story they wanted the storyteller to relate to them. After that time of reflection, I invited each of the women to use modelling clay and create a symbolic representation of he story she had ‘hear’.” This precedent illustrates the preparation needed to introduce and prepare the participants before the three dimensional process is used. This process is important to the overall participatory process in that it allows themes to be found and developed in a physical sense. Resultantly the process contributes to understanding society’s experiences in tram travel, and in defining what future they see. 3D toolkit design: In many ways, the design of this participatory toolkit by definition needs participation in order to design it. As McIntyre explains (2008, p.15) researchers and participants need “to take responsibility for de-
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veloping the group’s version of what it means to participate in a PAR process. When researchers and participants work together to define the most practical and doable ways for them to participate, there is less pressure on individuals to conform to a way of participating.” Thus the participation within the process of research and the formal research itself will endeavour to avoid the concept of group participation as an imposition, rather a choice to express oneself. The toolkit will need a number of iterations in order to develop a functional and effective system. Initially this will be sought through basic cardboard and foam modelling. This form of ‘quick and dirty’ prototyping will allow a process of design through experimentation, whereby through the making process, ideas and development direction can be found. Methods to analyse research data The nature of participatory research results in a level of ambiguity in terms of analysing the data. The research gathered does not come in the traditional form of hard data, such as raw statistics, rather in stories and anecdotes. This presents problems as to how to reflect and draw conclusions from the research which will inform the overall project. A precedent for a framework which examines participatory research is called social constructionist grounded theory. The form of framework is defined by Charmaz (2005, p.509) as “developing conceptual concept categories (that) arise through our interpretations of data rather than from them.” This research allows the exploration to shape the hypothesis through the course of interpretation. The core of the technique relies on the researcher to be aware of prior frameworks, particular interests, relationships with the participants and concerned interest while not letting them interfere, and yet not control or interfere with the process of interpretation (McIntyre, 2008). The process I propose for the three dimensional toolkit will involve initial photography and voice recording of the group exercises. The record-
ings will then be listened to in order to identify themes, categories and relevant concepts of what a tram is, how it could be from the participant’s perspective. If time permits, a reflection of this examination will be offered to the participants so that clarification or further interpretations can be sought. The underlying themes present in these transcripts will then be used directly in the design phase. Here the participant’s stories, observations and ideas will be integrated into design response to offer a design solution of what a tram could be in a car free Melbourne.
8.2 Ethnography Historical Background The ethnographic methodology was born, as Gobo explains (2008, p.7), in “the period between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It developed internally to ethnography, a discipline in the first half of the 1800s split away from traditional anthropology, which was then dominated by the physical and biological paradigm.” This new method differed from traditional ethnology in that it is concerned with the study of people through their material artefacts and cultures (Gobo, 2008). Traditional ethnology saw importance in statistics, documentation; this in turn separated the researcher from the subject. This led to the belief, as Gobo explains (2008, p.8), that ethnology researchers “considered the members of native peoples to be ‘primitive’: they were savages to be educated, and they could not be used as direct informants because they could not be trusted to furnish objective information.” This prejudice was opposed by ethnography, which saw the understanding of people and cultures significant in research. Among early ethnographers, Bronsilaw Malinowski (1844 – 1942) became a significant in his text Argonauts of the Western Pacific. The book researched the Trobriand Islands, and as Gobo explains (2008, p.8) “described the methodology principles underpinning the main goal of ethnography, which is ‘to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, and realise his vision of his world.” This understanding was undertaken through Malinowski living in the islands for
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two years, he became fluent in their language (Kiriwinian), befriended and used locals as informants and observed everyday life of the village (Malinowski, 1966). This participation in their society created the concept of the view ‘from within’, a concept which created the core of modern ethnography (Gobo, 2008). Technique This project will use ethnography, which is defined as “describing and interpreting cultural behaviour,” as a main methodology to explore user behaviour in regard to the automobile (Dawson 2007, p.19). In ethnography the researcher immerses themself in the lifestyle and cultural groups being studied (Dawson, 2007). It specifically seeks the everyday nature of behaviour and as a result the hypotheses are often not formed at the beginning of the research. An example is living within an African tribe for months in order to become one of the tribe. Researchers often participate in, as Dawson describes (2007, p.19) “group activities whilst observing its behaviour, taking notes, conducting interviews, analysing, reflecting and writing reports.” Other commonly used names for ethnography include fieldwork or participant observation (Dawson 2007, p.19). Ethnography strives to, as Crocket and Redvers-Mutton describes (2002, p. 288) “find the order within an activity rather than impose any framework of interpretation on it.” The users simply continue their regular behaviour to which the observer watches. This immersion into the user’s environment allows the observer to participate in daily tasks and speak with the users personally. This method, described by Crocket and Redvers-Mutton (2002, p. 288) is based on the idea of making the research “implicit explicit.” In that the everyday techniques and actions that might not be of any importance to the user can be observed, recorded and feed into the design process. As a result of the variable and personal characteristics of ethnography, research results can come in various forms. As stated in ‘interaction design’ (2002, p.288) “It (ethnography) is an experience rather
than a data-collection exercise. However, the experience must be shared with other team members, and therefore needs to be documented and rationalized.” This documentation will allow for careful analysis and reflection throughout the pre-major and major project. Application to this Project: Interviews Ethnography is applicable within this project because it subjects the researcher to the culture that is being studied. This immersion allows an in depth knowledge of the culture, while at the same time being critically aware through writing. The technique will be used as a research method in interviewing and observing tram users. During tram transportation users will be observed and interviewed if granted. The interview will focus on the users definition of tram transportation, how it is and how it could be in a future context. Application to this Project: Observations Observation will be used within ethnography in order to understand users. As described by Clarkson (2003, p.405) “it is the ability of ethnography to understand a social setting as perceived by its participants (the archetypal users) that underpins its appeal to developers.” This will take the form of observation of use, whereby importance will be placed on activities commonplace to the daily live of the users (Garfinkel, 1967). The core of this technique relies on the researcher to observe what people are doing. This is defined by Clarkson (2003, p.405) as important in “observational approaches offer the opportunity to reveal unarticulated ‘needs’ or ‘practises’ of users.” Users may not be aware of these behaviours because they may be regular or taken for granted through day to day life.
8.3 Camera Journal Historical Background – IDEO IDEO, a silicone valley design firm, specialises in innovative multi-
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disciplinary design which is described by Jeremy Myerson (2001, p.30) as “understand, observe, visualise, evaluate, and implement.” What differentiates this firm is their study of society in the process of design. As Myerson explains (2001, p.30) “IDEO has pioneered the use of many forms of non-interventionist observation in its practise, including visual ethnography, in order to really understand how people behave.” This research captures the nature of how people behave, rather than how they perceive they behave (Myerson, 2001). This method allows the research, as Myerson explains (2001, p.30), to “deal with [what] people are really doing and feeling” which in turn allows focused and important research that is not biased because of social, gender or race concerns. Historical Background – Camera Journals within PAR An emerging method of research within Participatory Action Research is Photovoice. Photovoice is a form of research whereby the participant uses photography to document their community, specifically their personal lives (McIntyre, 2008). The process begins with the participants documenting their lives through a number of photographs which are then described in detail by the participants. This form of descriptive photography provides a vast amount of personal information on what the community values and is concerned about. The key to this form of information is that it allows people outside of the community insider information in quick visual sense. The relevance of this form of research, as McIntyre describes (2008, p.24) is that it is “not fixed…rather, they (the pictures) were entry points into yet more questions, more opportunities for reflecting on how to most effectively develop a photovoice project.” This form of participatory action research has relevance to this project because it visualises personal lives and stories, illustrates peculiarities in uses and events of importance. This in turn focuses the project to relevant issues that are of importance to society.
Applications within project The technique of camera journals will document current users, asking users to create a window of their daily travels. This form of photography will capture tram travel in an effort to identify micro events that offer insight into future uses of tram transportation. An example could be of trade transportation, current users might use small trolleys on trams in order to move personal or commercial goods. This could then offer a research tangent into how small businesses send and receive freight when cars and trucks are banned from entering the city centre. The application of this method will come in the form of advertising and creating a small group of tram users in order to document their individual travel. This user group will allow a wider range of photography which in turn will limit any biases that could appear if one single person was doing the research. Results and applications Initial results with a test student illustrated the unease of public photography. Her feedback: -The nature of the photography is impersonal and intruding. -Could be seen as a rude action, possible backlash? -Proposed use of disposable cameras would not be ideal because of the intruding flash, loud winding movement in loading the film. -Could all the research be done by one individual since “I know what I want.”
Response to initial feedback: I agree that photography in public raises privacy issues which need to be dealt with. It has been suggested by fellow student’s that the tram driver should be approached in order to receive their consent. As for the disposable camera, I agree the noise could be intruding and awkward; yet they offer the ability to give out to researchers, use and
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simply post back. This is simpler than downloading photos due to time restraints. An added positive is that it is impossible to delete any photos that could be deemed unusable because they are out of focus for example; which could offer research information. As for the final comment, I do not believe one sole person constructing this camera journal is of any use; it will allow biases to appear and only highlights certain area of travel. On another level, the photography is not about what I want, indeed the research originates in order explore current transport peculiarities. Indeed if I were to constrict the process then it not only limits the scope of the project, highlighting an ignorance of the importance of research in general to the design process.
understanding specific research methodologies and their application. A case in point is the proposed three dimensional participatory research toolkit. Whilst the idea has been explored in case examples, the toolkit could not be appropriately designed and used without understanding the core of the methodology.
Overall the test highlights the need to explain the intention of the camera journal to the researcher. The initial miscommunication compounded the personal concerns of the test user. This in turn caused unease in constructing the journal, making the task somewhat of a burden rather than simple photography when commuting daily.
8.4 Survey The construction of surveys will be used to research specific groups within the society. The first survey will be constructed to target businesses on Sydney Road, where a yearly festival closes the street entirely to traffic. This in turn offers insight into how street dynamics change without traffic, creating a window into future scenarios. The survey will be printed out and physically handed to vendors with a stamped and addressed envelope. The second survey will be used in conjunction with tram interviews in order to research current tram users. As with the Sydney road survey, this survey will examine user perceptions of what current tram transport is and how it could be.
8.5 Conclusion The exploration into research approaches has briefed the project in
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9.0 Design Refinement and Process 9.1 Initial Explorations The process of modelling the toolkit began (figure 9.1 & 9.2) with modelling concepts in CAD. It was intended to use the universities new resources to produce the model; namely the laser cutter and a program called lamina. Lamina, a specialised modelling program, can produces two dimensional plans for three dimensional objects. Unfortunately both the software the laser cutter was not online until mid semester. This resulted in other modelling processes being used in order to develop the toolkit.
9.2 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 1 The process of creating the participatory action research toolkit moved to foam modelling. This modelling initially consisted of creating a basic block work toolkit that comprised different shapes and sizes. This allowed the user to create different layouts of trams in a broader context. This was further developed with an array of primary shapes which extended possible use patterns.
figure 9.1 Intial CAD Model of Proposed PAR Toolkit.
The peer and mid semester feedback from this system was that its layout limited its use. The comment was made that the block work was vague and had little detail. This would limit the conversations within the research to be vague and broad based. The suggestion from the peer group was to explore both the exterior and interior of the tram. This would allow experiences to be explained and explored through the physical forms.
9.3 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 2 The second iteration of the toolkit looked to address the shortfalls of the first toolkit. In this version the tram was created by constructing a box frame work (figure 9.4 & 9.5). This framework, made from plate and right angle steel, looks to involve the user in both the construction of the interior and exterior of the tram.
figure 9.2 Development of Intial CAD Model of Proposed PAR Toolkit.
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The exterior was created by laser cutting panels in cardboard. Strip magnets are attached to these panels, which allow them to be easily attached and removed. The interior of the toolkit was constructed out of a sheet metal platform onto which foam furniture can be attached. The foam forms have magnet strips on the base so that they can be attached in various positions. The peer feedback of the prototype (figure 9.6) was that the structure itself is an improvement in that there are a multitude of different setups the toolkit can take. This adjustment will allow a greater range of exploration for the participants, increasing the possibility of valuable insights. The constructive criticism was that the form was heavily built; this could restrict the movements that the participants make. The suggestion was that the form could be opened up by deleting one of the side struts. This could allow the structure to be opened in a mental sense, removing the restrictions the toolkit could have in flexibility terms. The final suggestion was a change in construction method could be appropriate. The possibility was raised as to whether sheet metal could be used.
figure 9.3 3D PAR Toolkit Version 1.
9.4 3D Participatory Research Toolkit Version 3 The third iteration of the toolkit was constructed out of 1mm sheet metal. The frames were cut and folded out of this material, and were joined to a u-shaped base by spot welding. The resultant structure was strong, light and open. Initially the middle carriage was constructed to test the technique. Upon presentation to the group it was suggested that the form could have interior panelling to represent actual trams. The interior will be further enhanced with the inclusion of scale foam furniture and bar work. This will allow a realistic representation of the components that make the trams. In a physical sense the forms should be raised to simulate the actual tram ride height. To add perspective to the form, scale cut outs of people will be constructed and placed within the tram.
figure 9.4
figure 9.5 Construction of the PAR Toolkit Version 2.
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From an overall perspective, the peer group suggested that the toolkit should have a complete tram foot print. This involved another two structures that would be interconnected to actually represent a scale version of a tram. The construction of the toolkit became the basic framework. Sheet metal was used to construct the outerall form, which was welded together with a spot welder. This created a strong box section that was substantially lighter and accessible for the user. I found this process enjoyable since this was the first time had attempted basic sheet metal forms. The spot welder was of particular interest because for the first time I could weld my objects. In previous projects I had to rely on workshop staff; which caused significant time delays. Once all three box sections had been constructed, a floor system was fabricated in order to create a realistic sense of dimension. Here I used wooden spacers that were finely milled to achieve the specified height. I had previously attempted making a folded sheet metal floor. This was not successful because I could not achieve a perfectly square form.
figure 9.6 Completed PAR Toolkit Version 2.
The second phase of the project relied on Solidworks to create the outer acrylic panels. After careful measurements had been taken, they were individually drawn in CAD. This then was followed by paper and medium density fibre board (MDF) templates to insure the correctness of the panels. These parts were then transferred to the laser cutter in order to cut the panels to size. The trouble began when the laser cut acrylic panels were bent. I had specified a curve on the top of the panels to mimic current trams. This caused great difficultly because the acrylic would either break or bend significantly out of shape during the process. Initially I bend the acrylic by heating it on a strip heater and forming it over a metal tube. This was unsatisfactory in that neither the bend nor panel was square. A second attempt was made by forming a blank panel to the speci-
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figure 9.7 Filing and sanding the box end structures.
fied bend, then laser cutting the specific part and finally trimming to size. This also was not successful since the circular saw chipped the radius edge when cutting. The final solution was to cut the blank panel on the laser then construct a jig. Here I used the negatives of the part to create MDF moulds. These were then nailed to a large section of chip board that had the approximated radius routed on the edge (figure 9.12). The panel was then heated a hot as possible in the vacuum forming machine and placed on the jig. The negative MDF cut outs located the part while a board was pressed on top to cover the part completely (figure 9.13). When this was secured a second board was used to roll the molten material across the edge. This was held into position for a number of minutes with compressed air was used to cool the part complete. Finally the jig was clamped together for 15 to 20 minutes to let the part set. This technique was eventually successful, though numerous panels were broken in the process. While this process bent the panels to approximate shaped, tolerances were lost due to shrinkage. I had specified 5mm overhang horizontally on all panels to hide the frame. In the process of bending, this was lost completely, resulting in a polystyrene spacer panel to be introduced to in order to regain some of the origin specification. Likewise, windows were specified in the original design. These were to be constructed out of 2mm acrylic in order to achieve a rebated appearance. Even with a negative mould, the panels moved and shrunk to an extent where no windows fitted. The solution was to attach acetate panels at the rear of the side panels.
figure 9.8 Bending the sheet metal parts to specification.
figure 9.9 Spot Welding the form together.
figure 9.10 Checking demensions of form.
figure 9.11 Completed box sections.
Once formed, the outer panels dictated the inner panel layout. This was traced and transferred into CAD to create accurate models. This took considerable time since all the panels were different due to shrinkage. The rest of the fabrication time was spent constructing small elements which represented a tram. This included scale furniture constructed out of acrylic templates attached to foam. I also constructed central light posts, a bar system and scale people to offer a realistic interpre-
figure 9.12 Acrylic cutout and matching jig figure 9.13 Completed Jig Side View
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tation of what encompasses a tram. The completed tram is mounted on spacer on top of an MDF plinth in order to make the tram appear real. This formality allows the tram to move beyond a caricature of a tram, and allow people to seriously use it as a tool to communicate.
9.5 Survey Results A survey was developed and distributed to 20 vendors with a self addressed envelope. The survey aspired to understand Sydney road businesses from a everyday and street festival perspective. Special focus was given to how the street dynamics changed when the festival is on. It was hoped that this could explore how a city centre dynamic would change with an absence of the automobile.
figure 9.14 Heating the acrylic cutout in the vac forming machine.
The surveys were distributed in week 12 with attached self addressed enveloped. To date no surveys have been received, making it difficult to explore Sydney road as a case example. Between pre major and major these businesses will be contacted and again asked to do the survey. It is still felt that the survey is a relevant form of research in exploring ideas of car-free city centres.
9.6 Camera Journals Introduction The technique of camera journals will document current users, asking users to create a window of their daily travels. This form of photography will capture tram travel in an effort to identify micro events that offer insight into future uses of tram transportation. Initially a poster was distributed advertising for volunteers to participate. A total of five participants responded to the poster. Each travelled on a different tram line, allowing insight into how different suburbs interact with trams.
figure 9.15 Progress shot of PAR Research Toolkit version 3 (9/6/09).
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Participant 1: Route 96 This series of photographs were taken on the participant’s journey home on the route 96 tram. This tram travels to from Elizabeth Street in the central business district to East Brunswick. Travel was at an off peak time, resulting in a small number of people travelling on the tram. This created some interesting photographs which explored how individuals situate themselves on a tram. Below are the results. The following four pictures depict the behaviour of individuals when travelling by tram. As figure 9.16 and 9.17 illustrate that the actual entrance bar work can be subvert in form as a bracing system. The other two pictures describe the seating of a tram, and how people interaction; in the case of 9.19 the gentleman is reading his newspaper.
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figure 9.16
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Figures 9.20 to 9.22 The following images continue to observe the relationship commuters have with the interior of a tram. Of interest is figure 9.21, it depicts a gentleman sitting behind the ticket machine. The space is somewhat awkward in that it seems at afterthought. The man is cramped and the machine seems to impede his vision. This photo illustrates the need to understand spaces and the impact they have on the occupant. In this sense, the retro fitment of the ticket machine has created an inefficient space that is hostile to users.
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figure 9.22
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Figure 9.23 to 9.26 The following again look at the interior of a tram, but in a more conceptual manner. Of interest is 9.24 and 9.25, these images communicate relevant ideas of current tram travel. In the case of 9.24, it depicts a common vision of when commuters reach for the rail aid. This picture offers insight into how a variety of people could this system. Indeed how could a colour person perceive this aid when it is lite against harsh interior lights? As for figure 9.25, the rubbish left on the seats questions whether rubbish bins should be installed on trams.
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figure 9.26
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Figures 9.27 to 9.30 These images explore the interior use of tram; specifically seating. All the figures illustrate how seats can be used in different purposes, such as sitting on the edge along the walkway. This prompts the question as to whether the seats should be adjustable or removable to cater for this behaviour.
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figure 9.30
Participant 2: Route 1 The following photographs depict the participant’s journey up Swanston Street. The series was taken during the early afternoon, the subsequent tram being approximately half full. The photographs appeal because they illustrate the variety of people who travel in the city centre. Of special interest are the short trip travellers. These people board the trams for a short time duration, offering a comparison to long distance passengers who travel through the city centre. Figures 9.31 to 9.34
figure 9.31
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figure 9.33
figure 9.34
These photographs again look to the interior of tram, the difference being they have been taken on an alternative route. Whilst similar to previous pictures, figure 9.33 is of interest in that it shows a person reaching for the pull cord. This cord operates the signal to the driver to stop at the next stop. The interesting note here is that the person reaches for the cord whilst the tram is moving. This asks the question as to how people, other than able bodied citizens, would operate this system. The difficultly involved illustrates that the project need to consider other options in order to involve the majority of society.
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figure 9.35
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Figures 9.35 to 9.38 The pictures again explore the above mentioned idea of how people use the interior of a tram to travel in a safe and comfortable manner.
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figure 9.38
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Figures 9.39 to 9.42 The following photographs show more interior travel in trams. Of interest are figures 9.39 to 9.40, which are quite blurred in form. These pictures illustrate the substantial forces generated when a tram accelerates or stops. The design solution must take this into consideration as to how commuters can safety stand up and move around in the moving vehicle.
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figure 9.42
Participant 3: Route 59 The third participant documented his daily travel to university on the route 59 tram. This tram leaves from Airport West and travels to the city centre, arriving on Elizabeth Street. The participant not only photographed the tram trip, but the entire journey. This included the process of travelling to the tram stop, waiting and finally boarding the tram. This is an important point because it allows tram travel to be captured in holistic sense. figure 9.43
Figures 9.43 to 9.44 In contrast, these photographs move beyond the actual tram to explore the entire journey. The two images illustrated the difficulty in tram travel, where platforms are located in inconvenient places. In addition the timetable has a small type face, making difficult to understand for people who are not able bodied.
figure 9.44
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figure 9.45
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Figures 9.45 to 9.52 The following images document the process of waiting for a tram, boarding and initial travel. They illustrate the many steps taken to travel by tram.
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figure 9.53
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Figures 9.53 to 9.59 The following photographs continue the previous images in depicting a holistic representation of a tram journey. Of particular note are the boarding / departing photographs (figure 9.55 & 9.58). They illustrate the significant height needed to be climbed in order to board the tram. Even with railings and high grip flooring, this is a difficult manner to enter / depart a tram. Even the modern low floor trams such as the Siemen have a rise to climb. This illustrates the needs to address tram stops that do not have a raised platform in order to be inclusive to society.
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Participant 4: Route 8 The fourth participant documented travelling by tram to work in the central business district. Emphasis was concentrated on personal activities that prepare participant for work. This offers insight into different manners of travel; in particular how people use the interior space of the tram differently. Figures 9.60 to 9.66 These photographs are of note because they depict the very start of tram travel. Whilst travelling to the tram stop, it is apparent that this journey is of importance in a sentimental manner. Here icons of the neighbourhood are highlighted in travel figure 9.63
figure 9.60
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figure 9.67
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Figures 9.67 to 9.70 These pictures show the process of waiting by the tram stop. As can be seen in the background, the weather is particularly overcast. This offers insight into how trams appear in bad weather. The dull grey colour of the tram could be easily mistaken for people with reduced vision. This prompts whether trams should have a more prominent communication and colour system.
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figure 9.70
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Figures 9.71 to 9.78 The photographs offer insight into how commuters personally use tram transport. Figure 9.77 is of interest because it shows that commuters are willing to undertake personal activities in a public place. While checking ones makeup does not push social boundaries, its occurrence in a full tram communicates the relaxed nature of tram travel.
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figure 9.79
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Figures 9.79 to 9.84 The figures show how tightly commuters pack themselves into peak time trams. This suggests whether trams could have a flexible interior which can carry more people during peak time. This could happen through reducing formal seating, and creating a standing room only environment.
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Participant 5: Route 109 This participant photographed his journey home via the 109 tram from Box Hill shopping centre. After catching the tram to Box Hill station, the participant boarded a travel that travelled through Mont Albert to Kew. Of note is the fact that this trip differs from any other camera journey. The tram, in this instance, is a segment of the participant’s journey rather than being the sole mode of mobility. This allows insight into how public transport operates when it interconnects.
figure 9.85
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Figures 9.85 to 9.90 These images depict off peak travel tram travel from Box Hill to Kew. The low volume nature of this particular journey show how individuals move and situate themselves. Of note is figure 9.90, which illustrates that even in an empty tram, some people prefer to rest again the bar work. The investigation thus needs to explore how short trip commuters could interact with the interior other than the railing system.
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figure 9.91
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Figure 9.91 to 9.94 These photographs show the interaction less able bodied people have with current trams. Even though this is a low floor Alstom tram, the gentlemen with the walking stick found it difficult to board, move around and ultimately sit down. This communicates the need to offer a design response to suburbs who do not have raised platforms on their tram stops.
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figure 9.94
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Figure 9.95 to 9.98 The final images in this camera journal depict what happens when the final destination is reach. Leaving the tram can be difficult in that on coming traffic are still on the roadway. Figure 9.98 illustrates the fact that tram travel is not a single identity. Often it is used as a feeder network to reach another forms of mobility; in this case the bus system.
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figure 9.98
Conclusion
Swanston Street 5.5.09
The camera journals have illustrated to the project the distinct individuality of tram travel. Each participant travelled in their own unique manner. This allowed small events of non significance to the participants to be captured with photography. An example of this is participant 4 and her method of apply makeup while the tram is in motion. This shows how open and friendly the environment of tram travel must be in order apply in order to advertise such a personal activity. On another level, this example shows the relationship with people and the interior of a tram; specifically how people interact with the bar work to position themselves.
Swanston Street is of significance to the project because it is a representation of how a car-free environment could operate in a future context. Swanston Street by day is closed off to the general public. Only trams, business vehicles, taxis, tourism and cyclists can use this road by day. This allows a miniature representation of a future Melbourne where general commuting by car is banned. The observation wishes to explore the dynamics of this roadway to understand how the road differs from open access areas of the city centre.
The camera journals have provided interesting insight which will brief the project as to how individuals use trams. The journals communicate the need to consider the entire travel of a commuter rather than just the tram trip. This will inform the project into possible future uses for trams, not only from a personal mobility sense.
9.7 Observational Research Introduction: Observational research stems from the research methodology of ethnography. In ethnography, the researcher immerses themself in the lifestyle and cultural groups being studied (Dawson, 2007). It specifically seeks the everyday nature of behaviour and as a result the hypotheses are often not formed at the beginning of the research. In the following case examples photography is used in order to observe Swanston Street and Box Hill tram stop by night. This will educate the project as to how street dynamics change in terms of vehicle use and public behaviour.
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Conclusion The observation of Swanston Street offers substantial insight into a proposed car-free city centre. Even with restrictions placed on general car transport, the road is extremely congested with a vast array of traffic. This is most notable at tram stops; where traffic such as bicycles, vans, taxis all have to negotiable small, often crowded spaces. Whilst this is a major roadway with the city centre, it is clear that even with the absence of public automotives, city streets would still carry large quantities of other vehicles.
Of particular interest to this project was the movement of freight. The significant observation that can be drawn is the large number of small freight businesses that operate on and around Swanston Street. This illustrates to the project that any design response that aspires to move freight must integrate small business. To ignore these operators would results in a solution that is not realistic in the way reality operates.
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Box Hill tram stop: 6.5.09 This observation is of the Box Hill tram stop. This new form of tram spot has been integrated into the traffic island in the Box Hill shopping district. The stop contains the actual tram platform, two cafes, car parking, pedestrian crossing and public toilets. The station prominently feeds of the railway station which delivers large quantities of commuter during peak hours. The observation is interested in the tram stop dynamic at night time. This comparison will educate the project as to how public transport dynamics change throughout the day and what affect this has on passengers.
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Conclusion It is clear by the examples shown that the stop takes a decidedly awkward feeling by night. In reflection, the lighting has a significant role in this. The tram themselves are relied upon to light the area. All other street lamps pale into insignificant. This creates a feeling that the tram stop is a place to move through, rather than stay. This is confusing since one of the cafÊ’s was still open at the time of observation with customers. The example of the Box Hill tram stop illustrates the need to design a space that is effective throughout the day. Box Hill is not satisfactory in this sense; it creates an intimating space for commuters who hurriedly move in and out of the tram.
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9.8 Sketches This was the first tram sketch I attempted. The drawing was sketched through an underlay that was provided by my lecturer, Dr. Scott Mayson. While it is very similar to the underlay in appearance, I have attempted to slightly alter the original sketch whilst keeping the perspective. This was as a result of not being confident with my ability to keep a correct perspective when changing the form substantially.
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This sketch, dating the 24.5.09, which explores developing a tram form. I had great trouble initially achieving the correct perspective when drawing trams. This was due to my tendency to sketch a tram like a product; from above. Once I had established a user perspective of a tram, as this drawing depicts, I was one the path to sketching realistic tram forms.
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This sketch, also dating the 24.5.09, explores the correct perspective of a tram. The sketch is a lot more resolved that the previous sketch, with more attention being paid to line weights. The sketch looks to explore the viability of a tram stop with an interchange. This would drop off passengers, and then move to another bay to unload the freight.
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This sketch, dated 27.5.09, was born from a conversation with transport design specialist, David Flynn. The exploration concerns whether a tram could be shaped like a fish skeleton with attaching freight segments.
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This sketch (dated 28.5.09) is a development from the conversation with David Flynn. Here I am exploring whether the fish bone idea of a tram structure could be applicable for both freight and commuting.
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Dated (31.5.09) this sketch is an attempt create a high quality drawing. Emphasis has been focused on line weights, shadow lines and correct perspective. While it is not perfect, it is an improvement from the starting point.
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This sketch (dated 31.5.09) is looking to develop what a tram could be. Previous forms were quite utilitarian in shape. This form is echoing modern tram design which feature complex curvature in form construction. The idea is an initial exploration as to whether a double-deck tram could be a viable design response.
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This form study (dates 2.6.09) looks to concentrate on the middle carriage of a tram in the development of freight transport capabilities. In this case, modular units are attached on each side of the tram so that small goods can be carried and removed with ease.
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This final example of my sketching folio, although ruined by the scanner, is the best example of my sketching to date. Here the perspective is close to perfect with good line weighting. The sketch itself looks to explore the modular freight carriage that could be in the middle of the tram. This sketch is an attempt to visualise the subsequent entire tram.
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10.0 Conclusion of Pre Major On numerous levels, this semester has allowed me to compile a firm grounding which will brief the major project. Approaching the topic, the vastness it covered was frankly intimidating. The previous semester had provided a superficial taste of the project direction; yet focusing the project caused great confusion over the holiday period. Initial research was very much traditional in that it relied on publications for direction. This allowed a justification of the project from many perspectives; from social to environmental. This was undertaken early in the semester, in doing so giving a sense of confidence in that I realised my project topic had relevance to society. The application of research methods within this class was particularly interesting. I have always enjoyed the process of research in order to comprehend and explore a problem. The use of distinct research methods in this project allowed an exploration into society from a number of perspectives. Together, this had created a level of understanding into society’s relationship with tramways. I particularly found the concept of observing and understanding through ethnographic manners inspiring in the comprehension of the real world. This really drove my design mentality; understanding and embracing how the real world operates; rather than just a fabrication in order to suite my own opinions. Participatory action research was a focal point within this project. Likewise with ethnography, the technique relies on understanding people and their experiences. What differentiates this technique from the others used in the project is its adaptation. Participatory action research is traditionally formal in that conversations are recorded as the research. The adaptation of this technique into a three dimensional sense created a tangent that differs to convention. While similar examples exist, they consider the research in a conceptual and abstract sense. The research and construction of the toolkit offers the ability for people to example themselves in a form other than spoke language.
The process of researching this toolkit has considerably educated my understanding of tram elements. In taking time to consider and comprehend what a tram is has allowed element arrangement to take place. These major components represent what a tram is from a social perspective. This allowed specific elements to be represented in the toolkit to spark participant’s memories or experiences. I feel this aspect will be important in the design phase where importance on particular areas can be understood and highlighted. From an academic perspective I feel the semester has followed my initial intentions. My grade aim was a distinction at the beginning of the semester. I chose this mark because while it is difficult to achieve, it is realistic at the same time. Overall I feel I have accomplished the grade attributes because my emphasis has been to look across all aspects of my project in order to understand it from a holistic sense. While I certainly don’t believe working hard equates to grade achievement, I feel I have consistently worked in an open and inclusive manner. What prompts the major project is the understanding that tram travel is a complex system which needs to be briefed from an understanding of the system and the users. Tramways have significant value to Melbourne both in terms of utilitarian travel and society history. This will be considered in the major project; as the design needs to link Melbourne’s significant past with future visions of use. This will allow a relevant design solution that is applicable to the Melbourne surrounding. The design proposition for the major project will be based from the pre major investigation. Here I will apply the knowledge gain in such areas as social interaction, inclusive design, freight movement and forecasts in city planning to create a project is briefed in a holistic sense. This will allow the creation of a tram design that acknowledges past values of tramways whilst addressing future society needs; such as freight movement in an inner city environment.
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